Meore Dasi

Meore Dasi (; "Second Group") was the name for a group of Georgian liberal intelligentsia that existed in the latter part of the 19th century, when Georgia was part of the Russian Empire. Founded in 1869 by Giorgi Tsereteli and Petre Umikashvili, it was a contrast to the Pirveli dasi (; "First Group") that was based around Ilia Chavchavadze and was one of the first Georgian nationalist groups to exist.
Responding to the new economic and political currents in European life, the meore dasi members, such as Tsereteli, Niko Nikoladze, and Sergei Meskhi, were more radical than their predecessors in engaging in journalism, urban politics, and business, and according to historian Ronald Grigor Suny they were "the first group of Georgian intellectuals to become involved primarily in the urban and economic life in Georgia.
They were supplanted by the Mesame Dasi (მესამე დასი, "Third Group"), which was composed mainly of Georgian social democrats.


Drengrad


Guadalajara, Spain

Guadalajara (, ) is a city and municipality in Spain, located in the autonomous community of Castilla–La Mancha. It is the capital of the Province of Guadalajara.
Lying on the central part of the Iberian Peninsula at roughly metres above sea level, the city straddles the Henares River. it has a population of 86,222 which makes it the region's second most populated municipality.
History.
Alleged identification with "Arriaca".
A Roman town called "Arriaca", possibly founded by a pre-Roman culture, is known to have been located in that region. There is however no archeological proof of its existence, only references in texts such as the "Ruta Antonina", which describe it as being in the hands of the Carpetani when encountered by the Romans. The city, as "Caracca", was incorporated into the Roman province of Hispania Tarraconensis. The city was on the high road from Emerita (modern Mérida) to Caesaraugusta (modern Zaragoza), 22 M. P. northeast of Complutum (modern Alcalá de Henares).
Early Middle Ages.
The town of Guadalajara was founded in the 8th century, in the time of the Emirate of Córdoba. It was officially known as Madinat-al-Faray in the 9th and 10th centuries. The town was later known as Wādī l-Ḥiŷāra (), possibly meaning "Valley of Stones" (as in river gravel); in theory it may be a literal translation of the Iberian name "Arriaca". It has also been also proposed that "Ḥajāra" should not be understood as "stones/gravel", but in the sense of "castles" or "fortified rocks".
Part of the Middle March of Al-Andalus, the city and its wider district was controlled by the Masmuda berber clan of the Banū Sālim who governed on behalf of the Umayyad rulers of Córdoba. During the Muslim period an "Alcázar" (fortress) was built by the mid-9th century, as well as the Bridge over the Henares (its construction has been tentatively dated by the late 10th century or early 11th century). City walls protecting the city were also built then.
Guadalajara was part of the territory annexed by Alfonso VI of León-Castile in the 1085 conquest of the Taifa of Toledo, with the city of Guadalajara surrendering and offering no resistance. Tradition claims however that a contingent led by Álvar Fáñez de Minaya (one of the lieutenants of El Cid) seized the city on 24 June, at night.
The area was repopulated with people from the North (Castilians from the mountains and Merindades, Basques and Navarreses mainly).
Alfonso VII granted Guadalajara its first "fuero" on 3 May 1133. This charter progressively incorporated several amendments. The second "fuero", probably conceived during the reign of Alfonso VIII, was anyway confirmed by Ferdinand III on 26 May 1219 and 13 April 1251.
For most of its history, up until the 20th century, Guadalajara's water supply came from two sources: the Henares river and the springs located along the cornice formed by the border of the limestone moors of La Alcarria. Control over the scarce water resources was fought over and it became a symbol of social status for the local nobility during the Late Middle Ages.
During the reign of Alfonso X of Castile, the protection of the king allowed the city to develop its economy by protecting merchants and allowing markets.
Rule of the Mendozas.
Traditionally a "" town, with a vote in the Cortes of Castile, the town became under the influence of the powerful Mendoza family until well entered the Early Modern period. Despite the former meddling that underpinned the political control of the city, Guadalajara was not enshrined as formal seigneurial jurisdiction of the Mendozas in a legal sense. The family included Íñigo López de Mendoza, also known as Marqués de Santillana (1398–1458), and Pedro González de Mendoza (1428–1495), Great Cardinal of Spain and adviser of the Catholic Monarchs.
The Mendoza family held the title of Dukes and Duchesses of El Infantado from 1475. On 25 March 1460, Henry IV granted Guadalajara the status of 'City'. In this period, the Mendoza Family ordered the building of El Palacio del Infantado as their main residence. It was completed in the early 1480s and it is considered by many the oldest surviving building built in a pure Renaissance style outside Italy.
In the early 16th century, the city was one of the main focal points of the "iluminismo" (or "alumbrados") in the Kingdom of Toledo, linked to heterodox religious figures such as and .
In the context of the Revolt of the Comuneros across the Crown of Castile, the "comunero" rebels in Guadalajara, as early as 5 June 1520, asked the Duke of the Infantado, Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, to join the anti-imperial revolt. The demonstrators lit the houses of the "procurators" who went to the Cortes of La Coruña to vote in favour of the taxes and obligations levied by Emperor Charles V. The Duke of Infantado played a cautious waiting game to see which side would win, finally choosing to endorse the Emperor in 1521. He ordered the beheading of the local leaders of the insurgency and the deportation of his own son and successor Íñigo López de Mendoza, who had leaned towards the "comunero" cause.
By the late 16th century, in 1591, the city had a population of 6,754.
During the War of the Spanish Succession, Guadalajara was sacked. Ravaged by the "Austracist" army, a largely ruined Guadalajara hit then its lowest demographic point, with only 2,200 inhabitants. Philip V ordered the establishment of the Real Fábrica de Paños (Royal Factory of Clothes), which was opened in the city in 1719 in the Palacio del Marqués de Montesclaros.
Contemporary times.
The 19th century started with two major setbacks: the damages caused by the Peninsular War (1808–1814) and the closing of the Real Fábrica de Paños in 1822. In 1808, Guadalajara was taken by the French Army led by General Hugo and the city was destroyed.
In 1840 Guadalajara was established as the capital of the province with the same name by the Plan de Burgos. The Academy of Military Engineers was brought to the city. The development during the second half of the 19th century till the first quarter of the 20th century was slow and centered on the developing of the administration without any special interest in industrial development.
The municipality had a population of 12,662 in 1900, the most populated municipality in the province, followed by Sigüenza (10,581). The 20th century saw the construction of the current water supply system bringing the waters of the Sorbe to the city.
On 21 July 1936, following the general coup d'état of 18 July that sparked the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), the conspiring officers in the city (joined by the forces of public order and some civilians, amounting to an overall force of roughly 800) raised in arms, seizing control of the city. The next day, the Republican Government in Madrid sent Ildefonso Puigdendolas to quell the rebellion and secure the city. The rebels were pushed in retreat to the "Cuartel de Aerostación", where they surrendered. The militias executed roughly one hundred of them.
The city was the target of several aerial bombing attacks by the Francoist faction throughout the conflict; the most known one, in December 1936, affected the Palacio del Infantado.
On 8 March 1937, the four divisions of the Italian Corpo Truppe Volontarie (CTV), attacked Republican positions outside Guadalajara as a supporting diversionary attack supporting the Nationalist Jarama Offensive launched at the beginning of February. After four days of slow, cautious advance during rainy weather, the tanks started attacking down substantial hard paved roads and outran their air and anti-aircraft artillery support. Shortly thereafter, Republican aviation assets airborne in newly cleared skies found the tanks and infantry in a traffic jam on the main road heading into Guadalajara. The Republican aircraft proceeded to attack and destroy all the vehicles in the mechanized spearhead. The CTV was thrown back with casualties in the thousands. Ernest Hemingway and other war correspondents labeled the attack, "Italian débâcle at Guadalajara." Republican forces enjoyed an increase in recruitment as a result of the victory.
This defeat at Guadalajara had two long-standing effects. First, the Italian Army of the Mussolini dictatorship acquired a reputation for incompetence that never left it before the armistice of 1943. Second, some observing nations adopted an armored doctrine that ruled out tanks operating as an independent force, but emphasized tying them tightly to large infantry formations.
The Civil War and the heavy fighting around the city caused significant damage. After two decades of slow rebuilding, Guadalajara was included in 1959 in the development plans addressing the congestion of Madrid's industrial estates ("El Plan de Descongestión Industrial de Madrid en Castilla-La Mancha"). These plans attempted to move industrial and accompanying residential growth to the periphery, resulting in increased industry presence in Guadalajara. Since then, Guadalajara has been one of the cities in Spain with greatest relative growth.
Guadalajara absorbed the municipalities of Taracena, Valdenoches and Iriépal in 1969, Marchamalo in 1972 and Usanos in 1973. Later, in 1999, Marchamalo segregated from Guadalajara, becoming a standalone municipality again.
Nowadays, Guadalajara is involved in urban development plans that are quickly increasing the population of the city. New districts like Aguas Vivas (Live Waters) have been inaugurated.
Ciudad Valdeluz was planned to increase the number of inhabitants of Guadalajara by 30,000, creating a new city around the AVE Station (Spanish High-Speed Trains). The company investing in the construction of Ciudad Valdeluz went bankrupt. Fewer than 500 inhabitants decided to occupy their flats and the remaining infrastructure is slow degrading. The AVE trains are used by only 60 passengers a day.
The town-plannings have dramatically increased the cost of the new houses, and it has become one of the cheapest provinces in Spain for house-buying to be the 3rd province in Spain with the most expensive square meter.
Geography.
Location.
Guadalajara is located the central part of the Iberian Peninsula, in the southern half of the Inner Plateau.
Chosen as settlement on the basis of defensive purposes, the historic urban core of the city lies on a small elevation near the left-bank of the Henares River, also enclosed to the East and West by two small ditches corresponding to two watercourses, and San Antonio, respectively, forming a narrow and easily defendable space upon their confluence with the Henares.
The municipality spans across a total area of 235.49 km2.
Climate.
Guadalajara enjoys a Mediterranean climate (Köppen climate classification: "Csa") with continental influences for being well inland at 700 meters above sea level. Summers are hot with relatively cool nights, while winters are cool with cold nights. The lowest temperature ever recorded in Guadalajara is on 12 January 2009. The highest temperature ever recorded is on 10 August 2012.
Politics and administration.
Guadalajara is a municipality, the basic level of local division in Spain. The Ayuntamiento is the body charged with the municipal government and administration. The Plenary of the "ayuntamiento" is formed by 25 elected municipal councillors, who in turn invest the mayor. The last municipal election took place on 26 May 2019. Since June 2019, the current mayor is Alberto Rojo Blas (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party).
Architecture.
The bridge across the Henares river is Arab but built on Roman foundations. It has several historic buildings such as the Palacio del Infantado, as well as many churches, such as the church of San Ginés. Although Guadalajara is the biggest city in its diocese, the cathedral is located in the nearby town of Sigüenza. However, in Guadalajara, there is a "co-cathedral", the church of Saint Mary, in Mudejar style. Very close to this church, is placed the chapel known as "Capilla de Luis de Lucena", which has several fresco paintings on its walls and ceiling. The Church of los Remedios was declared "Bien de Interés Cultural" in 1924, and currently serves as the auditorium of the University of Alcalá. The Church of la Piedad was declared "Bien de Interés Cultural" in 1931.
Before the Civil War, Guadalajara was also known to be among the cities with most number of antique azulejos in the Iberian Peninsula housed in their buildings, since the city housed the largest collection of azulejos from Talavera de la Reina pottery; now almost all of those azulejos are lost.
The small villages ("pedanías") of Iriépal, Taracena, Usanos, and Valdenoches that belong to the municipality feature few monumental landmarks other than their humble rural churches. Thus, in Iriépal there is the Concepción church, constructed in the 16th century, which is known for its Mudéjar tower. In Taracena there is the 17th century Church of the Immaculate, in a very simple Renaissance style. In Usanos, there is the 13th-century Romanesque church of the Assumption, considerably remodeled in later periods and which features a crenelated tower.
Other types of monuments that are also noteworthy are the Iriépal laundry, work of 1910 in historicist style with funding from the Jose Santa María de Hita Foundation, and Iriépal (1858) and Valdenoches (1656) funds.
Throughout all the villages there are examples of Castilian mansions, quite modest compared to those in the cities. Of note also is Villaflores, a farming village built in 1887, designed by Ricardo Velázquez Bosco and commissioned to Maria Diega Desmaissières.
Transport.
Guadalajara is served by two railway stations:
Sports.
The local men's football team, CD Guadalajara, currently play at the Tercera División, the fourth tier of the Spanish football system. Their home pitch is the Pedro Escartín.
The BM Guadalajara play at the ASOBAL league, the top tier of the men's handball system in Spain. Their home fixtures are played at the Palacio Multiusos de Guadalajara. Guadalajara was one of the host cities of the 2013 World Men's Handball Championship.
International relations.
Guadalajara is twinned with:
Notable people.
Distinguished people from or related to the town were:


