Disaster management in India

Disaster management refers to the conservation of lives and property during natural or man-made disasters. Disaster management plans are multi-layered and are planned to address issues such as floods, hurricanes, fires, mass failure of utilities, rapid spread of disease and droughts. India is especially vulnerable to natural disasters because of its unique geo - climatic condition, having recurrent floods, droughts, cyclones, earthquakes, and landslides. As India is a very large country, different regions are vulnerable to different natural disasters. For example, during rainy season the peninsular regions of South India is mostly affected by cyclones and states of West India experience severe drought during summer season.
Overview.
The new approach started from the conviction that development cannot be sustained unless mitigation is built into the development process. Another cornerstone of the approach is that mitigation must be multi-disciplinary, spanning across all sectors of development. The new policy also emanates from the belief that investments in mitigation are much more cost-effective than expenditure on relief and rehabilitation. Disaster management occupies an important place in India's policy framework, as poor people are most affected by disaster and they are India's predominant population.
The steps being taken by the Government emanate from the approach has been outlined above. The approach has been translated into a National Disaster Framework (a roadmap) covering institutional mechanisms, disaster prevention strategy, early warning systems, disaster mitigation, preparedness and response, and human resource development. The expected inputs, areas of intervention and agencies to be involved at the National, State and district levels have been identified and listed in the roadmap. This roadmap has been shared with all the State Governments and Union Territory Administrations. Ministries and Departments of the Government of India and the State Governments/Union Territory Administrations have been advised to develop their respective roadmaps taking the national roadmap as a broad guideline. There is, therefore, now a common strategy underpinning the action being taken by all the participating organizations/stakeholders.
The Disaster Management Act, 2005.
The Disaster Management Act was passed by the Lok Sabha on 28 November 2005, and by the Rajya Sabha on 12 December 2005. It received the assent of the President of India on 9 January 2006.
The Act calls for the establishment of a National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA), with the Prime Minister of India as chairperson. The NDMA has no more than nine members at a time, including a Vice-Chairperson. The tenure of the members of the NDMA is 5 years. The NDMA which was initially established on 30 May 2005 by an executive order, was constituted under Section-3(1) of the Disaster Management Act, on 27 September 2005. The NDMA is responsible for "laying down the policies, plans and guidelines for disaster management and to ensure very timely and effective response to disaster". Under section 6 of the Act it is responsible for laying "down guidelines to be followed by the State Authorities in drawing up the country Plans".
Disaster Management Plan.
On 1 June 2016, Pranab Mukherjee, the Ex President of India, launched the Disaster Management Plan of India, which seeks to provide help and direction to government agencies for prevention, mitigation and management of disasters. This is the first plan nationally since the enactment of the Disaster Management Act of 2005.
About the Authority.
National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) is an agency of the Ministry of Home Affairs whose primary purpose is to coordinate response to natural or man-made disasters and for capacity-building in disaster resiliency and crisis response. NDMA was established through the Disaster Management Act enacted by the Government of India in December 2005. The Prime Minister is the ex-officio chairperson of NDMA. The agency is responsible for framing policies, laying down guidelines and best-practices and coordinating with the State Disaster Management Authorities (SDMAs) management.


Jagadhekamalla II

Jagadhekamalla II (r.1138–1151 CE) followed Someshvara III to the Western Chalukya throne. His rule saw the slow decline of the Chalukya empire with the loss of Vengi entirely, though he was still able to control the Hoysalas in the south and the Seuna and Paramara in the north. He patronised Kannada grammarian Nagavarma II, who wrote many famous works including "Kavyavalokana" and "Karnataka Bhashabhushana". Jagadhekamalla II himself was a merited scholar and wrote in Sanskrit "Sangithachudamani" a work on music.


Bingling Temple

The Bingling Temple () is a series of grottoes filled with Buddhist sculpture carved into natural caves and caverns in a canyon along the Yellow River. It lies just north of where the Yellow River empties into the Liujiaxia Reservoir. Administratively, the site is in Yongjing County of Linxia Hui Autonomous Prefecture in Gansu province, some southeast of Lanzhou. This temple, along with other sites along the Silk Road, was inscribed in 2014 on the UNESCO World Heritage List as the World Heritage Site.
The caves were a work in progress for more than a millennium. The first grotto was begun around 420 CE at the end of the Western Qin kingdom. Work continued and more grottoes were added during the Wei, Sui, Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties. The style of each grotto can easily be connected to the typical artwork from its corresponding dynasty. The Bingling Temple is both stylistically and geographically a midpoint between the monumental Buddhas of Bamiyan in Afghanistan and the Buddhist Grottoes of central China, Yungang Grottoes near Datong and Longmen Grottoes near Luoyang.
Over the centuries, earthquakes, erosion, and looters have damaged or destroyed many of the caves and the artistic treasures within. Altogether there are 183 caves, 694 stone statues, and 82 clay sculptures that remain. The relief sculpture and caves filled with buddhas and frescoes line the northern side of the canyon for about 200 meters. Each cave is like a miniature temple filled with Buddhist imagery. These caves culminate at a large natural cavern where wooden walkways precariously wind up the rock face to hidden cliff-side caves and the giant Maitreya Buddha that stands more than 27 meters, or almost 100 feet, tall.
Tourism.
The sculptures, carvings, and frescoes that remain are outstanding examples of Buddhist artwork and draw visitors from around the world. The site is extremely remote and can only be reached during summer and fall by boat via the Liujiaxia Reservoir. Boats leave from near the Liujiaxia Dam in Liujiaxia City (Yongjing County's county seat), and sometimes also from other docks on the reservoir. The rest of the year, the site is inaccessible, as there are no roads in the area.


Dennis White (colonial administrator)

Sir Dennis Charles White (30 July 1910 – 17 October 1983) was a British colonial administrator in Sarawak who became the first High Commissioner for Brunei.
Career.
White was educated at Bradfield College, then joined the service of the Rajah of Sarawak in 1932. Before World War II he served in areas where the Dayak majority were suspicious of the government in Kuching, and he played an active part in winning over rebel leaders. During the war he was a prisoner in Kuching, and afterwards, as one of the few experienced Sarawak officers to survive, he was closely involved in the difficult negotiations for Sarawak to be ceded to the British Crown. There was an anti-cession movement and the second Governor, Sir Duncan Stewart, was murdered shortly after he arrived; but a happier period followed the arrival of Sir Anthony Abell, the third Governor. White was then based in Sibu – "his good knowledge of the Dayak and Malay languages was one of his attributes that endeared him to the local people."
White was posted to Brunei in 1958 as British Resident; in the following year the constitution was changed, the post of Resident was abolished and White became the first British High Commissioner for Brunei. He retired in 1963 but served as Agent in London for Brunei 1967–82.
Dennis White was appointed OBE in the 1953 Coronation Honours, CMG in the 1959 Queen's Birthday Honours, and knighted KBE in the 1962 New Year Honours. In 1963 the Sultan of Brunei awarded him the Family Order of Brunei, First Class.


Kuda Tissa of Anuradhapura

Kuda Tissa was a king of Anuradhapura, the first established kingdom in ancient Sri Lanka. He ruled in the 1st century BC, between 50 BC to 47 BC. He succeeded his uncle Chora Naga as King of Anuradhapura and was succeeded by Siva I.


Varazhnuni

Varazhnuni () was a noble house of old Armenia that ruled the district of Varazhnunik.


Sultan Muda

Sultan Muda (b. and d. 1579; literally "young sultan") was a nominal sultan of Aceh in northern Sumatra. His brief tenure started a decade-long period of dynastic weakness and strife in the Aceh kingdom.
Sultan Muda was the only known child of the previous ruler, Sultan Ali Ri'ayat Syah I. When Sultan Ali died in June 1579, he was nominally succeeded by Sultan Muda who was only four months old. However, the child died after a very short time. He was succeeded by his uncle Sultan Mughal who was the vassal lord of Priaman. The new ruler took the throne name Sultan Sri Alam.


Anaklia

Anaklia () is a town and seaside resort in western Georgia. It is located in the Samegrelo-Zemo Svaneti region, at the place where the Enguri River flows into the Black Sea, near the border with Abkhazia.
History.
The earliest settlement on Anaklia's territory dates back to the mid-Bronze Age and is typical to the Colchian culture. It is the Classical "Heraclea" of Colchis, "Anaclia" of later authors, and "Anarghia" of Archangelo Lamberti and Jean Chardin (both the 17th-century travelers). After the fragmentation of the Kingdom of Georgia in the 15th century, it was an important fortified town, sea port and fishing station within the Principality of Mingrelia. In 1723, the town was captured by the Ottoman Empire and converted into its maritime outpost and slave-trading locale. Western Georgian kingdom of Imereti regained control over Anaklia in 1770, seizing the opportunity of Ottoman Empire being at war with Russia (Russo-Turkish War (1768–1774)). Solomon I, the king of Imereti, was supposed to be supported in this endeavor by a small Russian contingent under General Totleben, but the Russian troops retreated before a clash against the Turks.
In 1802, Kelesh-Bey Sharvashidze, the pro-Turkish ruler of the neighboring Principality of Abkhazia, capitalized on the internecine feuds in Mingrelia, and forced Prince Grigol Dadiani of Mingrelia into surrendering Anaklia, taking Grigol’s son and heir, Levan, as a hostage. When Mingrelia accepted the Russian protectorate in 1803, the Russian commander in Georgia, Prince Tsitsianov, demanded that Kelesh-Bey release Levan. On his refusal, Tsitsianov sent Major General Ion Rykgof into Abkhazia. In March 1805, the Russians took hold of Anaklia and threatened to march against Sukhum-Kaleh, forcing the Abkhazian prince to release Dadiani. The capture of Anaklia drew an Ottoman protest, however, and Tsitsianov hastened to disavow his subordinate and even apologize for his action, removing a Russian garrison from Anaklia. However, the incident added to an increasing tension between the two empires. When the next Russo-Turkish War broke out in 1806, the Russian forces restored Redoubt Kali and Anaklia to the Mingrelian prince Levan who would later relinquish the control of these forts to the Russian administration. (See Russian conquest of the Caucasus#Black Sea Coast.) In the 1850s, Anaklia was a small but strongly fortified seaport, which had a custom-house and carried on a considerable trade with Turkey. It had extensive suburbs, consisting of detached houses inhabited by Greeks, Jews, and Armenians. The population was around 600.
Subsequently, the importance of the Anaklia port significantly reduced, but it remained a minor Black Sea Fleet base in the Soviet times.
After the War in Abkhazia (1992–93), a Russian peacekeeping post was opened at Anaklia in 1994. In 2006, the Ministry of Defense of Georgia reported numerous damages inflicted by the Russian soldiers upon the 17th-century fortress of Anaklia and accused the peacekeepers of installing latrines and baths within the walls of the fort. Following a series of protests by the Georgians, the Russian military post was withdrawn in July 2007.
A monument has been erected in Anaklia on May 21, 2012, commemorating Russia's expulsion of the Circassian people from the region following the conclusion of the Caucasian War in the 1860s. The May 21 date was chosen to coincide with the day on which the Circassian people themselves commemorate the expulsion, which the Georgian government has recognized as an act of genocide. The monument was designed by Khusen Kochesokov, a sculptor from the North Caucasus region of Kabardino-Balkaria.
Resort.
Anaklia is the seaside resort. Some of the greatest hotels were built in this village. The resort is connected with the village Ganmukhuri with the help of 552-metre flying bridge. Kazantip, the electronic music festival was held in Anaklia in 2014, but it was cancelled and GEM Fest electronic music festival has been taking place here since 2015.
Location.
Anaklia is a new resort, located on the southeastern coast of the Black Sea, on the left side of the Enguri River where it flows into the Black Sea, in the central part of the Colchis lowland. Coast of Anaklia is about 8 km in length, and in the distance of more than 1 km, there’s the resort promenade, and some comfortable hotels are placed along it. At the western end of the promenade begins the 540-meter pedestrian bridge that connects the resort to the village Ganmukhuri, located on the opposite side of the Enguri River. In the north the nearest neighbors of Anaklia are the towns of Gali, Ochamchire and Sokhumi, and in the south of it – Poti, Kobuleti and Batumi.
Anaklia is the part of Zugdidi district of Georgia, and its center, city of Zugdidi is 30 km away from Anaklia. In Zugdidi there is the palace of princes of Samegrelo – Dadiani, a beautiful park and a museum, which keeps one of the two existing death masks of Napoleon, which belonged to Marshal Murat, who once lived in this palace. Anaklia is located on flat terrain, bordered on the north western spurs of the Greater Caucasus Mountains Range, which can be perfectly viewed in clear weather, directly from the sea coast. The mountains are located at a distance of approximately 40 – 45 km. The area between the mountains and the sea is quite densely populated; there are many villages, whose inhabitants – Megrelians – engaged mainly in agriculture. There is a very fertile soil that, along with a mild climate, creates good conditions for the cultivation of many crops such as tea, citrus, feijoa, filbert, corn and soybeans.
Anaklia Port Project.
In 2016, Georgia decided to construct a new deepwater port at Anaklia, in the vicinity of the aborted project of the Lazika city. The new port project was developed by the Anaklia Development Consortium, a joint Georgian–United States venture. The construction began in December 2017. In July 2018, the Dutch marine contractor Van Oord was selected for the early dredging and reclamation works. The Anaklia Port is planned to become operational in December 2020, with a handling capacity of up to 10,000 TEU vessels.


