Northridge Mall (Milwaukee)

Northridge Mall was a shopping mall located in the northern part of Milwaukee, Wisconsin that first opened in August 1972.
History.
Opening and Initial Success.
The Grand Opening occurred in August 1972, two years after its sister mall, Southridge Mall opened in 1970. Both were financed and owned by Senator Herb Kohl and part of the Taubman Centers. Northridge Mall was co-developed with the nearby Northridge Lakes development, a residential development consisting of a mix of inventive multi-family residences, in concert with a planned northern beltline freeway which would have connected the area to the rest of the Milwaukee area. The pioneering mall was planned and designed as a regional center, consisting of a two level mall with four anchors: J. C. Penney, Sears, Boston Store, and Gimbels, along with a United Artists Theatres triplex (eventually expanded to six screens). Marshall Field's came to the mall in 1987, as part of their acquisition of 5 former Gimbels stores.
In 1992, Jesse Anderson stabbed his wife to death in the parking lot of a TGI Friday's near the mall, claiming two African-American men had attacked the couple and stabbed his wife to death; it was later revealed he fabricated a false alibi. He and Jeffrey Dahmer were killed by an inmate in the Columbia Correctional Institution in 1994.
The mall declined within the decade after, as the freeway revolts of the 1970s ended up cancelling the north freeway intended to complete the Milwaukee beltline, leaving those intending to go to Northridge on miles of the surface street Brown Deer Road from Interstate 43 and U.S. 41/45 to access the mall; other closer shopping options had been developed in the ensuing decades along the completed freeways in formerly rural areas, and the Brown Deer strip in each direction from the mall had developed a number of disparate and cluttered retail developments with very little continuity or theming. Crime around the general area also increased to a smaller extent, but alarmism of those crimes in what was a suburban area in the local media, along with the lingering effects of the Anderson case despite its resolution, decreased the mall's clientele, as suburban shoppers chose other options such as Mayfair, Brookfield Square, and newly-developed power center shopping options in Mequon, Menomonee Falls, and Grafton. The final blow to the mall was the early 2000s recession, which saw a number of tenants pull out after their lease expirations and the mall's owner unable to find new ones outside of local small businesses. The mall eventually closed in 2003.
The Northridge Lakes development also ran into complexities involving the local real estate market, which preferred single-family detached homes over apartment developments, forcing its ownership to lower their rents and take in a more traditional apartment clientele than the high-end market it intended to market to.
Revitalization attempts.
The former Sears store was razed, and a Menards home improvement store and Pick 'n Save supermarket occupied the site. Also, a Value City furniture store moved into a portion of the old Boston Store building, but closed in May 2009. The rest of the mall remains vacant.
As of August 2013, William Penzey of Penzeys Spices had announced plans to purchase the mall for use in Penzeys Spices operations. In April 2014, the Chinese investment company which purchased the mall, U.S. Black Spruce Enterprise Group, retained ownership by making a last minute payment halting a foreclosure auction that might have allowed Penzeys Spices to take ownership of the property. That ownership has alleged plans for a large-scale Asian marketplace mall and office complex, but no plans or permit approvals have been advanced to Milwaukee's city council for the new concept, and the city has been able to maintain little communication with the building's ownership, outside of refusals to cooperate with any alternate plans for the building and payments to avoid the city taking eminent domain over the property.
In September 2014, Pick n Save announced it would be closing its store at Northridge Mall. After the Pick n Save closed, only a Menards store remained at the site.
The mall has been used for airsoft events since its abandonment. Many of these events have featured popular Airsoft players such as Airsoft Alfonse In 2018, the mall was rented out to MIR Tactical, an airsoft store and event promoter, to host an airsoft game called the "Milwaukee Offensive".
On April 11, 2019 the City of Milwaukee issued a demolition order for the mall. On the evening of July 22, 2019 a maintenance contractor was fatally electrocuted while investigating an open fuse box at the mall.
The demolition order was approved by a judge of the Milwaukee County Circuit Court on May 13, who ruled that the mall was dangerous.


Arnotts (Scotland)

Arnotts was a department store in Glasgow, Scotland. It became part of the House of Fraser and one of their group brands.
History.
The store was opened by John Arnott as a subsidiary of Arnott, Cannock & Co of Dublin in 1850 in Jamaica Street as a drapery. During 1886 the partnership between Arnott and Cannock was dissolved and Thomas Arnott, half brother of John ran the store under the name of Arnott & Co.
In 1864, the building was acquired from the trustees of the City of Glasgow Bank, expanding the store so by 1874 it was a department store. In 1891 the business was incorporated and by 1906 the store frontage was remodelled. During the 1920s and 30s the Company started to struggle and in 1936, Fraser, Sons & Co Ltd bought the business and created a new Arnott & Co company. Frasers modernised the store with the second and third floor being opened up to showroom space and adding of an elevator. In 1938, it was merged by Frasers with neighbour Robert Simpson & Co, who they had also purchased in 1936, to create Arnott Simpson Ltd. The two stores were reconstructed as one. In 1947, the Company Arnott-Simpsons was liquidated, along with Fraser, Sons & Co and the store became a trading name of the House of Fraser.
Further department stores acquired by House of Fraser were re-branded as Arnott Simpson until the Arnotts trading name was adopted for the majority of the group's stores in Scotland, including the acquired T. Baird & Sons group, and two of the House of Fraser's seven Edinburgh stores (including Patrick Thomson). House of Fraser closed its last remaining Arnotts store, that in Paisley (formerly Robert Cochran & Sons purchased 1964) in January 2004.


Marian Bowley

Marian Bowley (1911–2002) was an economist and historian of economic thought. She was the daughter of the economist and statistician Arthur Bowley.
After her BSc and PhD (1936) at the London School of Economics she was first appointed to a lectureship at the Dundee School of Economics in 1938. After government service during World War II she was appointed to a lectureship at University College, London in 1947, and became successively Reader and Professor of Economics. She retired in 1975.
Her main contributions were in the field of the history of economic thought. Her 1937 study on Nassau Senior, "Nassau Senior and Classical Economics" is to date the most important source on this relatively forgotten and often misunderstood member of the Classical school. She suggests that there were actually two different strands of value theory in Classical economics: one based on the labour theory of value as propagated by the Ricardians, and a subjective approach espoused by Lauderdale, Senior and others. In the collection of studies that was published in 1973, she appears to have moved to the position that both sides had actually more common features than she had previously thought.
Apart from her work in the history of economics, Marian Bowley also made important contributions to the understanding of the building industries.