Tropidaster

Tropidaster is an extinct genus of sea stars that lived in the Early Jurassic. Its fossils have been found in Europe.


Orhei County (Romania)

Orhei was a county (Romanian: "județ") in the Kingdom of Romania between 1925 and 1938, and again between 1941 and 1944, with the seat at Orhei.
Geography.
The county was located in the northeastern part of the Greater Romania, in the eastern part of the historical region of Bessarabia, at the border with the Soviet Union. At present, its territory is part of the Republic of Moldova. It is bordered to the northwest by the counties of Soroca and Bălți, to the northeast and the east by the Soviet Union and to the south by Lăpușna County.
Orhei County was the successor of the Orhei District of the Principality of Moldavia or the Russian Empire in the central part, bordering on the north with the Soroca District, in the east by the river Dniester, in the west by the Bălţi District, and in the south by Lăpuşna District. The northernmost of the settlements was Poiana, in Plasa Rezina, and the southernmost was Criuleni. The capital of the county was the Orhei, and the total area of Orhei county was .
The county had four cities: Orhei, Rezina, Telenești, and Șoldănești, and 235 villages.
Administrative organization.
Originally, the county was administratively divided into four districts ("plăși"):
Subsequently, two more were established:
As of 1938, the county was administratively divided into six districts:
History.
After the Union of Bessarabia with Romania in 1918, the county belonged to Romania, which set up the county formally in 1925.
After the 1938 "Administrative and Constitutional Reform", this county merged with the counties of Lăpușna, Cetatea Albă and Tighina to form Ținutul Nistru.
The area of the county was occupied by the Soviet Union in 1940 and became part of the Moldavian SSR. The area returned to Romanian administration following the Axis Powers' invasion of the Soviet Union in July 1941. A military administration was established and the region's Jewish population was either executed on the spot or deported to Transnistria, where further numbers were killed. As the Soviet Union's offensive pushed the Axis powers back, the area again was under Soviet control. On September 12, 1944, Romania signed the Moscow Armistice with the Allies. The Armistice, as well as the subsequent peace treaty of 1947, confirmed the Soviet-Romanian border as it was on January 1, 1941. The area of the county, along with the rest of the Moldavian SSR, became part of the independent country of Moldova.
Population.
According to the census data of 1930, the county's population was 279,292, of which 87.3% were ethnic Romanians, 6.8% Jews, 3.9% Russians, as well as other minorities. From the religious point of view 92.3% of the population was Eastern Orthodox, 7.0% Jewish, as well as other minorities.
Urban population.
In the year 1930, the county's urban population was ethnically divided as follows: 52.2% Romanians, 41.2% Jews, 4.5% Russians, as well as other minorities. From a religious point of view, the urban population consisted of 54.7% Eastern Orthodox, 41.9% Jewish, as well as other minorities.


2006 in Luxembourg

The following lists events that happened during 2006 in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg.


Tower of San Martino della Battaglia

The Tower of San Martino della Battaglia is a monumental building erected in 1878, to commemorate the Battle of San Martino, a portion of the Battle of Solferino in 1859, located near San Martino, province of Brescia, region of Lombardy, Italy.
The 74 meter high tower was constructed in the form of a Neo-Gothic turret, atop the hill of San Martino. Nearby is an Ossuary that collected the bodies of soldiers who died in the battle there between the Austrian and the Piedmontese army. The larger engagement, which also included French troops, led to the cession of Lombardy to the Kingdom of Sardinia (Piedmont). The Battle of Solferino took place near the villages of Solferino and San Martino della Battaglia in Lombardy, south of Lake Garda between Milan and Verona. The adjoint Battle of San Martino was fought north from Solferino, near the lakeshore, between San Martino and Pozzolengo villages.
The architect was Giacomo Frizzoni of Bergamo, and engineers were Luigi Fattori of Solferino, Antonio Monterumici of Treviso, and Ducati Cavalieri of Bologna. At the hall at the base is a bronze statue of Vittorio Emanuele II sculpted by Antonio Dal Zotto. The walls have large frescoes by Vittorio Bressanin of Venice, but also Vincenzo De Stefani (born in Verona, March 6, 1859), Alberti Giuseppe Vizzotto of Oderzo, and Raffaello Pontremoli, with panels depicting events surrounding the battle. The tower can be ascended by a spiraling ramp. At the top of the tower there is a lookout panel highlighting important towns that can be viewed from that vantage point.
The architecture seems to have been influenced by the Neoclassic marble tower built in the Cemetery of Brescia in 1815 by the architect Rodolfo Vantini; however, this monument in hewn stone projects a rustic gothic castle appearance.