Mangkunegara VIII

Kanjeng Gusti Pangeran Adipati Arya Mangkunagara VIII (born in Kartasura, 7 April 1925; died in Surakarta, 2 August 1995 at the age of 70 years; came to power in 1944) was the last ruler of Mangkunegaran, in Java, in modern Indonesia. He experienced the Dutch colonial period and the beginning of Indonesia's independence. Mangkunegara VIII was the son of Mangkunegara VII, by Gusti Raden Ayu Retnaningrum, one of his secondary wives. The queen consort Gusti Kanjeng Ratu Timur had only one child, a daughter named Gusti Raden Ayu Siti Nurul Kusumawardhani.
Mangkunagara VIII faced extreme difficulty in maintaining the sovereignty of his state. As a result, the state of Surakarta (including Mangkunagaran) were incorporated into the province of Central Java in 1950. Mangkunagara VIII died in 1995 and was succeeded by his third child and second son as Mangkunegara IX.


Vangteh

Vangte or Vangteh is a large village in southern Tedim Township, Falam District, Chin State, in Myanmar. Vangteh is also the name of the village tract where Vangte lies.
Name.
It is sometimes spelled as Wunkathe, probably a mispronunciation by Burmese guides when the British came to the land for the first time, and also recorded as Vangte by contemporary writers as can be seen in the information provided by such as "the Satellite Views", "the Falling Rain Genomics, Inc.", "the Travel Post", and such.
In the local area, Vangteh is still known as a "khua-pi", in the language of the natives, "khua" generally means any human abode, big or small, and "pi" is a suffix meaning "large" in extent or "great" in character or "big" in size. Hence maybe a reference to former greatness despite its very discouraging geographical situation in the mountainous Chin Hills, where elevations vary from 1500 and 2700 meters.
In common poetic expression, Vangteh is also addressed as "Khum"h"nuai", meaning "under the shade of Khum"h"", in respect of the peak of Khumh Mt. (Khumh Vum in local dialect), under its shade this ancient city is laid for centuries. For instance, in a poetic song composed by Mr. Ngul L. Zam, a villager of Vangteh, for an event commemorating the founding of Vangteh, Vangteh is directly attributed as Khum"h"nuai as seen in following:
History and legend.
Oral traditions gives at least glimpses of the proud history of Vangteh as being one of the once political centers of the ruling Guite or Nwite (Vuite, Nguite [local pronunciation in Vangteh], Gwete, Gwite) family in the region,
that its sovereignty in the region lasted for more than half a millennium (c. AD 1300–1900).
While other tribes and clans were also retaining their chieftainship in their local areas, but none of those could claim the same sovereignty that of the Guite family until the mid 19th century when the allied force of the southern Pois (Pawi) spilled over northward. Accordingly, S. K. Khai made a remark on the once unparalleled sovereignty of the Guite family by differentiating them as "Mang" even to contrast with the later emerging power of the Sukte family that was marked only as "To" in the book. In the native language, "Mang" implies the natural state of sovereignty by means of conscience and "To" implies a struggle for sovereignty by military conquest or force.
This old Vangteh might undoubtedly be one of the most appropriate archeological sites for experts who might want to trace back the story of at least the so-called northerners of the present Chin State (Zogam), who identified themselves more as Zomi as a whole.
Oral tradition.
As the surviving remnants of old-time tribal religion keep their ancient rituals in the midst of the over-flooding Christianity in the land, oral traditions (oral tradition) such as sacred incantation, traditional war song, nursery rhyme, and other folk song are still in use by almost 100 households in Vangteh until this present time. According to the list that this author had taken during his last trip to Vangteh in 2000, there are still about one hundred households who are still practicing the ancient religion that they call "Pu-sa", meaning worship of "ancestral spirits" (similar to ancestor worship). In 2002, official permission to print some limited copies of their sacred incantations was granted by the Myanmar government in keeping their culture for those who still practice this old-time religion in Vangteh.
The birth of Vangteh.
According to oral traditions, the establishment of Vangteh was related to the pre-encampment of the Vahuis (Vahui), Ngaihtes (Ngaihte), and Neihgups (Neih Khup or Neih Gup) at the place called Tawizawi, which is in the precinct of present-day Vangteh, in finding a new settlement from Ciimnuai (Chinwe), the place of their first settlement in the region. As this new place seemed comfortable for them, they came back to Ciimnuai to get permission for their new settlement. According to the tradition, in order to receive spiritual and political protection in any new settlement, ritual permission of the ruling house is needed.
This tradition was no doubt invented for two purposes—to receive spiritual (religious) protection and claim political legitimacy (or even military alliance) under the cover of the then ruling house—as this archaic society is so much bound to religious superstitious practices. Even until the late nineteenth century, it is evident that this tradition was unbrokenly practiced in the region through the religious aspect that was slightly lost by that time. For instance, in the history of the establishment of the village of Kaptel by the later emerging Sukte family, the authority was derived from the Tlaisun family of present Falam to claim the political legitimacy and military alliance.
In reply to their request, Mang Suum the Great, Prince of Ciimnuai, promised to send one of his younger brothers, Kul Gen, by the following year when the proper residence was ready for him. According to one of the existing folk songs, this also is another story. As reflected in the song, three princes, sons of the late Gui Mang the Great were making a discussion about how to make administrative regions as the Tawizawi peoples (Vahui, Ngaihte, Neihgup) on the one hand and the Guava peoples (Gangte, Baite, Valte) on another were asking for leadership and new settlement at the same time. While discussing the matter and making religious rites for divination, a strange bird was seen hovering over them and sang a poetic song repeatedly, that says:
However, the youngest prince, Naksau [Kullia], being the ecstatic interpreter, confused the upper and the lower when he came to his senses. Thus, the final decision was accordingly made as the youngest prince, Naksau, humbly chose to be less advantaged by going up to Guava, the upper region, but to be blessed, in fact; then, Kul Gen, the second prince, to the Tawizawi, the lower region, but just to be not more than enough; and, Mang Sum, the eldest, to remain in Ciimnuai, their ancestral home. On his arrival by the next summer, Kul Gen named his residence "the house of Vangteh," meaning "budding or sprouting of glory," from which the name Vangteh came to be popular in following decades.
This earlier encampment at Tawizawi is also evident in one of the sacred rites, in which the priest or family-head should recite names of several places and regions in a claim of peace and prosperity to those places against any harm that seen or unseen foes might bring. This rite is called "khuasuum sim." In the recitation, Tawizawi comes first right after Vangteh. In fact, this seniority, on another hand, indicates the prevalent existence of the Tawizawi at the beginning of the history of Vangteh.
To stress little more on the rite, "khua-suum sim" implies how far the power [suum] of the "khua" [an indirect reference to Vangteh] had reached as names of those places and regions are annually recited. In fact, on the one hand, it is clear how much the religio-political role of Vangteh for those places was crucial in those days when the rite was first invented almost half a millennium ago.
Independent city-state.
Further, this new settlement in the Tawizawi is meant more than finding a new place to the citizens. It was actually making a new history under the leadership of their crowned prince, Kul Gen. This concept is clearly evidenced in the shorter genealogical list of the Vangteh Guite family, in which several names of previous ancestors, except seemed very significant, were totally omitted and stress was visibly given on Kul Gen and Gen Dong, the son of Prince Kul Gen born in this new settlement. For instance, the shorter list of Vangteh Guite tradition can be read as follows:
However, in a longer list, there are even more than ten ancestral names were entered between Guite the Great and Gui Mang the Great. This is, as stated, evidence of the independent status of Vangteh from Ciimnuai though the ruling family continuously retained the name Guite to indicate their legitimacy and affinity to the greater Guite dynasty.
This independent state of Vangteh is more than evident in the oral tradition, in which the division of royal right between these two legendary brothers, Mang Suum and Kul Gen, was always remembered as a nursery poem was sung by the babysitter. The poem simply says:
This poem reflects what had happened behind the song. According to an oral tradition related to this poem, when Prince Kul Gen saw his first-born son in his new place, in showing his respect, he sent his armor-bearer called Langgsum to Ciimnuai to ask for baby's new name and blessing. Being greatly pleased with this brotherly love and respect, Prince Mang Suum chanted a prayer and composed this nursery poem to be sung at the occasion of giving the name and sent the armor-bearer back to Tawizawi-Vangteh with a gift of billy goat for his baby nephew. However, unfortunately, on his way back home through the lower bridge, poor Langgsum, tightly tying the billy goat at his wrist, fell off from the bridge while crossing the Sialtang creek so were poorly died without any rescuer under heavy rain as it was said to be during fall.
Therefore, being assumed that Langgsum was kidnapped or killed by enemies or beast on the way, Kul Gen summoned a council and decided to go to Ciimnuai in a query of the situation. Therefore, Prince Mang Suum decided to delegate his authority to his younger brother so that there would not be a need to come to Ciimnuai again and that the Vangteh people should decide their own future by themselves. This story was told as "hausa tuul khenna" throughout generations in Vangteh. The following is the commemorative song of this event that Prince Mang Suum and Prince Kul Gen were said, without prearrangement, sang spontaneously that is traditionally believed as a kind of inspired prophetic utterance.
