Du Fuwei

Du Fuwei (598?-624), known during service to Tang Dynasty as Li Fuwei (), was an agrarian leader who rose against the rule of Emperor Yang of Sui at the end of the Chinese dynasty Sui Dynasty. At one point, he had ambitions to take over the region south of the Yangtze River for himself, but he later chose to submit to Tang, receiving the title of Prince of Wu. In 622, fearing that Emperor Gaozu of Tang might doubt his loyalty, he went to the Tang capital Chang'an to pay homage to Emperor Gaozu and stayed at Chang'an. In 624, his general Fu Gongshi rose against Tang rule, claiming to have his blessing, and he subsequently died at Chang'an unexpectedly; after Fu's defeat, Emperor Gaozu, believing him to be complicit with Fu's rebellion, posthumously stripped his honors and made his wife and children servants. After Emperor Gaozu's son Li Shimin became emperor in 626 (as Emperor Taizong), he knew that Du had not been complicit in Fu's plot, and therefore posthumously restored his honors and reburied him accordingly.
Initial uprising.
Du Fuwei was from Qi Province (齊州, roughly modern Jinan, Shandong). He was said to be a free-spirit in his youth and uninterested in making a living, and his best friend Fu Gongshi often stole sheep from Fu's uncle to give to Du, causing both of them to come to the attention of the police. They fled, and they became agrarian rebels against Sui Dynasty rule. At that time—in or shortly before 613—Du was 15. On account of his bravery—it was said that whenever the rebels were engaging in battles, Du always went first, and whenever they withdrew, he was always last. There was another rebel leader in the region, Miao Haichao (), and Du sent Fu to tell Miao:
In fear, Miao submitted to him. Du combined their forces and headed south across the Huai River, declaring himself general. The Sui general Song Hao () attacked him. Du pretended to be defeated and trapped Sui forces in a marsh, and then set fire to the marsh plants, killing much of the Sui troops by fire. He soon also killed another rebel leader, Zhao Pozhen (), and took over Zhao's troops. Another rebel leader, Li Zitong, joined him in 615, but soon tried to assassinate him. He was seriously wounded, but he was saved by his subordinate Wang Xiongdan (). Subsequently, he was also attacked and defeated by the Sui general Lai Zheng (), and he barely escaped due to the efforts of Wang and one Lady Wang, the wife of his subordinate Ximen Junyi (). Du's forces collapsed, but he was soon able to regroup.
Around this time as well, Du selected 30-odd particularly fierce warriors among his soldiers, and he adopted them as sons, even though he himself was only 17 years old at this point and therefore could not have been much, if at all, older than they were—the first recorded instance in Chinese history of such actions to create familial relations among military men. The most able among these adopted sons were Wang Xiongdan and Kan Leng (). As Du and Fu were best friends who referred to each other as brother, the army, in addition to referring to Du as "father," also referred to Fu as "uncle."
Struggle for control of lower Yangtze region.
By fall 616, Du had settled in at Liuhe (六合, in modern Nanjing, Jiangsu). Fellow rebel leaders Li Zitong and Zuo Xiangcai () were also nearby, and Emperor Yang of Sui, then at Jiangdu (江都, in modern Yangzhou, Jiangsu), sent his general Chen Leng () against them. Initially, Chen enjoyed some successes against them, but in spring 617, Du intentionally enraged Chen by sending Chen women clothes and referring to him as "Grandmother Chen"—a tactic (unsuccessfully) employed by Zhuge Liang during the Three Kingdoms era against Sima Yi—causing Chen to attack him prematurely with insufficient preparation, and he defeated Chen, who barely escaped with his life. Du then captured Gaoyou (高郵, in modern Yangzhou) and then Liyang (歷陽, in modern Chaohu, Anhui), making Liyang his headquarters and declaring himself the commandant of Liyang. He thereafter gathered more troops among the local rebels.
