New Jersey Volunteers

The New Jersey Volunteers, also known as Jersey Volunteers, "Skinners", Skinner's Corps, and Skinner's Greens (due to their green wool uniform coats), were a British provincial military unit of Loyalists, raised for service by Cortlandt Skinner, during the American Revolutionary War.
Regiment formed in Province of New York.
In 1776, American loyalist soldiers, formed the New Jersey Volunteers, which was raised in Province of New York, first, as three battalions and eventually as six, of 500 men each.
Garrison duty.
The New Jersey Volunteers saw their first combat at the Battle of Long Island, during the British New York Campaign offensive and following the defeat and flight, of the Patriot forces, was assigned to the initial British garrison, of the occupation army, in New York City.
Campaigns.
Brigadier General Cortlandt Skinner conducted regular operations, in the region north of New York City, in Westchester County, New York, between Morrisania and the Croton Rivers, which was known as the "Neutral Ground". Lawlessness and guerrilla warfare occurred between Skinner's "Skinners", marauders and their rivals, the British loyalist raiders, De Lancey's "Cowboys" who, both, stole cattle, looted, and gathered military intelligence, in the New York countryside.
One battalion, of "Skinner's Greens", another nickname, for the loyalist New Jersey Volunteers, because of their green, wool, uniform coats, was later sent to East Florida, assisting in the capture of Savannah, others served in the Battles of Eutaw Springs and King's Mountain, with a detachment, participating in the Siege of Yorktown.
On September 6, 1781, the 3rd Battalion, New Jersey Volunteers, took part in the raid, on New London, Connecticut, commanded by Brigadier General Benedict Arnold and fought at the Battle of Groton Heights.
Regiment disbanded and resettled in British Canada.
In 1783, the disbandment of the New Jersey Volunteers regiment, occurred, after the British lost the war, in the loyalist settlement of Digby, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, British Canada.


Jim Lynch (politician)

James C. “Jim” Lynch (born September 5, 1946) is a former Republican member of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives.
He is a 1964 graduate of Sharon High School. He served in the U.S. Army from 1966–69 and became a corporal. He earned a degree in business administration from Youngstown State University in 1973.
Lynch was first elected to represent the 65th legislative district in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives in 1992. During his career, Lynch introduced the law creating a dedicated funding stream for higher-education councils that help students in rural areas move from school to the workforce and the loan program to encourage the removal of leaky underground fuel storage tanks. He retired prior to the 2004 election.


Cedar Mountain Union order of battle

The following Union army units and commanders fought in the Battle of Cedar Mountain of the American Civil War. The Confederate order of battle is shown separately.
Army of Virginia.
Unattached units
II Corps.
MG Nathaniel Banks
Escort
III Corps.
MG Irvin McDowell