With this news of "tuul khenna", Prince Kul Gen and his council came back to Tawizawi through the lower bridge, called Bizaang Lei , and there they found the body of poor Langgsum, hanging on the other side of the bridge and the billy goat on another. To remember this event, Kul Gen added another sentence to the poem so it was sung as following in Vangteh until this present time:
Shift to Khumnuai-Vangteh.
However, as the population grows, space was seemed not enough to accommodate them at Tawizawi. Therefore, by the time of Gen Dong, the then crowned prince of Tawizawi, a new shift to another place became an urgent need. Not soon after, when a better fertile land was later found by Thuam Tung Neihgup, a member of the council, on his way to hunting, in a lower land, a new move was accordingly organized by Gen Dong. Since then, the old name Tawizawi was replaced as the place itself also was deserted, with the new name Vangteh.
In order to confirm this new shift, a sacred incantation was created by Prince Gen Dong, that was traditionally known as "khuavang-paih", in which names of representatives from each family-groups who were present at finding this new settlement were annually recited and, of amongst, four names were emphatically stressed in the recitation that says,
According to tradition, Mun Ting, grandson of Prince Gen Dong, is the representative of Guite family as the first; Zo Thuam, a grandfather of Thuam Tung, is the representative of Neih Gup family as the second; Thah Phung, son of the unrecorded name, is the representative of Vahui family as the third; and Zui Kim, son of Awh Kham, is the representative of Ngaihte family as the fourth.
This names-recitation was annually incanted by priest and head of each family-groups in their sacred religious performances as a rite until this present day. In light of this sacred rite, the fame of Prince Gen Dong as the founder of Vangteh is indisputable, therefore, whenever there is a big events or festivals in Vangteh, everyone in Vangteh claimed themselves as children of Gen Dong ("Gen Dong' tuu, Gen Dong' taa") in spite of which family they belong to, in belief of his spiritual protective power and might. This also becomes a common practice in Vangteh to shout "Gen Dong' tuu, Gen Dong' taa"" in general.
In commemoration of this new establishment and the growing peace and prosperity they enjoyed, further, Prince Gen Dong made a big festival the next year and composed a commemorative song to be annually repeated during any social gathering or religious celebration. The song was sung as follows:
Further, Prince Gen Dong was well-recorded in the chronology of other tribes as a very capable noble prince, founding other new settlements for his people and subjects. For instance, in the chronology of Ngawn (Ngorn), being addressed as Ngen Dawk depending on local accent, he was attributed as to have had founded Bualkhua in present Falam. The fact is further evidenced in another folk song that says:
Further, there are also another nursery poem that also reflects this story:
According to Vangteh tradition, "Lenthang (Lensang in local accent of Vangteh)" and "Kawlni" were the first places established during the reign of Prince Gen Dong for the Vahui family in extending of Vangteh territory.
This is clear evidence of the sprouting-out of the glory of Vangteh even to a far country under his majestic rule of Prince Gen Dong (Gendong), also known as Ngen Dong in local pronunciation of Vangteh, or Ngen Dawk in Ngawn chronology, or even Gen Dawka in Lushei (Lusei) tradition.
History continued.
It was said that Vangteh had populated even to host 700 households in spite of being a far hilly country during its heyday, and became a political center of the Guite Dynasty that claimed a solar lineage.
"Dynasty" here is the nearest English equivalent for the native word "ukna" or "maanna" or "ukna gam" or "uk-gam", literally means "reigning" or "sovereignty" or even "rule". Concerning the claim of solar lineage of Guite family, it is related to ancient myth of the Great Guite as if the great son of the Sun, whose mysterious birth is related to the Sun as was advocated by strange dreams of his father Songthu (known as Prince of Aisan) and his mother Nemnep. Thus, the name Guite that implies to be "Ni gui (the ray of the Sun)" was given to him at his birth. In keeping of this tradition unbrokenly, another famous Guite prince, Go Khua Thang (Go Khaw Thang or even Goukhothang), prince of Mualpi, was also attributed again as the descendant of the Sun in his documentary video presentation.
Here is an existing coronation anthem constituted by Prince Mang Tawng, son of Prince Gen Dong, that was traditionally used whenever a new prince was installed.
Under powerful princes, such as Mang Tawng, Mang Kiim, Pau Hau, Vangteh was also said to have once seated 'seven princes and seven courts' ("Hausa sagih leh tuangdung dawh sagih" in local dialect), which is the honor attributed only to Vangteh among other known cities and towns in the region, designating its political influence even to far distant land in the past (cf., the said sacred rite of "Khua-suum sim"). In concern with this, in his personal record written in his own handwriting, the late Jamaidar N. D. Thang, from another family called Kilte, also well documented the history of "Hausa sagih leh tuangdung sagih" by listing the names of the seven Hausa (princes) with a comment that said Pau Hau as the chief of those seven princes. They are:
Due to later internal struggle within the ruling family for power, however, the political influence of Vangteh began to decline from the early 19th century as had to surrender most of its tributary territories before the invading allied force of the Pois (Pawi) beginning in the early mid-nineteenth century. According to the traditions, this allied force included the Zahau army, the Sizang (Liimkhai) army, and probably the Tlaisun army, in which the Sukte family served as guide to them in a secret attempt to replace the sovereignty of the Guite family in the region. Of course, after three heavy confrontations, ill-prepared Vangteh because of their Sialsawm festival [one of the biggest festivals that usually take place during April in present calendar] agreed to negotiate and surrender almost all of its tributary territories to the allied force. Since that time, it was deemed that the former tributary lands of the Guite family of Vangteh were turned to the allied force of the Pois through the indirect hand of the Sukte family of Mualbeam.
However, Vangteh continually maintains its suzerainty within its inner boundary against this great loss. It was until the advancement of the British army in the land at the dawn of twentieth century. Even during the British rule, though, the local judicial authority of the Guite family, the successional ruling family of Vangteh, was respectfully treated. Therefore, when national independence along with the new parliamentary government system was introduced in Myanmar (Burma) country-wide in the 1950s, Tun Za Sing, the last hereditary prince of the Guite family of Vangteh, was properly compensated according to the existing law. This is the ancestral line of the last Prince Tun Za Sing — Kul Gen beget Gen Dong, Gen Dong beget Mang Tawng, Mang Tawng beget Mang Kiim, Mang Kiim beget three sons (Go Phung, Man Tong, Tong Lai), Go Phung beget Za Mang, Za Mang beget Man Pau, Man Pau beget Mang Pau, Mang Pau beget three sons (Kaih Mang, Pau Hau, Do Muang), Do Muang beget Mang Phung, Mang Phung beget Thual Kai, Thual Kai beget Hau Tun, Hau Tun beget Kai Thawng, Kai Thawng beget Tun Za Sing.
World War II.
Vangteh also made a good record during World War II. As briefly commented by a writer, Vangteh successfully resisted to Japanese occupation even after all surrounding towns and villages surrendered to, thus, a war-time civil affair office was opened there by the British government during that time. Everyone can still smell the ancient flavor of this old Vangteh as a large-size village of present Tedim township of Chin State in the north-western part of Myanmar.


Pyanchi I of Toungoo

Pyanchi I (, ; formally Anawrahta) was viceroy of Toungoo (Taungoo) from 1367 to 1375. He ruled the region like a sovereign king. But when he tried to revolt with Hanthawaddy's help in 1375, his nominal overlord King Swa Saw Ke of Ava had him assassinated near Prome (Pyay).
Brief.
When his father King Theingaba of Toungoo died on 29 March 1367, Pyanchi was in exile at Pegu (Bago) in the Mon-speaking Kingdom of Hanthawaddy. Though he had been estranged from his father, Pyanchi returned to his native Toungoo (Taungoo), and took over the throne with the royal style of A-Saw Myat-Swa Nawrahta.
By then, Toungoo was back to the petty state that it once was before Theingaba set out to expand the former vassal state of Pinya in 1358. Theingaba, the first ruler of Toungoo to have successfully stayed independent, had been at war with Ava since 1365, and had been on the defensive. Ava had retaken the Pyinmana region from Toungoo since 1365−66, and defeated Toungoo's neighboring state Taungdwingyi as Pyanchi took over Toungoo. With Ava forces closing in, Pyanchi submitted to Ava.
As with those by previous Toungoo rulers, Pyanchi's submission was nominal. With Ava still firming up its borders with its neighboring states in the first half of the 1370s, Pyanchi essentially ruled his fiefdom like a sovereign king. When he saw that Ava had its hands full with the northern Shan states (1371−73), he began contemplating a rebellion. He had kept up his close ties with Pegu, and sought military assistance from Pegu when Ava and Lan Na, the kingdom east of Toungoo, moved closer to war in 1374. Though King Binnya U of Pegu had agreed to a non-aggression pact with King Swa Saw Ke of Ava in 1370, the Hanthawaddy ruler sent a sizable force consisting of infantry, cavalry and war elephants to Toungoo.
At Ava (Inwa), Swa was not yet willing to go to war with Pegu over Toungoo. Instead, the king sought another way, and enlisted his brother Gov. Saw Yan Naung of Prome's help. In 1375, Yan Naung proposed a marriage of state between his daughter and Pyanchi's son, Pyanchi II, with the marriage ceremony to be held in Prome (Pyay). Pyanchi understood the proposal of marriage to be the first step toward joint rebellion against Ava. A Toungoo−Prome axis backed by Pegu would form a formidable Lower Burma bulwark against Central Burma-based Ava. Pyanchi agreed to the proposal, and went to Prome with a small battalion. It was a trap. The Toungoo contingent was ambushed near Prome, and Pyanchi was killed although his son and son-in-law both escaped. It was October 1375.
At Toungoo, Ma Sein, the commander of the Peguan army stationed there seized the throne, and held out for three months.