Pacifism in Spain

In the 1930s Spain became a focus for pacifist organisations including the Fellowship of Reconciliation and the War Resisters' International whose president was the British MP and Labour Party leader George Lansbury. Prominent Spanish pacifists such as Amparo Poch y Gascón and José Brocca supported the Republicans in the Spanish Civil War. Brocca argued that Spanish pacifists had no alternative but to make a stand against what he viewed as fascism. He put this stand into practice by various means including organising agricultural workers to maintain food supplies and through humanitarian work with war refugees.
Pacifism was proscribed in Francoist Spain,
 and several Spanish pacifists, such as the Tolstoyan Esteban Pallarols (1900-1946), were executed by the regime.


Vilnius offensive

The Vilnius offensive () occurred as part of the third phase of Operation Bagration, the strategic summer offensive by the Soviet Red Army against the German Wehrmacht in June and July, 1944. It lasted from 5 July to 13 July 1944 and ended with a Soviet victory.
During the offensive, Soviet forces encircled and captured the city of Vilnius; this phase is sometimes referred to as the Battle of Vilnius. Some three thousand German soldiers of the encircled garrison managed to break out, including their commander, Rainer Stahel.
Prelude.
After World War I, Vilnius () and the surrounding area were a disputed territory that was part of the Second Polish Republic (Wilno Voivodeship). During the invasion of Poland, the city was seized by the Soviet Union and later transferred to Lithuania under the terms of the Soviet–Lithuanian Mutual Assistance Treaty. It was captured by the Germans in June 1941.
From 23 June 1944, the Red Army conducted a strategic offensive operation under the code-name Operation Bagration, expelling the Wehrmacht from Belarus, and driving towards the Polish border and the Baltic Sea coast.
By the beginning of July, the front line had been torn open at the seam of German Army Group Centre and Army Group North, roughly on a line from Vitebsk to Vilnius. While a large part of the Soviet force was employed to reduce the German pocket east of Minsk, following the Minsk offensive operation, the Soviet high command (Stavka) decided to exploit the situation along the breach to the north, by turning mobile formations towards the major traffic centre of Vilnius, in eastern Lithuania. For the German high command, it became imperative to hold Vilnius, because without it would become almost impossible to re-establish a sustainable connection between the two German army groups, and to hold the Red Army off outside East Prussia and away from the Baltic Sea shores.
Stavka issued a new order, number 220126, to the troops of the 3rd Belorussian Front on July 4. This required them to develop their offensive towards Maladzyechna and Vilnius, capturing the latter no later than 10 July, and to force crossings of the Neman River. The 33rd Army was transferred from the 2nd Belorussian Front in order to assist these objectives.
The German forces were still in comparative disarray after the Minsk offensive. Remnants of the 4th Army that had escaped the encirclement, and units of the 5th Panzer Division (reorganised into an "ad hoc" "Kampfgruppe", later redesignated XXXIX Panzer Corps, under General Dietrich von Saucken) fell back to form a defence before Maladzyechna, an important rail junction; but the 5th Guards Tank Army was able to cut the route between there and Minsk on July 3.
The offensive.
Chernyakhovsky ordered that his main mobile 'exploitation' forces, the 5th Guards Tank Army and 3rd Guards Cavalry Corps continue their advance from Minsk on July 5 in the direction of Vilnius, with the aim of reaching the city by the following day: they were to encircle Vilnius from the south and north respectively. The rifle divisions of 5th Army were ordered to follow and close up to them. To the south, the 39th Army was directed to move on Lida, while the 11th Guards Army would advance in the Front's centre.
Soviet reports suggested that units on their northern flank advanced to schedule, noting some resistance from scattered remnants of the destroyed VI Corps of Third Panzer Army, but stated that the 11th Guards Army in particular encountered strong German resistance and several counter-attacks. The 5th Panzer Division was, however, unable to hold Maladzyechna. The Soviet 5th Army was able to advance to the outskirts of Vilnius by July 8, while the 5th Guards Tank Army encircled the city from the south, trapping the garrison.
Lida, another rail junction, was taken by the 3rd Guards Cavalry Corps on the evening of July 8, after the German defenders (largely from the notorious SS units of "Gruppe" von Gottberg and the Kaminski Brigade) abandoned their positions in old World War I trench lines, despite reinforcement from Weidling's units. The latter gave up their attempt to hold the city on July 9.
The battle for Vilnius.
During the battle for the city itself, the Soviet 5th Army and 5th Guards Tank Army engaged the German garrison of "Fortress Vilnius", consisting of Grenadier Regiment 399 and Artillery Regiment 240 of the 170th Infantry Division, Grenadier Regiment 1067, a battalion from the 16th Parachute Regiment, the anti-tank battalion of the 256th Infantry Division and other units) under the command of Luftwaffe Major-General Rainer Stahel.
The Soviet 35th Guards Tank Brigade initially took the airport, defended by the battalion of paratroopers; intense street-by-street fighting then commenced as the Soviets attempted to reduce the defence.
The breakout attempt.
On 12 July, the garrison's parent formation, 3rd Panzer Army, counter-attacked. 6th Panzer Division, organised into two groups ("Pössl" and "Stahl") attacked eastwards from outside the encirclement (the divisional commander and Colonel-General Reinhardt personally accompanied the advance group). The opposing Soviet forces, taken by surprise and hampered by extended lines of supply, were not able to hold the cordon and 6th Panzer's forces were able to advance some 50 km to link up with forward elements from the Vilnius garrison. A fierce battle on the banks of the Neris ensued as men of the Polish Home Army unsuccessfully attempted to stop the relief troops.
In the city itself, a Soviet attack on the morning of 13 July managed to split the German forces into two pockets centred on the prison and the observatory; around 3,000 Germans escaped through the corridor opened by the 6th Panzer Division before Soviet forces closed the gap. Even so, 12,000–13,000 German troops were lost in the city, which was finally captured towards the evening of 13 July.
The battle was marked by an uprising under the code-name Operation Ostra Brama by the Polish Home Army, in expectation of the arrival of the Red Army, as part of Operation Tempest. Despite the Soviet forces' success, Rotmistrov's commitment of a tank corps in costly urban fighting (along with earlier disagreements with his Front commander, Ivan Chernyakhovsky) led to his replacement as commander of 5th Guards Tank Army.
Outcome.
While the German aim of holding Vilnius as a "Fester Platz" or fortress was not achieved, the tenacious defence made a contribution in stopping the Red Army's drive west for a few precious days: most importantly, it tied down the 5th Guards Tank Army, which had been instrumental in the initial successes of the Red Army during Operation Bagration. This delay gave German forces a chance to re-establish something resembling a continuous defence line further to the west. Hitler recognised this achievement by awarding Stahel the 79th set of Swords to the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross awarded during the war. Nevertheless, the outcome fell far short of what the German command had hoped for, and the continuous frontline that was established only held for a short time. Without the traffic network based on Vilnius, the German position in the southern Baltics was untenable. By the end of July, the 3rd Belorussian Front was ordered to conduct the Kaunas offensive operation to further extend the gains of Operation Bagration.


Costa Chekrezi

Costa Chekrezi (31 March 1892 – 10 January 1959), also known as Constantin Anastas Chekrezi () was an Albanian patriot, historian, and publicist.
Biography.
Chekrezi was born on 31 March 1892 in Ziçisht village, in the Upper Devoll region located near Korça (back then Ottoman Empire, now Albania).
After finishing a 5-year school in his native village, he finished the Greek high school in the town of Korça on June 12, 1910. The school documents show he was awarded as "excellent student in all subjects", and earned a scholarship from the Ottoman government to attend (where he stayed for a year only till 1912) the law school in Thessaloniki, now Greece. The studies were interrupted by the start of the First World War. After the Albanian Declaration of Independence until 1914 Chekrezi lived in Vlorë where he worked as a secretary in the Civil Court of the town, later as an interpreter for the International Control Commission assigned near Ismail Qemali's government and later Prince Wied.
When World War I started, Chekrezi emigrated to the US via Italy. Despite his young in age, only 23 years old, Costa Chekrezi became editor of the newspaper "The Sun" (), in Boston and was chief editor of the newspaper from 1915 to 1919. He also published monthly magazine "Illyria", and gave a huge contribution to the Vatra's monthly publication "The Adriatic Review", where he emphasized the atrocities over Albanians during World War I. Meanwhile, besides being a polyglot, he studied economics, public administration and English language at Harvard University. He graduated at 17 June 1918, with a "Bachelor of Arts" degree.