Bo Xilai

Bo Xilai (; born 3 July 1949) is a former Chinese politician who was convicted on bribery and embezzlement charges. He came to prominence through his tenures as Mayor of Dalian and then the governor of Liaoning. From 2004 to November 2007, he served as Minister of Commerce. Between 2007 and 2012, he served as a member of the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and Communist Party Secretary of Chongqing, a major interior municipality.
He is the son of former Chinese Vice Premier Bo Yibo. He cultivated a casual and charismatic image in a marked departure from Chinese political convention. In Chongqing, Bo initiated a campaign against organized crime, increased spending on welfare programs, maintained consistent double-digit percentage GDP growth, and campaigned to revive Cultural Revolution-era "red culture". Bo's promotion of egalitarian values and the achievements of his "Chongqing model" made him the champion of the Chinese New Left, composed of both Maoists and social democrats disillusioned with the country's market-based economic reforms and increasing economic inequality. However, the perceived lawlessness of Bo's anti-corruption campaigns, coupled with concerns about the image he cultivated, made him a controversial figure.
Bo was considered a likely candidate for promotion to the elite CCP Politburo Standing Committee in 18th Party Congress in 2012. His political fortunes came to an abrupt end following the Wang Lijun incident, in which his top lieutenant and police chief sought asylum at the American consulate in Chengdu. Wang claimed to have information about the involvement of Bo Xilai and his wife Gu Kailai in the murder of British businessman Neil Heywood, who allegedly had close financial ties to the two. In the fallout, Bo was removed as the CCP Committee secretary of Chongqing and lost his seat on the Politburo. He was later stripped of all his positions and lost his seat at the National People's Congress and eventually expelled from the party. In 2013, Bo was found guilty of corruption, stripped of all his assets and sentenced to life imprisonment. He is incarcerated at Qincheng Prison.
Early life.
Bo Xilai was born on 3 July 1949. He was the fourth child and second son of prominent Communist Party leader Bo Yibo, one of the Eight Great Eminent Officials, who served as Minister of Finance in the early years of the People's Republic of China but who fell from favor in 1965 for supporting more open trade relations with the West. When the Cultural Revolution began in 1966, Bo Yibo was labeled a "rightist" and a "counterrevolutionary" and purged from his posts. He spent the ensuing twelve years in prison, where he was reportedly tortured. His wife, Hu Ming, was abducted by Red Guards in Guangzhou, and was either beaten to death or committed suicide.
Bo Xilai was seventeen years old when the Cultural Revolution began, and at the time attended the prestigious No. 4 High School in Beijing, one of the best in the country. In the early years of the Cultural Revolution, Bo Xilai is reported to have been an active member of the "liandong" Red Guard organization and may have at one point denounced his father.
As the political winds of the Cultural Revolution shifted, Bo Xilai and his siblings were either imprisoned or sent to the countryside, and Bo Xilai was locked up for five years. After the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, the chaos of the Cultural Revolution was officially attributed to the Gang of Four, and Bo's father was released. Bo Yibo was politically rehabilitated, and, in 1979, became vice premier.
After his release, Bo Xilai worked at the Hardware Repair Factory for the Beijing Second Light Industry Bureau. He was admitted to the Peking University by public examination in 1977. Unlike many of his contemporaries in the Chinese leadership who studied engineering, Bo majored in world history. In the second year of his studies, Bo enlisted in a Master's program in international journalism at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, graduating with a master's degree in 1982. He joined the Communist Party in October 1980.
Early political career.
During the 1980s, the Bo family regained its political influence. Bo Yibo served successively as vice premier and vice-chairman of the Central Advisory Commission. The elder Bo came to be known as one of the "eight elders" (sometimes referred to as the "Eight Immortals") of the Communist Party and was instrumental in the implementation of market reforms in the 1980s. Although he favored more liberal economic policies, the elder Bo was politically conservative, and endorsed the use of military force against demonstrators during the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests. After the 1989 crackdown, Bo Yibo helped ensure the ascent of Jiang Zemin to succeed Deng Xiaoping as the leader of the Party and helped Jiang consolidate power in the 1990s. Bo Yibo remained a prominent figure in the party until his death in 2007 and was influential in shaping his son's career.
After graduating from university, Bo Xilai was assigned to Zhongnanhai – the headquarters of the Communist Party – where he worked with the research office of the CCP Central Committee Secretariat and CCP Central Committee General Office. He soon requested a transfer to the provinces, and in 1984 was appointed deputy party secretary of Jin County (modern day Jinzhou District, Dalian, Liaoning). In an interview with "People's Daily", Bo said that his family name created career obstacles. "For quite a long time people had reservations about me," he said. Bo subsequently became deputy secretary and then secretary of the party committee of the Dalian Economic and Technological Development Zone and secretary of the Jinzhou party committee.
Rising again in rank within the party, he became a member of the Standing Committee of the Dalian Municipal CCP Committee, the city's top decision-making body, and became the Vice-mayor of Dalian in 1990. In 1993, Bo became deputy Party secretary and mayor of Dalian.
Liaoning.
Mayor of Dalian.
Bo became acting mayor of Dalian in 1993 and formally assumed the post in 1993. He remained mayor until 2000. Bo served as Dalian's deputy party secretary from 1995. Bo was promoted to CCP Committee Secretary in 1999 and served in that position until 2000.
Bo's tenure in Dalian was marked by the city's phenomenal transformation from a drab port city to a modern metropolis, a 'showcase' of China's rapid economic growth. In the early 1990s, Bo took some credit for the construction of the Shenyang-Dalian Expressway, China's first controlled-access freeway, winning accolades for the rapid expansion of infrastructure and for environmental work. Since Bo's time in office, Dalian became known as one of the cleanest cities in China, having won the UN Habitat Scroll of Honour Award in 1999. In addition, Bo was an advocate for free enterprise and small businesses, and successfully courted foreign investment from South Korea, Japan, and Western countries. In contrast to his colleagues, he held press conferences at Chinese New Year, and developed a reputation among foreign investors for 'getting things done'.
Bo spent seventeen years in the city of Dalian, a lengthy term in comparison to colleagues of the same rank, who are often transferred to different locales throughout their careers. Despite the accompanying economic growth and rise in living standards, Bo's tenure in Dalian has sometimes been criticized as having been too focused on aesthetic development projects such as expansive boulevards, monuments, and large public parks. To make way for his large-scale projects, Bo's administration moved large numbers of local residents from downtown areas into new homes in the city's outskirts. Dalian's greenery was dubbed "Xilai Grass". In addition, he spearheaded the construction of a "huabiao" in the city. In 2000, Bo was frontrunner for the post of Mayor of Shenzhen, based on his success in making Dalian the "Hong Kong of the North". However it was suggested that Bo was too independent and outspoken for the post. The post went to Yu Youjun instead.
15th Party Congress.
During the 15th Party Congress in 1997, Bo Xilai's family launched an unsuccessful campaign to secure his promotion to become a member of the Central Committee of the CCP. Although nepotism was generally frowned upon in China, Bo Yibo's ambitions for his son were well-known. Bo Yibo advanced the idea that revolutionary elders should 'nominate' their children to become high officials, and Bo Xilai was selected as his family's 'representative' over his older brother Bo Xicheng, ostensibly because of Xilai's superior academic credentials, which included attendance at the elite Peking University and a master's degree.
In order to secure Bo Xilai's selection for promotion during the 15th Party Congress, the family launched a nationwide campaign to publicize his son's "achievements" as mayor of Dalian. They commissioned author Chen Zufeng to pen a report portraying Bo as a man who is "as statesman-like as Henry Kissinger, as environmentally conscious as Al Gore, and almost as beloved by the public as Princess Diana." Despite the publicity campaign, Bo Xilai failed even to gain a seat in the Liaoning provincial delegation to the Party Congress. Ultimately, Bo Yibo helped him gain a seat with the Shanxi delegation, but the younger Bo was unable to secure a promotion.
In addition, Bo Xilai placed second-last in the confirmation vote for membership in the 15th CCP Central Committee. As he placed in the bottom 5% of candidates, Bo Xilai was denied entry into the elite council, suffering a major political embarrassment. Bo's failure to get elected was attributed to a general opposition to nepotism within the Party. Moreover, during his tenure in Dalian, Bo caused resentment for the amount of 'special favours' that he procured for the coastal city at the expense of the rest of the province. His perceived partisan interests locked Bo's kin in a factional struggle against Li Tieying, one of China's central leadership figures, who may have created obstacles to his promotion.
Provincial Governor.
In 2001, a corruption scandal involving former Liaoning governor Zhang Guoguang provided an opportunity for Bo's advancement. Prior to the 15th Party Congress, Bo Yibo and Bo Xilai assisted then-party general secretary Jiang Zemin in preparing to force political rival Qiao Shi into retirement. The Bo family also supported Jiang's "Three Stresses" ("San Jiang") campaign in 1997, which was intended to strengthen ideological conviction and promote internal unity in the Communist Party; however, the campaign was generally seen as lacklustre by observers and not universally embraced even inside the party leadership. The Bos' unwavering support for Jiang was said to have worked in Bo Xilai's favour when the vacancy for Governor of Liaoning opened. Bo became acting governor in 2001 after the dismissal and arrest of Zhang Guoguang, and was officially confirmed as governor in 2003. In his position as governor, which he held until 2004, Bo gained membership to the Central Committee of the Communist Party.
During his tenure in Liaoning, Bo played a critical role in the promotion of the Northeast Area Revitalization Plan. Adopted in 2003 by party authorities, the policy aimed to strengthen economic development in the provinces of Liaoning, Jilin and Heilongjiang. Bo Xilai was particularly enthusiastic about the policy, stating his desire to see the Northeast become "China's fourth economic engine" (the others being the Pearl River Delta, Yangtze River Delta, and the Bohai Economic Region).
The Northeast was at one time known as the "cradle of industrialization" of China. In 1980, industrial output for Liaoning alone was twice that of the Guangdong. However, the northeast was left behind amidst market reforms of the 1980s and 1990s, while Guangdong and other provinces along the South and East China Sea coasts prospered. Its economy—still largely tied to state-owned enterprises—stagnated relative to other regions, with high unemployment rates. The revitalisation plan aimed to address this by reviving the region's traditional industries, strengthening trade ties with and encouraging investment from South Korea and Japan, and experimenting with free trade zones in select cities. In 2004, official media reported that foreign direct investment in Liaoning had nearly doubled since the launch in 2003 of the northeastern rejuvenation strategy.
Although Bo established a reputation as a comparatively clean politician during his tenures in Dalian and as governor of Liaoning, he was not immune to corruption allegations. In particular, Bo was the subject of critical investigative reports by Liaoning journalist Jiang Weiping, the whistleblower in the "Mu and Ma" corruption case in Liaoning – a scandal that Bo benefited from politically. While Bo was not directly involved in the scandal, Jiang accused Bo of providing political cover for his friends and relatives. Jiang was initially sentenced to eight years in prison on trumped-up charges, for which Bo was criticized, but was released after five years under international pressure. Yang Rong, the former chief executive of Brilliance China Automotive who fled to the United States after getting embroiled in a dispute against state property authorities, accused Bo of interfering in his judicial proceedings in Beijing. In addition, Bo openly clashed with Wen Shizhen, then-party secretary in Liaoning who was technically Bo's superior. Wen reportedly criticized Bo for "developing China's cities like Europe and its countryside like Africa," and even held a party to celebrate Bo's departure from Liaoning in 2004.
Ethan Gutmann, citing Falun Gong allegations that Liaoning was the epicenter of organ harvesting from practitioners while Bo was governor, suggested that he may have used his involvement as a way of building up his political power. David Kilgour, who co-wrote the Kilgour–Matas report on organ harvesting, accused Bo of playing a role. Separately, Falun Gong practitioners abroad filed over ten lawsuits against Bo alleging torture and crimes against humanity In 2009, a Spanish court indicted Bo Xilai and four other officials for genocide against Falun Gong.
16th Party Congress.
At the 16th Party Congress in 2002, Bo's age, regional tenures, and patronage links fit the profile for a potential candidate to be groomed for the "5th generation of leaders" that would assume power in 2012. His chief competitors were seen as Xi Jinping, then party secretary of Zhejiang, and Li Keqiang, a populist "Tuanpai" candidate who was the Governor of Henan. As with the 15th Party Congress five years earlier, the elder Bo lobbied for his son's promotion. The Bo family enjoyed the patronage of Jiang Zemin. However, Bo Xilai's unequivocal support for Jiang strengthened the reluctance of his political opponents to support his nomination. Ultimately, although Bo Xilai remained a top contender for higher promotion, Xi and Li remained the main candidates to succeed Hu Jintao as Paramount leader.
Minister of Commerce.
When Hu Jintao succeeded Jiang Zemin as CCP General Secretary in late 2002, Bo's career as a local official ended with his appointment to Minister of Commerce in Wen Jiabao's cabinet to replace Lü Fuyuan, who retired for health reasons. Bo also earned a seat on the 16th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party.
Bo's stint as Minister of Commerce significantly raised his international profile and generated media attention both in China and abroad. Described as good-looking, articulate and open-minded in his approach to problems, Bo's rise from a municipal official to the central government generated great media fanfare and elevated his status to something of a 'political star.' Bo's political persona was considered a departure from the generally serious and conservative leadership in Beijing. With his youthful vigour, populism, and purported popularity with female reporters, Bo's political rise had been compared to that of John F. Kennedy.
Bo presided over a continued rise in foreign investment in China as Minister of Commerce. His daily schedule was dominated by receiving foreign guests and dignitaries. By the time that he became Minister, he spoke relatively fluent and colloquial English. During a meeting with American officials, Bo reputedly told a struggling interpreter to stop translating because the Chinese officials could understand English and it was wasting time. In May 2004 Bo was one of the few ministers hand-picked to accompany Premier Wen Jiabao on a five-country trip to Europe. The trade policy of the United States toward China also sparked significant controversy. Bo maintained a conciliatory but assertive attitude as he attended talks in Washington. On his trips to the United States, he conducted substantive discussions with his American counterparts and signed agreements on intellectual property, the services sector, agricultural products, food safety, and consumer protection.
Bo also oversaw the restructuring of the Ministry, formed from the amalgamation of the National Economics and Commerce Bureau and the Department of International Trade. Bo sought to balance the amount of attention given to foreign investors and domestic commercial institutions. He began tackling the imbalance from the retail sector, whose success up to that point was largely dependent on foreign companies. He drew up plans to protect Chinese industries' competitive position within a domestic market that was quickly being crowded out by foreign competition.
17th Party Congress.
At the 17th Party Congress in October 2007, Bo gained a seat on the 25-member Politburo, effectively China's ruling council. He was then tipped to leave the Ministry of Commerce and take over as CCP Committee secretary of Chongqing. Bo's predecessor, political rival Wang Yang, was reassigned as party secretary of Guangdong.
At the time, Chongqing was reeling from problems such as air and water pollution, unemployment, poor public health, and complications from the Three Gorges Dam. According to analysts, Hu wanted to transfer his ally Wang Yang out of Chongqing before these problems intensified. Bo was initially reluctant to go to Chongqing and was reportedly unhappy with his new assignment. He had hoped to become vice-premier instead, but Premier Wen Jiabao and Vice-premier Wu Yi argued against Bo's promotion to vice-premiership. In particular, Wu was critical of Bo's penchant for self-promotion, and Wen cited international lawsuits against Bo by Falun Gong adherents as a barrier to his holding higher office.