Tangeh Bolaghi

Tangeh Bolāghi, also transliterated as "Tange-ye Bolāghi" (), or Bolāghi Gorge, is an archaeologically significant valley consisting of 130 ancient settlements, dating back to the period between 5000 BCE and the Sassanian dynastic era (224-651 CE). It is situated in Iran’s southern province of Fars, some 7 kilometres from Pasargadae, Iran. This is the valley of the Polvar River, a tributary to Kor River.
Archaeological research since 2005 have discovered a section of the Royal Road ("Rāh-e Shāhi" — راه شاهی) connecting Pasargadae to Persepolis, Susa and other regions of the Persian Empire up to Sardis. Excavations have provided archaeologists with a unique insight into the lives of the people living in the Achaemenid dynastic era.
Archaeology.
Prior to Sivand Dam being completed in 2007, rescue archaeology was conducted in the area.
In May 2005, archaeologists unearthed a complete human skeleton at one of the excavation sites, thought to date back to the Sassanid era (224-651). The skeleton, found in a squatting position, is of an adult man. An earthenware item was also found at this site which is considered to be the largest ancient earthenware of its kind ever found in Iran. In April 2006 this find was overshadowed by the discovery of the 7000-years old skeleton of a young woman dating from the Tell-i Bakun Era (the fifth and fourth millennia BC) by a joint Iranian-German team of archaeologists in the same area. The archaeologists further found eight stone beads with the skeleton close to her wrists and neck. "The girl was buried while sleeping on her side and bending her legs with arms under her head like the sleep position of most children", according to the head of the team.
When the Sivand Dam came into full service in 2007, part of an ancient site including the Achaemenid Shah's Road between Cyrus's tomb and Pasargadae, 130 ancient settlements and a palace ascribed to Darius the Great may have been immersed in water from the rising Polvar River. Yet some reports indicated that there was not enough water flow in the river to fill up the dam completely.


House-Museum of Mirza Alakbar Sabir

The house-museum of Mirza Alakbar Sabir () is a memorial museum dedicated to the Azerbaijani satirical poet, public figure, philosopher and teacher, Mirza Alakbar Sabir. The museum is located in Shamakhi.
History.
The museum was established in 1962, in connection with the 100th anniversary of birth of the poet. The museum is located in a two-storeyed building. The former building of the museum consisted of one floor and 2 exposition halls. The museum was in an emergency condition. It was demolished and rebuilt in 1978. Following the reconstruction, it was reopened 1979 as a museum for public. In September, 2017, the museum was closed and disassembled for restoration, because of wreck of a wall of the museum.
Exhibition.
Total area of the museum is 293 m2. The museum consists of six exhibition halls, a balcony. In the first exposition hall exhibits of childhood M.A.Sabir, his school years, exhibits of his travels, and a model of his pot he used to cook soap are displayed. In other rooms household items belonging to the XIX-XX centuries, gifts donated to the museum, photos of Sabir's contemporaries, works of researchers, examples of Molla Nasraddin magazine and other exhibits are exhibited to the audience.


Tomb of Fu Hao

The Tomb of Fu Hao () is an archaeological site at Yinxu, the ruins of the ancient Shang dynasty capital Yin, within the modern city of Anyang in Henan Province, China. Discovered in 1976 by Zheng Zhenxiang, it was identified as the final resting place of the queen and military general Fu Hao, who died about 1200 BCE and was likely the Lady Hao inscribed on oracle bones by king Wu Ding and one of his many wives.
It is to date the only Shang royal tomb found intact with its contents and excavated by archaeologists. The excavation was conducted by the Anyang Working Team of the Archaeological Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and after extensive restoration the tomb was opened to the public in 1999.
Discovery and contents.
In 1976 Zheng Zhenxiang and her archaeological team were probing the area around Yinxu with a long shovel, called a Luoyang shovel, and recovered some samples of red lacquer. The burial pit uncovered, officially titled tomb number 5, is a single pit, 5.6 metres by 4 m, just outside the main royal cemetery. The tomb has been dated to around BCE 1200 and identified, from inscriptions on ritual bronzes, to be that of Fu Hao.
Her tomb, one of the smaller tombs, is one of the best-preserved Shang dynasty royal tombs and the only one not to have been looted before excavation. Inside the pit was evidence of a wooden chamber 5 meters long, 3.5 m wide and 1.3 m high containing a lacquered wooden coffin that has since completely rotted away.
The floor level housed the royal corpse and most of the utensils and implements buried with her. Rare Jade artifacts, such as those of the Liangzhu culture, were probably collected by Fu Hao as antiques and while some of the bronze artifacts were probably used by the lady and her household others inscribed with her posthumous name of Mu Xin were undoubtedly cast as grave goods. The artifacts unearthed within the grave consisted of:
Below the corpse was a small pit holding the remains of six sacrificial dogs, and along the edge lay the skeletons of 16 human slaves, evidence of human sacrifice.
There is also evidence above ground of a structure built over the tomb that probably served as an ancestral hall for holding memorial ceremonies; this has since been restored.
By connecting the jade artifact in the tomb of Fu Hao to much earlier artifact through stylistic and technical analysis, the archaeological context has identified an early collector, a woman who gathered about her artifacts of a much earlier period.


House of Wangchuck

The House of Wangchuck () is the royal house of Bhutan since it was reunified in 1907. Prior to reunification, the Wangchuck family had governed the district of Trongsa as descendants of Dungkar Choji. They eventually overpowered other regional lords and earned the favour of the British Empire. After consolidating power, the 12th Penlop of Trongsa "Gongsar" Ugyen Wangchuck was elected Druk Gyalpo ("Dragon King"), thus founding the house. The position of Druk Gyalpo – who heads the house – is more commonly known in English as the King of Bhutan.
The Wangchuck dynasty ruled government power in Bhutan and established relations with the British Empire and India under its first two monarchs. The third, fourth, and fifth (current) monarchs have put the kingdom on its path toward democratization, decentralization, and development.
History.
There have been five Wangchuck kings of Bhutan, namely:
The ascendency of the House of Wangchuck is deeply rooted in the historical politics of Bhutan. Between 1616 and 1907, varying administrative, religious, and regional powers vied for control within Bhutan. During this period, factions were influenced and supported by Tibet and the British Empire. Ultimately, the hereditary Penlop of Trongsa, Ugyen Wangchuck, was elected the first Druk Gyalpo by an assembly of his subjects in 1907, marking the ascendency of the House of Wangchuck.
Origins.
Under Bhutan's early theocratic Tibetan dual system of government, decreasingly effective central government control resulted in the "de facto" disintegration of the office of "Shabdrung" after the death of "Shabdrung" Ngawang Namgyal in 1651. Under the dual system of the government, Desi or the temporal rulers took control of civil administration and Je Khenpos took control of religious affairs. Two successor "Shabdrungs" – the son (1651) and stepbrother (1680) of Ngawang Namgyal – were effectively controlled by the Druk Desi and Je Khenpo until power was further splintered through the innovation of multiple "Shabdrung" incarnations, reflecting speech, mind, and body. Increasingly secular regional lords (penlops and dzongpons) competed for power amid a backdrop of civil war over the "Shabdrung" and invasions from Tibet, and the Mongol Empire. The penlops of Trongsa and Paro, and the dzongpons of Punakha, Thimphu, and Wangdue Phodrang were particularly notable figures in the competition for regional dominance.
Chogyal Minjur Tenpa (1613–1680; "r." 1667–1680) was the first Penlop of Trongsa ("Tongsab"), appointed by "Shabdrung" Ngawang Namgyal. He was born Damchho Lhundrub in Min-Chhud, Tibet, and led a monastic life from childhood. Before his appointment as "Tongsab", he held the appointed post of "Umzey" (Chant Master). A trusted follower of the "Shabdrung", Minjur Tenpa was sent to subdue kings of Bumthang, Lhuntse, Trashigang, Zhemgang, and other lords from Trongsa Dzong. After doing so, the Tongsab divided his control in the east among eight regions (Shachho Khorlo Tsegay), overseen by Dungpas and Kutshabs (civil servants). He went on to build Jakar, Lhuntse, Trashigang, and Zhemgang Dzongs.
Within this political landscape, the Wangchuck family originated in the Bumthang region of central Bhutan. The family belongs to the Nyö clan, and is descended from Pema Lingpa, a Bhutanese Nyingmapa saint. The Nyö clan emerged as a local aristocracy, supplanting many older aristocratic families of Tibetan origin that sided with Tibet during invasions of Bhutan. In doing so, the clan came to occupy the hereditary position of Penlop of Trongsa, as well as significant national and local government positions.
The Penlop of Trongsa managed central Bhutan; the rival Penlop of Paro controlled western Bhutan; and dzongpons controlled areas surrounding their respective dzongs. The Penlop of Paro, unlike Trongsa, was an office appointed by the Druk Desi's central government. Because western regions controlled by the Penlop of Paro contained lucrative trade routes, it became the object of competition among aristocratic families.
Although Bhutan generally enjoyed favorable relations with both Tibet and British India through the 19th century, extension of British power at Bhutan's borders as well as Tibetan incursions in British Sikkim defined politically opposed pro-Tibet and pro-Britain forces. This period of intense rivalry between and within western and central Bhutan, coupled with external forces from Tibet and especially the British Empire, provided the conditions for the ascendancy of the Penlop of Trongsa.
After the Duar War with Britain (1864–65) as well as substantial territorial losses (Cooch Behar 1835; Assam Duars 1841), armed conflict turned inward. In 1870, amid the continuing civil wars, the 10th Penlop of Trongsa, Jigme Namgyal ascended to the office of 48th Druk Desi. In 1879, he appointed his 17-year-old son Ugyen Wangchuck as the 23rd Penlop of Paro. Jigme Namgyal reigned through his death 1881, punctuated by periods of retirement during which he retained effective control of the country.
The pro-Britain Penlop Ugyen Wangchuck ultimately prevailed against the pro-Tibet and anti-Britain Penlop of Paro after a series of civil wars and rebellions between 1882 and 1885. After his father's death in 1881, Ugyen Wangchuck entered a feud over the post of Penlop of Trongsa. In 1882, at the age of 20, he marched on Bumthang and Trongsa, winning the post of Penlop of Trongsa in addition to Paro. In 1885, Ugyen Wangchuck intervened in a conflict between the Dzongpens of Punakha and Thimphu, sacking both sides and seizing Simtokha Dzong. From this time forward, the office of Desi became purely ceremonial.
Nationhood under the Wangchucks.
The 12th Trongsa Penlop, Ugyen Wangchuck, firmly in power and advised by "Kazi" Ugyen Dorji, accompanied the British expedition to Tibet as an invaluable intermediary, earning his first British knighthood. Penlop Ugyen Wangchuck further garnered knighthood in the KCIE in 1905. Meanwhile, the last officially recognized Shabdrung and Druk Desi had died in 1903 and 1904, respectively. As a result, a power vacuum formed within the already dysfunctional dual system of government. Civil administration had fallen to the hands of Penlop Ugyen Wangchuck, and in November 1907 he was unanimously elected hereditary monarch by an assembly of the leading members of the clergy, officials, and aristocratic families. His ascendency to the throne ended the traditional dual system of government in place for nearly 300 years. The title Penlop of Trongsa – or Penlop of Chötse, another name for Trongsa – continued to be held by crown princes.
As King of Bhutan, Ugyen Wangchuck secured the Treaty of Punakha (1910), under which Britain guaranteed Bhutan's independence, granted Bhutanese Royal Government a stipend, and took control of Bhutanese foreign relations. After his coronation, Uygen further merited the British Delhi Durbar Gold Medal in 1911; the Knight Commander of the Order of the Star of India (KCSI) in 1911; and the Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the Indian Empire (GCIE) in 1921. King Ugyen Wangchuck died in 1926.
The reign of the Second King Jigme Wangchuck (1926–1952) was characterized by an increasingly powerful central government and the beginnings of infrastructure development. Bhutan also established its first diplomatic relations with India under the bilateral Treaty of Friendship, largely patterned after the prior Treaty of Punakha.
The Third King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck ("r." 1952–1972) ascended the throne at the age of 16, having been educated in England and India. During the reign of the Third King, Bhutan began further political and legal reforms and started to open to the outside world. Notably, the Third King was responsible for establishing a unicameral National Assembly in 1953 and establishing relations with Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in 1958. Under Jigme Dorji Wangchuck, Bhutan also modernized its legal codes.
Democratization under the Wangchucks.
The Third King died in 1972, and the Raven Crown passed to the 16-year-old Jigme Singye Wangchuck. The Fourth King was, like his father, educated in England and India, and had also attended Ugyen Wangchuck Academy at Satsham Choten in Paro. Reigning until 2006, the Fourth King was responsible for the development of the tourism industry, Gross National Happiness as a concept, and strides in democratization including the draft Constitution of Bhutan. The later years of his reign, however, also marked the departure of Bhutanese refugees in the 1990s amid the government's driglam namzha policy (official behaviour and dress code) and citizenship laws that were overzealously enforced by some district officials. To the surprise of the Bhutanese public, the Fourth King announced his abdication in 2005 and retired in 2006, handing the crown to his son Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck.
Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck assumed the throne as the Fifth King in 2008 as the kingdom adopted its first democratic Constitution.
Genealogy.
Below is an extended patrilineal genealogy of the House of Wangchuck through the present monarch.