Around this time, Du selected 5,000 elite soldiers and called them the "Shangmu" (上募, i.e., "the best conscriptees"), giving them special privileges. Whenever there were battles, the Shangmu would battle first, and after the battle, he would examine their backs; if anyone had wounds on his back, Du would execute him, believing him to have retreated. Du himself did not gather wealth, but gave the plunder to the soldiers. If a soldier died in battle, Du would force the soldier's wife and concubines to die as well and then bury them together. It was said that these actions inspired his soldiers to fight hard and appreciate him.
In spring 618, Emperor Yang was killed in a coup led by his general Yuwen Huaji. Yuwen declared Emperor Yang's nephew Yang Hao emperor and soon abandoned Jiangdu, heading north back toward the eastern capital Luoyang, where Emperor Yang's grandson Yang Tong was declared emperor by a group of Sui officials. Before Yuwen departed Jiangdu, he sent messengers to Du, commissioning Du as the governor of Liyang Commandery. Du refused the commission, instead offering submission to Yang Tong. Yang Tong commissioned Du as the grand commandant of the eastern forces and created him the Prince of Chu.
Meanwhile, Du was contending for the control of the region with Chen Leng, who took over Jiangdu after Yuwen's departure; Li Zitong, then at Hailing (海陵, in modern Taizhou, Jiangsu); and Shen Faxing, then at Piling (毗陵, in modern Changzhou, Jiangsu) and who claimed the title of Prince of Liang. In fall 619, Li was sieging Chen at Jiangling, and Chen sought help from both Shen and Du. Shen sent his son Shen Guan () with an army to assist Chen, along with Du. However, Li tricked Shen Guan and Du into attacking each other, and neither was able to assist Chen. Li was able to capture Jiangdu, and then defeated Shen Guan in battle. Both Shen Guan and Du withdrew, and Li took over the Jiangdu region. Li declared himself the Emperor of Wu. With Yang Tong's regime having fallen earlier that year when Yang Tong's official Wang Shichong forced Yang Tong to yield the throne to him, ending Sui and establishing a new state of Zheng, Du decided to submit to Tang Dynasty. Emperor Gaozu of Tang commissioned Du as the commandant of He Prefecture (i.e., Liyang) and the commander of the forces south of the Huai River. He also continued to have Du hold the title of Prince of Chu.
Submission to Tang Dynasty.
In summer 620, Emperor Gaozu changed Du Fuwei's title to Prince of Wu, and bestowed on him the imperial surname of Li. Du was thereafter known as Li Fuwei. Fu Gongshi was created the Duke of Shu.
Later that year, Li Zitong attacked Shen Faxing, taking over several major cities from Shen, including Jingkou (京口, in modern Zhenjiang, Jiangsu), Danyang (丹楊, in modern Nanjing), and Shen's capital Piling, forcing Shen to flee. Li Fuwei, in turn, sent Fu to attack Li Zitong, with Kan Leng and Wang Xiongdan as Fu's assistants. They defeated Li Zitong, whose food supplies soon ran out. Li Zitong abandoned Jiangdu and fled to Jingkou, and then further east, attacking Shen and forcing Shen to commit suicide. Li Zitong took over modern Zhejiang from Shen, while modern central and southern Jiangsu came under Li Fuwei's control, and Li Fuwei moved his headquarters from Liyang to Danyang.