Nancy Folbre

Nancy Folbre (19 July 1952) is an American feminist economist who focuses on economics and the family (or family economics), non-market work and the economics of care. She is Professor of economics at the University of Massachusetts Amherst.
She served as president of the International Association for Feminist Economics (IAFFE) from 2002 to 2003, she has been an associate editor of the journal "Feminist Economics" since 1995, and she is also a member of the editorial board of the "Journal of Women, Politics & Policy". She delivered the inaugural Ailsa McKay Lecture in 2016.
Focus.
Folbre focuses on the economics of care, which she defines as, "work that involves connecting to other people, trying to help people meet their needs, things like the work of caring for children, caring for the elderly, caring for sick people or teaching is a form of caring labor," and she adds that caring labor can be paid or unpaid. Folbre argues that mainstream economists do not pay enough attention to the economics of care. This is detrimental to women because the exclusion of non-market and care work from mainstream economic analysis can marginalize women and children and undervalue their contributions to the home and the community.
Care is a unique form of work because it is "intrinsically motivated," in that not just money motivates people to care. Folbre argues that care work has been historically undervalued because it has been historically provided by women at low or no cost, and goes far to explain why women earn less than men. To this end, Folbre questions why women would even take care jobs and argues that the social construction of femininity links femininity and care. Folbre argues that only by working collectively to ensure a greater supply and quality of care, independent of the market, can we ensure that the responsibility of care is equitably distributed and not disproportionately placed upon women.
In her well-known book "The Invisible Heart", Folbre explores the market and the individualistic competition that it engenders, and argues that the necessary care of elders and children is not provided in the market, yet is still absolutely necessary for society. Historically women have provided this care, whether as non-market work or low-paying market work. Folbre examines the social and governmental structures that support and provide for care, and their evolution throughout history. She concludes with the answer that we all have a responsibility to care for others, and provides a vision for the future in which care and care work are given greater priority and support.
Folbre has also written extensively on the social organization of time, namely the time allotted to care for children and the elderly and how family policies and social institutions limit the choices people can make between paid and unpaid work.
Folbre kept the blog 'Care Talk: coordinating research on care provision' from 2008 to 2009. She is a contributor to the "New York Times" Economix blog, an opportunity she has said she relishes because, "most academics spend a lot of time writing stuff that very few people will ever read."
Education.
Folbre received a B.A. in philosophy from the University of Texas at Austin in 1971, an M.A. in Latin American studies from UT Austin in 1973, and a Ph.D. in economics from the University of Massachusetts Amherst in 1979.
Professional achievements.
Folbre was awarded a Post-Doctoral Research Fellowship by the Yale University Economic Growth center in 1979-1980. From 1995-1996 she received the French-American Foundation Fellowship for teaching and research in Paris. In 1999 she was awarded the Olivia Shieffelin Nordberg Award for Excellence in Writing and Editing in the Population Sciences, and in April 2004 she was named the Charlotte Perkins Gilman Fellow at the American Academy of Political and Social Science.
In 1989 Folbre was awarded a National Science Foundation grant to study Women's Work and Women's Households in Western Massachusetts between 1880-1910. She was awarded a five- year fellowship with the MacArthur Foundation in 1998, and the Leontief Prize of the Global Development and Environment Institute at Tufts University in 2004.
Professional involvements.
Folbre sits on the editorial board of the "Journal of Women, Politics & Policy".
She was elected president of the International Association for Feminist Economics in 2002, and has been an associate editor of the journal "Feminist Economics" since 1995.
As of 2004 she was a member of the National Academy of Science Panel, which studied the design of non-market accounts. She has been a board member of the Foundation for Child Development since 2000, a member of the National Advisory Commission of Child Care and Early Education as well as the National Organization for Women Legal Defense and Education Fund since 2004.
Books.
Who Pays for the Kids? Gender and the Structures of Constraint (1994).
In this book, Folbre discusses how women's transition from the role of primary providers of care work to market-related production presents women with dilemmas. Even with women entering the paid labor force in growing numbers, they are still expected to perform most of the unpaid domestic labor. Women must choose how to divide their time between personal development and fulfillment and the expectations imposed by social norms. An increasing number of single mothers struggle with little or no support from estranged fathers, and while government subsidies may be available, they often only account for a portion of the support that once took place within families.
Folbre analyzes this situation through three major foci. First, she attempts to show that mainstream economics have failed to provide adequate models to explain relations between parents and children in terms of development, conflict and social welfare. She suggests that economists should pay less attention to mere accounting of production and more on social reproduction. Second, Folbre explores how a shift in the investment of time and resources toward children might result in losses for other groups. Understanding and addressing these conflicts between groups might lead to more efficient and satisfying means to providing care of children and the elderly. Finally, she examines what history has to say about the collective struggles over the costs of social reproduction.
The Ultimate Field Guide to the U.S. Economy (2000).
Along with James Heintz and other contributors from the Center for Popular Economics at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, Folbre and her co-authors use wit and wisdom to expose the misconceptions about and uncover the realities of the U.S. economy. Each page addresses a single issue or concept that is accompanied by a cartoon or other artwork. While the book is written in simple, jargon-free language, the authors also have included a detailed glossary to help readers navigate through the economics terminology. This highly accessible book covers a wide spectrum of topics, including race and gender inequalities, labor issues, education, welfare, health government spending.
The Invisible Heart: Economics and Family Values (2001).
Measuring the value of care work is principally difficult because relationships of care are partly exchange transactions, and partly transactions involving what Folbre calls "the invisible heart." This metaphor represents family values of love and economic reciprocity, which she contrasts with Adam Smith's "invisible hand," in which the market forces of supply and demand exist alongside the pursuit of self-interest. While the forces of the free market and competitive individualism dominates public life, the forces of compassion must temper the forces of self-interest. Under the premise that people are rational optimizers, Folbre argues that if it is costly to be caring, people can be expected to engage in it less over time. If the opportunity cost of devoting time to family over a career is perceived to be high, or if proving care for the poor or sick pays poorly, then rational decision-makers will increasingly come to avoid care work. Folbre applauds the rising autonomy of women but argues that if we don't establish thoughtful rules defining our collective responsibilities for caregiving, the penalties suffered by the needy will increase. Intensified economic competition may drive altruism and families out of business.
The book is divided into three sections, in which Folbre explores a wide range of issues, from the view of the housekeeping state to the rights of pregnant workers in Mexico. Using a storytelling voice, she tells a sequence of wonderful stories of her own extended family and acquaintances in San Antonio. Folbre views corporations as profit-obsessed and corrupt tyrants and often sees governments as bloated bureaucratic regimes that serve few and punish the poor. While regressive taxation assures that some will be able to afford more care than others, unequal school funding guarantees class inequality.
Folbre compares the traditional role of women with the more contemporary career-oriented position of women. Where women have traditionally provided care within the home, this responsibility is slowly transitioning to third parties and corporate institutions. Profit motives will tend to drive the wages of care workers down. She notes that turnover rates among childcare staff are often in excess of 30 percent per year. According to Folbre, such under-provision of quality care is due to the mismatch between care's relational and public-good nature, as well as an economic system that stresses competition and individuality.
Folbre argues that radical changes to the way Americans live and work, democratic control of the economy, as well as a dramatic redistribution of wealth will strengthen the ethic of solidarity and social reciprocity. She concludes with a resounding call—to extend family values to society as a whole—and a series of policy proposals for increasing both the quality and the recognition of care.
Family Time: The Social Organization of Care (2004).