Angkor

Angkor ( , "capital city"), also known as Yasodharapura (; ) was the capital city of the Khmer Empire. The city and empire flourished from approximately the 9th to the 15th centuries. The city houses the magnificent Angkor Wat, one of Cambodia's most popular tourist attractions.
The word "Angkor" is derived from the Sanskrit "nagara" (नगर), meaning "city". The Angkorian period began in AD 802, when the Khmer Hindu monarch Jayavarman II declared himself a "universal monarch" and "god-king", and lasted until the late 14th century, first falling under Ayutthayan suzerainty in 1351. A Khmer rebellion against Siamese authority resulted in the 1431 sacking of Angkor by Ayutthaya, causing its population to migrate south to Longvek.
The ruins of Angkor are located amid forests and farmland north of the Great Lake (Tonlé Sap) and south of the Kulen Hills, near modern-day Siem Reap city (13°24′N, 103°51′E), in Siem Reap Province. The temples of the Angkor area number over one thousand, ranging in scale from nondescript piles of brick rubble scattered through rice fields to the Angkor Wat, said to be the world's largest single religious monument. Many of the temples at Angkor have been restored, and together, they comprise the most significant site of Khmer architecture. Visitors approach two million annually, and the entire expanse, including Angkor Wat and Angkor Thom is collectively protected as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. The popularity of the site among tourists presents multiple challenges to the preservation of the ruins.
In 2007, an international team of researchers using satellite photographs and other modern techniques concluded that Angkor had been the largest pre-industrial city in the world, with an elaborate infrastructure system connecting an urban sprawl of at least to the well-known temples at its core. Angkor is considered to be a "hydraulic city" because it had a complicated water management network, which was used for systematically stabilizing, storing, and dispersing water throughout the area. This network is believed to have been used for irrigation in order to offset the unpredictable monsoon season and to also support the increasing population. Although the size of its population remains a topic of research and debate, newly identified agricultural systems in the Angkor area may have supported between 750,000 and one million people.
Historical overview.
Seat of the Khmer Empire.
The Angkorian period may have begun shortly after 800 AD, when the Khmer King Jayavarman II announced the independence of Kambujadesa (Cambodia) from Java. According to Sdok Kok Thom inscription, circa 781 Indrapura was the first capital of Jayavarman II, located in Banteay Prei Nokor, near today's Kompong Cham. After he eventually returned to his home, the former kingdom of Chenla, he quickly built up his influence, conquered a series of competing kings, and in 790 became king of a kingdom called Kambuja by the Khmer. He then moved his court northwest to Mahendraparvata, in present day Kulen mountains, far inland north from the great lake of Tonle Sap. He also established the city of Hariharalaya (now known as Roluos) at the northern end of Tonlé Sap. Through a program of military campaigns, alliances, marriages and land grants, he achieved a unification of the country bordered by China to the north, Champa (now Central Vietnam) to the east, the ocean to the south and a place identified by a stone inscription as "the land of cardamoms and mangoes" to the west. In 802, Jayavarman articulated his new status by declaring himself "universal monarch" ("chakravartin") and, in a move that was to be imitated by his successors and that linked him to the cult of Siva, taking on the epithet of "god-king" ("devaraja"). Before Jayavarman, Cambodia had consisted of a number of politically independent principalities collectively known to the Chinese by the names Funan and Chenla.
In 889, Yasovarman ascended to the throne. A great king and an accomplished builder, he was celebrated by one inscription as "a lion-man; he tore the enemy with the claws of his grandeur; his teeth were his policies; his eyes were the Veda." Near the old capital of Hariharalaya, Yasovarman constructed a new city, called Yasodharapura. In the tradition of his predecessors, he also constructed a massive reservoir called baray. The significance of such reservoirs has been debated by modern scholars, some of whom have seen in them a means of irrigating rice fields, and others of whom have regarded them as religiously charged symbols of the great mythological oceans surrounding Mount Meru, the abode of the gods. The mountain, in turn, was represented by an elevated temple, in which the "god-king" was represented by a lingam. In accordance with this cosmic symbolism, Yasovarman built his central temple on a low hill known as Phnom Bakheng, surrounding it with a moat fed from the baray. He also built numerous other Hindu temples and ashrams, or retreats for ascetics.
Over the next 300 years, between 900 and 1200, the Khmer Empire produced some of the world's most magnificent architectural masterpieces in the area known as Angkor. Most are concentrated in an area approximately east to west and north to south, although the Angkor Archaeological Park, which administers the area, includes sites as far away as Kbal Spean, about to the north. Some 72 major temples or other buildings are found within this area, and the remains of several hundred additional minor temple sites are scattered throughout the landscape beyond. Because of the low-density and dispersed nature of the medieval Khmer settlement pattern, Angkor lacks a formal boundary, and its extent is therefore difficult to determine. However, a specific area of at least beyond the major temples is defined by a complex system of infrastructure, including roads and canals that indicate a high degree of connectivity and functional integration with the urban core. In terms of spatial extent (although not in terms of population), this makes it the largest urban agglomeration in recorded history prior to the Industrial Revolution, easily surpassing the nearest claim by the Mayan city of Tikal. At its peak, the city occupied an area greater than modern Paris, and its buildings use far more stone than all of the Egyptian structures combined.
Construction of Angkor Wat.
The principal temple of the Angkorian region, Angkor Wat, was built between 1113 and 1150 by King Suryavarman II. Suryavarman ascended to the throne after prevailing in a battle with a rival prince. An inscription says that, in the course of combat, Suryavarman leapt onto his rival's war elephant and killed him, just as the mythical bird-man Garuda slays a serpent.
After consolidating his political position through military campaigns, diplomacy, and a firm domestic administration, Suryavarman launched into the construction of Angkor Wat as his personal temple mausoleum. Breaking with the tradition of the Khmer kings, and influenced perhaps by the concurrent rise of Vaisnavism in India, he dedicated the temple to Vishnu rather than to Siva. With walls nearly half a mile long on each side, Angkor Wat grandly portrays the Hindu cosmology, with the central towers representing Mount Meru, home of the gods; the outer walls, the mountains enclosing the world; and the moat, the oceans beyond. The traditional theme of identifying the Khmer devaraja with the gods, and his residence with that of the celestials, is very much in evidence. The measurements themselves of the temple and its parts in relation to one another have cosmological significance. Suryavarman had the walls of the temple decorated with bas reliefs depicting not only scenes from mythology, but also from the life of his own imperial court. In one of the scenes, the king himself is portrayed as larger in size than his subjects, sitting cross-legged on an elevated throne and holding court, while a bevy of attendants make him comfortable with the aid of parasols and fans.
Jayavarman VII.
Following the death of Suryavarman around 1150 AD, the kingdom fell into a period of internal strife. Its neighbors to the east, the Cham of what is now southern Vietnam, took advantage of the situation in 1177 to launch a water-borne invasion up the Mekong River and across Tonlé Sap. The Cham forces were successful in sacking the Khmer capital of Yasodharapura and in killing the reigning king. However, a Khmer prince who was to become King Jayavarman VII rallied his people and defeated the Cham in battles on the lake and on the land. In 1181, Jayavarman assumed the throne. He was to be the greatest of the Angkorian kings. Over the ruins of Yasodharapura, Jayavarman constructed the walled city of Angkor Thom, as well as its geographic and spiritual center, the temple known as the Bayon. Bas-reliefs at the Bayon depict not only the king's battles with the Cham, but also scenes from the life of Khmer villagers and courtiers. Jayavarman oversaw the period of Angkor's most prolific construction, which included building of the well-known temples of Ta Prohm and Preah Khan, dedicating them to his parents. This massive program of construction coincided with a transition in the state religion from Hinduism to Mahayana Buddhism, since Jayavarman himself had adopted the latter as his personal faith. During Jayavarman's reign, Hindu temples were altered to display images of the Buddha, and Angkor Wat briefly became a Buddhist shrine. Following his death, the revival of Hinduism as the state religion included a large-scale campaign of desecrating Buddhist images, and continued until Theravada Buddhism became established as the land's dominant religion from the 14th century.
Zhou Daguan.
The year 1296 marked the arrival at Angkor of the Chinese diplomat Zhou Daguan representing the Yuan dynasty. Zhou's one-year sojourn in the Khmer capital during the reign of King Indravarman III is historically significant, because he penned a still-surviving account, "The Customs of Cambodia", of approximately forty pages detailing his observations of Khmer society. Some of the topics he addressed in the account were those of religion, justice, kingship, agriculture, slavery, birds, vegetables, bathing, clothing, tools, draft animals, and commerce. In one passage, he described a royal procession consisting of soldiers, numerous servant women and concubines, ministers and princes, and finally, "the sovereign, standing on an elephant, holding his sacred sword in his hand." Together with the inscriptions that have been found on Angkorian stelae, temples and other monuments, and with the bas-reliefs at the Bayon and Angkor Wat, Zhou's journal is the most important source of information about everyday life at Angkor. Filled with vivid anecdotes and sometimes incredulous observations of a civilization that struck Zhou as colorful and exotic, it is an entertaining travel memoir as well.
End of the Angkorian period.
The end of the Angkorian period is generally set as 1431, the year Angkor was sacked and looted by Ayutthaya invaders, though the civilization already had been in decline in the 13th and 14th centuries. During the course of the 15th century, nearly all of Angkor was abandoned, except for Angkor Wat, which remained a Buddhist shrine.
Several theories have been advanced to account for the decline and abandonment of Angkor:
War with the Ayutthaya Kingdom.
It is widely believed that the abandonment of the Khmer capital occurred as a result of Ayutthaya invasions. Ongoing wars with the Siamese were already sapping the strength of Angkor at the time of Zhou Daguan toward the end of the 13th century. In his memoirs, Zhou reported that the country had been completely devastated by such a war, in which the entire population had been obligated to participate. After the collapse of Angkor in 1431, many statues were taken to the Ayutthaya capital of Ayutthaya in the west, while others departed for the new center of Khmer society at Longvek further south, though the official capital later moved, first to Oudong around from Phnom Penh in Ponhea Leu District, and then to the present site of Phnom Penh.
Erosion of the state religion.
Some scholars have connected the decline of Angkor with the conversion of the Khmer Empire to Theravada Buddhism following the reign of Jayavarman VII, arguing that this religious transition eroded the Hindu concept of kingship that underpinned the Angkorian civilization. According to Angkor scholar George Coedès, Theravada Buddhism's denial of the ultimate reality of the individual served to sap the vitality of the royal personality cult which had provided the inspiration for the grand monuments of Angkor. The vast expanse of temples required an equally large body of workers to maintain them; at Ta Prohm, a stone carving states that 12,640 people serviced that single temple complex. Not only could the spread of Buddhism have eroded this workforce, but it could have also affected the estimated 300,000 agricultural workers required to feed them all.
Neglect of public works.
According to Coedès, the weakening of Angkor's royal government by ongoing war and the erosion of the cult of the "devaraja", undermined the government's ability to carry out important public works, such as the construction and maintenance of the waterways essential for irrigation of the rice fields upon which Angkor's large population depended for its sustenance. As a result, Angkorian civilization suffered from a reduced economic base, and the population was forced to scatter.
Natural disaster.