Bo took up the Chongqing post on 30 November, a month following the conclusion of the Congress, even though Wang Yang had vacated the position on 13 November. Whilst some saw this transfer as a 'banishment' from the central government to the hinterlands to keep Bo's perceived arrogance and high-profile antics out of Beijing's view, others considered it a promotion since being the party secretary in one of the four direct-controlled municipalities came with an "ex officio" seat on the Politburo.
Chongqing.
The Chongqing model.
Although Bo was initially unhappy about his reassignment in Chongqing, he soon resolved to use his new position as a staging ground for a return to higher national office. Bo made no secret of his desire to enter the nine-member CCP Politburo Standing Committee (PSC) during the 18th Party Congress in autumn 2012, as all but two of the PSC members—including Paramount leader Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao—were expected to retire. The transition would be an opportunity for Bo to join the highest echelon of national leadership, likely as a replacement for ally Zhou Yongkang, secretary of the CCP Central Political and Legislative Committee, serving as the head of the party's security apparatus.
In Chongqing, Bo pioneered a new style of governance dubbed the "Chongqing Model" – a set of social and economic policies intended to address diverse challenges facing modern China following economic reforms. This made him the champion of the Chinese New Left, composed of both Maoists and social democrats disillusioned with the country's market-based economic reforms and increasing economic inequality.
The Chonqging model was characterized in part by increased state control and the promotion of a neo-leftist ideology. Along with his police chief Wang Lijun, Bo launched a sweeping campaign against organized crime, and increased the security and police presence in the city. Critics noted these policies were accompanied by the erosion of the rule of law, and allegations surfaced of political and personal rivals being victimized amidst Bo's anti-corruption drive. As a means of addressing declining public morality, Bo launched a "red culture" movement to promote Maoist-era socialist ethics. On the economic front, he actively courted foreign investment—much as he had done in Liaoning. The Chongqing model was also characterized by massive public works programs, subsidized housing for the poor, and social policies intended to make it easier for rural citizens to move to the city, thus reaping the benefits of urban status. An article compared Bo's governing style to Russian president Vladimir Putin.
The Chongqing model provided an alternate development paradigm that diverged from the policies preferred by those in the national leadership seen as favouring further reform such as Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao. Bo's leadership in Chongqing dramatically raised his profile, both nationally and internationally. In 2010, he was named as one of the 'World's 100 Most Influential People in 2010' by "Time." Observers noted that, in China's non-electoral political system, Bo's high-profile presence and bold political maneuvers essentially amounted to a public 'election campaign' for the top leadership. However, he drew the ire of some of the country's leaders; Paramount leader Hu and Premier Wen were reluctant to acknowledge Bo publicly, ostensibly due to a discomfort over his leadership style.
Organized crime.
Bo's tenure in Chongqing was dominated by a protracted war against organized crime and corruption known as "" (). Between 2009 and 2011, an estimated 5,700 people were arrested in the sweeping campaign that ensnared not only criminals, but also businessmen, members of the police force, judges, government officials, and political adversaries. The campaign was overseen by Chongqing police chief Wang Lijun, whom Bo had worked with previously in Liaoning.
Wen Qiang, one of the most prominent figures implicated in the trials, had been a prominent municipal official since the days of party secretaries He Guoqiang and Wang Yang. Wen, the former executive deputy commissioner of the Chongqing police force Public Security for 16 years, was tried and convicted of a litany of crimes and sentenced to death in a sensational headline-grabbing trial. Contrary to the popular perception at the time that the campaign was part of Bo's perceived penchant for self-promotion, China observer Willy Lam suggested that such a large-scale crackdown will have received approval from central authorities, including Hu Jintao, and that Bo became careful to not let Chongqing appear to be trying to 'set an example' for the rest of the country so he could benefit from the success politically.
The "dahei" campaign earned Bo national recognition and widespread popularity in Chongqing—all the more because of the city's historical reputation as a center for criminal activity. In contrast to often colorless and orthodox politicians, Bo gained the reputation as a party boss that "got things done." The apparent success of "dǎhēi" earned Bo 'rock star status', and resulted in calls to replicate the campaign on a nationwide scale. Through the campaign, Bo gained the support of a number of powerful members of the Politburo Standing Committee, including Wu Bangguo, Jia Qinglin, Li Changchun, Xi Jinping and Zhou Yongkang, all of whom visited Chongqing or praised Bo's achievements sometime between 2010 and 2011.
However, Bo's campaign was criticized for running roughshod over judicial due process and eroding the rule of law. Individuals targeted in the campaign were arbitrarily detained by the authorities, with an estimated 1,000 being sent to forced labor. Lawyers for the accused were intimidated and harassed, and in at least one case, sentenced to 18 months in prison. Allegations also surfaced over the use of torture to extract confessions. Moreover, assets seized during the campaign were allegedly redirected to help pay for Bo's popular social housing programs. "The Wall Street Journal" reported that $11 billion went into government coffers through the campaign. Li Jun, a fugitive businessman, asserted that he became a target of Bo anti-corruption drive as a result of a land dispute with the government. When he refused government demands to give up the land, he claims that he was abducted and tortured, and that $700 million worth of assets in his business were seized.
Red culture movement.
During his time in Chongqing, Bo initiated a series of Maoist-style campaigns to revive 'red culture' and improve public morale. The initiative included the promotion of Maoist quotes, 'red' songs, revolutionary television programming and operas, and initiatives to encourage students to work in the countryside, akin to the way students were required to do during the Down to the Countryside Movement of the Cultural Revolution. As part of the movement, Bo and the city's Media Department initiated a "Red Songs campaign" that demanded every district, government department, commercial enterprise, educational institution, state radio and TV stations begin singing 'red songs' praising the achievements of the Communist Party. Bo pledged to reinvigorate the city with the Marxist ideals reminiscent of the Mao era.
Prior to the 60th Anniversary of the People's Republic of China celebrations, for instance, Bo sent out 'red text messages' to the city's 13 million mobile phone users. According to "Xinhua", Bo's text messages were usually quotes from Mao's Little Red Book, and include phrases such as "I like how chairman Mao puts it: The world is ours, we will all have to work together," and "responsibility and seriousness can conquer the world, and the Chinese Communist Party members represent these qualities." Bo and his team of municipal administrators also erected new Mao statues in Chongqing, while providing 'social security apartments' to the city's less well-off. Some scholars have characterized this as an example of the revival of Maoism in the Chinese Communist ethos.
Reactions to the red culture movement were divided. Bo's revival of Mao-era culture and accompanying social welfare programs were popular within much of the middle to lower income strata of Chongqing society, and made Bo a star with both conventional Marxists and neo-leftists. Bo won praise for returning the city to what some called China's 'true socialist heritage' by de-emphasizing material wealth, and evoked nostalgia to the social egalitarianism that existed during Mao's time. Some retirees were particularly inspired and said they wanted to pass on "revolutionary spirit" to their children, while others participated as a means to praise the Communist Party for the country's economic progress.
The campaign also had many detractors. Some intellectuals and reformers criticized the campaign for being regressive, akin to "being drowned in a red sea", and bringing back painful memories from the Cultural Revolution. Several mid-level officials in the city committed suicide due to overwhelming pressure to organize events for the red songs campaign. Bo's critics derisively referred to him as "little Mao".
Social policies.
A cornerstone of Bo's Chongqing model involved a series of egalitarian social policies aimed to lessen the gap between rich and poor, and ease the rural-urban divide. Bo promoted the notion of pursuing "red GDP"—an economic model embodying communist egalitarianism—and suggested that, if economic development were analogous to 'baking a cake', then the primary task should be to divide the cake fairly rather than building a larger cake.
To that end, the city reportedly spent $15.8 billion on public apartment complexes for use by recent college graduates, migrant workers and low-income residents. In 2007, the cities of Chongqing and Chengdu were selected to run pilot projects intended to mitigate the rural-urban divide and ease integration of rural residents into the cities. Under China's "hukou" registration system, citizens were classified as either rural or urban—a distinction that determines not only where they could live, but also affected educational opportunities, health benefits, taxation, and property rights, effectively making them 'second class citizens'. Of Chongqing's 32 million residents, only 27% held urban "hukou" as of 2007. The 2007 project made it easier for rural residents to obtain urban status, a policy intended not only to help balance inequality, but also to enable the government to develop underused rural land. Under Bo's leadership, Chongqing established "land exchanges" where rural villages could earn credits for maximizing farmland.
Bo's approach to social policy was demonstrated during the November 2008 taxi strikes, which saw over 8,000 taxi drivers take to the streets for two days in protests over high fees, unregulated competition and rising fuel costs. Similar protests in China were frequently suppressed—sometimes forcefully—with official media sometimes blaming labor unrest on criminal instigation. Bo's government instead held a televised roundtable dialogues with the protesters and citizens, and agreed to allow the formation of a trade union. His handling of the situation earned him praise as a comparatively restrained and progressive leader.
Economic policies.
Another major component of Bo's Chongqing model concerned the city's economic policies. Just as he had done in Liaoning, Bo ambitiously pursued foreign investment in the city, lowering corporate income tax rates (15% compared to the 25% national average), and sought to stimulate rapid urbanization and industrialization. He also carried on with policies initiated by his predecessors which focused on domestic consumption, rather than export-led growth. During his tenure, Chongqing reported annual GDP growth far exceeding the national average. In 2008, for instance, nationwide GDP growth was reported at 8%, while Chongqing reported 14.3%; the same year, foreign trade rose by 28%, and bank loans were up 29%.
Bo's model of economic growth won national and international praise for seamlessly combining foreign investment and state-led growth. However, Bo's critics called the model of "red GDP" – subsidized infrastructure, housing and public works projects – unsustainable and a drain on the city's budget. Some civil servants complained that they were not getting salaries on time. Chongqing received a disproportionately high share (some $34 billion) of stimulus money from Beijing in 2008. Political rivals such as Bo's predecessor Wang Yang also suggested that economic figures in Chongqing were "rigged"—artificially inflated through unnecessary construction and public works projects.
Leadership style.
Although many of Bo's campaigns earned popular support, especially from the city's poor, his leadership style has been described as "propagandistic," "ruthless," and "arrogant" by subordinates and city officials, academics, journalists, and other professionals. He cultivated a casual and charismatic image in a marked departure from Chinese political convention. Michael Wines of "The New York Times" wrote that although Bo was possessed of "prodigious charisma and deep intelligence," these qualities were offset by a "studied indifference to the wrecked lives that littered his path to power...Mr. Bo's ruthlessness stood out, even in a system where the absence of formal rules ensures that only the strongest advance." Bo placed onerous demands on government officials in the city, requiring them to be available to work all day and all night, seven days a week. He reportedly called subordinates to late-night meetings, publicly criticized and humiliated those with whom he disagreed, and even hit underlings who failed to meet his demands. According to a psychologist quoted by the "Daily Telegraph", since Bo Xilai assumed power, "depression, burn out and suicides have all risen among officials... Officials now make up the largest share of patients [seeking] counselling in the city."
In late 2009, a popular investigative television show on China Central Television aired a critical story on Bo's anti-crime drive, expressing concern over the apparent disregard for legal due process. In response, Bo used his connections to have the show's host temporarily banned from the airwaves, and its producer moved to another program. Others who opposed Bo's initiatives were also met with retribution. Li Zhuang, a defense lawyer from Beijing, was sentenced to two and a half years in prison (later reduced to 18 months) in 2009 for attempting to defend one of the high-profile targets of Bo's crackdown. Cheng Li, a scholar at the Brookings Institution, said that "Nobody really trusts [Bo]: a lot of people are scared of him, including several princelings who are supposed to be his power base."
Alleged eavesdropping operations.
As part of Bo's efforts to fight crime and maintain social and political stability in Chongqing, he initiated a major electronic surveillance operation. Wang Lijun, Chongqing's police chief, served as the architect of the state-funded project, which was described in official media as a "comprehensive package bugging system covering telecommunications to the Internet." The system involved wiretaps, eavesdropping, and monitoring of internet communications, and was designed with the help of cybersecurity expert Fang Binxing, known for his pivotal role in the construction of China's Great Firewall.
According to "The New York Times", the eavesdropping operations did not only target local criminals, but also the communications of top Chinese leaders, including those of the CCP General Secretary Hu Jintao. One source connected to the Chinese leadership said that Bo tried to monitor nearly all central leaders who had visited Chongqing to better understand what they thought of him. In August 2011, a phone call between Hu Jintao and anti-corruption official Ma Wen was found to be wiretapped under Bo's orders. The revelations about the eavesdropping operation resulted in intense scrutiny from the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. It was also said to have sowed distrust and played a role in the falling out of Bo and his police chief Wang Lijun, who allegedly began to use the same eavesdropping methods against Bo himself. The operations were believed to have contributed to Bo's downfall in 2012.
Death of Neil Heywood.
On 14 November 2011, British citizen Neil Heywood was found dead in his Chongqing hotel room. At the time, local authorities declared he had died from alcohol over-consumption, though his family noted that he was not a heavy drinker. The official cause of death was not scrutinized until several months later, when revelations emerged that Heywood's death was a homicide, and Bo Xilai was implicated.
Heywood served as an intermediary linking western companies to powerful Chinese politicians. He was a long-time associate of the Bo family: he reportedly shared a close personal relationship with Bo's wife, Gu Kailai, and had helped the couple's son Bo Guagua earn admission to Harrow School in England. Heywood also allegedly served as a middleman for the family, helping them clandestinely move large sums of money overseas.
In October 2011, Heywood reportedly had a business dispute with Kailai when he demanded a higher commission for his services. The dispute escalated, with Heywood ultimately threatening to reveal the family's business dealings and overseas assets, estimated to total in excess of $136 million. Heywood was then allegedly poisoned by Gu and an assistant. Gu would be convicted of the murder and receive a suspended death sentence in August 2012.
Downfall.
Wang Lijun incident.
In early 2012, the party's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection bolstered its presence within Chongqing as the city's leaders came under investigation. Much of the attention focused on Bo's police chief, Wang Lijun, who may have been under investigation for his role in a corruption case in Liaoning. Growing scrutiny over the city's wiretapping operation against senior leaders also likely fell mainly on Wang. Although details are scarce, several sources have suggested that Wang's resentment against Bo grew amidst the investigations—resentment that was compounded when Wang realized that he and his wife had also been targets of wiretapping under Bo's orders.