Constantine has also translated into Albanian, a short history of Albania, written by Frederick Gibert, which was published in Boston, and wrote a historical study named "Albania, past and present", published in 1919 in New York City which was translated and published in Albania only in 2012 during the 100th anniversary of Declaration of Independence.
For a period of two years, he has been a professor of history at Columbia University. According to Elsie he briefly returned to Albania in 1920 to participate in the Congress of Lushnje. In the years 1922–1932, has been the accredited representative of the Albanian Government (coming out of the Congress of Lushnje), with the title "Albanian Commissioner in Washington", also a member of the National Press Club in the U.S. In 1923, his English-Albanian dictionary came out.
After returning in Albania in 1925, he would come in sharp conflict with King Zog, specifically to some concessions made in favor of the Italian-Albanian banks newly positioned as part of Zog's affiliation with Italy. Since the first meeting with Ahmet Zagolli, he criticized Albanian political relations with Belgrade as well. In 1929, he served as member of the first Council of State (), established on April 11 of that year. The following years will show him as an impressive publicist, editor of the newspapers "Telegraf" ("Telegraph") and "Ora" ("Watch"), where he was pushed to publish some pro-monarchy articles, but immediately after the announcement of the monarchy, Costa Chekrezi was arrested by direct orders of Koço Kota and sentenced to one year imprisonment. His newspapers, "Telegraf" and "Ora" were shut down forever.
After being an active leader and participant of the Fier Revolt of 1935, he had to flee Albania towards Italy together with his friends Musa Kranja and Xhevahir Arapi on an Italian fishing boat. They reached Monopoli and were transferred to a prison in Bari for three month. There Chekrezi would write to Mussolini asking for his release. After three months they were released and gained the right of Political Asylum. Meanwhile, in Albania, he was sentenced to death in abstention. While trying to form the Organization of Albanian Emigrants (), Chekrezi was arrested by the French government and surprisingly placed into the concentration camp of Vernet d' Ariege in France until 27 October 1941. It is not very clear why he was placed there and how he escaped from it. After that, he left for America.
It was 28 December 1941 when Chekrezi together with Tajar Zavalani formed in Boston "Free Albania" () organization trying to act like an Albanian Government in Exile, possibly with established connections with Office of Strategic Services, and similarly to what Vatra somehow had functioned during the World War I. He gave up this organization in 1945.

Costa Chekrezi has made efforts to maintain bridges between the Allies and Albania. In 1946, he was the one to receive a delegation headed by Tuk Jakova in New Yorker Hotel, and the second meeting with Mihal Prifti, where Costa suggested that the Albanian government should find the way to connect with the Western powers, especially USA, and abolish the "friendly" relations with Yugoslavia of Tito, drawing parallels with King Zog-Nikola Pašić agreements. In the autumn of 1950, he hosted a meeting with Albanian representatives Behar Shtylla and Vilson Progri at the Governor Clinton Hotel.
In 1951, he published the political analysis "The third plan for partitioning Albania" in Washington D.C.
Constantin Chekrezi, was overshadowed for half a century by the communist regime; he died near Boston, on January 10, 1959, at the age of 66. At his funeral, Fan Noli would describe him as a "statesman, who had struggled all his life for his nation, and a great Albanian guy who had to die poor".


Timeline of Pistoia

The following is a of the history of the city of Pistoia in the Tuscany region of Italy.
See also.
Other cities in the macroregion of Central Italy:()
References.
"This article incorporates information from the Italian Wikipedia."


The Museum of Abandoned Secrets

The Museum of Abandoned Secrets (Ukrainian: Музей покинутих секретів) is a 2009 novel written by Oksana Zabuzhko. The novel, more than 800 pages long, spans six decades of contemporary Ukrainian history.
Critics have compared the book to Thomas Mann's "Buddenbrooks" and works of Fyodor Dostoyevsky. The novel, Zabuzhko's third, is a modern multigenerational saga which covers the years 1940 to 2004, framed as investigations by a journalist, Daryna Hoshchynska, of historical events in western Ukraine including the Holodomor, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, and later political changes, ending just before the Orange Revolution.
The book won the 2010 award for best Ukrainian book, presented by "Korrespondent" magazine, and the 2013 Angelus Central European Literature Award, presented by the City of Wroclaw. Angelus jury president, Natalya Gorbanevskaya, described the book as a "book that weaves into one history and modernity, the book that features magic, love, betrayal, and death."


William Gordon, 6th Viscount of Kenmure

William Gordon, 6th Viscount of Kenmure and Lord Lochinvar (c. 167224 February 1716) was a Scottish Jacobite.
William Gordon was the only son of Alexander Gordon, 5th Viscount of Kenmure of Kenmure Castle and succeeded his father on his death in 1698, but was not able to inherit his family's property until 1700, because of a protracted lawsuit. Not initially an active supporter of the exiled Stuarts, Lord Kenmure became the leader of the Lowlands nobles, who opposed the Act of Union in 1701.
Absenting himself from parliament, early in Queen Anne's reign, the sixth Viscount Kenmure was deeply involved in plotting for a Jacobite rising and French invasion. Late in 1705, he was chosen by Lowlands Jacobites as a delegate to St Germain, although he did not travel there. Early in 1706 he claimed that disaffection was driving the Galloway Cameronians into Jacobitism. In 1707 he was one of the Jacobite peers for whose conduct David Murray, fifth Viscount Stormont, answered to Colonel Nathaniel Hooke, envoy from St Germain. In the same year, James Francis Edward Stuart granted him a marquessate. In 1711, he married Mary (died 1776), daughter of Sir John Dalzell, 2nd Baronet (died 1698), sister of Robert Dalzell, 5th Earl of Carnwath, and niece of Captain James Dalzell, his long-time Jacobite friend. They had three sons and a daughter.
At the urging of his brother-in-law, Lord Carnwath, he joined the Jacobite rising planned by John Erskine, Earl of Mar, who appointed Kenmure, despite his total lack of military experience, commander of the Lowland Jacobite forces. Kenmure raised the Royal Banner of Scotland at Lochmaben on 12 October 1715, and was joined by about two hundred gentlemen, with the Earl of Carnwath, William Maxwell, 5th Earl of Nithsdale, and George Seton, 5th Earl of Winton. This small force
received some additions before Kenmure reached Hawick, where he learnt the news of the English Jacobite rising. He joined with Thomas Forster and James Radclyffe, 3rd Earl of Derwentwater, at Rothbury. Their united forces of some hundred and fifty cavalry, after a series of marches, halted at the border, at Kelso, where they were reinforced by a brigade under William Mackintosh of Borlum.
There, on 24 October 1715, Kenmure proclaimed King James VIII. Joining with Northumbrian insurgents, he marched into England under the command of Forster. He was taken prisoner at the barricades of Preston, and brought to London. He was subsequently tried, found guilty, and beheaded on Tower Hill on 24 February 1716, and his title and estates forfeited. Some accounts state that his body was returned to his family at Kenmure for burial.
In 1824 an act of Parliament repealed the forfeiture, and his direct descendant, John Gordon (1750–1840), became Viscount Kenmure.


All-Albanian Congress

The All-Albanian Congress or Albanian National Congress or Albanian Independence Congress was a held in Vlorë (then Ottoman Empire, today Republic of Albania) on November 28, 1912. Congress participants constituted the Assembly of Vlorë which established Albanian Provisional Government and elected Ismail Qemali as its president.
Background.
The success of the Albanian Revolt of 1912 sent a strong signal to the neighboring countries that the Ottoman Empire was weak. The Kingdom of Serbia opposed the plan for an Albanian Vilayet, preferring a partition of the European territory of the Ottoman Empire among the four Balkan allies. Balkan allies planned the partition of the European territory of the Ottoman Empire among them and in the meantime the conquered territory was agreed to have status of the Condominium.
The combined armies of the Balkan allies overcame the numerically inferior and strategically disadvantaged Ottoman armies, and achieved rapid success. As a result of their success, almost all remaining European territories of the Ottoman Empire were captured by Balkan allies, which destroyed the plans for Albanian autonomy and independence. About two weeks before the congress was held, Albanian leaders appealed to Franz Joseph, Emperor of Austria-Hungary, explaining the difficult situation in their country divided into four vilayets occupied by Balkan allies. Austria-Hungary and Italy strongly opposed the arrival of Serbian army on the Adriatic Sea because they perceived it as treat to their domination of the Adriatic and feared that Serbian Adriatic port could become a Russian base.
The sitting of the congress.
When Ismail Qemali came to Albania in third week of November 1912, he discussed the future of the Albanian people with present participants of the congress. Although there was consensus for complete independence, they were also for friendly relation with the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, they sent telegrams to the Ottoman Western army, Vardar army and to Ioannina fortress pledging continued support for the war against the Christian states.
On November 28, 1912, the congress' first sitting was held in the house of Xhemil bey in Vlorë. Qemali invited Albanians from all four vilayets (Kosovo, Scutari, Monastir and Janina) within projected Albanian Vilayet to attend the congress. At the beginning of the session, Ismail Qemali took the floor and, referring to the threats to the rights Albanians had gained through successful revolts since 1908, proclaimed to the delegates that they should do anything necessary to save Albania.
Present participants of the congress.
After Qemali's speech they began by reviewing delegates' credentials. The delegates were as follows:
Missing participants of the congress.
Albanians from several provinces had not yet reached Vlora when it was decided to start the first session of the congress. Ismail Qemali refused to wait for Isa Boletini and other Albanians from Kosovo Vilayet and hastily made the Albanian declaration of independence. The southern elite wanted to prevent Boletini's plans to assert himself as a key political figure and used him to suit their military needs.
Since Korça, Shkodra, Përmet, Ohrid and Struga were surrounded by the armies that prevented some Albanians from those provinces to come to Vlorë, another Albanians from those towns were recognised as representatives of those towns. Their names are:
Rest of the missing participants of the congress that were late to attend its session and were not replaced by other Albanians are:
Constitution of the Assembly of Vlorë.
After the documents were checked, Ismail Qemali again took the floor and held a speech stating that he believes that the only way to prevent division of the territory of Albanian Vilayet between the Balkan allies is to separate it from Ottoman Empire. Qemali's proposal was unanimously accepted and it was decided to constitute the Assembly of Vlorë () and to sign the declaration of independence of Albania. By signing the declaration of Albanian independence the present deputies of the Assembly of Vlorë rejected the autonomy granted by the Ottoman Empire to the Albanian Vilayet, projected a couple of months earlier. The consensus was made for the complete independence.
The sitting was then suspended and members of newly constituted National Assembly went to the house of Ismail Qemali and raised the flag of Skanderbeg on the balcony of his house, in front of the gathered people.
Aftermath.
The members of the newly constituted National Assembly returned from the balcony of Qemali's house and started the sitting of Assembly. They established the Provisional Government of Albania with Ismail Qemali as President who has the mandate to establish the Cabinet on the session of the Assembly of Vlorë held on December 4, 1912.