Edited by Nancy Folbre and Michael Bittman, this book contains a collection of eleven essays discussing a variety of topics related to child and elder care. Folbre's contributions include an introduction and three co-authored chapters. In her article entitled "A theory of the misallocation of time" (a play upon Gary Becker's article of a similar title), Folbre critiques Becker's neoclassical theory of gender specialization in the household. She also co-authors two additional chapters regarding the measurement of parental childcare time and nonparental care.
Valuing Children: Rethinking the Economics of the Family (2008).
In this book, Folbre discusses the costs of raising children, the value of child care to the economy, and how these costs are borne by society. She challenges the implicit view of mainstream economists who effectively view the raising of children as a process of consumption in which parents can derive happiness and how this view ignores the fact that children become the workers and taxpayers of the next generation. She argues that the time investment mothers make offers significant rewards in the reproduction of labor, and because of this, public policy should be designed to align private and public resources in promoting efficient commitments to the next generation.
Folbre considers ways to improve the accounting of the economic value of raising children and how the current methods of calculating the economic cost of having children fail to capture the value of the time spent in care work. Folbre provides a surprising estimate of the value of parental time per child by asking what it would cost to purchase a comparable substitute for it. Yet she also argues that, as part of the non-market sector, care work is economically undervalued by simply utilizing its replacement cost.
Greed, Lust and Gender: A History of Economic Ideas (2009).
Written shortly after the financial crash of 2008, Folbre explores how the boundaries between the pursuit of self-interest and immorality have become blurred. She argues that the mentality espoused by Oliver Stone's character Gordon Gecko that "greed is good," helped lead to the 2008 crash and persists in its wake. Yet, the same social norms that consider aggression, greed and lust an advantage to men in public life also view such things as perverse in women. Folbre argues that this double standard often puts aspiring women in a difficult position, which forces women to choose between their personal identity and the acceptance of the expected gender role.
Folbre brings women's work, their sexuality, and their ideas into the center of the dialectic between economic history and the history of economic ideas. Her book describes a process of economic and cultural change in the United States, Great Britain and France that shaped the evolution of patriarchal capitalism and the welfare state.
Selected Journal Articles.
The Cost of Caring (with Paula England) (1999).
Care providers require a variety of skills – from nursing and physical therapy to teaching and emotional counseling. Yet, these jobs rarely offer wages commensurate with their requirements for education and skill. Folbre and England discuss the struggle for recognition of what has traditionally been viewed as "women's work", and how providing these services constitutes a public good whose beneficiaries pay almost nothing. For many who provide care, the greatest compensation comes only from the satisfaction of altruism. In the end, society is uncomfortable assigning a price to something this sacred and that this reluctance limits the pay of those who provide it.
Measuring Care: Gender, Empowerment and the Care Economy (2006).
A number of indices have been established to quantify women's development, health, well-being and the role that they play in their respective economies. Among these are the Gender Development Index (GDI) and the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) used by the United Nations Human Development Report Office and the Gender Inequality Index developed by Social Watch. In this article, Folbre explores the strengths and weaknesses of these indices and proposes new indices that take greater account of the care economy. She reflects upon specific care work activities that have measurable effects on the reproduction of labor, and discusses ways to integrate the process of care, rather than merely the outcome of care work.
In many ways, this article is also a study in methodology. In proposing new metrics, she discusses a number of hurdles that researchers face in gathering data. For example, she suggests ways to use census data related to general household spending to extrapolate information on dependency ratios. Folbre debates the use and construction of time use surveys and their relation to the valuation of care work.
Children as Public Goods (1994).
In this short article, Folbre argues that because present workers support the elderly, today's children are a public good needed for the future support of current adults. She asserts that the raising of children imposes costs that are not borne evenly throughout society, and that those who invest little into this public good are "free-riders".
To build her case, Folbre begins by describing the impact of economic development on the opportunity costs of having children. In a traditional patriarchal society, the social norms place serious restrictions on women's ability to make a living outside of marriage. This lowers the opportunity costs of having children and heightens the utility of children – who are often sent to work at a very young age. This typically leads to higher fertility and an unspoken pact of responsibility between parents and their children.
However, the growth of labor markets and increased geographic mobility has seen an increase in the independence of women and a weakening of patriarchal property rights. In developed countries, compulsory education and restrictions on child labor have increased the costs to parents. As a result, these parents find it easier to default on the implicit contract of family. Nevertheless, Folbre points out that people do not respond to changes in the cost of children quickly, and those that choose family life are more likely to experience economic hardship – particularly single women.
Policy makers in Europe and the United States recognized the decline of care for elderly family members and began introducing policies to fill the growing void. Folbre notes how this may have led to rent-seeking behavior among the elderly, and as a consequence, transfers from the young to the old have increased at the very time when the cost of child care is increasing. As policy focuses more heavily upon the elderly, the failure to support commitments to child care weakens the social norms that uphold the reproduction of future workers. Folbre discusses and briefly critiques solutions posed by others and concludes with a call for compensation for parents and job training for young adults.
Improper Acts: Sex in Classical Political Economy (1992).
In this article, Folbre discusses how the matter of sexuality was implicit in classical British political economy. Bernard Mandeville, Adam Smith, and Robert Malthus accepted conventional standards of family law and sexual morality as given, yet they underestimated the influence of rational self-interest on the practice of sexual intercourse. In some cases, they argued against its application there. Yet, at least some political economists contested prevailing social norms and religious views. Jeremy Bentham defended the legitimacy of sex as a form of recreation and protested the persecution of homosexuals, and Francis Place actively promoted contraception. These dissenters, advocates of "improper arts," deserve more recognition than they have traditionally received. By insisting that rational self-interest should rule reproduction as well as production, they expanded the scope of political economy.
The Future of the Elephant Bird (1997).
In this article, Folbre builds upon ideas offered by Kingsley Davis in his 1937 article "Reproductive institutions and the pressure for population." Davis laments the growing divide between the family and modern social institutions. Folbre examines the connection between social changes and John Caldwell's work on the demographic transition observed in the United States in the 1970s. She expands the discussion by noting the importance of distributional conflict within the family – how the capitalist labor market forced a change in the traditionally patriarchal family relationships. As many functions of the family, such as childcare and education, are shifted to the public sector, the role of parental authority has weakened. She notes how private and governmental retirement planning has slowly replaced intergenerational reciprocity and how employers invest in the human capital of their workers, much as parents once did.
The title of the article refers to the Dr. Seuss book "Horton Hatches the Egg", in which Horton, the elephant, serves as a surrogate parent for a bird. To illustrate the main theme of her argument, Folbre uses the story of Horton as an allegory for the changing relationship between parents and children. The mother bird entrusts Horton to warm her egg while she takes an extended vacation, only to find that the egg has hatched in her absence and her chick sees Horton as it mother. While Folbre sees the departure of the mother bird as a potential moral issue, she takes issue with Davis's utilitarian view of materialist functionalism. By this view, all social institutions are evaluated in terms of costs and benefits – even to the point where investments of affection are weighed against the potential for reciprocity. She recognizes the benefits of the mother bird's increased autonomy (and perhaps the inevitability of the trend), but concludes her article with a call for collective responsibility for caring for others. By taking turns "sitting on the nest," society would embrace a moral vision that values the reproduction of labor rather than merely the fruits of labor.
Honours.
Nancy Folbre was selected to deliver the inaugural Ailsa McKay Lecture in 2016.