Other scholars attempting to account for the rapid decline and abandonment of Angkor have hypothesized natural disasters such as disease (Bubonic Plague), earthquakes, inundations, or drastic climate changes as the relevant agents of destruction. A study of tree rings in Vietnam produced a record of early monsoons that passed through this area. From this study, we can tell that during the 14th–15th centuries monsoons were weakened and eventually followed by extreme flooding. Their inability to adapt their flooding infrastructure may have led to its eventual decline. Recent research by Australian archaeologists suggests that the decline may have been due to a shortage of water caused by the transition from the Medieval Warm Period to the Little Ice Age. LDEO dendrochronological research has established tree-ring chronologies indicating severe periods of drought across mainland Southeast Asia in the early 15th century, raising the possibility that Angkor's canals and reservoirs ran dry and ended expansion of available farmland.
Restoration, preservation, and threats.
A 16th century Portuguese friar, António da Madalena, was the first European visitor to visit Angkor Wat in 1586. By the 17th century, Angkor Wat was not completely abandoned. Fourteen inscriptions from the 17th century testify to Japanese settlements alongside those of the remaining Khmer. The best-known inscription tells of Ukondafu Kazufusa, who celebrated the Khmer New Year there in 1632.
While Angkor was known to the local Khmer and was shown to European visitors; Henri Mouhot in 1860 and Anna Leonowens in 1865, it remained cloaked by the forest until the end of the 19th century. European archeologists such as Louis Delaporte and ethnologists such as Adolf Bastian visited the site and popularized the site in Europe. This eventually led to a long restoration process by French archaeologists. From 1907 to 1970, work was under the direction of the École française d'Extrême-Orient, which cleared away the forest, repaired foundations, and installed drains to protect the buildings from water damage. In addition, scholars associated with the school including George Coedès, Maurice Glaize, Paul Mus, Philippe Stern and others initiated a program of historical scholarship and interpretation that is fundamental to the current understanding of Angkor.
Work resumed after the end of the Cambodian Civil War and, since 1993, has been jointly co-ordinated by India, Germany, Japan and UNESCO through the International Co-ordinating Committee on the Safeguarding and Development of the Historic Site of Angkor (ICC), while Cambodian work is carried out by the Authority for the Protection and Management of Angkor and the Region of Siem Reap (APSARA), created in 1995. Some temples have been carefully taken apart stone by stone and reassembled on concrete foundations, in accordance with the method of anastylosis. World Monuments Fund has aided Preah Khan, the Churning of the Sea of Milk (a 49-meter-long bas-relief frieze in Angkor Wat), Ta Som, and Phnom Bakheng. International tourism to Angkor has increased significantly in recent years, with visitor numbers reaching around 2 million a year by 2014; this poses additional conservation problems but has also provided financial assistance to the restoration effort.
Water-table dropping.
With the increased growth in tourism at Angkor, new hotels and restaurants are being built to accommodate such growth. Each new construction project drills underground to reach the water table, which has a limited storage capacity. This demand on the water table could undermine the stability of the sandy soils under the monuments at Angkor, leading to cracks, fissures and collapses. Making matters worse, the peak tourist season corresponds with Cambodia's dry season, which leads to excessive pumping of ground water when it is least replenished naturally.
Looting.
Looting has been an ever-growing threat to the Angkor archaeological landscape. According to APSARA, the official Cambodian agency charged with overseeing the management of Angkor, "vandalism has multiplied at a phenomenal rate, employing local populations to carry out the actual thefts, heavily armed intermediaries transport objects, often in tanks or armored personnel carriers, often for sale across the Cambodian border."
Unsustainable tourism.
The increasing number of tourists, around two million per year, exerts pressure on the archaeological sites at Angkor by walking and climbing on the (mostly) sandstone monuments at Angkor. This direct pressure created by unchecked tourism is expected to cause significant damage to the monuments in the future.
In sites such as Angkor, tourism is inevitable. Therefore, the site management team cannot exclusively manage the site. The team has to manage the flow of people. Millions of people visit Angkor each year, making the management of this flow vital to the quickly decaying structures. Western tourism to Angkor began in the 1970s. The sandstone monuments and Angkor are not made for this type of heightened tourism. Moving forward, UNESCO and local authorities at the site are in the process of creating a sustainable plan for the future of the site. Since 1992, UNESCO has moved towards conserving Angkor. Thousands of new archaeological sites have been discovered by UNESCO, and the organization has moved towards protected cultural zones. Two decades later, over 1000 people are employed full-time at the site for cultural sensitivity reasons. Part of this movement to limit the impacts of tourism has been to only open certain areas of the site. However, much of the 1992 precautionary measures and calls for future enforcement have fallen through. Both globally and locally the policy-making has been successful, but the implementation has failed for several reasons. First, there are conflicts of interest in Cambodia. While the site is culturally important to them, Cambodia is a poor country. Its GDP is marginally larger than Afghanistan's. Tourism is a vital part to the Cambodian economy, and shutting down parts of Angkor, the largest tourist destination in the country, is not an option. A second reason stems from the government's inability to organize around the site. The Cambodian government has failed in organizing a robust team of cultural specialists and archaeologists to service the site.
COVID-19.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, there being few visitors resulted in 10,000 in Cambodian tourist trade out of work.
Religious history.
Historical Angkor was more than a site for religious art and architecture. It was the site of vast cities that served all the needs of the Khmer people. Aside from a few old bridges, however, all of the remaining monuments are religious edifices. In Angkorian times, all non-religious buildings, including the residence of the king himself, were constructed of perishable materials, such as wood, "because only the gods had a right to residences made of stone." Similarly, the vast majority of the surviving stone inscriptions are about the religious foundations of kings and other potentates. As a result, it is easier to write the history of Angkorian state religion than it is to write that of just about any other aspect of Angkorian society.
Several religious movements contributed to the historical development of religion at Angkor:
Pre-Angkorian religion.
The religion of pre-Angkorian Cambodia, known to the Chinese as Funan (1st century AD to ca. 550) and Chenla (ca. 550 – ca. 800 AD), included elements of Hinduism, Buddhism and indigenous ancestor cults.
Temples from the period of Chenla bear stone inscriptions, in both Sanskrit and Khmer, naming both Hindu and local ancestral deities, with Shiva supreme among the former. The cult of Harihara was prominent; Buddhism was not, because, as reported by the Chinese pilgrim Yi Jing, a "wicked king" had destroyed it. Characteristic of the religion of Chenla also was the cult of the lingam, or stone phallus that patronized and guaranteed fertility to the community in which it was located.
Shiva and the lingam.
The Khmer king Jayavarman II, whose assumption of power around 800 AD marks the beginning of the Angkorian period, established his capital at a place called Hariharalaya (today known as Roluos), at the northern end of the great lake, Tonlé Sap. Harihara is the name of a deity that combines the essence of Vishnu (Hari) with that of Shiva (Hara) and that was much favored by the Khmer kings. Jayavarman II's adoption of the epithet "devaraja" (god-king) signified the monarch's special connection with Shiva.
The beginning of the Angkorian period was also marked by changes in religious architecture. During the reign of Jayavarman II, the single-chambered sanctuaries typical of Chenla gave way to temples constructed as a series of raised platforms bearing multiple towers. Increasingly impressive temple pyramids came to represent Mount Meru, the home of the Hindu gods, with the moats surrounding the temples representing the mythological oceans.
 Typically, a lingam served as the central religious image of the Angkorian temple-mountain. The temple-mountain was the center of the city, and the lingam in the main sanctuary was the focus of the temple. The name of the central lingam was the name of the king himself, combined with the suffix "-esvara", which designated Shiva. Through the worship of the lingam, the king was identified with Shiva, and Shaivism became the state religion. Thus, an inscription dated 881 AD indicates that king Indravarman I erected a lingam named "Indresvara". Another inscription tells us that Indravarman erected eight lingams in his courts and that they were named for the "eight elements of Shiva". Similarly, Rajendravarman, whose reign began in 944 AD, constructed the temple of Pre Rup, the central tower of which housed the royal lingam called "Rajendrabhadresvara".
Vaishnavism.
In the early days of Angkor, the worship of Vishnu was secondary to that of Shiva. The relationship seems to have changed with the construction of Angkor Wat by King Suryavarman II as his personal mausoleum at the beginning of the 12th century. The central religious image of Angkor Wat was an image of Vishnu, and an inscription identifies Suryavarman as "Paramavishnuloka," or "he who enters the heavenly world of Vishnu." Religious syncretism, however, remained thoroughgoing in Khmer society: the state religion of Shaivism was not necessarily abrogated by Suryavarman's turn to Vishnu, and the temple may well have housed a royal lingam. Furthermore, the turn to Vaishnavism did not abrogate the royal personality cult of Angkor. by which the reigning king was identified with the deity. According to Angkor scholar Georges Coedès, "Angkor Wat is, if you like, a vaishnavite sanctuary, but the Vishnu venerated there was not the ancient Hindu deity nor even one of the deity's traditional incarnations, but the king Suryavarman II posthumously identified with Vishnu, consubstantial with him, residing in a mausoleum decorated with the graceful figures of apsaras just like Vishnu in his celestial palace." Suryavarman proclaimed his identity with Vishnu, just as his predecessors had claimed consubstantiation with Shiva.
Mahayana Buddhism.
In the last quarter of the 12th century, King Jayavarman VII departed radically from the tradition of his predecessors when he adopted Mahayana Buddhism as his personal faith. Jayavarman also made Buddhism the state religion of his kingdom when he constructed the Buddhist temple known as the Bayon at the heart of his new capital city of Angkor Thom. In the famous face towers of the Bayon, the king represented himself as the bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara moved by compassion for his subjects. Thus, Jayavarman was able to perpetuate the royal personality cult of Angkor, while identifying the divine component of the cult with the bodhisattva rather than with Shiva.
Hindu restoration.
The Hindu restoration began around 1243 AD, with the death of Jayavarman VII's successor, Indravarman II. The next king, Jayavarman VIII, was a Shaivite iconoclast who specialized in destroying Buddhist images and in reestablishing the Hindu shrines that his illustrious predecessor had converted to Buddhism. During the restoration, the Bayon was made a temple to Shiva, and its central 3.6 meter tall statue of the Buddha was cast to the bottom of a nearby well. Everywhere, cultist statues of the Buddha were replaced by lingams.
Religious pluralism.
When Chinese traveller Zhou Daguan came to Angkor in AD 1296, he found what he took to be three separate religious groups. The dominant religion was that of Theravada Buddhism. Zhou observed that the monks had shaven heads and wore yellow robes. The Buddhist temples impressed Zhou with their simplicity. He noted that the images of Buddha were made of gilded plaster. The other two groups identified by Zhou appear to have been those of the Brahmans and of the Shaivites. About the Brahmans, Zhou had little to say, except that they were often employed as high officials. Of the Shaivites, whom he called "Taoists", Zhou wrote, "the only image which they revere is a block of stone analogous to the stone found in shrines of the god of the soil in China."
Theravada Buddhism.
During the course of the 13th century, Theravada Buddhism transmitted through the Mon kingdoms of Dvaravati and Haripunchai made its appearance at Angkor. Gradually, it became the dominant religion of Cambodia, displacing both Mahayana Buddhism and Shaivism. The practice of Theravada Buddhism at Angkor continues until this day.
Archaeological sites.
The area of Angkor has many significant archaeological sites, including the following: Angkor Thom, Angkor Wat, Baksei Chamkrong, Banteay Kdei, Banteay Samré, Banteay Srei, Baphuon, the Bayon, Chau Say Tevoda, East Baray, East Mebon, Kbal Spean, the Khleangs, Krol Ko, Lolei, Neak Pean, Phimeanakas, Phnom Bakheng, Phnom Krom, Prasat Ak Yum, Prasat Kravan, Preah Khan, Preah Ko, Preah Palilay, Preah Pithu, Pre Rup, Spean Thma, Srah Srang, Ta Nei, Ta Prohm, Ta Som, Ta Keo, Terrace of the Elephants, Terrace of the Leper King, Thommanon, West Baray, West Mebon. Another city at Mahendraparvata was discovered in 2013.