Moreover, Wang was privy to details of Neil Heywood's death, and had reportedly attempted to voice his concerns to Bo about alleged poisoning. Around 16 January, Wang is believed to have confronted Bo over evidence that implicated Bo's wife in the murder. Although Bo initially agreed to allow an inquiry, he then changed course and sought to obstruct investigations. Wang was abruptly demoted on 2 February to the far less prestigious position of Vice-mayor overseeing education, science, and environmental affairs. Bo placed Wang under surveillance, and several of his close associates were reportedly taken into custody. Some reports allege that Bo may have been plotting to have Wang assassinated.
On 6 February 2012, apparently fearing for his life, Wang traveled to the U.S. consulate in the nearby city of Chengdu, bringing evidence implicating Bo and his family in the Neil Heywood murder. According to reports, Wang sought and was denied asylum in the United States. He remained in the consulate for approximately 24 hours before leaving "of his own volition" and being taken into the custody of state security officials dispatched from Beijing. Local media in Chongqing announced that he was on a mental health-related sick leave.
A day after Wang's leave, several overseas Chinese-language news websites posted an open letter allegedly penned by Wang, which sharply criticized Bo as a "hypocrite" and "the greatest gangster in China" and accused Bo of corruption. Without knowing what incriminating material Wang may have held against Bo, even Bo's supporters in China's top leadership were reluctant to vouch for him. Bo responded in an unusually open press conference during the 2012 National People's Congress, acknowledging "negligent supervision" of his subordinates, saying he may have "relied upon the wrong person".
Removal from posts.
On 15 March 2012, Bo was dismissed as Chongqing party secretary and its related municipal posts, while temporarily retaining a seat on the Politburo. Due to the potentially destructive effects Bo's dismissal would have on party unity, party elders were consulted on the matter. The decision was reportedly made at a meeting of the Politburo Standing Committee on 7 March, during which security tsar Zhou Yongkang cast a lone dissenting vote (and Bo Xilai had been earmarked to gain a position on in the future). On 14 March, Bo was reprimanded by Premier Wen Jiabao during the Premier's annual press conference. Wen called the achievements of Chongqing "significant," but the result of "multiple administrations," i.e., not just Bo himself. Wen also made numerous allusions to the damage wrought by the Cultural Revolution, an indirect rebuke of Bo's efforts to revive "red culture". Addressing high-level political changes by a Premier to an open public forum was unprecedented. Political observers believe that Wen's remarks and Bo's downfall represented a consensus within the central leadership that Bo not only needed to shoulder the responsibility for the Wang Lijun scandal, but also represented a political triumph for the 'liberal reformer' wing of the Communist Party.
On 10 April 2012, Bo was suspended from the party's Central Committee and its Politburo, pending investigation for "serious disciplinary violations." Bo's wife, Gu Kailai, was named a prime suspect in the inquiry into the death of British businessman Neil Heywood. The announcement, carrying criminal implications, was the death knell for Bo's political career.
On 28 September 2012, the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party adopted a decision to expel him from the party. The decision was ratified by a full plenary session of the Central Committee on 4 November. He was accused of major disciplinary violations and corruption charges during his tenure in Dalian, the Ministry of Commerce and Chongqing, including in relation to the Gu Kailai case.
On 26 October 2012, the Standing Committee of the 11th National People's Congress expelled him as a deputy to the national legislature, removing his final public post and setting the stage for his trial. When he was ejected from the Communist Party, the official announcement also mentioned that he had "had or maintained improper sexual relations with multiple women." Rumors also spread that he had an affair with the star actress of "Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon", Zhang Ziyi; Zhang racked up significant legal bills attempting to sue the sources of the rumour for defamation. During the trial, Bo admitted that he had fallen out with his wife because of an affair he had in the 1990s, prompting her to move to the United Kingdom to be near their son, Guagua.
Public reactions.
Bo's downfall elicited strong reactions among the Chinese public and with commentators across the political spectrum. Leftist websites such as "Utopia", "Red China", and "Maoflag" were full of angry commentary over Bo's dismissal. These websites were shut down for a period of "maintenance" shortly after. Leftist commentators voiced support for Bo: Kong Qingdong called Bo's dismissal 'a plot by enemies of the state'; Sima Nan said associating Bo with the Cultural Revolution was a 'smear campaign'; Sima's pro-Bo microblogs were censored. Large numbers of sympathetic posts for Bo appeared in microblogs from Chongqing, and Dalian, where Bo was once mayor. The "Global Times" also wrote a sympathetic editorial. Liberal media reacted positively, criticizing Bo's style of 'personality-based rule' as dangerous and regressive. Right-leaning commentators said Bo's downfall signified a 'correct orientation' to China's future development. Southern Media Group editor Yan Lieshan remarked that Bo correctly identified China's problems but prescribed the wrong solution. Businesspeople whose assets were seized by Bo's administration in Chongqing also reacted positively.
Bo's dismissal caused political shockwaves unseen since the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, and exposing internal conflicts within Communist Party. In the weeks following 15 March, party authorities deliberated on Bo's case. In the absence of official reports of the proceedings, microblogs churned out a flood of speculation, including rumours of a coup. In response, the authorities instructed newspapers and websites to strictly report only official releases, and arrested six people accused of 'rumourmongering'.
Aware of its potentially divisive impact, authorities carefully controlled media coverage of Bo's removal from office. State media reported 'pledges of loyalty' to the party's decision to disgrace Bo, including statements from the new Chongqing party authorities, Beijing municipal organs, and grassroots party members rallying to the party line. The party's mouthpiece "People's Daily" issued a front-page editorial calling for unity behind the "correct decision". The military held 'political education' sessions on short notice, stressing unity and loyalty to the Party under the leadership of Hu Jintao. Bo's downfall also affected his ally Zhou Yongkang, who had reportedly relinquished his operational control over Chinese security institutions and lost the right to influence who would succeed him at the 18th Party Congress.
Trial.
In July 2013, Chinese prosecution authorities charged Bo with bribery, abuse of power and corruption, paving the way for his trial. In the build-up to the trial, Song Yangbiao, a prominent leftist supporter of Bo was detained by police after he urged people to protest against the trial. The verdict and sentence brought to close one of the most lurid political scandals in the history of China under Communist rule. A few days before the trial, Wang Xuemei, a prominent forensic scientist who was vice director of the Chinese Forensic Medicine Association and of the Supreme Court's Prosecutorial Research Center, resigned from her positions. Wang had publicly questioned the forensic evidence used in the trial of Bo's wife Gu Kailai. Defense counsel for Bo was Beijing-based DeHeng Law Offices, a corporate law firm with deep political connections to the state. "The Wall Street Journal" article on the law firm's role in the trial described it as acting as an "intermediary" that facilitated between Bo, his relatives and prosecutors the negotiation of "an outcome acceptable to all sides in the run-up to the trial—and to help ensure that the trial itself goes according to plan".
Beginning on 22 August 2013, the Jinan Intermediate People's Court heard Bo's case. The proceedings of the trial were relayed in real-time by the court's official microblog account, though journalists covering the trial needed to belong to a pre-approved list. Bo faced three charges: bribery, abuse of power, and embezzlement. The prosectors alleged that Bo received the equivalent of some 21.79 million yuan (US$3.56 million) in bribes from businessmen Xu Ming and Tang Xiaolin. At the trial Xu Ming testified that he gave Bo's wife Gu Kailai $3.23 million in 2000 to buy the villa "Fontaine St-Georges" in Nice, France, and that he paid for their son Bo Guagua's travel and credit card bills. Bo Xilai cross-examined Xu and denied knowledge of many of the payments.
Bo's trial, which featured a testy exchange between Bo and his former lieutenant Wang Lijun, concluded on 26 August 2013. During the trial, Bo recanted a series of confessions he had made during the investigation, denying all charges against him. On 22 September, the court found him guilty on all counts, including accepting bribes and abuses of power, stripped him of all his personal assets, and sentenced him to life imprisonment. Not long after the trial, on 6 November, citizen activist Wang Zheng established the Zhi Xian Party, which supports Communist Party rule but criticizes it failing to uphold the constitution. Bo Xilai was elected the party's "Chairman for life".
Chinese attempts to confiscate a €6.95 million villa in Cannes, bought and held for Bo through intermediaries, are ongoing.
Aftermath and epilogue.
After Bo was jailed, the aftermath of the events set off by the Wang Lijun incident continued to reverberate across the Chinese political landscape. Xi Jinping's accession to power resulted in a series of major political changes with significant consequences. Bo's former supporter Zhou Yongkang retired in 2012, but was caught up in Xi Jinping's anti-corruption dragnet in 2013, detained for investigation, and eventually sentenced to life in prison. In addition, Zhou was unable to select the successor to his office, possibly as a result of his role in the Bo Xilai scandal. The head of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission, which Zhou headed, no longer held a seat on the Politburo Standing Committee following the 18th Party Congress, as the number of seats on the body were reduced from nine to seven. The anti-corruption campaign following the 18th Party Congress became the biggest of its kind in the history of China under Communist rule. By 2014, Bo had been branded by some media outlets outside of China as part of a so-called "New Gang of Four" composed of disgraced officials Zhou Yongkang, Xu Caihou, and Ling Jihua.
Bo's chief ideological rival, former Guangdong party secretary Wang Yang, went on to become Vice-Premier in 2013 and eventually joined the Politburo Standing Committee in 2017, the party's top leadership council. Wen Jiabao, who was seen as Bo's foremost critic in the top leadership, suffered significant public embarrassment himself over a "The New York Times" article about his family's vast empire of wealth whose release coincided closely with Bo's dismissal. Huang Qifan, the mayor of Chongqing long seen as an ally of Bo, continued serving in his potision as Mayor of Chongqing until his resignation in 2016. Wang Lijun was sentenced to fifteen years in prison for defection, corruption, and abuse of power.
Political alignment and affiliations.
In the course of his career, Bo Xilai was the beneficiary of considerable patronage from former Communist Party leader Jiang Zemin. He is thus associated with Jiang's faction, sometimes referred to as the "elitists," that is generally known to favor a model that emphasizes free trade, economic development in the coastal regions, and export-led growth. It is a coalition composed largely of "princelings" (the children of high-ranking former party leaders), business people, leaders of coastal cities, and members of the erstwhile "Shanghai clique". By contrast, the "populist" coalition of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao advocated more balanced economic development and improvements to China's social safety net. The populist faction comprised rural leaders, socialist intellectuals, and several leaders who rose to prominence through their connections with the Communist Youth League.
While Bo was initially identified with the elitist bloc during his time in Liaoning and as Minister of Commerce, during his tenure in the interior city of Chongqing, he adopted a number of populist policies typically associated with the conservative left. Namely, he implemented social housing programs, gave residency status (and therefore the associated social welfare benefits) to rural migrant workers, and emphasized a need for a more balanced distribution of wealth. Although Bo relentlessly pursued technology, capital, and business opportunities, he also spearheaded a large number of government programs to help the working class and disadvantaged groups. Bo's campaigns against corruption also allegedly seized the assets of private entrepreneurs, in turn allegedly funneling these funds into his own personal wealth, as well as (more publicly) state projects and welfare programs, effectively re-asserting state control over wealth. He also sought to promote "red culture," and mandated the revival of Mao-era slogans and songs, evoking memories that were romantic to the conservative left, but painful to the liberal right of Chinese politics.
Bo's policies in Chongqing ultimately made him a prominent figure among neo-Maoists and leftists, and a representative of the conservative wing of the Communist Party. Although Bo did not favor the discontinuation of market economics or a return to Mao-era policies, he was seen to advocate a strong role for the state in peoples' lives. Bo's anti-corruption campaign, in particular, earned him a reputation for heavy-handedness and authoritarian methods in crime and punishment. Bo's policies put him in opposition to the more liberal and reform-oriented faction, particularly Premier Wen Jiabao and Guangdong party secretary Wang Yang, who favored the strengthening of rule of law and a continuation of political reform. To observers, Bo and Wang's verbal jousting over the future direction of development marked an increasing polarization of Chinese politics into leftist and reformer camps.
Family.
Bo's first wife was Li Danyu, the daughter of former Beijing Party First Secretary Li Xuefeng. They wed in September 1976 and had a son, "Brendan" Li Wangzhi (), the following year. Their son graduated from Columbia University in 2001. Li Danyu insisted that her son change his surname to Li following her divorce from Bo Xilai in 1984. Li Wangzhi was reportedly low-key and modest and was not commonly associated with his father during the latter's political heyday. Li Wangzhi obtained a master's degree in media studies and worked for a few years at Citibank, then worked for a law firm in Beijing; he eventually went into private equity. Li had remarked publicly that his father's arrest "destroyed his life". In 2014, Li released a statement on his microblog feed revealing that his father was doing well in prison and that medical treatment is available to him should he need it. Li wrote, "life is short... if the law allows, I would like to see him more. Come to think of it, the only times I've seen him [since 2007] was at funerals, in the courtroom, or in prison."
Bo married his second wife, Gu Kailai, in 1986. Gu was a prominent lawyer and founder of the Kailai law firm in Beijing. She was said to have overcome a trying childhood during nationwide strife and worked her way to become a well-regarded lawyer and prominent politician's wife. Gu's father, Gu Jingsheng, was a Communist revolutionary. Her mother, Fan Chengxiu, is a descendant of the renowned Song dynasty chancellor and poet Fan Zhongyan. In 2013, Gu was convicted of the murder of British businessman Neil Heywood after a dispute over money which purportedly escalated until he threatened her son's life. She was sentenced to death with a two-year reprieve, which is typically commuted to life imprisonment.
Bo Xilai drew criticism from others in the party for his high-profile courting of media attention and using his family pedigree to further the interests of his wife and her law firm. Bo denied that his wife had profited from his position, saying that his wife had retired her legal practice while the couple lived in Dalian in the 1990s. Bo said that Gu "now basically just stays at home, doing some housework for me." Jiang Weiping claimed that Gu served as Bo's "gatekeeper" when Bo was the mayor of Dalian, regularly accepting gifts and bribes from property developers seeking access to him, and from Party officials seeking government appointments. There was speculation that Bo Xilai may have attempted to interfere with a corruption investigation into his wife prior to the Wang Lijun incident.
Bo and Gu have one son, Bo Kuangyi, who is better known as Bo Guagua. He attended Harrow School in the United Kingdom, and was later admitted to Balliol College, Oxford, where in 2006 he started studying for a degree in Philosophy, Politics and Economics. Guagua then went on to study public administration at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government. Bo Guagua's high-profile and privileged lifestyle, including luxury cars and frequent social events, has provided tabloid fodder for Chinese-language media. Both Guagua and his father had repeatedly denied allegations that Guagua was the 'playboy prince' that he was often portrayed, claiming that Guagua got by on a modest allowance and attended social events to only to "broaden his horizons." Asked how he could afford his son's tuition fees on his estimated annual salary of $22,000, Bo replied that his son received "full scholarships" from the respective institutions. However, the veracity of this assertion has been questioned by several sources. "Maclean's" reported that Bo's family associate Heywood pulled strings to have Guagua accepted into Harrow, shortly after becoming involved with Bo.
Bo Xiyong, Bo Xilai's eldest brother, is a vice-chairman and executive director of Hong Kong-listed Everbright International, but he was purportedly listed under a pseudonym, 'Li Xueming'. The company declined to confirm if Li Xueming and Bo Xiyong are one and the same.
Popular culture.
In the 2019 film "The Laundromat", Bo was portrayed by actor Jesse Wang.