Joseph J. Spengler

Joseph John Spengler (19 November 1902 – 2 January 1991) was an American economist, statistician, and historian of economic thought. A recipient of the 1951 John Frederick Lewis Award of the American Philosophical Society and the 1981 Distinguished Fellow Award from the History of Economics Society, he was Professor Emeritus of Economics at Duke University at the time of his death.
Biography.
Spengler was born in Piqua, Ohio. He graduated from the Piqua High School and initially studied journalism at college, but dropped out after his first year to become a crime reporter. A year later he returned to higher education, at first studying sociology and political science, but eventually gravitating to economics. He received his B.A., M.A., and PhD from Ohio State University, where his 1930 doctoral dissertation was a comparative study on the fertility rates of native-born and immigrant women in the United States. After a stint teaching at the University of Arizona he joined the faculty of Duke University in 1932, initially as a visiting professor, and became a permanent member of the faculty in 1934. He was to remain there until his retirement as the James B. Duke Professor of Economics in 1972. With Earl J. Hamilton, Spengler established the university's first graduate level program in Economic History as well as the History of Political Economy (HOPE) research group.
During World War II, he worked for the Office of Price Administration as the price executive for the Southeastern region of the United States and over the years held several other advisory posts to the US government and the United Nations. His interest in population studies and the demographic aspects of economics reflected in his doctoral dissertation, became a major focus of his research and writing throughout his career. His first book, "France Faces Depopulation", published in 1938, examined the cultural and political causes of France's pre-World War II population decline, and one of his last major books was "The Economics of Individual and Population Aging", published in 1980. In 1972, Duke University Press published a collection of his classic essays in the area: "Population Economics: Selected Essays of Joseph J. Spengler".
Joseph Spengler died in Durham, North Carolina from Alzheimer's disease at the age of 88. He was survived by his wife, the former Dorothy Marie Kress. The couple married in 1927 and were co-authors of "Maintenance of Postwar Full Employment" (1944). Spengler's 1978 book, "Facing Zero Population Growth: Reactions and Interpretations, Past and Present" has the dedication:
To Dorothy Kress Spengler, my wife, companion, and co-worker for fifty years
In 2004, the History of Economics Society established the annual Joseph J. Spengler Prize for the best book published on the history of economics.


Yellow-dog contract

A yellow-dog contract (a yellow-dog clause of a contract, or an ironclad oath) is an agreement between an employer and an employee in which the employee agrees, as a condition of employment, not to be a member of a labor union. In the United States, such contracts were, until the 1930s, widely used by employers to prevent the formation of unions, most often by permitting employers to take legal action against union organizers. In 1932, yellow-dog contracts were outlawed in the United States under the Norris-LaGuardia Act.
The term yellow-dog clause can also have a different meaning: non-compete clauses within or appended to a non-disclosure agreement to prevent an employee from working for other employers in the same industry.
Origin of term and brief history.
In the 1870s, a written agreement containing a pledge not to join a union was commonly referred to as the "Infamous Document." This strengthens the belief that American employers in their resort to individual contracts were consciously following English precedents. This anti-union pledge was also called an "iron clad document," and from this time until the close of the 19th century "iron-clad" was the customary name for the non-union promise. Beginning with New York in 1887, sixteen states wrote on their statute books declarations making it a criminal act to force employees to agree not to join unions. The Congress of the United States incorporated in the Erdman Act of 1898 a provision relating to carriers engaged in interstate commerce.
During the last decade of the 19th century and the opening years of the 20th, the individual, anti-union promise declined in importance as an instrument in labor warfare. Its novelty had worn off; workers no longer felt themselves morally bound to live up to it and union organizers, of course, wholly disregarded it. In the early 20th century, the individual, anti-union promise was resorted to frequently in coal mining and in the metal trades. And it was not membership in a union that was usually prohibited, but participation in those essential activities without which membership is valueless.
In 1910, the International United Brotherhood of Leather Workers on Horse Goods, following an unsuccessful conference with the National Saddlery Manufacturers' Association, called a national strike in the saddlery industry for the 8-hour day. The strike proved a failure, and a large number of employers required oral or written promises to abandon and remain out of the organization as a condition of re-employment.
In the case "Adair v. United States", the United States Supreme Court's majority held that the provision of the Erdman Act relating to discharge, because it would compel an employer to accept or retain the personal services of another person against the employer's will, was a violation of the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution, which declares that no person shall be deprived of liberty or property without due process of law. The court was careful, however, to restrict the decision to the provision relating to discharge, and to express no opinion as to the remainder of the law. The section of the Erdman Act making it criminal to force employees to sign anti-union agreements therefore remained unadjudicated.
The term "yellow dog" started appearing in the spring of 1921, in leading articles and editorials devoted to the subject which appeared in the labor press. Typical was the comment of the editor of the "United Mine Workers"' Journal:
Even though they were forbidden in the private sector by the Norris-LaGuardia Act in 1932, yellow dog contracts were allowed in public sector, including many government jobs, such as teachers, until the 1960s, beginning with precedent established in 1915 with "Frederick v. Owens."


Super Centre


Philip Mirowski

Philip Mirowski (born 21 August 1951 in Jackson, Michigan) is a historian and philosopher of economic thought at the University of Notre Dame. He received a PhD in Economics from the University of Michigan in 1979.
Career.
In his 1989 book "More Heat than Light", Mirowski reveals a history of how physics has drawn inspiration from economics and how economics has sought to emulate physics, especially with regard to the theory of value. He traces the development of the energy concept in Western physics and its subsequent effect on the invention and promulgation of neoclassical economics, the modern orthodox theory.
"Machine Dreams" explores the historical influences of the military and the cyborg sciences on neoclassical economics. The neglected influence of John von Neumann and his theory of automata are key themes throughout the book. Mirowski claims that many of the developments in neoclassical economics in the 20th century, from game theory to computational economics, are the unacknowledged result of von Neumann's plans for economics. The work expands Mirowski's vision for a computational economics, one in which various market types are constructed in a similar fashion to Noam Chomsky's generative grammar. The role of economics is to explore how various market types perform in measures of complexity and efficiency, with more complicated markets being able to incorporate the effects of the less complex. By complexity Mirowski means something analogous to computational complexity theory in computer science. Mirowski's criticism of game theory is noted by Peter L. Bernstein.
In his book "Never Let a Serious Crisis Go to Waste", Mirowski concludes that neoliberal thought has become so pervasive that any countervailing evidence serves only to further convince disciples of its ultimate truth. Once neoliberalism became a Theory of Everything, providing a revolutionary account of self, knowledge, information, markets, and government, it could no longer be falsified by anything as trifling as data from the "real" economy.