Zall Tekke

The Zall Tekke () or Asim Baba Tekke () is a Bektashi teqe in Gjirokastër, Albania. It is a Cultural Monument of Albania.


Metaxas regime


Premiership of Mariano Rajoy

The premiership of Mariano Rajoy over Spain spanned from 2011 to 2018.
First term (2011–2015).
Mariano Rajoy became Prime Minister of Spain on 20 December 2011, after his People's Party's (PP) landslide victory in the 2011 general election. The PP's overall majority of 186 seats gave Rajoy a free hand to handle the country's political and economic situation for the next four years, attaining a parliamentary stability that his predecessor, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, had not enjoyed. However, Rajoy's use of decree-laws and the blocking of opposition bill amendments and parliamentary committees would earn him strong criticism from both the media and opposition parties throughout the Legislature, because of the perceived undue use his party made of such an absolute majority.
In contrast, the previous ruling Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) had suffered from the worsening economic situation, having its worst electoral performance since 1977 and being ousted from power amidst a climate of high unpopularity. Then-Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero had decided to stand down as PM candidate in early 2011, and as party leader once the quadrennial party conference—due for March 2012—was held. Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba, PSOE candidate for the 2011 election and former Deputy Prime Minister, was elected as the new party's Secretary General in a tight fight against former Defence Minister Carme Chacón.
Economic situation.
After taking office, Rajoy's government popularity in opinion polls began to erode after its U-turn on economic policy, which included the breaching of many election pledges. After it had promised to lower taxes during the election campaign of 2011, Rajoy's government announced a first austerity package ten days into office—including new tax rises and a spending cut worth €9 billion—as a result of a larger-than-expected public deficit of 8% (instead of the projected 6%). This was followed by a harsh labour reform, criticised as paving the way to cheapen dismissals and which was met with widespread protests and two general strikes in March and November 2012, and an austere state budget for 2012. The crash of Bankia, one of the largest banks of Spain, in May 2012 resulted in a dramatic rise of the Spanish risk premium, and in June the country's banking system needed a bailout from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). It was later revealed that Bankia, then directed by Rodrigo Rato, former PP politician, had falsified its accounts between 2011 and 2012 in order to create a false illusion that it was creditworthy. A major spending cut of €65 billion followed in July 2012, including a VAT rise from 18% to 21% which the PP itself had opposed during its time in opposition, after the previous Socialist government had already raised the VAT to 18%.
At this time, incumbent Finance Minister Cristóbal Montoro came under public scrutiny after being accused of telling other opposition MPs, back in 2010, to "let Spain fall, we will get it up", in reference to a PP political opportunist attempt at forcing the fall of Zapatero's cabinet in order to have an early election, which the PP would have presumably won. Montoro later recognized this fact, but justified himself in that he "was working in an alternative. If Zapatero had shortened the legislature, he would have saved much suffering to all Spaniards".
New spending cuts and legal reforms followed throughout 2012 and 2013, including cuts in budget credit lines for the health care and education systems, the implementation of a pharmaceutical copayment, a reform of the pension system which stopped guaranteeing the increase of pensioners' purchasing power accordingly to the consumer price index, the suppression of the bonus for public employees, or the withdrawal of public subsidies to the dependent people care system. Other measures, such as a fiscal amnesty in 2012 allowing tax evaders to regularize their situation by paying a 10% tax—later reduced to 3%—and no criminal penalty, had been previously rejected by the PP during its time in opposition. Additionally, public funding to rescue the Spanish banking system from bankruptcy amounted to €61 billion by late 2013, despite Rajoy having stated during the 2011 campaign that he "would never give public money to help banks". Most of these measures were not included in the PP 2011 election manifesto and, inversely, many of the pledges included within were not fulfilled. Rajoy argued that "reality" prevented him from fulfilling his programme, and that he had been forced to adapt to the new economic situation he found upon his accession to government.
The impact of the government's economic reforms on the Spanish economy was mixed. Unemployment, which peaked in Q1 2013 at 6,202,700 and an unprecedented unemployment rate of 27.16%, had decreased to 2011 levels by late 2015, with 4,850,800 unemployed and 21.18%. This fall was largely attributed by critics and economists to a decrease in the labour force—resulting from many Spaniards emigrating in search of job in other countries—and an increase in temporary contracts, with newly created employments being dubbed as precarious. The risk premium decreased from a record 638 basis points in July 2012 to 113 in October 2015, but it was widely considered that it had largely come as a result from the European Central Bank actions under Mario Draghi of reducing interest rates, which had also benefitted other countries. Public deficit was reduced from 10.3% in 2012 to 5.8% in 2014, while public debt peaked at 98.0% of the GDP in mid-2015 from 69.2% in 2011.
Domestic affairs.
In the domestic field, the 2011–2015 period was dominated by a perceived regression in social and political rights. Spending cuts on the health care and education systems had fueled an increase in inequality among those without enough financial resources to afford those services. Justice Minister Alberto Ruiz-Gallardón's authorization of the enforcement and increase of court fees, requiring the payment of between €50 and €750 to appeal to the courts, was dubbed as violating the rights of effective judicial protection and free legal assistance. The controversial fees would later be removed in early 2015. Education Minister José Ignacio Wert's new Education Law (LOMCE), allegedly introduced to address the extremely high-school dropout rates, received heavy criticism from the Basque and Catalonia regional governments, which dubbed it as a re-centralization attempt, as well as from social sectors which considered that it prompted segregation in primary schools. Another bill, the Citizen Security Law proposed by Interior Minister Jorge Fernández Díaz, also dubbed the "gag law" by critics, was met with a global outcry because of it being seen as a cracking down on Spaniards' rights of freedom of assembly and expression. This bill laid out strict guidelines on demonstrations, perceived to limit street protests, and set up steep fines to offenders.
In September 2013, Minister Ruiz-Gallardón announced that the government was studying a reform of the 2010 abortion law approved by the previous Socialist government, which allowed free abortion up to 14 weeks, and up to 22 weeks in cases of foetal deformities. The bill, in the draft law published in December 2013, allowed abortion only in cases of rape and when there was a serious (but undefined) health risk to the mother. Public outrage was felt from most opposition parties, as well as from many feminist organizations, with the bill being criticised as 'too restrictive' and 'a return to the past'. As the bill received widespread criticism both from within and outside the PP itself, its final approval date was postponed several times. In September 2014, PM Mariano Rajoy announced that his government was scrapping the reform and would instead opt for minor changes to the current abortion law, mainly the requirement for 16 and 17-year-old women to obtain parental consent to have an abortion, and suggesting the 'lack of consensus' as the main reason behind the decision to scrap the bill. This resulted in Alberto Ruíz-Gallardón announcing his resignation from his ministerial position and from politics the same day, "feeling unable to fulfill the assignment he was tasked", and amid voices pointing to him having been discredited by his own party.
In August and September 2014, two Spanish priests infected with the Ebola virus disease during the virus epidemic in West Africa were medically evacuated to Spain. Both patients died as a result of the disease, but a failure in infection control during the treatment of the second priest led to the infection of one of the nurses who had treated him; the case being confirmed on 6 October 2014. Health Minister Ana Mato came under heavy criticism under allegations that security protocols had not been effectively enforced and because of an alleged confusing and disorganized management of the situation. Five days after the nurse's Ebola case was confirmed, PM Mariano Rajoy handed the crisis' management to Deputy PM Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría, in a move seen as critical of Mato's handling of the situation. Ana Mato would resign later in November 2014 as consequence of her involvement in the Gürtel case.
Corruption scandals.
The political landscape of Spain was shaken in early 2013 by the "Bárcenas affair". On 18 January 2013, Spanish daily "El Mundo" revealed that former PP treasurer Luis Bárcenas had, up until 2009, used a slush fund to pay out monthly amounts, ranging from €5,000 to €15,000, to leading members of the party. On 31 January 2013, Spanish daily "El País" published what became known as the "Bárcenas' Papers", facsimile excerpts from handwritten ledgers in Bárcenas' hand. Among the recipients were incumbent party leader and Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy and Secretary General María Dolores de Cospedal. The PP took the position that these payments were in accordance with law. Further, on 14 July 2013, "El Mundo" published excerpts from several SMS between Bárcenas and Rajoy from 2011 through 2013 in which Rajoy promised help to Bárcenas and gave him encouragement. The most recent of these messages was in March 2013, when the "Bárcenas affair" had already broke out. Under pressure from international media and opposition parties threatening him with a motion of censure, Rajoy spoke out to Congress in an extraordinary plenary session on 1 August. Rajoy denied any criminal responsibility, which he attributed solely to Bárcenas, but recognized "errors" and "having trusted the wrong person". This did not prevent the opposition bloc from demanding Rajoy's resignation, but with the PP commanding an absolute majority in parliament and with no judicial proof on Rajoy's direct involvement in the scandal, chances for a successful motion were slim.
At the same time, a corruption scandal affecting Duke of Palma Iñaki Urdangarín, the Nóos case, resulted in the charging in April 2013 of his spouse Cristina de Borbón, Infanta of Spain and daughter of King Juan Carlos I, for tax fraud and money laundering. She was summoned to court in February 2014, and in November 2014, the High Court of Palma de Mallorca upheld charges against her, paving the way for her to face trial, though only on tax fraud charges. In June 2015, King Felipe VI officially deprived his sister of her dukedom, privately announcing his intention beforehand. These corruption allegations severely eroded the Spanish Royal Family's popularity within Spain; according to an opinion poll by the CIS, between 1995 and 2013 the Spanish monarchy's approval rating had dropped from 7.5 to 3.68 on a scale of 10 amongst Spaniards.
In late 2014, the sudden emergence of several episodes of corruption that had taken place over the course of the past years and decades was compared to the Italian "Tangentopoli" episode in the 1990s. As a result, this episode has been dubbed by some media as 'the Spanish "Tangentopoli"' or 'Black October'.
On 26 November, judge Ruz summoned Health Minister Ana Mato to court after concluding she could have benefited from several corruption crimes allegedly committed by her former husband Jesús Sepúlveda, charged in the Gürtel case. As a result, Ana Mato resigned from her office that same day, defending that she had not been charged with any penal crime, but declaring that she did not want to bring further harm to her party. A Congress plenary in which Rajoy was to announce legal reforms against corruption had been scheduled for 27 November several weeks previously; the media concluded that Rajoy had forced Mato's resignation in order to prevent a complicated political situation on that day.
Catalan independence movement.
On 9 November, one month before the election, the Parliament of Catalonia passed an official declaration that launched the "initiation of the process of independence of Catalonia" in a 72–63 vote with no abstentions. Two days later, Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy threatened to suspend the political powers of 21 key political figures in the Catalonian independence movement if they moved forward regarding the provisions of the declaration.
Social discontent.
The Spanish anti-austerity movement, also known as the "15-M Movement" or "Indignants Movement", born on the eve of the 2011 municipal and regional elections, had resulted in an increase of street protests and demonstrations calling for a more democratic governmental system, a halt to spending cuts and tax increases and an overall rejection of Spain's two-party system formed by the People's Party (PP) and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE). After the PP's arrival to government and its subsequent breach of electoral promises as well as the emergence of corruption cases, protests intensified. Social mobilization channeled through various protest actions, such as "Surround the Congress" ("Rodea el Congreso"), the so-called "Citizen Tides" ("Mareas Ciudadanas") or the "Marches for Dignity" ("Marchas de la Dignidad").
Despite the PP's enormous loss of support, the main opposition party, the PSOE, remained unable to channel this social discontent and to regain lost support, with pundits hypothesizing that the memory of Zapatero's last government and its economic management remained fresh in voters' minds. A series of negative regional election results throughout 2012, coupled with an internal crisis in 2013 and the threat of rupture from the party's Catalonia partner, the PSC, further weakened the PSOE, with Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba's leadership being put in question as his popularity ratings plummeted. The crisis was temporarily settled after the party's Political Conference in November 2013, with the question on the party's leadership being initially postponed for late 2014.
All of this culminated in the 2014 European Parliament election. Claims from the ruling PP government that economic recovery was already underway did not prevent a major collapse in support for both main parties, together falling below 50% of the votes for the first time ever. This came coupled with the confirmation of a large rise in support for minor national parties that polls had partly predicted, but also a surprisingly strong performance for the new Podemos party, which from that moment, together with Citizens (C's), began to attract the support of those disaffected with both PP and PSOE, according to opinion polls. PSOE leader Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba resigned the day after the European election. A PSOE extraordinary conference was held, resulting in Pedro Sánchez being elected as new party leader. The election was also said to have hastened the abdication of the 39 year-reigning King Juan Carlos I, already weakened from a deteriorating health and a diminishing popularity as a result of several scandals, in favor of his son Felipe in June 2014.
Second term (2016–2018).
Vote of no confidence.
On 1 June 2018, Rajoy lost a vote of confidence in the Spanish Parliament, with the votes being 180–169.