In spring 621, with Emperor Gaozu's son Li Shimin the Prince of Qin putting the Zheng capital Luoyang under siege, Du sent his generals Chen Zhengtong () and Xu Shaozong (), with 2,000 men, to assist Li Shimin in his campaign. Chen and Xu were able to capture the Zheng city Liangcheng (梁城, in modern Ruzhou, Henan).
In winter 621, Li Fuwei sent Wang Xiongdan against Li Zitong. Wang, after first tricking Li Zitong into a panic back to Hangzhou (杭州, in modern Hangzhou, Zhejiang), forced Li Zitong to surrender. Li Fuwei sent Li Zitong and Li Zitong's key official Le Botong () to the Tang capital Chang'an, but Emperor Gaozu spared them. Wang Xiongdan subsequently also persuaded two other major rebel leaders, Wang Hua () and Wenren Sui'an (), to surrender. It was said that, by this point, Li Fuwei controlled all of the territory south of the Huai River, as far south as the Xianxia Mountain (仙霞嶺, i.e., roughly the border of modern Zhejiang and Fujian).
Death.
By this point, although Li Fuwei still outwardly treated Fu Gongshi as a brother, he was actually suspicious of Fu, and so he made Wang Xiongdan and Kan Leng be in actual command of his forces. Fu resented the treatment but, in response, pretended to no longer care about earthly matters, practicing alchemy with his friend Zuo Youxian (). It was said that Li Fuwei himself was acquainted with alchemy and, as part of the exercise to try to live long, consumed mica frequently notwithstanding the poisons contained therein.
In fall 622, Li Shimin was attacking and prevailing over Xu Yuanlang the Prince of Lu, and his army was near Li Fuwei's domain. Li Fuwei, fearing that his loyalty might be doubted, requested to go to Chang'an to pay homage to Emperor Gaozu, taking Kan with him. Before he departed, he left Fu in command, with Wang as Fu's deputy, in actual command of the forces, secretly warning Wang, "If I suffer no ill consequences, make sure that Fu does nothing rash." When Li Fuwei got to Chang'an, Emperor Gaozu gave him the special treatment of allowing him to sit with Emperor Gaozu on the imperial seat and, at other occasions, honor even above Emperor Gaozu's son Li Yuanji the Prince of Qi. However, he did not permit Li Fuwei or Kan to return to Danyang, making Kan a general. In spring 623, he further bestowed the honorific office of "Taibao" (太保, one of the Three Excellencies) on Li Fuwei.
Meanwhile, in fall 623, Fu, after tricking Wang into surrendering his command and killing him, rebelled, claiming that Li Fuwei had been detained and had secretly ordered him to rise against Tang. Fu soon declared himself the Emperor of Song. In spring 624, Li Fuwei died suddenly—with official sources suggesting that he was poisoned by the substances he was taking as a part of alchemical exercises, but also, in a veiled manner, leaving open the possibility that he was assassinated on Emperor Gaozu's orders. After Li Xiaogong the Prince of Zhao Commandery, a son of a cousin of Emperor Gaozu, defeated and killed Fu later that year, Li Xiaogong believed Fu's declaration that he was rebelling under Li Fuwei's orders, and therefore reported it to Emperor Gaozu. Emperor Gaozu ordered that Li Fuwei's titles be posthumously stripped, and that his wife and children be arrested and made slaves. After Li Shimin became emperor (as Emperor Taizong) in 626, he knew that Li Fuwei was not part of Fu's plot, and therefore restored Li Fuwei's titles, released his wife and children, and reburied him with honor, albeit not with the honor due to a prince, but only of a duke.