CIBC Wood Gundy

CIBC Wood Gundy is the Canadian full-service retail brokerage division of CIBC World Markets Inc., a subsidiary of the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce (CIBC). Through its network of over 1,000 investment advisors working in 80 locations across Canada, CIBC Wood Gundy offers an array of investment and insurance products and services.
CIBC Wood Gundy was created in 1988 with the purchase of Wood Gundy by CIBC. From 1988 through 1997, CIBC Wood Gundy was the universal name of CIBC's investment banking operations. However, after the acquisition by CIBC of the investment banking operations of U.S.-based Oppenheimer & Co. in 1997, the combined investment banking business was renamed CIBC Oppenheimer and later CIBC World Markets. Since 1997, the name CIBC Wood Gundy has been used as the brand for CIBC's retail brokerage business.
History.
Wood, Gundy & Company was established in Toronto, Ontario in 1905 by George Herbert Wood and James Henry Gundy. The firm first specialized in the distribution and underwriting of government and municipal bonds.
CIBC purchased a majority stake in Wood, Gundy & Co. in June 1988 for C$203 million. At the time of its acquisition, Wood Gundy was the leading Canadian investment dealer. Following the acquisition, CIBC formed CIBC Wood Gundy, which offered primarily asset management services for corporate and institutional clients. Two years later, in 1990, they continued to expand the Canadian securities business by acquiring much of Merrill Lynch & Company's Canadian business.
In 1997, CIBC Wood Gundy acquired the U.S. brokerage house Oppenheimer & Co.. After the acquisition the U.S. division took the name CIBC Oppenheimer, eliminating the use of the Wood Gundy brand through much of the bank. The brand was retained for CIBC's retail brokerage operations.
In December 2001, CIBC acquired the Canadian retail brokerage business of Merrill Lynch, Merrill Lynch Canada, for an estimated $409 million. The acquisition of Merrill Lynch Canada, which it subsequently merged with its CIBC Wood Gundy business, greatly increased CIBC's own brokerage network, adding more than 1,000 brokers across Canada.


Knoxville Center

Knoxville Center, originally known as East Towne Mall, was a shopping mall located in North Knoxville, Tennessee. It was in operation from 1984 to January 2020.
History.
The mall opened in 1984, The mall was located along Interstate 640, which was a fast growing area during the mall's heydey.
In 1998, Sam’s Club opened its doors for the first time on the southeast corner in the mall’s outlot area. The mall was sold to Simon Property Group spin off Washington Prime Group (now under the name WP Glimcher) On May 29, 2008, Dillard's announced their plans to close due to declining sales. The store closed in September 2008. On February 18, 2016 it was announced that the mall had been placed up for sale once again. The mall was sold in August 2016 to Knoxville Partners LLC. By August 2017, Knoxville Partners LLC had changed the name of the mall back to East Towne Mall. Signage at the mall remained unchanged, and the mall was still marketed as Knoxville Center. JCPenney announced on March 17, 2017 that they would be closing as a plan to close 138 stores nationwide. The store closed on September 17, 2017. Sears announced on May 31, 2018 they would also be closing as part of a plan to close 72 stores nationwide. The store closed September 2, 2018. As of October 2019, the mall had only 12 stores, a dentist's office, an event center and 2 restaurants. The largest of those stores, Belk, announced that they would be closing in mid-November, leaving the mall with no remaining anchor department stores. The store closed on November 16, 2019. On October 31, 2019, Knoxville Center Mall's owners announced that the entire mall would close and all tenants' leases would end on January 31, 2020. The Regal Cinema theatre location closed without any prior warning the same day as the mall's planned closure was announced.
Services.
East Towne Mall opened with a food court in the center of the mall located on the upper level of the Center Court. By October 2019, the food court only had one restaurant, which was a Chinese takeout. There was also a Chinese buffet on the lower level. The food court was located directly next to the 10-screen Regal Stadium Cinema location.
Renovation and name change.
East Towne Mall received a major renovation by its owner Simon Property Group in 1997. The outside was left unchanged aside from a new entrance. The inside was renovated with new tile, paint, trim, and other features. The mall adopted a Tennessee mountain theme. Once the renovation was completed, the name Knoxville Center was adopted.
Closing.
With the mall in decline, its owner had hopes of turning the mall into a mixed-use facility with added office space, retail, dining, and entertainment. By late 2019 this plan had failed and the mall closed completely on 31 January 2020. As of September 2020, the property ownership was reported to be divided between the corporate parents of the Dillard's and Belk stores and a pair of companies named TF Knoxville TN LLC and Millertown Pavillion LLC.
Redevelopment plans.
In September 2020, real estate development company Hillwood Enterprises filed a rezoning request for the mall site with the intention of demolishing the mall and replacing it with an e-commerce fulfillment center for Amazon. The total cost of the redevelopment project was estimated as $70 million. The demolition of the mall began in April 2021, and is planning to have the construction of the Amazon e-commerce warehouse completed and opened by 2022.<ref>


McAlister Square

McAlister Square is a repositioned shopping mall in Greenville, South Carolina. It is notable for being the first enclosed shopping center in South Carolina, and the largest shopping center in the state at the time it was built. It is now a hybrid property, containing a campus of Greenville Technical College.
History.
The mall was first announced in December 1965. Construction of the mall began in June 1967, with what was termed "Phase One" of the mall, with anchors Meyers-Arnold (63,000 sq ft) and Ivey's (60,000 sq ft) and 245,000 sq ft of interior space and an opening date of early 1968. "Phase Two", also announced at this time, was to include a third anchor, a "convenience center", and a theater, for a total of 600,000 sq ft of space by 1970. Meyers-Arnold and Ivey's opened on February 15th, 1968, with completion of the mall anticipated for March 18th, for a March 25th opening. At this time, a majority of tenants had been announced, including junior anchors S. H. Kress & Co. and Walgreens Drug. The mall opened in 1968, featuring anchor stores Ivey's and Meyers-Arnold. A Belk-Simpson department store was added in 1974, bringing the mall to approximately of leasable space. A Winn-Dixie grocery store, movie theater and bank branch were outparcels.
Decline.
In 1990, the Ivey's store was converted into a Dillard's, and the store closed in 1995, when Dillard's relocated to Haywood Mall. Belk-Simpson would announce their closure in October 1998, and would close in January 1999. The Upton's anchor, which had replaced the Meyers-Arnold store, closed shortly thereafter.
Current use.
The mall is owned by Greenville Technical College and the University Center of Greenville. While little of the space in the main mall continues to be used as retail space, the outparcels consist of a Publix grocery store, a Camelot movie theater, a BB&T bank branch and other retailers. South Carolina's first freestanding Chick-fil-A, which opened in the 1990s when the mall also had a Chick-fil-A at center court, is still in business along Laurens Road. The mall has been repainted and re-landscaped since its transformation into a mixed-use center.