Campaign shields (Wehrmacht)

Campaign shields (), also known as campaign arm shields, were badges of differing design awarded to members of the German Wehrmacht for participation in specific battles or campaigns during World War II. Each shield was worn on the left upper arm of the uniform jacket. Where a recipient received more than one shield, the earlier was worn above any later awards.
Official awards.
Post-war versions.
After an initial ban, the Federal Republic of Germany re-authorised the wearing of many World War II military decorations in 1957. This included all official campaign shields except for the Warsaw and Lapland Shields. Re-designed to remove the swastika emblem, members of the Bundeswehr could wear the shields on their ribbon bar, represented by a small replica of the award on a field grey ribbon.
Unofficial or discontinued prior to award.
Several shields were either unofficial or had approval withdrawn during the design phase, and were therefore never manufactured and awarded:


Order of battle of the Battle of Camden


Alberto Franceschini

Alberto Franceschini (born 26 October 1947) is a founder and former leading member of the Italian far-left organization, the Red Brigades ("Brigate Rosse"), along with Renato Curcio, Margherita Cagol and Mario Moretti.
Biography.
Franceschini was born in Reggio Emilia into a communist family. His father had been arrested for anti-fascist activities in the 1930s, and his grandfather was one of the founders of the Italian Communist Party. At a young age he became a member of the Italian Communist Youth Federation.
The Red Brigades were formed in the second half of 1970 as a result of the merger of Renato Curcio's Proletarian Left and a radical student and worker group. They went completely underground and organized the Red Brigades and spent the next three years, from 1972 to 1975, engaging in a series of bombings and kidnappings of prominent figures. Franceschini was captured and imprisoned for setting up an armed band, setting up a subversive association and kidnapping in 1974. He was released in 1992.


First Deep Bottom Confederate order of battle

The following Confederate Army units and commanders fought in the First Battle of Deep Bottom (July 27–29, 1864) of the American Civil War. The Union order of battle is listed separately.
Confederate Forces.
Army of Northern Virginia.
Gen Robert E. Lee
First Corps.
LTG Richard H. Anderson


Genichi Mitsuhashi

Genichi Mitsuhashi (born 1975) is a martial artist and the first person to earn a master’s degree in ninja studies.
Mitsuhashi earned the degree from Japan’s Mie University’s International Ninja Research Centre, the world’s first research facility focusing on ninja studies.
He also studied kung fu and Shorinji Kempo, a Japanese martial art. He has a private dojo where he teaches ninja skills and operates an inn in Iga province where he lives and studies.
He is pursuing a Ph.D.