Turonio

Turonio (Galician "Toronho", Spanish "Toroño", Latin "Turonium" or "Toronium") was the only part of the "Conventus Bracarensis" which did not join Afonso Henriques when he proclaimed the independence of Portugal in 1139. At the time it was a fief held by Gómez Núñez, who supported a Portuguese invasion of Galicia, but was defeated and exiled by Alfonso VII of León.
Turonio lies south of the Ria de Vigo and the river Verdugo and north and west of the river Minho. As a placename it is rarely used today, but is in the process of recovery. Today most of the territory is a part of the city of Vigo.


Soroca County (Romania)

Soroca County was a county (Romanian: "județ") in the Kingdom of Romania. The seat was Soroca.
Geography.
The county was located in the northeastern part of Greater Romania, in the northeastern region of Bassarabia, on the border with the Soviet Union. Currently its territory is entirely in the Republic of Moldova. It was bordered to the northwest by Hotin County, to the west and southwest by Bălți County, southeast by Orhei County, and to the east and north-east with the USSR.
History.
After the Union of Bessarabia with Romania in 1918, the county belonged to Romania, which set up the county formally in 1925.
The first prefect of Soroca County was Vasile Săcară in 1918.
After the 1938 "Administrative and Constitutional Reform", this county merged with the counties Bacău, Baia, Bălți, Botoșani, Iași, Neamț, Roman, and Vaslui to form Ținutul Prut.
The area of the county was occupied by the Soviet Union in 1940 and became part of the Moldavian SSR. The area returned to Romanian administration following the Axis Powers' invasion of the Soviet Union in July 1941. A military administration was established and the region's Jewish population was either executed on the spot or deported to Transnistria, where further numbers were killed. As the Soviet Union's offensive pushed the Axis powers back, the area again was under Soviet control. On September 12, 1944, Romania signed the Moscow Armistice with the Allies. The Armistice, as well as the subsequent peace treaty of 1947, confirmed the Soviet-Romanian border as it was on January 1, 1941. The area of the county, along with the rest of the Moldavian SSR, became part of the independent country of Moldova.
Administrative Organization.
In 1930, the county consisted of four administrative districts ("plăși"):
Later, the county was reorganized into eight districts:
In 1941, the county was organized as follows:
Population.
According to the census data of 1930, the county's population was 315,774, of which 73.4% were ethnic Romanians, 9.2% Jews, 8.6% Ukrainians, 8.3% Russians, as well as other minorities. From the religious point of view 88.6% of the population was Eastern Orthodox, as well as other minorities. The city of Soroca had a population of 14,661.
According to the census data of 1941, the county's population was 310.220, of which 84.57% were ethnic Romanians, 12.40% Ukrainians, 2.10% Russians, 0.41% Jews, 0.19% Poles, as well as other minorities.


Rupes (castra)

Rupes was a fort in the Roman province of Dacia.