Early Canadian banking system

The early Canadian banking system (British North America and New France until 1763; then renamed Upper and Lower Canada) was regulated entirely by the colonial government. Primitive forms of banking emerged early in the colonial period to solve the "drain of wealth" caused by the application of mercantilist theory. The drain of wealth translated into a complete lack of gold or silver bullion in the colonies, and thus, a complete lack of forms of economic exchange and payment.
History.
In New France, playing cards were issued as a method of payment in the 1680s by the Intendant of New France, in addition to the coins introduced in the 1660s. However, the massive drain of wealth from New France to Europe resulting from mercantilist trade policies made it impossible to back card money with gold bullion. Card money was thus essentially worthless. The card system collapsed in the 1690s, causing long-term suspicion of paper money on the part of the French settlers.
Card money was replaced in the 18th century by a type of promissory note called "bons", derived from the French phrase, "bon pour", meaning "good for the indicated amount". These were issued to a limited extent by French merchants, who, lacking in any other form of currency, were forced to create their own, and who consequently became the first Canadian bankers. The issue of "bons" spread rapidly into British North America after 1763, when New France became a British possession.
"Bons" persisted as the most common type of currency until 1812, along with the English pound, American and Spanish coinage, and the "Halifax standard".
The British administration under Isaac Brock introduced what became known as "army bills" in 1812, in order to finance the War of 1812. The total value of these bills was 250,000 pounds. These were promissory notes issued directly by the government. They came into wide usage during the war (1812–1815) to make up for the lack of bullion in Upper and Lower Canada. Unlike the card money used in the late 17th century, army bills could be and were in fact exchanged for gold coin once the war had ended. The army bills had thus proven themselves reliable, eradicating any real stigma against paper currency.
In 1817, Montreal bankers were granted a charter by the British government to open the first formal bank in Canada. This was the Bank of Montreal. Under its charter, the Bank of Montreal was given a monopoly on the right to issue promissory notes on the model of the army bills. Because of its monopoly rights, the Bank of Montreal essentially acted as a central bank for both Upper and Lower Canada.
In the years after 1817, Britain granted several new bank charters, including a charter to the now-defunct Bank of Kingston, which was to act as a competitor to the Bank of Montreal in Upper Canada. The new chartered banks were required under the terms of their charters to recognise one another's currency, a practice that allowed for the development of long-distance trade within British North America. However, banking remained in private hands, which meant that the issue of currency was at the discretion of private bankers. This frequently led to high inflation when the infant Canadian economy was in recession(source?).
The "Provincial Note Act" was passed in 1866 to link note issue to the needs of the British administration. This marked the beginning of an enduring policy of government intervention in the Canadian economy. The British North America Act of 1867 formally codified this policy, allowing for government control over coinage, currency, bills of exchange, promissory notes, banking, and incorporation of banks. This in turn allowed for the creation of a uniform currency across Canada. Official Canadian currency took the form of the Canadian dollar in 1871, overriding the currency of individual banks.
After Confederation, Canada developed a banking system very different from that of the United States. Whereas the United States was served a large number of small banks serving just one town or, at most state, Canada's banking sector came to be dominated by a few banks with transcontinental branch networks. The Canadian system promoted stability and produced far fewer bank failures than either the contemporary United States or Australian banking systems. The downside of the Canadian banking system was that it was much less competitive that the United States and Australian systems, which meant that consumers paid more for banking services. The legal foundation of the Canadian banking system consisted of a series of laws passed in 1870 and 1871.
Banking remained relatively decentralized until 1935, when the Bank of Canada was founded in response to the economic instability experienced during the Great Depression in Canada. First opened on December 5, 1980, Canada's Currency Museum is located on the ground floor of the Bank of Canada in Ottawa, Ontario.
See also.


Act to Protect the Commerce of the United States and Punish the Crime of Piracy

An Act to protect the commerce of the United States and punish the crime of piracy is an 1819 United States federal statute against piracy, amended in 1820 to declare participating in the slave trade or robbing a ship to be piracy as well. The last execution for piracy in the United States was of slave trader Nathaniel Gordon in 1862 in New York, under the amended act.
Background.
The original act, passed in 1819, was officially known as "An act to protect the commerce of the United States and punish the crime of piracy" (), and provided in section 5, "That if any person or persons whatsoever shall, on the high seas, commit the crime of piracy, as defined by the law of nations, and such offender or offenders shall afterwards be brought into or found in the United States, every such offender or offenders shall, upon conviction thereof... be punished by death." Section 6 set the act to expire at "the end of the next session of Congress."
This original 1819 act was amended by "An Act to continue in force 'An act to protect the commerce of the United States and punish the crime of piracy', and also to make further provisions for punishing the crime of piracy" (), sometimes known as the "1820 Piracy Law." It extended the original act to two years afterward and then to the end of the next session of Congress after that.
It also added three types of piracy:
The act was made "perpetual" by the 17th United States Congress ().
James Smith trial of 1854.
In November 1854, New York County District Attorney John McKeon arraigned James Smith, the captain of the American ship "Julia Moulton," for having violated the Anti-Piracy Act of 1820 by hauling 645 slaves from Ambriz to the island of Trinidad. Despite his protestations that his real name was Julius Schmidt, a native of Hanover, Germany, and not a naturalized American citizen and thus not subject to American law, Smith became the first person to be convicted under the 1820 provisions, which called for a death sentence.
Upon appeal a mistrial was declared, based upon various legal technicalities, and Smith was released from jail after he had served 32 months.
Nathanial Gordon trial of 1862.
Nathaniel Gordon was the only American slave trader to be tried, convicted, and executed "for being engaged in the Slave Trade" under this law. He was hanged in New York on February 21, 1862.


Ford Motor Company - Columbus Assembly Plant

The Ford Motor Company - Columbus Assembly Plant is a historic building in Downtown Columbus, Ohio. The Ford plant was constructed in 1914, to designs by John Graham. The plant operated until 1939. In later years, it became the Kroger Co. Columbus Bakery, operating until 2019. The building was sold in 2020, and is planned to be redeveloped into a large residential complex, announced in 2021. The building was added to the National Register of Historic Places and Columbus Register of Historic Properties in 2021.
The former Ford plant sits on a 9.5-acre site along with 457 Cleveland Avenue to its north, built in 1927 as a Kroger bakery. Together the buildings total 375,000 sq ft.
History.
Background.
Ford Motor Company relied on a network of sales agencies-dealers which agreed to sell Model T cars, stock parts, and provide mechanics' services. Ford initially manufactured fully assembled cars in Detroit and then "knocked them down" (took off the wheels and otherwise prepared them for shipment) and shipped them to dealers. The agents in distant cities reassembled the knocked-down cars before sale. To better serve the network of sales dealerships. Ford took direct control of agencies in New York and Philadelphia in 1905 and the following year established company-owned branches in Boston, Buffalo, Cleveland, Chicago, St. Louis, and Kansas City, initially in leased buildings. Ford branches also sold Ford cars in addition to assembling vehicles for delivery to dealerships. Ford sold over 200,000 autos in 1914, with 80 percent of sales originating from the company's twenty-nine branches. As Ford sales continued to increase, the company built additional branch assembly plants in company-owned buildings, most of which were designed by Architect Albert Kahn.
The Ford system of branch plants was so successful that the company's competitors soon adopted the practice. Chevrolet, for example, established four branch assembly plants in 1915-1916 throughout the United States. Ford Branch Assembly Plants were located in Atlanta, Buffalo, Cambridge, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Columbus, Dallas, Denver, Detroit, Fargo, Houston, Indianapolis, Kansas City, Long Island City, Los Angeles, Louisville, Memphis, Milwaukee, Minneapolis, Oklahoma City, Omaha, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Portland, Ore., San Francisco, Seattle and St. Louis.
Building history.
The structure was built in 1914 and designed by John Graham & Company. John Graham was a Seattle architect working in the Ford architecture department in Highland Park, Michigan. Graham was the designer of several branch plants, including plants in Seattle, Cambridge, Houston, Dallas, Columbus, Cincinnati, Atlanta, and Pittsburgh. Architect Albert Kahn was responsible for nearly all of the remaining 1920s generation of branch assembly plants. As a branch assembly plant of the Ford Motor Company, beginning in 1914 the Columbus plant assembled the Ford Model T automobile. The plant processed components that arrived by train. The automobiles were assembled at the plant for delivery to local dealers. The shipping boxes were sized so that the wood from the empty boxes could be used as floorboards for the automobiles. The plant was closed in 1939.
The building housed the Kroger Co. Columbus Bakery until 2019. It was purchased by developers in March 2020 for $8.15 million. In April 2021, plans were unveiled for a 448-unit residential complex on the site, renovating the two existing buildings while adding three more. The development would be primarily residential, though a portion is set to hold restaurant space. Parking is predominantly set for within residential buildings; 420 of 599 proposed spaces. Large portions of the site will be landscaped into park space, a pool, dog park, and athletic courts.
The building was added to the National Register of Historic Places and Columbus Register of Historic Properties in 2021.