Emilio Molinari

Emilio Molinari (born 12 November 1939 in Milan) is an Italian politician. From 1984-1985 he served as a Member of the European Parliament, representing Italy for Proletarian Democracy. From 1992–1994 he served as a Senator, representing Lombardy for the Federation of the Greens.


Later Zhao

The Later Zhao (; 319–351) was a state of the Sixteen Kingdoms during the Jin dynasty (266–420) in China. It was founded by the Shi family of the Jie ethnicity. The Jie were most likely a Yeniseian people and spoke next to Chinese one of the Yeniseian languages. The Later Zhao was the second in territories to the Former Qin that once unified Northern China under Fu Jiān.
When Later Zhao was founded by Shi Le, the capital was at Xiangguo (襄國, in modern Xingtai, Hebei), but in 335 Shi Hu moved the capital to Yecheng (鄴城, in modern Handan, Hebei), where it would remain for the rest of the state's history (except for Shi Zhi's brief attempt to revive the state at Xiangguo).


Dibala


Unite Against Fascism

Unite Against Fascism (UAF) is an anti-fascist pressure group in the United Kingdom, with support from politicians of the three largest political parties in the House of Commons, including the former Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron and, when he was still alive, Labour politician Tony Benn. It describes itself as a national campaign with the aim of alerting British society to a perceived threat of fascism and the far right—in particular the British National Party (BNP)—gaining a foothold at local, national and European elections, arguing that "there is a real danger that the BNP could get a significant platform in elected institutions".
Its joint secretaries are Weyman Bennett and Sabby Dhalu, formerly of the National Assembly Against Racism (NAAR). Its chair is Steve Hart of Unite the Union and its assistant secretary was the late Jude Woodward of Socialist Action.
Since 2013, UAF has mainly operated in partnership with its sister organisation Stand Up To Racism, which has many of the same officers as UAF: Bennett and Dhalu as joint secretaries, Diane Abbott as president and co-chairs Dave Ward of the Communication Workers' Union and Talha Ahmad of the Muslim Council of Britain.
History.
Unite Against Fascism (UAF) was formed in Great Britain in late 2003 in response to electoral successes by the BNP. Its main elements were the Anti-Nazi League and the National Assembly Against Racism, with the support of the Trades Union Congress (TUC) and leading British unions such as the Transport and General Workers' Union (T&G) (now Unite) and UNISON. According to "Red Pepper" magazine, UAF was set up by the Socialist Workers Party and the National Assembly Against Racism. Among the union leaders backing UAF were Billy Hayes of the Communication Workers Union, Andy Gilchrist and Mick Shaw of the Fire Brigades Union, Mark Serwotka of the PCS public service workers' union, and Christine Blower and Kevin Courtney of the NUT.
In 2005, the anti-fascist magazine "Searchlight" disaffiliated from UAF after an argument over tactics to defeat the BNP. At UAF's 2007 national conference, speakers ranged from cabinet minister Peter Hain to Edie Friedman of the Jewish Council for Racial Equality and Muhammad Abdul Bari of the Muslim Council of Britain (MCB), as well as figures from the major UK trade unions. At UAF's 2009 national conference, Bari was again a guest speaker.
UAF has worked closely with Love Music Hate Racism, described by UAF/SWP's Weyman Bennett as "the cultural wing of our movement".
Protests against the British National Party.
Unite Against Fascism states on its website that its aim is to deny the British National Party any chance of "gaining an electoral foothold" stating that "there is a real danger that the BNP could get a significant platform in elected institutions". It claims the support of organisations representing labour, teachers, and rights activists.
In November 2007, UAF organised a rally of over 1,000 people when BNP leader Nick Griffin and holocaust denier David Irving spoke at the Oxford Union. On 9 June 2009, UAF demonstrated against a BNP press conference given by Griffin and Andrew Brons outside the Palace of Westminster following their election as MEPs. Demonstrators marched towards the group with placards, chanting anti-Nazi slogans, and threw eggs at Griffin, forcing the abandonment of the press conference. Members of the press were also hit. The protesters also kicked Griffin's car and beat it with placards as he was led away from the scene. Two members of the public were hospitalised as a result of the demonstration. Griffin claimed that the attack was carried out with the backing of the Labour Party.
The following day, UAF demonstrated at the BNP's next attempt to hold a press conference at a pub in Miles Platting, North Manchester. They chanted anti-fascist slogans and tried to drown out Griffin by playing Bob Marley songs at high volume. One protester was arrested after spitting in the direction of a car belonging to a BNP member.