Leipzig-class cruiser

The "Leipzig" class was a class of two light cruisers of the German "Reichsmarine" and later "Kriegsmarine"; the class comprised "Leipzig", the lead ship, and "Nürnberg", which was built to a slightly modified design. The ships were improvements over the preceding "Königsberg"-class cruisers, being slightly larger, with a more efficient arrangement of the main battery and improved armor protection. "Leipzig" was built between 1928 and 1931, and "Nürnberg" followed between 1934 and 1935.
Both ships participated in the non-intervention patrols during the Spanish Civil War in 1936 and 1937. After the outbreak of World War II, they were used in a variety of roles, including as minelayers and escort vessels. On 13 December 1939, both ships were torpedoed by the British submarine . They were thereafter used in secondary roles, primarily as training ships, for most of the rest of the war. "Leipzig" provided some gunfire support to German Army troops fighting on the Eastern Front.
Both ships survived the war, though "Leipzig" was in very poor condition following an accidental collision with the heavy cruiser "Prinz Eugen" late in the war. "Leipzig" was therefore used as a barracks ship before being scuttled in 1946. "Nürnberg", however, emerged from the war largely unscathed, and as a result, was seized by the Soviet Navy as war reparations, and commissioned into the Soviet fleet as "Admiral Makarov"; she continued in Soviet service until the late 1950s, and was broken up for scrap by 1960.
Design.
General characteristics.
The two ships of the "Leipzig" class were not identical, prompting some naval historians to classify them as separate designs, rather than as a ship class. Of the two, "Nürnberg" was larger. "Leipzig" was long at the waterline and long overall. She had a beam of and a maximum draft of forward. She displaced as designed and at full combat load. "Nürnberg" was slightly longer, at at the waterline and overall. Her beam was identical to "Leipzig", but her draft was slightly greater, at forward. She displaced as designed and at full combat load.
The ships' hulls were divided into fourteen watertight compartments and had double bottoms that ran for 83 percent of the length of their keels. Both vessels had side bulges and bulbous bows. They were constructed with longitudinal steel frames, and were more than 90 percent welded in order to save weight. "Nürnberg" had a large, blocky forward superstructure, while "Leipzig"s superstructure resembled that of the preceding "Königsberg" class. "Nürnberg" also had a large searchlight platform fitted on the funnel, while "Leipzig" did not.
"Leipzig" initially had a crew of 26 officers and 508 enlisted men. Later in her career, the crew grew to 30 officers and 628 sailors and then again to 24 officers and 826 sailors. She could also accommodate an admiral's staff of 6 officers and 20 enlisted men when she was serving as a flagship. "Nürnberg"s crew started as 25 officers and 648 ratings, and over the course of her career swelled to 26 officers and 870 enlisted men. The ships carried two picket boats, two barges, two launches, and two cutters.
Both ships carried one aircraft catapult for a pair of Heinkel He 60 biplane reconnaissance float planes. They were equipped with a crane to retrieve the aircraft after landing. The He 60s were later replaced by the monoplane Arado Ar 196 by 1939. "Leipzig"s catapult was located between the funnel and the forward superstructure, while "Nürnberg"s was placed aft of the funnel.
Machinery and handling.
The ships' propulsion system consisted of two steam turbines manufactured by the Deutsche Werke and Germaniawerft shipyards, along with four 7-cylinder double-acting two-stroke diesel engines built by MAN. Steam for the turbines was provided by six Marine-type double-ended oil-fired boilers. The engines were rated at for the turbines plus for the central diesel engines. The ship's propulsion system provided a top speed of and a range of approximately at using only the diesel engines. With only the turbines in operation, the ships could steam for at a speed of .
The ships had extensive electrical generator systems. "Leipzig" had three power plants that each had a 180 kilowatt turbo-generator and a 180 kW diesel generator; this gave the ship a combined output of 1,080 kW at 220 volts. "Nürnberg" had four generators which comprised two 300 kW turbo-generators and two 350 kW diesel generators, for a total output of 1,300 kW, also at 220 volts.
Steering was controlled by a single balanced rudder, which gave the ships excellent maneuverability. The rudder was augmented with special steering system on the engine transmissions; they had gears that could drive half of the engines astern and half forward allowed the screws to assist in turning the ship at sharper angles. The ships tended toward lee helm in general conditions, but in heavy wind, they suffered from weather helm. Both vessels also suffered from severe leeway at low speeds, and the effect was especially pronounced for "Nürnberg", owing to her larger superstructure.
Armament and armor.
"Leipzig" and "Nürnberg" were armed with nine 15 cm SK C/25 guns mounted in three triple gun turrets. One was located forward, and two were placed in a superfiring pair aft, all on the centerline. They were supplied with between 1,080 and 1,500 rounds of ammunition, for between 120 and 166 shells per gun. As built, "Leipzig" was also equipped with two 8.8 cm SK L/45 anti-aircraft guns in single mounts; they had 800 rounds of ammunition. "Nürnberg" meanwhile was built with eight of these weapons with 3,200 rounds in total. "Nürnberg" also carried eight 3.7 cm SK C/30 anti-aircraft guns, and several 2 cm anti-aircraft guns, though the number of the latter changed over her career. The two ships also carried four triple torpedo tube mounts located amidships; "Leipzig" had weapons while "Nürnberg" was equipped with torpedoes. They were supplied with twenty-four torpedoes. They were also capable of carrying 120 naval mines.
"Leipzig" used Krupp cemented armor, while "Nürnberg" received the newly developed "Wotan Hart" steel. The ships were protected by an armored deck that was thick amidships and an armored belt that was thick. The belt was inclined to a greater degree than in the preceding "Königsberg"s, to increase the effectiveness of the same thickness of armor plate. The sloping armor that connected the deck with the belt was thick. The conning tower had thick sides with a 50 mm thick roof. The gun turrets had thick faces, thick sides, and thick roofs. They were mounted on barbettes that were protected with of steel plating.
Modifications.
After the outbreak of war, both ships were fitted with a degaussing coil to protect them against magnetic mines. "Leipzig" had her aircraft equipment removed in 1941, along with her after torpedo tubes. In 1942, "Nürnberg"s aircraft handling equipment and aft torpedo tubes were also removed. Throughout the war, the ships' radar suites were upgraded; in March 1941, "Nürnberg" was equipped with FuMO 21 radar and in early 1942, a FuMO 25 radar set was installed. The latter was a search radar for surface targets and low-flying aircraft at low range. The FuMO 21 set was replaced by the short-range FuMO 63 "Hohentwiel" 50-centimeter radar. "Nürnberg" was also fitted with four Metox radar warning receivers. "Leipzig" did not receive her FuMO 24/25 radar set until 1943; this was to be the last modification for "Leipzig".
"Leipzig" had her anti-aircraft armament modernized to bring her closer to the standard of weaponry fitted to her sister. After 1934, two additional 8.8 cm guns were added, with another pair later. Starting in 1941, eight 3.7 cm guns were installed, along with fourteen 2 cm guns. After 1944, she only carried eight of the 2 cm guns. "Nürnberg"s anti-aircraft battery was improved over the course of World War II. In late 1942, a pair of Army-variant 2 cm "Flakvierling" quadruple mounts were installed, one on the navigating bridge and the other on top of the aft superfiring turret. In May 1944, the navy proposed installing several Bofors 40 mm guns, but most of these weapons were diverted to other uses, and only two guns were installed. One was mounted on the bridge and the other where the catapult had been located. Two Navy-pattern "Flakvierling"s were added; one replaced the Army model atop the aft superfiring turret, and the other was placed in front of the anti-aircraft fire director. The Army-pattern "Flakvierling"s were moved to the main deck. In December 1944, another revised anti-aircraft plan was proposed, this time incorporating the new 3.7 cm FlaK 43 gun, of which there were to be eight, along with two "Flakvierling"s and ten 2 cm twin mounts. Germany's wartime situation by the end of 1944 prevented these changes from being made, however.
Service history.
"Leipzig".
In the 1930s, "Leipzig" was used as a training cruiser, as well as to make goodwill visits to foreign ports. She participated in non-intervention patrols during the Spanish Civil War. In the first year of World War II, she performed escort duties for warships in the Baltic and North seas. "Leipzig" was torpedoed by the British submarine on 13 December 1939 while on one of these operations. The cruiser was badly damaged, and the necessary repairs took almost a year to complete. She thereafter resumed her duties as a training ship. She provided gunfire support to the advancing "Wehrmacht" troops as they invaded the Soviet Union in 1941.
In a heavy fog in October 1944, "Leipzig" collided with the heavy cruiser "Prinz Eugen"; the damage was so severe that the navy decided complete repairs were unfeasible. Instead, they repaired "Leipzig" enough to keep her afloat, and in that state, provided gunfire support to the defenders of Gotenhafen against the advancing Red Army in March 1945. As the Germans continued to retreat in the east, "Leipzig" was then used to transport a group of fleeing German civilians. She reached Denmark by late April. After the end of the war, "Leipzig" was used as a barracks ship for minesweeping forces and was scuttled in July 1946.
"Nürnberg".
Following her commissioning, "Nürnberg" participated in the non-intervention patrols during the Spanish Civil War; she completed her patrols without major incident and returned to Germany in mid-1937. After the outbreak of World War II in September 1939, she was used to lay defensive minefields off the German coast in the North Sea. She was thereafter used to escort offensive mine-layers in the North Sea until she was torpedoed by the British submarine "Salmon" on 13 December 1939. After repairs were completed in early 1940, "Nürnberg" returned to active duty as a training ship in the Baltic Sea. She performed this role for most of the rest of the war, apart from a short deployment to Norway from November 1942 to April 1943. In January 1945, she was assigned to mine-laying duties in the Skaggerak, but severe shortages of fuel permitted only one such operation.
After the end of the war, "Nürnberg" was seized by the Royal Navy and ultimately awarded to the Soviet Union as war reparations. In December 1945, a Soviet crew took over the ship, and the following month took her to Tallinn, where she was renamed "Admiral Makarov". She served in the Soviet Navy, first in the 8th Fleet, then as a training cruiser based in Kronstadt. Her ultimate fate is unclear, but by 1960, she had been broken up for scrap. "Nürnberg" was the second-largest warship of the Kriegsmarine to survive the war intact, after the heavy cruiser "Prinz Eugen", and she was the only vessel to see service after the war, albeit in a foreign navy.


Boydton Plank Road Confederate order of battle

The following Confederate States Army regiments and commanders fought in the Battle of Boydton Plank Road on October 27 to 28, 1864. The Union order of battle is listed separately.
Third Corps.
MG Henry Heth
Cavalry Corps.
LTG Wade Hampton


Delville Wood order of battle

This article is about the Delville Wood order of battle. The Battle of Delville Wood was fought from 1916, one of the engagements of the Battle of the Somme. It was fought between Allied forces and the German Empire in the Somme River valley in northern France. The battle was the début of the 1st South African Brigade (part of the 9th (Scottish) Division) on the Western Front, which captured Delville Wood and held it from The casualties of the brigade were similar to those of many British brigades on 1 July 1916. Delville Wood is well preserved with the remains of trenches, a museum and monument to the 1st South African Brigade. After the relief of the South Africans the battle for the wood continued until the end of August, when the last German footholds were captured by the 43rd Brigade of the 14th (Light) Division on 27 August. A large German counter-attack on 31 August regained part of the north edge of the wood until British attacks from which secured the wood until the battles of 1918.
Orders of Battle.
South African casualties.
Note: * = Officers
Further reading.
Books
Journals


Order of battle for the Leningrad strategic defensive operation

This is the order of battle for the Leningrad Strategic Defensive covering the period 10 July to 30 September 1941.
Soviet Union.
Fronts and Fleets.
Northern Front.
The Northern Front was active from 10 July to 23 August 1941 when the command was divided into the Karelian and Leningrad Fronts. Operated in Estonia.
Composition as of 1 July 1941:
Composition as of 1 August 1941
Leningrad Front.
The Leningrad Front (Russian: Ленинградский фронт) was first formed on 23 August 1941, by dividing the Northern Front into the Leningrad Front and Karelian Front, during the German approach on Leningrad. The Front participated through the ed of the operation. It operated from the Gulf of Finland to Lake Ilmen and in Estonia until 27 August.
Composition on 1 September 1941:
Composition on 1 October 1941:
Northwestern Front.
The Northwestern Front was involved in the operation for the entire duration. It operated in the area from Pskov to Novorzhev, then south and southeast of Lake Ilmen.
Composition on 1 July 1941:
Composition on 1 August 1941:
Composition on 1 September 1941:
Composition on 1 October 1941
Baltic Fleet.
SOURCE:
Red Army.
8th Army.
The 8th Army was involved in the operation for the entire period. First operating in Estonia, then divided into two parts, one the Tallinn area and the other in the Narva - Kingisepp, the army ended the operation in the area which would become the Oranienbaum Bridgehead.