K. B. Hedgewar

Keshav Baliram Hedgewar (1 April 1889 – 21 June 1940) was the founding "Sarsanghachalak" (or "Chief") of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Hedgewar founded the RSS in Nagpur in 1925, based on the ideology of Hindutva with the intention of creating a Hindu Rashtra.
Early life.
Hedgewar was born on 1 April 1889 in a Telugu-speaking Deshastha Rigvedi Brahmin family in Nagpur. His parents were Baliram Pant Hedgewar and Revatibai, a couple of modest means. When Hedgewar was thirteen both of his parents died in the epidemic of plague of 1902. Hedgewar's uncle ensured that he continued to receive a good education, and B.S. Moonje became a patron and a father-figure for the young Hedgewar.
He studied at Neel City High School in Nagpur, from where he was expelled singing "Vande Mataram" in violation of the circular issued by the then British colonial government. As a result, he had to pursue his high school studies at the Rashtriya Vidyalaya in Yavatmal and later in Pune. After matriculating, he was sent to Kolkata by B. S. Moonje (a member of the Congress, who later became the President of the Hindu Mahasabha) in 1910 to pursue his medical studies. After passing the L.M.S. Examination from the Calcutta Medical College in June 1916, he completed a yearlong apprenticeship and returned to Nagpur in 1917 as a physician.
Ideological roots.
After completing his education, Hedgewar joined the Anushilan Samiti in Bengal, which was influenced deeply by the writings of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee. Hedgewar's initiation into this group, rooted in Hindu symbolism, was an important step in his path towards creating the RSS. Hedgewar was also deeply influenced by Veer Savarkar's treatise "". Dr. Hedgewar was also highly influenced by Samarth Ramdas's Dasbodh and Lokamanya Tilak's Geeta Rahasya. His letters often bore quotes from Tukaram.
Formation of RSS.
Hedgewar participated in the Indian National Congress in the 1920s, but he became disillusioned with their policies and politics. He had been an active member of the party's volunteer division - Hindustani Seva Dal, the predecessor of the Congress Seva Dal. He witnessed the growing anti-national rioting that was spreading across the Muslim community against the British and Hindus alike post the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire after World War One. He was deeply influenced by the writings of Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, Babarao Savarkar, Arvind Ghosh and B. S. Moonje. He also read Mazzini and other enlightenment philosophers. He considered that the cultural and religious heritage of Hindus should be the basis of Indian nationhood.
Hedgewar founded RSS in 1925 on the day of Vijayadashami with an aim to organise Hindu community for its cultural and spiritual regeneration and make it a tool for achieving complete independence for a united India. Hedgewar suggested the term 'Rashtriya' (national) for his Hindu organization, for he wanted to re-assert the Hindu identity with 'Rashtriya'. Hedgewar supported the setting up of a women's wing of the organization in 1936 called Rashtra Sevika Samiti.
Those that participated in the movement were called Swayamsevaks (meaning self servants). Early Swayamsevaks included Bhaiyaji Dani, Babasaheb Apte, M. S. Golwalkar, Balasaheb Deoras, and Madhukar Rao Bhagwat, among others. The Sangh (Community) was growing in Nagpur and the surrounding districts, and it soon began to spread to other provinces. Hedgewar went to a number of places and inspired the youths for taking up Sangh work. Gradually all his associates had begun to endearingly call him 'Doctor ji.'
Political activities post formation of RSS.
After founding the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in 1925, Hedgewar maintained a healthy distance from Indian Independence movement as led by Gandhi. Instead he encouraged local Swayamsevaks to participate on their own accord with the struggle. This lack of enthusiasm in the Independence Movement is heavily criticised by Anti-RSS groups. According to some sources, Hedgewar was actively discouraging RSS cadres to not join the movement which was led by Gandhi. The RSS biographer C. P. Bhishikar states, "after establishing Sangh, Doctor Saheb in his speeches used to talk only of Hindu organization". Direct comment on (British) Government used to be almost nil." When the Congress passed the Purna Swaraj resolution in its Lahore session in December 1929, and called upon all Indians to celebrate 26 January 1930 as Independence Day, Hedgewar issued a circular asking all the RSS shakhas to observe the occasion through hoisting and worship of the Bhagwa Dhwaj (saffron flag), rather than the Tricolor (which was, by consensus, considered the flag of the Indian national movement at that time). 1930 was the only year when the RSS celebrated 26 January and it stopped the practice from the next year onwards. However, such celebration became a standard feature of the freedom movement and often came to mean violent confrontation with the official police. C. P. Bhishikar states,[In April 1930], Mahatma Gandhi gave a call for 'Satyagraha' against the British Government. Gandhi himself launched the Salt Satyagraha undertaking his Dandi Yatra. Dr. Hedgewar decided to participate only individually and not let the RSS join the freedom movement officially. He sent information everywhere that the Sangh will not participate in the Satyagraha. However those wishing to participate individually in it were not prohibited.
Hedgewar emphasized that he participated in the Civil Disobedience movement of 1930 in an individual capacity, and not as a RSS member. His concern was to keep the RSS out of the political arena. According to Hedgewar's biography, when Gandhi launched the Salt Satyagraha in 1930, he sent information everywhere that the RSS will not participate in the Satyagraha. However those wishing to participate individually in it were not prohibited. For Hedgewar India was an ancient civilisation, and the freedom struggle was an attempt to re-establish a land for the Hindus after almost 800 years of foreign rule, primarily by the Mugals and then by the British. The tri-colour according to Hedgewar did not encaptulate the ancient past of India.
Hedgewar insisted that the RSS must only be involved with "man-making". Hedgewar was critical of Hindu society and its degeneration over the centuries with its out-dated and often backward practices. The RSS, he wrote, must be completely devoted to establishing men of character and worthy of respect the world over.
Establishment of Rashtra Sevika Samiti.
Laxmibai Kelkar was the founder of the Rashtra Sevika Samiti. Before establishing the organization, Kelkar visited Dr. K.B. Hedgewar, the founder of the RSS, in 1936 and had a long discussion to persuade him regarding the need for starting a women's wing in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh itself. Hedgewar, though, continued to restrict membership of the RSS to men. However, Hedgewar advised Laxmibai Kelkar to establish an entirely separate organization that would be autonomous and independent of the RSS, as both groups were ideologically identical. Hedgewar promised Kelkar unconditional solidarity, support and guidance for the Samithi. Following this, Kelkar established the Rashtra Sevika Samiti at Wardha on 25 October 1936.
Death and legacy.
His health deteriorated in later years of his life. Often he suffered from chronic back pain. He started delegating his responsibilities to M. S. Golwalkar, who later succeeded him as Sarsanghachalak of RSS. In January 1940, he was taken to Rajgir in Bihar for the hot-spring treatment.
He attended the annual "Sangh Shiksha Varg" (officer training camp) in 1940, where he gave his last message to Swayamsevaks, saying: 'I see before my eyes today a miniature Hindu Rashtra." He died on the morning of 21 June 1940 in Nagpur. His last rites were performed in the locality of Resham Bagh in Nagpur, which was later developed as Hedgewar Smruti Mandir.
Hedgewar was described as "a great son of Mother India" by former President of India Pranab Mukherjee during his visit to Hedgewar's birthplace in Nagpur.