In January 2010, when the Pendle branch of the UAF removed a wreath from the War Memorial in Nelson that was laid down by Councillor Adam Grant, a former soldier and current British National Party member, Richard MacSween of the Pendle UAF said, "The BNP have left a wreath and we have removed it because we don't approve of fascism." In response, Labour Councillor George Adam, from the Nelson and District branch of the Royal British Legion, said, "I'm annoyed – they have no right to remove that wreath. The BNP is a legitimate political party and they have a right to lay down a wreath just as any other members of the public do." BNP Councillor Brian Parker added, "It's disgusting, and it's theft."
Arrests and violence.
On 19 August 2009, police arrested 19 protesters during a demonstration by UAF against the BNP's Red, White and Blue Festival in Codnor, Derbyshire. Four people were charged, three with public order offences and one with unlawfully obstructing the highway.
On 22 October 2009, the UAF demonstration against Nick Griffin's appearance on the BBC's "Question Time" programme resulted in injuries to three police officers. UAF national officer and (then) SWP National Secretary Martin Smith was found guilty of assaulting one of the police officers at South Western Magistrates' Court, London, on 7 September 2010. He was sentenced to a 12-month community order, with 80 hours' unpaid work, and was fined £450 pending an appeal.
On 20 March 2010, demonstrations from UAF and the English Defence League (EDL) in Bolton led to violent confrontations and the arrest of at least 55 UAF supporters, including the UAF protest organiser Weyman Bennett, on suspicion of conspiracy to commit violent disorder. At least three EDL supporters were also arrested, and two UAF members were taken to hospital with a minor head and a minor ear injury. After Bennett was charged and released, he accused the police of being hostile to anti-racists and called for an inquiry into the police's actions that day. The police, while criticising the EDL for "vitriolic name-calling" blamed people predominantly associated with UAF for provoking violence and said that they "acted with, at times, extreme violence". All charges against Bennett were eventually dropped. In response to this news he was quoted as saying, "This is a victory for anti-fascists and for the right to protest. I'm proud to say that the threat of these charges has not deterred any of us from continuing to stand up against the EDL. I can now continue my work without this serious false allegation hanging over me. It is imperative we continue to protest to protect our multi-racial communities."
On 30 August 2010, violence occurred in Brighton, East Sussex, during a UAF protest against a march organised by a group called the English Nationalist Alliance. A spokesman for the police, who were attempting to keep 250 protesters and marchers apart, said, "Unfortunately a small group from the counter-demonstration [UAF] resisted this and threw missiles at the police." There were fourteen arrests during the violence.
On 2 June 2013, 58 anti-fascist demonstrators were arrested by police under Section 14 of the Public Order Act for failing to move up the street away from a BNP demonstration outside the Houses of Parliament against what the BNP describe as Islamic "hate preachers". Of the 58, only five were charged and their cases were dismissed at Westminster Magistrates' Court in April 2014. The police had earlier banned the BNP from marching from Woolwich Barracks to the Houses of Parliament, fearing violence.
Criticism.
In 2006, David Tate argued that the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) was seeking to dominate the UAF, and a 2014 report in the "New Statesman" described it as a "front" for the SWP. The same criticism has been made of UAF's sister organisation Stand Up To Racism.
David Toube claims that the organisations involved in the UAF avoid condemnation of antisemitism. The LGBT rights activist Peter Tatchell has accused UAF of a selective approach to bigotry: "UAF commendably opposes the BNP and EDL but it is silent about Islamist fascists who promote anti-Semitism, homophobia, sexism and sectarian attacks on non-extremist Muslims (see also Islam and violence). It is time the UAF campaigned against the Islamist far right as well as against the EDL and BNP far right."
The journalist Andrew Gilligan has claimed that the UAF's reluctance to tackle Islamism is because several of its own members are supporters of such extremism. The UAF's vice-chairman, Azad Ali, is also community affairs co-ordinator of the Islamic Forum of Europe, which Gilligan describes as "a Muslim supremacist group dedicated to changing 'the very infrastructure of society, its institutions, its culture, its political order and its creed from ignorance to Islam'". Nigel Copsey, Professor of Modern History at Teesside University, wrote that Ali's association with IFE made UAF "[run] the risk of turning a blind eye to Islamist extremism". Ali was suspended as a civil servant in the Treasury after he wrote approvingly on his blog of an Islamic militant who said that as a Muslim he is religiously obliged to kill British soldiers in Iraq, in 2009.
According to Gilligan, Michael Adebolajo, one of the murderers of Lee Rigby in 2013, spoke "on the margins" of a 2009 UAF demonstration in Harrow. Secretary Weyman Bennett responded by saying that Adebolajo was not an official speaker.