23rd European Film Awards

The 23rd European Film Awards were presented on 4 December, 2010, in Tallinn, Estonia.
Winners and nominees.
The nominations for the 23rd European Film Awards were announced on 6 November at the Seville European Film Festival.
Best Director.
 Roman Polanski – "The Ghost Writer"
Best Actress.
 Sylvie Testud – "Lourdes"
Best Actor.
 Ewan McGregor – "The Ghost Writer"
Best Animated Feature Film.
 "The Illusionist" – Sylvain Chomet • United Kingdom/France
Best Screenwriter.
 Robert Harris and Roman Polanski – "The Ghost Writer"
Best Cinematographer.
 Giora Bejach – "Lebanon"
Best Editor.
 Luc Barnier and Marion Monnier – "Carlos"
Best Production Designer.
 Albrecht Konrad – "The Ghost Writer"
Best Composer.
 Alexandre Desplat – "The Ghost Writer"
Best Documentary.
Nostalgia for the Light ("Nostalgia de la luz") – Patricio Guzmán • France/Germany/Chile"
Best Short Film.
 Hanoi - Warsaw" ("Hanoi - Warszawa") – Katarzyna Klimkiewicz • Poland"
People's Choice Award for Best European Film.
 "Mr. Nobody"


Arrondissement of Maastricht

The Arrondissement of Maastricht was an arrondissement of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands until the Treaty of London in 1839. It was a part of the Province of Limburg, which also included the arrondissements of Hasselt and Roermond. It was centred on the city of Maastricht.
Unlike the surrounding countryside, which was, captured by Belgian rebels during the Belgian Revolution, the fortress of Maastricht remained loyal to the Dutch crown. As a result, the arrondissement was split between the Netherlands and Belgium, with the Belgian portion forming the rump of the new arrondissement of Tongeren (which also absorbed the canton of Borgloon from Hasselt).
In the National Congress of Belgium, Maastricht was represented by seven delegates, including Félix de Mérode, who served in the Provisional Government of Belgium.
An arrondissement of Maastricht had also existed as part of the department of Meuse-Inférieure in the French First Empire.


Eurovision Song Contest 2008

The Eurovision Song Contest 2008 was the 53rd edition of the annual Eurovision Song Contest. It took place in Belgrade, Serbia, following Marija Šerifović's win at the 2007 contest in Helsinki, Finland with the song "Molitva". It was the first time Serbia had hosted the contest - only 1 year after the country made its debut as an independent nation. Organised by the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) and host broadcaster Radio Television of Serbia (RTS), the contest was held at the Belgrade Arena, and (for the first time) consisted of two semi-finals on 20 and 22 May, and the grand final on 24 May 2008. The three live shows were hosted by Jovana Janković and Željko Joksimović. It was the first Eurovision Song Contest held in a former Yugoslav republic with the 1990 contest in Zagreb being held before the dissolution of the country.
Forty-three countries participated in the contest, beating the record of forty-two set the year before. Azerbaijan and San Marino participated for the first time, while Austria did not return, mainly due to questions on the semi-final organisation, and the politicization of the contest.
The winner was Russia with the song "Believe", performed by Dima Bilan who wrote it with Jim Beanz. This was Russia's first victory in the contest, and the third year finishing in the top three. Ukraine, Greece, Armenia and Norway rounded out the top five. Armenia achieved their best result to date in this edition. Of the "Big Four" countries Spain placed the highest, finishing sixteenth, while the United Kingdom ended up in last place for the second time in their Eurovision history, after .
The official website, eurovision.tv, streamed national finals for this year's contest live on ESCTV for the first time. Furthermore, for the first time the winner has been awarded an official winner's trophy of the Eurovision Song Contest. The trophy is a handmade piece of sandblasted glass in the shape of a 1950s microphone.
Location.
Venue.
Serbia gained the right to host the Contest after Marija Šerifović won the 2007 Contest in Helsinki, Finland. Since Serbia was the winner of the preceding contest, the 2008 contest was subsequently held there. The Belgrade Arena in Belgrade was chosen as the venue for the contest, and is among the largest indoor arenas in Europe, with a total capacity of 25,000 seats.
On 14 September 2007, the Mayor of Helsinki handed over the "Eurovision keys" to the Deputy of Belgrade. This ceremony is meant to be a tradition from the 2008 contest and onward, and the ring contains a key from every city that has ever hosted the competition.
Potential change of location.
Following the unilateral Kosovo declaration of independence from Serbia on 17 February 2008, which has resulted in protests and unrest across the country, the location of the event was considered to be changed. Ukraine was considered an option since they came second in Eurovision Song Contest 2007. YLE were another option, as they hosted the previous year's competition in Helsinki, Finland. Greece's Ellinikí Radiofonía Tileórasi (ERT) also offered the EBU to host the contest in Athens, Greece again. It was later decided that the contest would stay in Belgrade, with the EBU giving support. RTS would gain a guarantee of safety and security from the government of Serbia for all visitors and participants of the contest. The delegations of Albania, Croatia and Israel had special security. In the end, the contest was held without any incidents.
Visual design.
RTS ran a competition that led to the creation of the 2008 Contest's branding, logo and the stage. The theme of the Contest was based around the "confluence of sound". This was symbolic as Belgrade lies on the confluence of two European rivers, the Sava and Danube. The logo chosen, a treble clef, formed the graphical basis of the design created by Boris Miljković.
The postcards in the first and second semi-final were based around the creation of the flag of the nation that was to perform next. Each post card had a short story related to each country and its people. During each postcard a short letter was displayed. All were in the national language of the artist's country, with the exception of the Serbian postcard, which consisted of "Welcome to Belgrade" and "Welcome to Serbia" in various languages and the Belgian postcard which was written in the constructed language the Belgian group performed in. The postcards were brought to an end by a stamp with this year's Eurovision logo.
According to RTS the stage represented native identities, history and modern themes, symbols and universally recognised messages. The "confluence"-themed stage also contained a large number of television and LCD display screens. The stage had settings for all new electronic possibilities including some movable parts of the stage. It was designed by Chicago-based David Cushing.
The first semi-final was created around a city theme. The contest opened with a panorama of the city of Belgrade forming in the stage's background with two waves sliding down the stage to meet in the centre – at the confluence, the overall theme of the contest.
The second semi-final was based around the theme of water, which was enhanced by the look of the stage during the interval act where the water formed the main colours of the stage.
The grand final was based on the theme of the confluence. Construction of the stage lasted several days and was carried out by various teams from across Europe. Pyrotechnics were heavily used for the entries from Armenia, Azerbaijan, Finland, Germany, Turkey, the Czech Republic, Bulgaria and Switzerland. The stage received positive feedback from the media and fans describing it as "one of the best looking stages in the history of the competition".
Format.
At a press conference in Helsinki in May 2007, Svante Stockselius, executive supervisor of the Contest for the EBU, announced that the competition's format may be expanded to two semi-finals in 2008 or 2009. On 28 September 2007 it was announced that the EBU had approved the plan of hosting two semi-finals in 2008.
Based on research conducted by the EBU's tele-voting partner Digame, the semi-finalists were sorted into the two heats through the drawing of lots, which was seeded to keep countries that have a significant history of voting for each other apart. Each broadcaster had to broadcast the semi-final in which they took part, with the broadcasting of the other semi-final being optional. The draw for the semi-final allocation occurred in the City Assembly of Belgrade on Monday 28 January 2008 at 13:00 CET and was conducted by the hosts of the contest Jovana Janković and Željko Joksimović.
First, two envelopes with 'Semi-Final 1' and 'Semi-Final 2' were drawn. Then, three countries from each pot were chosen randomly to take part in the first semi-final and the other three in the second one. The country left in Pot 5 took part in the first envelope that is drawn. While, the country left in Pot 6 in the second one.
The automatic grand finalist countries chose whether they would broadcast both semi-finals or just one, but viewers from these countries could only vote in one. From the draw conducted, it was decided which of the five grand finalist countries would broadcast and have voting rights in either of the events. The semi-finals were webcast live through Eurovision.tv. The top nine songs from the televoting qualified for the grand final, and a tenth was determined by the back-up juries. Twenty-five songs competed in the grand final.
Semi-final allocation.
On 24 January 2008, all 38 countries in the semi-finals were separated into the following pots based on voting history and geographical location:
Running order.
The draw to decide the running order of the songs in each semi-final and the grand final was conducted at the Heads of Delegation meeting on 17 March 2008.
Participating countries.
On 21 December 2007, the EBU confirmed that 43 countries would be present in Belgrade. San Marino, as well as the newest EBU member, Azerbaijan, made its debut at the 2008 contest. Austria did not compete; its broadcaster, ORF, said "we've already seen in 2007 that it's not the quality of the song, but the country of origin that determines the decision." Italy, which had not competed since 1997, and which would have been an automatic finalist, was again absent. Slovakia was absent due to budget problems.
The following countries competed in two semi-finals which were broadcast live on Tuesday 20 May and Thursday 22 May 2008. In addition to this, automatic grand finalists Germany and Spain exercised voting rights at the first semi-final. France, the United Kingdom and Serbia exercised voting rights at the second semi-final. Spain and France each broadcast only the semi-final in which they participated; Germany, Serbia and the UK screened both semi-finals (with Germany broadcasting on a delay).
Semi-final 1.
The first semi-final was held on 20 May 2008. Germany and Spain voted in this semi-final.
Semi-final 2.
The second semi-final was held on 22 May 2008. The United Kingdom, France and Serbia voted in this semi-final.
Final.
The grand finalists were:
The grand final was held on 24 May 2008 and was won by Russia.
Scoreboard.
Semi-final 1.
12 points.
Below is a summary of all 12 points in the first semi-final:
Semi-final 2.
12 points.
Below is a summary of all 12 points in the second semi-final:
Final.
12 points.
Below is a summary of all 12 points in the grand final:
Broadcasters, commentators and spokespersons.
Spokespersons.
The voting order and spokespersons during the grand final were as follows:
Broadcasters and commentators.
Most countries sent commentators to Belgrade or commentated from their own country, in order to add insight to the participants and, if necessary, provide voting information.
Semi-finals broadcasts.
As stated above, a country only has to broadcast the grand final and the semi-final when it is one of the competitors or voters. The United Kingdom, San Marino, Greece, Croatia, Ireland, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Malta, Serbia, Finland, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Denmark, Portugal, Cyprus, Israel, Estonia, Turkey, Latvia, Slovenia, Russia, Ukraine, Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Andorra, Albania, Bulgaria, Iceland, Sweden, Romania and Australia confirmed they would broadcast both semi-finals (some in delay and some live).
High-definition broadcasts.
RTS broadcast the event in 1080i high-definition (HD) and 5.1 Surround Sound. The new high-definition television system was in place at the Belgrade Arena by April 2008. This is the second year that the event was broadcast live in HD. BBC HD broadcast the contest in High Definition in the United Kingdom. Swedish broadcaster SVT broadcast both the semi-final and the grand final on their HD-channel SVT HD. Lithuanian broadcaster LRT broadcast both the semi-final and the grand final in 1080i high-definition (HD) on their channel LTV. The same occurred on Swiss HD channel HD suisse; on this channel viewers were able to choose the language of the commentary while viewing a semi-final or grand final of the Eurovision Song Contest. However, all other countries broadcast the show only in standard definition, and the event will only be available to buy on a standard-definition DVD; it will not be released on HD-DVD or Blu-ray Disc.
Other awards.
In addition to the main winner's trophy, the Marcel Bezençon Awards and the Barbara Dex Award were contested during the 2008 Eurovision Song Contest. The OGAE (French: Organisation Générale des Amateurs de l'Eurovision, English: General Organisation of Eurovision Fans) voting poll also took place before the contest.
Marcel Bezençon Awards.
The Marcel Bezençon Awards honour the best competing songs in the final. Named after the founder of the contest, the awards were created and first handed at the 2002 contest by Christer Björkman (Sweden's representative in the 1992 contest and the country's current Head of Delegation), and Richard Herrey (a member of the Herreys who won the 1984 contest for Sweden). For the only time, the awards were divided into four categories: Artistic Award which was voted by previous winners of the contest, Composers Award, Poplight Fan Award which was voted by fans on the Swedish website poplight.se, and Press Award.
OGAE.
OGAE is an international organisation which conducts a voting poll for the favourite songs among its members before the annual contest. It consists of a network of over 40 Eurovision Song Contest fan clubs across Europe and beyond. Below is the top five overall results, after all the votes had been cast.
Barbara Dex Award.
The Barbara Dex Award is a humorous fan award given to the worst dressed artist each year. Named after Belgium's representative who came last in the 1993 contest, wearing her self-designed dress, the award was handed by the fansite House of Eurovision from 1997 to 2016 and is being carried out by the fansite songfestival.be since 2017.
Official album.
Eurovision Song Contest: Belgrade 2008 was the official compilation album of the 2008 Contest, put together by the European Broadcasting Union and released by EMI Records and CMC International on 12 May 2008.The album featured all 43 songs that entered in the 2008 contest, including the semi-finalists that failed to qualify into the grand final.