6 commanders between 22 June - 30 September 1941.
Composition on 1 July 1941:
Composition on 1 August 1941:
Composition on 1 September 1941:
Composition on 1 October 1941:
11th Army.
The 11th Army was involved in the operation for the entire period. It led the defense of the areas west and southwest of the Lake Ilmen retreating to the area south and then southeast of the lake.

Commander : Vasili Morozov
Composition on 1 July 1941:
Composition on 1 August 1941:
Composition on 1 September 1941:
Composition on 1 October 1941:
27th Army.
The 27th Army was involved in the operation for the entire period. Led the defense in the area from Slavkovichi - Novorzhev, retreating towards Kholm and then further to the north shore of Lake Seliger.

Commander : Nikolai Berzarin
Composition on 1 July 1941:
Composition on 1 August 1941:
Composition on 1 September 1941:
Composition on 1 October 1941:
34th Army.
The army's involvement began in early August 1941 near Staraya Russa and to the south. The army eventually retreated to the area east of Demyansk.

Commanders : Kuzma Kachanov until 12 September - Petr Alferev
Composition on 1 September 1941:
Composition on 1 October 1941:
42nd Army.
The army took part in the operation from 9–30 September 1941. Conducted combat operations in the approaches to Leningrad from the Gulf of Finland to the city of Pushkin.

Commanders : Fedor Sergeevich Ivanov until 15 September - Ivan Fedyuninsky
Composition on 1 September 1941:
Composition on 1 October 1941:
48th Army.
The army was involved in the operation from 10 August to 14 September 1941 when the army was disbanded. The army operated in the area west of the Lake Ilmen.

Commanders : Stepan Akimov until 31 August - Maksim Antoniuk
Composition on 1 September 1941:
52nd Separate Army.
The army was involved in the operation from 26 August to the turn of the Volkhov River north of Novgorod.

Commander : Nikolai Klykov
Composition on 1 September 1941:
Composition on 1 October 1941:
54th Army.
The army was formed on 5 September 1941 with the mission of securing the shores of Lake Ladoga to prevent the Germans from encircling Leningrad. The army participated in the operation to the end.

Commanders : Grigory Kulik until 25 September - Mikhail Khozin

Composition on 1 October 1941:
55th Army.
The army was formed on 1 September 1941 and operated in the area from Pushkin to the bend of the Neva River through the end of the operation.

Commander : Ivan Gavrilovich Lazarev
Composition on 1 September 1941:
Composition on 1 October 1941:
Leningrad People's Militia.
See Leningrad Narodnoe Opolcheniye Army for details on Leningrad's Militia units. In late September 1941 the divisions were incorporated into the Red Army.
Operational Groups.
Luga Operational Group/Southern Operational Group.
Took part in the fighting from mid-July in Luga through 16 September when the group was disbanded in Leningrad.
Composition on 1 August 1941:
Composition on 1 September 1941:
Kopor Operational Group.
Composition on 1 September 1941:
Neva Operational Group.
Composition on 1 October 1941:
Novogorod Operational Group.
Composition on 1 August 1941:
Composition on 1 September 1941:
Composition on 1 October 1941:
German.
Presents the largest and units of the German armed forces. It should be borne in mind that the operation involved a variety of specialist, such as artillery and self-propelled artillery (including the provision of OKH), Samokatnaya, rail, engineering, combat engineers, pontoon bridge, part of the army air defense and air defense and the Luftwaffe.
Army Group North (Heeresgruppe Nord) (Field Marshal Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb).
Data on 8 August 1941.
18th Army (Generaloberst Georg von Küchler).
Participated throughout the operation. Led offensive in Estonia, along the eastern shore of Lake Peipsi, then advanced on Leningrad from the south-west and west.
The XXXXII Army Corps was transferred to the 18th Army on 18 July 1941.
Panzergruppe 4 (Generaloberst Erich Hoepner).
Participated in the operation from 10 July to 18 September 1941. The unit was the main striking force for the German forces attack towards Leningrad. The LVI Motorized Corps advanced towards Luga, bypassing the city to the north, breaking through Soviet positions south of Kingisepp, Krasnogvardeisk, and reached the Pulkovo Heights. On 15 September the main forces of the group begin its redeployment from the Leningrad axis to the Moscow axis.
The L Army Corps was transferred to the group on 14 August 1941.
16th Army (Generaloberst Ernst Busch).
Participated in the operation for the entire period. Originally moving in the area south of Lake Ilmen, the army's right flank was engaged against the Western Front. After regrouping the army advanced north and south of Lake Ilmen on the Novgorod-Chudovo-Leningrad and Staraya Russa-Kholm-Demyansk axis.
3rd Panzer Group.
Part of the group was involved in operations from 24 August to the end of the operation at Leningrad (XXXIX Motorized Corps) and from 30 August to 24 September 1941 in the Demyansk direction (LVII Motorized Corps).
Luftflotte 1.
Data as of 3 August 1941.
I. Fliegerkorps.
Took part in the entire operation. Reinforces by Kampfgeschwader 4 on 6 August 1941.
VIII. Fliegerkorps.
The VIII. Fliegerkorps took part in the operation from late July to 20 September 1941.


Governor-General of Kenya


Herbert Joseph Thomas

Herbert Joseph Thomas Jr. (February 8, 1918 – November 7, 1943) was a United States Marine who was awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions during World War II.
Early life and education.
He was born in Columbus, Ohio, but spent most of his childhood in South Charleston, West Virginia, where his family moved when he was seven years old. Thomas eventually went to Virginia Tech on an American football scholarship. In his senior year of 1940, he led his team in pass receptions and scoring, and all Virginian college players in scoring. He would go on to be named to the Virginia Tech Sports Hall of Fame. Thomas left Virginia Tech in July 1941 to enlist in the Army Air Corps, but transferred to the Marines because many of his friends were in that branch of service.
Career.
Thomas was posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions during combat versus Japanese army forces on the battle of Koromokina Lagoon (on November 7, 1943). Thomas attempted to disable a machine gun post with a hand grenade. However, the grenade bounced off the jungle flora and fell back to his position. He immediately leaped onto the grenade to save the lives of his men, who went on to destroy the enemy machine gun.
Medal of Honor citation.
The President of the United States takes pride in presenting the MEDAL OF HONOR posthumously to
SERGEANT HERBERT J. THOMAS
UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS RESERVE
for service as set forth in the following CITATION:
For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty while serving with the Third Marines, Third Marine Division, in action against enemy Japanese forces during the battle at the Koromokina River, Bougainville Island, Solomon Islands, on November 7, 1943. Although several of his men were struck by enemy bullets as he led his squad through dense jungle undergrowth in the face of severe hostile machine gun fire, Sergeant Thomas and his group fearlessly pressed forward into the center of the Japanese position and destroyed the crews of two machine guns by accurate rifle fire and grenades. Discovering a third gun more difficult to approach, he carefully placed his men closely around him in strategic positions from which they were to charge after he had thrown a grenade into the emplacement. When the grenade struck vines and fell back into the midst of the group, Sergeant Thomas deliberately flung himself upon it to smother the explosion, valiantly sacrificing his life for his comrades. Inspired by his selfless action, his men unhesitatingly charged the enemy machine gun and, with fierce determination, killed the crew and several other nearby defenders. The splendid initiative and extremely heroic conduct of Sergeant Thomas in carrying out his prompt decision with full knowledge of his fate reflect great credit upon himself and the United States Naval Service. He gallantly gave his life for his country.
Legacy.
A United States Navy destroyer, the , was named in his honor. The destroyer was launched on March 25, 1945 and commissioned on May 29, 1945.
The Thomas Memorial Hospital (now part of Thomas Health System) in South Charleston, West Virginia, is also named in his honor.
Thomas Hall, a dormitory built in 1949 at Virginia Tech was named in his honor.
The Herbert J Thomas Memorial Detachment #947 of the Marine Corps League is named in his honor.


Stavka of the Supreme Commander

Stavka of the Supreme Commander () was the administrative staff of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces of Imperial Russia, during the First World War of 1914–1918. The term "Stavka" means tent, referring to the military camp of a chief.
The Stavka was originally established at Baranavichy. In the summer of 1915, after the German advance and the Russian retreat, the Stavka re-located to Mogilev.
Foreign military officers.
Major-general John Hanbury-Williams was head of the British military mission in Russia and was attached to the Stavka.


79th Regiment of Foot (Royal Liverpool Volunteers)

The 79th Regiment of Foot (Royal Liverpool Volunteers) was an infantry regiment of the British Army, also known as the Liverpool Blues, which served in the Americas during the American War of Independence.
In common with other volunteer regiments formed elsewhere in Britain during the conflict, the 79th was raised at the expense of the port of Liverpool, with the town's corporation contributing £2000. On the 79th's creation in 1778, Major Pole assumed command as its lieutenant-colonel.
The regiment arrived in Jamaica in March 1779 and had detachments assigned the role of marines. In February 1780, the regiment took part in an expedition against the Spanish colony of Nicaragua, ferried by young Captain Horatio Nelson. An evacuation was carried out later in the year because of disease which had become rife in the inhospitable climate, decimating the expedition.
In 1781, Banastre Tarleton became the lieutenant-colonel of the Liverpool Volunteers, though remained in command of the 5th American Regiment (British Legion). An infamous cavalry officer during the American Revolution, Tarleton was the son of a former Mayor of Liverpool.
The regiment returned to Liverpool in early 1784 and disbanded after the war ended. On 4 February 1784, a contingent of seven officers received the freedom of the borough while the regiment's colours were laid up at Liverpool Town Hall.