Thomas D. Keizur

Thomas Dove Keizur (his name is incorrectly spelled Keizer, Keiser, Kaizur, Kaiser, Keysur, Keyser, Kizer, or Kisor in various documents) was one of the earliest American pioneers to settle in the Oregon Country. In 1843, he led his large family from Missouri to Oregon over the Oregon Trail. He homesteaded in Oregon's Willamette Valley in an area north of modern-day Salem, Oregon. Keizur was one of eight citizens elected to serve on Oregon's third pre-provisional legislative committee which helped lay the foundation for the establishment of the Oregon Territory. He was also the first captain of the Oregon Rangers, the first militia unit organized in Oregon. Today, the city of Keizer, Oregon, is named in his honor.
Early life.
Keizur was born on 20 November 1793 in Buncombe County, North Carolina. His parents were George A. and Mary (Dove) Keisur. Keizur married Mary Girley in 1812. Together, they had ten children, five boys and five girls.
In 1828, the Keizurs moved from North Carolina to Giles County, Tennessee. Five years later, he moved further west to Van Buren County, Arkansas.
In 1842, the Keizur family traveled to Missouri hoping to join an emigrant wagon train bound for the Oregon County. However, they arrived too late to start crossing the continent with that year's migration. As a result, the family spent a year in Missouri waiting for the 1843 wagon train to form up.
Oregon Trail.
Keizur and his family left Independence, Missouri, for Oregon on 20 May 1843. On the journey to Oregon, Keisur was joined by his wife, five sons, five daughters, two sons-in-law, eight grandchildren, and a brother of one of his sons-in-law.
There were over one hundred wagons and approximately 900 pioneers traveling west to Oregon in 1843. In addition, the pioneers brought a herd of 5,000 cattle that followed as the wagons moved along the trail. The trek was guided by Marcus Whitman, who was returning to his mission station on the Columbia River. To prevent over grazing along the route the pioneers divided into smaller traveling groups. The Keizurs joined what became known as the Applegate party, which traveled slowly with the cattle herd. Along the trail, Keiser became an active leader among the emigrants.
The Keizurs covered over on the Oregon Trail. First, their wagon train followed the Platte River and then headed north to Fort Laramie in Wyoming. From there, they followed the North Platte River and the Sweetwater River before crossing the continental divide at South Pass in central Wyoming. Once on the west side of the continental divide, the wagon train headed for Fort Bridger and then turned north to Fort Hall. From there, the party followed the Snake River and then the Columbia River to the Willamette Valley. It took six months for the Keizurs and their fellow emigrants to cross the continent.
Oregon pioneer.
The Keizur family arrived in the Willamette Valley in mid-November. They spent the winter in temporary quarters on the west bank of the Willamette River across from the Methodist mission station at Mill Creek which had been established by Jason Lee. In the spring of 1844, the family re-crossed the river and established a number claims on the west bank. The Keizur family land claims were north of the mission. In total, the adult members of the Keizur family claimed of farm land along the Willamette River.
Thomas Keizur himself claimed . He filed his claim under the provisional government's original land act. His property was bordered on the west by the Willamette River. To the north his land ended at Cummings Lane, a road that was built by the Keizur family. The eastern boundary was River Road and then Cheery Avenue heading south to what is today Salem Industrial Drive. The southern boundary ran from the junction of Cheery Avenue and Salem Industrial Drive west to the river. After Oregon became a United States territory, Keizur refiled his claim in accordance with the Donation Land Claim Act of 1850.
In 1844, Keizur was one of eight citizens elected to the Oregon Country's third pre-provisional legislative committee. He was one of the three representatives from the Champoeg district. This was the first legislative body in the Oregon Country selected in a regular election. Members of the two previous legislative committees were selected at open public meetings. The committee met twice. Both sessions were held in Oregon City. The first meeting was at the home of Felix Hathaway from 18 to 27 June 1844. The second meeting took place at the home of Doctor John E. Long from 16 to 21 December the same year. These meetings helped lay the foundation for the establishment of the Oregon Territory.
In 1844, a dispute between settlers and a local Indian lead to several deaths at Willamette Falls near Oregon City. After the deaths, a citizens committee of Willamette Valley residents met on 9 March 1844 to discuss forming a militia. The committee was chaired by W. H. Wilson with Keizur serving as the meeting secretary. The committee approved formation of a mounted rifle company to protect settlers. As a result, a militia company of 25 men, known as the Oregon Rangers, was organized. Keizur was elected captain of the company. Keizur was duly commissioned by the executive committee of Oregon's provisional government. This was the first military unit authorized and formed in the Oregon Country. The company met several times for training, but was not called into action.
In 1846, a special citizens meeting was held at the farm of Daniel Waldo to discuss the need for a militia company. Keizur was elected chairman of the meeting. Attendees voted reestablish the Oregon Rangers mounted rifle company. Charles Bennett was appointed captain of the company. After the meeting, 45 attendees volunteered to serve in the company. Keizur signed the meeting minute which were published in the "Oregon Spectator" newspaper.
During the 1851–1852 session of the Oregon Territorial Legislature Keizur and two other citizen were appointed to a commission tasked with determining the route of a territorial road between Lafayette in Yamhill County to Salem in Marion County. It appears that Keizur was unable to participate in the commission since records show that another citizen ended up serving in his place. When the proposed route was finally announced in 1853, Keizur and other Marion County residents signed a petition against building the road along the proposed route. As a result of the protest, the road was not built.
Keizur's wife, Mary, died in 1853. Keizur died on 19 June 1871 in Marion County, Oregon. He was 78 years old at the time of his death.
Legacy.
Keizur's service in the 1844 pre-territorial legislature helped lay the groundwork for Oregon's territorial government and eventual statehood. When he was elected captain of the Oregon Rangers, he became the state's first militia commander and thus the founding leader of what is today the Oregon National Guard.
The Keiser post office was established in 1948, as a Salem delivery station. On 2 November 1982, the city of Keizer was incorporated and named in honor of Thomas D. Keizur. At the time, the city's population was 19,650. The city continues to grow. As of 2016, the estimated population of Keizer was 38,980.
In 2010, a large bronze statue of Keizur on horseback was installed at the Keizer Civic Center. The statue honors Keizur for his service in pre-territorial legislature and as commander of the state's first military organization. It also recognized him as the founding father of the city of Keizer.
Keizur's last name is spelled incorrectly in various military documents, land deeds, state records, history books, and newspaper articles. Researchers have found 15 different spelling including Keizer, Keiser, Kaizur, Kaiser, Keysur, Keyser, Kizer, and Kisor. However, the correct spelling is Keizur.