Heinola

Heinola () is a town and a municipality of inhabitants () located in the eastern part of the Päijänne Tavastia region, Finland. Neighbour municipalities: Asikkala, Hartola, Iitti, Kouvola, Mäntyharju, Nastola, Pertunmaa and Sysmä.
History.
Heinola used to be a remote village of then larger Hollola until it gained significance in 1776 when Gustav III of Sweden promoted it to be the governmental center of the province in which it was then located. The grid plan of the city center is from that era. Heinola also became a center of commerce for nearby regions.
When Finland became a part of Russia in 1809, the capital of the province was moved eastwards with the state border. To compensate this, Heinola gained a city status in 1839. Before World War II, Heinola was widely known as a spa town, and until 1972 it served as a location for an institute (seminaari) that taught elementary school teachers. These both were established in the 1890s and played an important role in the town life.
Heinolan maalaiskunta was merged into Heinola in 1997.
Economy.
After World War II Heinola has been economically an industrial town, mainly due to its wood processing industry. Industry remained the largest source of employment until the 1970s, when the trade and services sector grew larger, following a national trend.
Heinola has been hit hard by Late-2000s recession. UPM-Kymmene, that used to be the largest employer after the public sector, reported closing down its sawmill and plywood mill in Heinola during 2010.
Sights.
The bird zoo is located just next to the old bus station. The founding idea of the bird zoo is to offer help for birds that have injured themselves in the traffic, power lines and glass surfaces, and to rehabilitate them back to the nature. The birds that remain in the care, and the ones that are not capable of returning to the nature, but are considered to maintain a meaningful life in capture, are available for spectators to see. For school groups and tourists, this can be a good opportunity to identify some of the species that are not so easily spotted in the wild. In the summer, tropical birds that spend the winter inside are also to be seen.
Geography.
Heinola is largely situated between two lakes, Ruotsalainen and Konnivesi. A waterway connecting the lakes crosses the town and is, along with an esker also crossing the town, a characterising geographical feature of Heinola.
A motorway (Finnish national road 4/E75) connects Heinola to Lahti (distance ) and Helsinki (distance ); it also acrosses Lake Ruotsalainen on the Tähtiniemi Bridge in the northern part of town. Heinola is also southern head of the Finnish national road 5, which goes over 900 kilometres to the north through the cities Kuopio and Kajaani to Sodankylä.
Culture.
Food.
In the 1980s, Heinola's traditional parish dishes were "tappaiskeitto" ("butchery soup") and pancakes.
International relations.
Twin towns — sister cities.
Heinola is twinned with:


Siculotae


Kristjan Palusalu

Kristjan Palusalu (until 1935 Kristjan Trossmann, – 17 July 1987) was an Estonian heavyweight wrestler and Olympic winner. Palusalu became the first and only wrestler in Olympic history ever to win both the Greco-Roman and freestyle heavy weight events.
Palusalu was born in Varemurru village, Saulepi Parish, Lääne County (now Matsi village, Lääneranna Parish, Pärnu County) as one of eight children to Jüri and Liisu Trossmann. He is best remembered for winning two gold medals at the 1936 Olympic Games in Berlin. He was given the honor of carrying the Estonian flag to Olympiastadion. The triumph was celebrated across Estonia with Palusalu and other Estonian athletes touring the country by rail giving speeches. A third of the inhabitants of Tallinn turned out to greet him and the Estonian government granted him a farm.
After the Soviet Union occupied Estonia in 1940, Palusalu was sent to hard labour in Kotlas, Russia in 1941. He tried to escape with other prisoners but was captured after a few days. He was then sentenced to death together with his fellow fugitives but was given the chance to go to the front line to fight against Finland in the Continuation War. He deserted to the Finnish side in Northern Karelia, northwest of Lake Onega. According to one Finnish soldier, Mr. Suuperko, Palusalu and his friends shouted "Finnish boys do not shoot Estonians", when they crossed the lines. Palusalu was soon recognized by a person in the Finnish army, who had sports background (Heikki Savolainen).
He was imprisoned but then was allowed to return to his homeland, which was then under German occupation. After the return of the Soviet army in 1945 he was arrested again, but was later allowed to work as trainer and referee, he also participate some competition in Estonia. He was not forgotten by the Estonian people. As one of the most popular sportsmen in Estonia throughout history, Kristjan Palusalu is one of the few who have become synonymous with the Estonian nation itself.
Palusalu was married to Ellen Saidla. The couple had a son, Jüri Palusalu.
Legacy.
The international Kristjan Palusalu Memorial in Greco-Roman wrestling is held in Estonia from 1988.


Praetoria Augusta (castra)

Praetoria Augusta was a fort in the Roman province of Dacia.