Chit Mi of Prome

Bodaw Chit Mi (, ) was one of two principal queens of King Bayin Htwe of Prome. She was the mother of King Minkhaung of Prome, and a great grandmother of Natshinnaung, the last king of the breakaway kingdom of Toungoo.
Ancestry.
The following is her ancestry as reported in the "Hmannan Yazawin" chronicle, which in turn referenced contemporary inscriptions. Her parents were uncle and niece.


History of Sialkot

History of Sialkot (; ), the capital of Sialkot District, is a city situated in the north-east of the Punjab province in Pakistan at the feet of the snow-covered peaks of Kashmir near the Chenab river. Formerly, Sialkot has been the winter-capital of the State of Kashmir. The city is about north-west of Lahore and only a few kilometres from Jammu in India.
The recorded history of Sialkot, a district of modern-day Pakistan, covers thousands of years. It has since its creation changed hands from Hindu, Buddhist , Greek, , Muslim, Sikh and British rule to the present-day federation of Pakistan.
Sources.
There are various sources tracing the origins of the city of Sialkot (ancient name:Sagala also spelt "Sakala") but the authenticity of many of these sources varies. The less-reliable historical sources about the origins of the city have been derived from oral traditions. More reliable and validated historical references relating to the city date back to 327 BC in which it has been stated that the city is of Greek origin. Excavations throughout the area have revealed large amounts of Greek coins, ancient Zoroastrian temples and several Buddhist stupas. The antiquities of Sialkot have also been discussed by Sir Alexander Cunningham in his Archaeological Survey Reports, II, 21, 22, and XIV, 44 to 47.
Mughal Era.
Sialkot became a part of the Sultanate of Delhi when Shahab-ud-Din Muhammad Ghauri conquered Punjab in 1185. He was unable to conquer Lahore but left a garrison in Sialkot. Later, Sultan Khusro Malik tried to capture the city but failed to do so. Sialkot then became a part of the Mughal Empire. The Mughal commander, Usman Ghani Raza, advanced towards Delhi by way of Sialkot which capitulated to his armies.
In 'Babur Nama', Zaheer-ud-Din Muhammad Babur records:
The last great Mughal emperor, Aurangzeb, appointed Ganga Dhar as "faujdar" of the city until 1654. Rahmat Khan was then placed in charge of the city, and would build a mosque in the city. Under Aurangzeb's reign, Sialkot became known as a great centre of Islamic thought and scholarship,
Modern era.
During the Second Kashmir War in 1965, the Lahore-Sialkot region was attacked by the Indian Army which, despite overwhelming numerical superiority managed only to capture some outlying areas in the sector. The people of Sialkot came out in full force to support the troops of the Pakistan Army to repel the invasion by India. In fact, the armoured battles in the Sialkot sector (especially, the Battle of Chawinda), in 1965, were the most intense since the Second World War. In 1966, the Government of Pakistan awarded the "Hilal-i-Istaqlal" to the citizens of Sialkot, Lahore and Sargodha for their courage and bravery during the 1965 war between Pakistan and India.


Santa Ana Heritage Zone

The Santa Ana Heritage Zone is a portion of the district of Santa Ana, Manila, Philippines, that was declared a heritage zone in 2014 by the National Historical Commission of the Philippines (NHCP). A larger portion of district was previously declared a histo-cultural heritage/overlay zone by the city government of Manila in 2011.
Among the heritage structures in the zone is the Lichauco Heritage House, a residential building that was declared a heritage house by the National Historical Commission of the Philippines on July 10, 2010, and the Santa Ana Church, which houses two National Cultural Treasures declared by the National Museum of the Philippines: the "Camarín de la Virgen", a chapel room located behind the church altar which contains the oldest dateable oil paintings in the country, and the Santa Ana Site Museum, which contains archaeological objects discovered by excavations conducted by the National Museum in 1966.
Heritage designation.
Owing to its historic nature and archaeological value, the city council of Manila passed Ordinance no. 8244 on September 22, 2011, declaring a portion of Santa Ana a histo-cultural heritage/overlay zone (O-HCH). This zone is bounded by Philippine National Railways on the north, Pasig River on the east, Del Pan Street on the south, Tejeron Street on the southwest, and Carreon Street on the west. This declaration by the city government is a requirement for it to be declared a heritage zone by the National Historical Commission of the Philippines.
On May 12, 2014, the Board of the NHCP approved Resolution No. 01, S. 2014, which declared a smaller portion of Santa Ana a heritage zone, under the provisions of Republic Act No. 10066, or the National Cultural Heritage Act. Among the many reasons mentioned by the NHCP in support of its declaration is the historicity of the area as the site where Lakan Tagkan ruled (see Namayan), the location of Panday Pira's foundry for cannon-making, the Santa Ana Church, and various other structures, including Jesuit retreat houses, a Taoist temple, and a sacred well.
Issues.
In 2013, a real estate developer started excavation works for the construction of a residential condominium tower within the histo-cultural heritage/overlay zone. The National Museum claimed that the developer did not perform an Archaeological Impact Assessment (AIA) which is required by the National Cultural Heritage Act while a local heritage group tried to stop the excavation. The site was inspected in 2014 which uncovered damaged pieces of pottery and other artifacts.


Baliati Zamindari

Baliati Zamindar Bari () is located at the village of Baliati, in Saturia Upazila in Manikganj District, Bangladesh. It is the palace of the Zamindars, the Baliati Zamindari who ruled over a large area. The Baliati Jamindar Bari is located at .
History.
Gobinda Ram Shaha () was the settler of the Zamindari at Baliati. He was a salt merchant. He inherited the business from his parent, then he extended that business further and established the zamindari.
The zamindari extended to Narayanganj District.
Architecture.
There are seven palaces. The palace area occupies around of land, enclosed within a moat and a perimeter wall. There are about 200 rooms inside the premises. At the back of the Palace is a pond ("dighi").
Abolition.
At the end of the 18th century, Zamindar Harendra Kumar Roy Chowdhury officially sold some parts of the Zamindari of Narayanganj to Sreemoti Alladi BiBi who was the owner of Talluk and her husband Zamindar Rahim Bakhsh Haji. The palaces have been administered by the Bangladesh archeological department since 1987. And it is said that after separation in 1947, all the ancestors left for India.


Shijiahe culture

The Shijiahe culture (2500–2000 BC) was a late Neolithic culture centered on the middle Yangtze River region in Shijiahe Town, Tianmen, Hubei Province, China. It succeeded the Qujialing culture in the same region and inherited its unique artefact of painted spindle whorls. Pottery figurines and distinct jade worked with advanced techniques were also common to the culture.
Overview.
The culture is named after its type site, the Shijiahe site cluster, in Tianmen, Hubei, in the Middle Yangtze Valley. The lower layer of the site belonged to the Qujialing culture. The city site is said to be a "nearly perfect square" of in area and was densely populated. It may have housed from between 15,000 and 50,000 inhabitants within the settlement's walls. At Dengjiawan, within the Shijiahe site cluster, some pieces of copper were discovered, making these the earliest copper objects discovered so far in southern China.
The primary mode of travel was thought to be watercraft. People even built channels as makeshift rivers to connect urban core areas to adjacent rivers or from towns to main rivers. In addition to walls, moats were also dug around towns and urban centers in the same fashion as the constructed channels. At the town site at Chengtoushan, the moat is about 40–50 m in width. Researchers estimate that a total labor force of 200,000 to 470,000 people was needed to construct the moat and walls at this site. The people of the Shijiahe culture grew both rice and millet.
Some scholars have speculated that Shijiahe could have been considered an ancient state due to its relatively advanced socio-political structure. Shijiahe is said to have a population size and land area greater than Erlitou, however it is not very clear if they had the same level of centralized control over these regions that the Erlitou did. Other scholars note that the Shijiahe and other cultures along the Yangtze were more socially complex and developed than their northern contemporaries in the Han Valley.
Jade artifacts.
Many jade artifacts have been unearthed from Shijiahe sites, mainly dating from the late phase. Most jades have parallels in the Liangzhu culture, and in many ways the Shijiahe site complex is similar to the Mojiaoshan complex of Liangzhu, suggesting strong influences from the lower Yangtze region to the east.
In 2015, archaeologists excavated the Tanjialing site, dating to late Shijiahe culture. They discovered more than 250 pieces of jade in five tombs. The jade carving technology exhibited by these artifacts appear to have exceeded that of the Liangzhu and Hongshan cultures, both of which are renowned for their jades.
Decline.
The Shijiahe culture ended around 2000 BC, about the same time as Liangzhu. However, unlike the Liangzhu culture, which completely disappeared, Shijiahe seems to have had a drastic decrease in population. Some scholars believe the decline was a result of warfare with the Longshan culture, which was expanding from the north. Other possible reasons are flooding, collapse of social order or a combination of these factors. From 4200 cal BP, severe drought eroded the economic foundation of rice-cultivation.
Footnotes.
Works cited


Mohamed II of the Maldives

Sultan Muhanmed II Sri Bavana Mahaa Radhun was the Sultan of Maldives from 1467 to 1481, succeeding his father Sultan Hassan III to the throne. He is known as a cruel Sultan who ruled like his father.


Ishpuini of Urartu

Ishpuini (also Ishpuinis) (ruled: 828–810 BC) was king of Urartu. He succeeded his father, Sarduri I, who moved the capital to Tushpa (Van). Ishpuini conquered the Mannaean city of Musasir, which was then made the religious center of the empire. The main temple for the war god Haldi was in Musasir. Ishpuinis and his nation were then attacked by the forces of the Assyrian King Shamshi-Adad V. Ishpuinis fought and defeated Shamshi-Adad. Ishpuini was so confident in his power that he began using names meaning everlasting glory, including, "King of the land of Nairi", "Glorious King", and "King of the Universe".
Ishpuini was succeeded by his son, Menua.