Feldwebel

Feldwebel (Fw or F), literally "field usher", is a non-commissioned officer (NCO) rank in several countries. The rank originated in Germany, and is also used in Switzerland, Finland, Sweden, and Estonia. The rank has also been used in Russia, Austria-Hungary, and Bulgaria.
"Feldwebel" is a contraction of "feld" meaning "field" and "weibel", an archaic word meaning "usher". "Weibel" comes from the Old High German "weibôn", meaning to go back and forth.
There are variations on feldwebel, such as "Oberstabsfeldwebel" ("Superior Staff Field Usher"), which is the highest non-commissioned rank in the German army and air force.
Feldwebel in different languages.
The rank is used in several countries: Swedish fältväbel, Russian фельдфебель ("fel'dfebel'"), Bulgarian фелдфебел ("feldfebel"), Finnish vääpeli and Estonian veebel.
In Swiss German the spelling Feldweibel is used.
Feldwebel in different countries and armed forces.
The Landsknecht regiments first installed "Feldwaibel" to keep the men at line at the battlefield. The rank is used in the German Army and German Air Force. It is grouped as OR6 in NATO, equivalent in the US Army to Staff Sergeant, or in British Army / RAF to Sergeant. In army/air force context NCOs of this rank were formally addressed as "Herr Feldwebel".
Germany.
19th century and Kaiserreich.
"Feldwebel" gained its widest usage under the German military beginning from the early 19th century. The highest-ranking non-commissioned officer until 1918, the Feldwebel acted as Company Sergeant Major. By contrast with some other countries, the position and duty of Regimental Sergeant Major never existed in Germany.
From 1877 veteran NCOs could be promoted to the rank of "Feldwebel-Leutnant". This Army Reserve officer ranked with the Commissioned Officers, but was always inferior to the lowest "Leutnant".
From 1887 the "Offizierstellvertreter" (Deputy Officer) ranked as a kind of Warrant Officer (more NCO than officer) between "Feldwebel" and the commissioned officers.
There were three further NCO ranks: "Vizefeldwebel" (Vice "Feldwebel", senior NCO), "Sergeant" (junior NCO) and "Unteroffizier" (Lance Sergeant or Corporal, junior NCO). The "Gefreiter" was not an NCO as he had no powers of authority, and was a higher grade of private soldier.
Reichswehr and Wehrmacht.
After World War I, in the German "Reichswehr" and "Wehrmacht", the "Feldwebel" rank group was divided into several grades:
"Feldwebel" and above were "Unteroffiziere mit Portepee" (Senior NCOs); "Unterfeldwebel" and "Unteroffiziere" were "Unteroffiziere ohne Portepee" (Junior NCOs). In 1921, the rank of "Sergeant" was renamed "Unterfeldwebel". "Unterfeldwebels" did duty as squad/section leaders.
The "Stabsfeldwebel" rank was reserved for those who had enlisted for 25 year terms of service in the pre-war German military and those who were enlisted for shorter terms were not eligible to hold this rank.
The appointment of "Hauptfeldwebel" (Company sergeant major/First sergeant) could be held by "Stabsfeldwebels" or "Oberfeldwebels" only. NCOs of a lower rank ("Feldwebel", "Unterfeldwebel", "Unteroffizier") holding this position were titled "Hauptfeldwebeldiensttuer" (i.e. acting Hauptfeldwebel).
Rank insignia Wehrmacht until 1945.
In the German Wehrmacht Unteroffiziere ohne Portepee (en: junior NCO grades) and Unteroffiziere mit Portepee (en: senior NCO grades) were rank insignia as follows.
Not all "Heer" NCO's in this grade were called Unterfeldwebel, "Feldwebel, Oberfeldwebel and Stabsfeldwebel" which are ranks in the infantry tradition. In some other service branches, for example, the equivalent ranks were as follows.
Rank insignia GDR National People's Army until 1990.
In the German Democratic Republic National People's Army Unteroffiziere ohne Portepee (en: junior NCO grades) were replaced by "Unteroffiziere volunteer", and Unteroffiziere mit Portepee (en: senior NCO grades) were caled «Unteroffiziere profesional». The shoulder board Rank insignia were as follows.
German Bundeswehr.
In the modern German "Bundeswehr", "Feldwebel" is considered a Senior NCO, due in part to the large number of Corporal positions which exist as junior grades.
The modern "Bundeswehr" NCO grades are as follows:
The sequence of ranks (top-down approach) in that particular group ("NCOs with portepee or Senior NCOs with portepee") is as follows:
The abbreviation "OR" stands for "Other Ranks / fr: sous-officiers et militaires du rang / ru:другие ранги, кроме офицеров"!
Austria.
Feldwebel was a typical infantry rank of the k.u.k. Austro-Hungarian Army (1867–1918). It might have been comparable to NCO-rank OR8./ "Company Sergeant-major" ranks in the British Army.
In the k.u.k. Austro-Hungarian Army Feldwebel was equivalent to:
Then rank insignia was a gorget patch on the stand-up collar of the so-called "Waffenrock" (en: Tunic), and consisted of three white stars on 13 mm ragged yellow silk galloon. The gorget patch and the stand-up collar showed the particular Waffenfarbe (en: corps colour).
Bulgaria.
In the Bulgarian army, "фелдфебел" (pronounced "feldfebel") existed from the late 19th century to the late 1940s, when the German-type military organization was phased out in favor of a new doctrine, identical to the Soviet one.
Estonia.
The Estonian rank of "veebel" is derived from the name of the German rank "Feldwebel".
Finland.
The military rank of "vääpeli" was previously used by salaried NCOs. Responsibility was given for training and maintenance.
The rank of "vääpeli" is a rank of wartime formation and can be given to soldier of "ylikersantti". In peacetime, the term "yksikköupseeri", literally "officer of the unit", is used, and this position is held by a salaried officer, typically senior lieutenant. The responsibility is for the provisioning, maintenance, human resources management and generally well-being of the unit (company).
Russia.
In the Imperial Russian Army a Feldfebel held the highest Unteroffizier ("унтер-офицер"/ unter-ofitser; NCO) rank from 1722 (its introduction into Peter the Great's Table of Ranks until 1826 (the introduction of the still-higher "Unteroffizier" ranks Podpraporshchik ("подпрапорщик"; literally: Junior praporschschik) OR-7 and later Zauryad-praporshchik ("зауряд-прапорщик"; Praporshchik deputy) OR-8 in 1884). "Feldwebels", even after the introduction of these senior ranks, were usually the most senior "Unteroffiziers" in a unit and held the positions of the unit's CO senior assistant or Starshina ("старшина"; Sergeant Major). When they were promoted to "Zauryad-praporshchik" OR-8 or "Podpraporshchik" OR-7 ranks, but still held the "Feldfebel" OR-6 positions, they were authorized to still wear the Feldvebel's bands on their shoulder boards. The cavalry equivalent of this rank was the vakhtmistr or vakhmistr (вахмистр - derived from German "Wachtmeister"), also OR-6.
Switzerland.
Feldweibel is the lowest rank of "Higher Non-Commissioned Officers" in the Swiss Army. Until the "Reform XXI" agenda, there were two branches of "Feldweibels": technical and company level.
The "Feldweibel" oversees unit-level military service and operations. In 2004, the rank of "Hauptfeldweibel" was introduced. Since then, only technical specialists have remained in the rank of "Feldweibel".
On international missions they are referred to as "Sergeant Major" (NATO Code: OR-7).


464th Chemical Brigade (United States)

The 464th Chemical Brigade was a chemical unit in the United States Army Reserve from February 1972 until September 2008.
Mission.
To provide command and control of two to six chemical battalions and other assigned or attached separate companies at Corps level. To provide staff planning and coordination for the combat, combat support, and combat service support operations for all assigned and attached units. To allocate units and resources in support of chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) reconnaissance, decontamination, biological detection, and smoke operations. And, to conduct civilian decontamination in response to a domestic accident or deliberate CBRN incident.
Motto.
We Serve In Silence is the motto of the 464th Chemical Brigade. This motto connotes the silent, but deadly force of the weapons that the chemical corps built to combat and the silent, dirty, thankless, yet life-saving job that the chemical soldier performs with the utmost expertise, dignity, and honor.
History.
This unit was constituted on 20 October 1953 in the Army Reserves as the 464th Chemical Group and assigned to First United States Army. It was officially activated in New York City on 1 December 1953. It was later inactivated on 31 January 1968. On 22 February 1972, the unit was assigned to Third United States Army and activated at Orlando, Florida. The unit was transferred from Third United States Army to Second United States Army on 1 October 1983. After being reassigned back to First United States Army on June 1987, it was reorganized from the 464th Chemical Group to the 464th Chemical Brigade. And, it was relocated to Johnstown, Pennsylvania. The unit was inactivated on 16 September 2008.
Previous Commanders and Units Commanded.
The following is a list of all of the commanders of this unit from 1972 until its inactivation in 2008, along with the units they commanded.


Curtis F. Shoup

Curtis F. Shoup (January 11, 1921 – January 7, 1945) received the Medal of Honor for acts of bravery near Tillet in Belgium (now a deelgemeente of Sainte-Ode) on January 7, 1945. He was a graduate of Oswego High School in Oswego, New York. He is buried in North Scriba Union Cemetery in Scriba, New York and his grave can be found in Lot 290, which is in the 3rd row from the entrance driveway, 14th headstone from the public highway (North Road, also known as County Route 1). GPS coordinates: Datum WGS84, 43° 29' 18.9" N, 76° 23' 30.5" W
Shoup joined the army from Buffalo, New York in August 1942.
Medal of Honor citation.
Staff Sergeant, U.S. Army, Company I, 346th Infantry, 87th Infantry Division.
Entered service at: Buffalo, NY
Birth: Napenoch, N.Y.
Place and date: Near Tillet, Belgium, January 7, 1945.
G.O. No.: 60, July 25, 1945.
Citation:
On January 7, 1945, near Tillet, Belgium, his company attacked German troops on rising ground. Intense hostile machinegun fire pinned down and threatened to annihilate the American unit in an exposed position where frozen ground made it impossible to dig in for protection. Heavy mortar and artillery fire from enemy batteries was added to the storm of destruction falling on the Americans. Realizing that the machinegun must be silenced at all costs, S/Sgt. Shoup, armed with an automatic rifle, crawled to within 75 yards of the enemy emplacement. He found that his fire was ineffective from this position, and completely disregarding his own safety, stood up and grimly strode ahead into the murderous stream of bullets, firing his low-held weapon as he went. He was hit several times and finally was knocked to the ground. But he struggled to his feet and staggered forward until close enough to hurl a grenade, wiping out the enemy machinegun nest with his dying action. By his heroism, fearless determination, and supreme sacrifice, S/Sgt. Shoup eliminated a hostile weapon which threatened to destroy his company and turned a desperate situation into victory.
Namkesake.
The USNS Sgt. Curtis F. Shoup (T-AG-175) was named in his honor.


181st (2/6th London) Brigade

The 181st (2/6th London) Brigade was a formation of the British Army during the First World War. It was assigned to the 60th (2/2nd London) Division and served in the Middle East.
Formation.
All battalions of the London Regiment as follows:
In June 1918 three battalions (2/21st, 2/23rd and 2/24th) were replaced by