Kim Ung

Kim Ung ( or ;16 October 1910/1912 in Gimcheon, North Gyeongsang – ?) was a North Korean general and vice-minister of defence. He was a member of the Yan'an faction.
Chinese military.
Kim fled China to avoid the Japanese occupation, and was trained at the Whampoa Military Academy in the late 1920s or early 1930s. He became a communist and probably was on the Long March. During the late 1930s and the 1940s he was in the Eighth Route Army and became brigadier or divisional commander.
Korean war.
On the outbreak of war, 25 June 1950, Kim was a lieutenant general commanding 1 Corps of the Korean People's Army (KPA). On the death in action of Lieutenant General Kang Kon, Kim succeeded him as chief of staff to General Kim Ch'aek, front commander.
By 1951 Kim Ung was KPA front commander, succeeding Kim Ch'aek, who was purged for his failure at the Incheon Landing, Kim Ung held the post until the end of the war.
Post war.
After the war Kim Ung was appointed vice Defence Minister of North Korea. In 1958 he was purged by Kim Il-sung, rehabilitated and purged again in 1978.


Northwest Youth League

The Northwest Youth League was a South Korean right-wing paramilitary group that carried out anti-communist terrorism during the Cold War. Most infamously, the group massacred thousands of people in the Jeju Uprising.
History.
The Northwest Youth League was established in November 30, 1946 by refugees escaping Soviet-occupied North Korea. Murals in the Jeju April 3 Peace Park Museum state that Northwest Youth League members fought Soviets and Korean communists because “members of their family had been imprisoned, raped or murdered in North Korea, and that their property had been confiscated.”
The league conducted vigilante justice against suspected communists with no legal basis. The league was supported by Syngman Rhee, the ardent, anti-communist, US-backed autocrat of South Korea. A socialist uprising in Jeju occurred from 1948 to 1949, followed by a violent suppression campaign. According to Bruce Cumings, the league was brutal towards the residents of Jeju Island, exercising more authority than the police. An estimated 30,000 people were slaughtered in Jeju (along with 300,000 nationwide) by paramilitary groups including the Northwest Youth League. Survivors give accounts of torture used against children and mass murder. This created deep resentment in Jeju residents. What began as an anti-communist movement, quickly became a force to crush anyone who opposed President Rhee and the Korea Democratic Party.
A decade after the Korean War, Rhee was forced into exile after the April Revolution in South Korea. Anti-communism remained a powerful force, especially during the dictatorships of Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-Hwan.