The Nature Company

The Nature Company was a Berkeley, California-based chain of retail stores that sold scientific toys, telescopes, artwork, fossils, minerals and gems, books, clothing, and music CDs.
The Nature Company was founded in 1972 by Priscilla and Tom Wrubel. Starting from its flagship store on El Dorado Avenue Berkeley, it expanded throughout the United States, and had stores in Canada and the United Kingdom. In 1996, it was purchased by Discovery Channel, at a price of $40 million. At the time, it had 114 stores in malls, airports, and on shopping streets. Prior to the sale it was owned by CML Group, the holding company for NordicTrack (fitness equipment), Boston Whaler and Smith & Hawken (gardening equipment).
From 1996 to 2000, approximately 75% of The Nature Co. stores were converted into Discovery Channel stores. By the end of 2001, all of the Nature Co. stores were closed or converted.
Nature Company Stores were recognizable by their stone entranceway arch and water feature, customized to each location. All stores had extravagantly built custom cabinetry to showcase the maps, fossils, minerals and gems that were sold. The original store concept was designed by the San Francisco office of the award-winning retail architect Richard Altuna. Later stores in the chain were designed and rolled out by the San Francisco office of the firm NBBJ.


Rhodesia Regiment

The Rhodesia Regiment (RR) was one of the oldest and largest regiments in the Rhodesian Army. It served on the side of the United Kingdom in the Second Boer War and the First and Second World Wars and served the Republic of Rhodesia in the Rhodesian Bush War.
During the First World War, an affiliation was formed between the King's Royal Rifle Corps (KRRC) and the Rhodesia Regiment, with a platoon of Rhodesians serving in the 2 KRRC.
In addition to the similar cap badge with a red backing, the affiliation with the KRRC led to many similarities in uniform as a rifle regiment with private soldiers holding the title of "Rifleman".
In 1947, as a result of its service in World War II the regiment was granted the title of Royal Rhodesia Regiment by King George VI, who became the regiment's first Colonel-in-Chief. When Rhodesia became a republic in 1970, the regiment's title reverted to Rhodesia Regiment with Queen Elizabeth II resigning her position as Colonel-in-Chief.
Colonial history.
The Rhodesia Regiment was created in 1899 primarily from recruits from Matebeleland as a mounted infantry formation, with many coming from the Southern Rhodesian Volunteers. Their first commanding officer was Major later Lieutenant Colonel Herbert Charles Onslow Plumer who had previously commanded a Corps of Mounted Riflemen in the Second Matabele War. The Regiment served in the Second Boer War and was disbanded in 1900, shortly after the relief of Mafeking.
In the First World War the 1st Rhodesia Regiment was formed in October 1914 initially consisting of 20 officers and 500 soldiers. It was sent to the Cape where it took part in the South West Africa Campaign under General Louis Botha whilst a 2nd Rhodesia Regiment was formed in November and was sent to British East Africa. The 1st was disbanded in July 1915 with many men joining the 2nd Regiment that also included thirty African scouts.
Frederick Selous (after whom the Selous Scouts were named) was present at Kilimanjaro and other actions in Tanganyika and reported in letters to friends that the Rhodesia Regiment acquitted itself very well at Taveta, though, as with other white regiments from the Empire, malaria and dysentery accounted for a very high number of casualties. Due to these casualties and the lack of replacements from the home country, where 40% of the adult white male population was on active service, the 2nd Rhodesia Regiment returned home in April 1917 and disbanded in October. The majority of the Southern Rhodesia Volunteers were themselves disbanded in 1920 for reasons of cost, the last companies being disbanded in 1926.
The Defence Act of 1927 created a Permanent Force, (the Rhodesian Staff Corps) and a Territorial Force as well as national compulsory military training. With the Southern Rhodesia Volunteers disbanded in 1927, the Rhodesia Regiment was reformed in the same year as part of the nation's Territorial Force. The 1st Battalion was formed in Salisbury with a detached "B" company in Umtali and the 2nd Battalion in Bulawayo with a detached "B" Company in Gwelo. In 1929, King George V approved the transfer of the Colours of the 1st and 2nd Rhodesia Regiments of World War I, together with the Great War Honours, to the Rhodesia Regiment. The Colours are now safeguarded in the Anglican Cathedral in Salisbury.
During the Second World War, conscription was introduced in 1939. The Regiment's members were absorbed into British (including the Long Range Desert Group and the KRRC) and South African military units as it was feared the loss of the nation's manpower in one regiment would have disastrous effects on the nation. Though individual soldiers went to various regiments, the two battalions remained behind for Home Service. The regiment was initially mobilised for the Korean War in 1951 but never made it to that theatre.
Territorial service in Rhodesia was four months active service for training followed by three years of part-time service. With territorial service extended to Northern Rhodesia the 3rd (Northern Rhodesia) Battalion, Royal Rhodesia Regiment was formed in 1955. This formation was different from the mixed-race active service Northern Rhodesia Regiment.
After the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland in 1953 to 1963 all units received the prefix "Rhodesia and Nyasaland".
National service was introduced in 1955 with the training depot being established at Llewellin Barracks near Bulawayo. With the Emergency in Nyasaland, a 4th Battalion (4RR) was formed in Manicaland in June 1959. In March 1960 the 5th, 6th, and 7th Battalions were formed as a reserve with an 8th Battalion formed on 13 February 1961. The 9th Battalion was formed in 1961 with the 10th Battalion created in 1964. The Depot Company was formed on 1 January 1964 to only be responsible for training, but when needed provide up to two extra rifle companies.
Post U.D.I..
Following the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in 1965, the Royal Rhodesia Regiment (RRR), as it was called from 1947 until 1970, consisted of a number of territorial army battalions (1RR, 2RR, 4RR, 5RR, 6RR, 8RR, 9RR, 10RR) and 6 national service independent companies (1 Indep Coy RR, 2 Indep Coy RR, 3 Indep Coy RR, 4 Indep Coy RR, 5 Indep Coy RR and 6 Indep Coy, RR) as well as a training depot, DRR, which received and trained most of the Rhodesian Army national servicemen from the 1950s onwards. 3RR and 7RR were Northern Rhodesian (Zambia) battalions that became part of the Zambian military. After national service they were posted to a territorial battalion in or close to the town or city they hailed from.
The regiment had drill halls in the larger towns of Rhodesia, where the citizen soldiers would report when mustered. During the counterinsurgency (COIN) war the battalions of the regiment identified with a brigade HQ, as for instance 2RR, 6RR and 9RR with 1 Brigade in Bulawayo, 1RR, 5RR, 8RR and 10RR with 2 Brigade in Salisbury and 4RR with 3 Brigade in Umtali. Along with regular battalions, they formed the infantry core of the brigade, to which various specialised infantry (e.g. Fireforce) and supporting service units (e.g. Armour, Signals, Engineers) were attached at the Brigade Main HQs established in operational areas.
4RR was quartered at Grand Reef aerodrome WSW of Umtali and was responsible for the Thrasher Sector stretching from Inyanga to Chipinga. At Grand Reef, 4RR Main occupied the centre of the camp, while its companies were established in temporary operational bases, usually deserted farms or schools along the sector, in the Honde and Burma Valleys to name two such camps. 4RR, like some other battalions, had a tracking unit camped on the ground at the 4RR Main HQ next to the wet canteen and the runway, many of the members of the 'Sparrows' being founder members of the Selous Scouts tracking school.
When there was a contact or a sighting anywhere in the sector, the RR trackers were dropped on the spoor by an Alouette helicopter and did the dangerous work of follow-up. When or if they had run the enemy to ground, then the fireforce was called in to surround and eliminate them with superior numbers, firepower and air support. The Sparrows on the other hand, usually three or four, armed with FNs and an MAG, covered in green 'jungle juice', would frequently run down and then face an enemy force which usually outnumbered and out-gunned them. Many people in the Brigade HQ knew how busy they were kept with daily call-outs, and held them in very high regard. One such action which received publicity was the contact at Hill 31 on 15 November 1976.
The Independent Companies were where conscripts ended up if they did not volunteer for more glamorous infantry or specialist units, consequently they tended to be the more conservative, long-suffering, persistent sloggers. An intake of some 300 men reporting to Depot RR would be whittled down to about 30 of these individuals, the remainder of the intake 'skiving off' to support or specialist units elsewhere in the army over the course of the first four and a half months. 1 and 4 Indeps were stationed at Victoria Falls or Wankie with 1 Indep moving to Beitbridge in late 1978, 2 Indep at Kariba, 3 Indep at Inyanga and 5 and 6 Indeps at Umtali. 1 Indep Coy formed the core of Rhodesia's fourth Fireforce unit called Fireforce Delta. For a brief time a unit of French volunteers formed 7 Indep Coy, who wore a French tricolour backing on their beret badge.
The RR battalions and their national service counterparts, the Independent Companies, rarely received much attention in the media but covered most of the ground that was ever covered on aggressive foot patrols by the Rhodesian Forces. They ambushed and were ambushed. When there was trouble, as often as not, it was a Bedford lorry full of RR soldiers who were first on the scene of a massacre, a contact, or an attack. It was the ordinary citizens who recognised their contribution: as it was, the regiment was peopled by the citizens and the citizens knew it from the inside and the outside. The Regiment was honoured by being given the Freedom of Towns and Cities throughout the country.
The Regiment was virtually destroyed in the last year and a half of the COIN war after being stocked by rapidly trained African volunteers and conscripts from 'civvie street'. At the same time the experienced European members, many of them family men, were emigrating to South Africa as the end drew near, so that by December 1979 the Regiment was barely recognisable for what it had once been, all through its long association with the colony and republic of Rhodesia. Morale was shattered and the Regiment, as happened to many others, disappeared when the British peacefully took over the executive powers of the country, Zimbabwe-Rhodesia, in that month. With the creation of Zimbabwe, the Rhodesia Regiment ceased by definition.
Badge and uniform.
On the regimental badge, consisting of a dark grey to black Maltese Cross, battle honours are recorded in the four cross-members, as follows:
The lion and tusk of the British South Africa Company is featured above the centre of the cross, with a crown in the middle of the cross. When the regiment was a royal regiment (1947–1970), the royal crown was displayed at the top of the cross and the lion and tusk in the centre.
The regimental badge had a cloth diamond shape backing split in half coloured black on the left side and rifle green on the right side with the first three battalions having vertical red stripes for the number of the battalion, one, two and three respectively. The 4th (Manicaland) Battalion (4 RR) wore a blue and white hackle, the colours of Umtali. In 1960 the diamond-shaped flash was changed to an all-red diamond, similar to the KRRC.
The slouch hat was worn from the unit's formation to end of the 1960s where it was replaced by a rifle green beret. The khaki drill uniform, like that of most of the peace-time army, consisted of a heavily starched, short-sleeved light green drill shirt and similarly starched KD shorts (knee-long khaki drill short trousers), khaki woollen hose-tops and puttees, black ammo boots, a black webbing belt or regimental stable belt and a rifle green beret with the regimental badge underlain by a scarlet diamond-shaped flash. In war time, from about 1970 onwards, the everyday uniform was camouflage denim with a webbing belt and beret. The colours of the regiment were red, black and rifle green – on the stable belt, black above, green below and a thin red stripe in the middle.


Cleophon (politician)

Cleophon (Greek: , "Kleophōn"; died 405 BC) was an Athenian politician and demagogue, who was of great influence during the Peloponnesian War. He was a staunch democrat and vehement opponent of the oligarchs; his sparring with Critias rated a mention in Aristotle's "Rhetoric".
On three separate occasions, he inspired the citizens of Athens to reject the Spartans' attempts to make peace; once after the Athenian victory at Cyzicus (410 BC), again after the Athenian victory at Arginusae (406 BC), and once again after the decisive Spartan naval victory at Aegospotami (405 BC). During Lysander's ensuing siege, the tide of opinion turned against the democrats, and the oligarchs used the opportunity to rid themselves of their rival. One of their members, Satyrus, brought a charge against Cleophon of neglect of military duty, leading to his arrest. Since it was by no means certain that Cleophon could be convicted of this, the commissioner for the publication of the Athenian laws, Nicomachus, was persuaded by bribery or partisanship to exhibit a "law" allowing the oligarch-dominated Boule to oversee Cleophon's trial by lot-chosen jury. The oligarchs used this assessorship () over the jurors to ensure the conviction of Cleophon and his death sentence.
Cleophon was made the object of satire by the comic poet Plato in an eponymous play (now lost), and by Aristophanes in "The Frogs". Both made fun of Cleophon's Thracian origins and accent: since his father is known to have been an Athenian citizen, his mother is conjectured to have been Thracian and Plato of his low Athenian birth (Andocides says that Cleophon was a harp-maker by trade, and Aelian comments on the poverty of his early life).