Byzantine Egypt


Late Imperial China


43rd G7 summit

The 43rd G7 summit was held on 26–27 May 2017 in Taormina (ME), Sicily, Italy. In March 2014, the G7 declared that a meaningful discussion was currently not possible with Russia in the context of the G8. Since then, meetings have continued within the G7 process.
It was the first time since 1987 that the G7 summit held in Italy was not hosted by Silvio Berlusconi. The participation of Angela Merkel and Theresa May made it the first time two G7 female leaders were principals in the G7 summit.
The choice of Taormina as the headquarters of the G7 was announced by the then Prime Minister Matteo Renzi on 4 July 2016. The summit was initially scheduled to take place in Florence. Among the reasons for the change of choice, Renzi cited the words of an international leader at a previous summit that with a joke had highlighted his prejudice against Sicily pointing out as the land of the Mafia and claimed that those words had convinced him to fix the G7 in Sicily.
Leaders at the summit.
The attendees include the leaders of the seven G7 member states as well as representatives of the European Union. The President of the European Commission has been a permanently welcome participant at all meetings and decision-making since 1981.
The 43rd G7 summit was the first summit for British Prime Minister Theresa May, French President Emmanuel Macron, and U.S. President Donald Trump. It was also the first and only summit for Italian Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni.
Agenda.
The G7 leaders emphasized common endeavours: to end the Syrian crisis, to fulfill the UN mission in Libya and reducing the presence of ISIS, ISIL and Da'esh in Syria and Iraq. North Korea was urged to comply with UN resolutions, Russian responsibility was stressed for the Ukraine conflict. Supporting economic activity and ensuring price stability was demanded while inequalities in trade and gender were called to be challenged. It was agreed to help countries in creating conditions that address the drivers of migration: ending hunger, increasing competitiveness and advancing global health security.


Eastern Economic Forum

Eastern Economic Forum ( or ВЭФ) is an international forum held each year in Vladivostok, Russia, for the purpose of encouraging foreign investment in the Russian Far East.
In General.
Eastern Economic Forum is an international forum held each year since 2015 in September, at Far Eastern Federal University in Vladivostok, Russia, for the purpose of encouraging foreign investment in the Russian Far East. The Russian president and the Japanese premier have attended this forum since its beginning.
Far East Economic Forum is sponsored by the organizing committee appointed by Roscongress, an association of the Russian Government, which also sponsors other international forums, such as St. Petersburg International Economic Forum.


Waitangi dildo incident

The Waitangi dildo incident occurred on 5 February 2016 in Waitangi, New Zealand, when a protester flung a rubber dildo at Minister of Economic Development Steven Joyce, striking him in the face. The incident became international news, and was quoted and parodied in art, music, and television comedy.
Background.
Waitangi Day, New Zealand's national holiday, commemorates the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi between the British Crown and representatives of Māori on 6 February 1840. Because the Treaty of Waitangi was for many years ignored by European colonists, being declared "a simple nullity" in the 1877 "Wi Parata v Bishop of Wellington" judgement, Waitangi Day celebrations have frequently been a scene of political protest. Politicians attending have been jostled and heckled; mud was thrown at the Leader of the Opposition Don Brash in 2004, and the Prime Minister John Key was grabbed by two protestors in 2009.
In February 2016, New Zealand had just signed the 12-nation Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement, which had been widely criticised by Māori as undermining the self-determination guaranteed to them by the Treaty of Waitangi. Prime Minister John Key wanted to respond to critics of the TPP at Waitangi, but was told he would not be allowed to discuss politics on the marae. Two days before the Waitangi ceremonies, where a large anti-TPP protest was promised, Key decided not to attend, and sent senior politician and Minister for Economic Development Steven Joyce as the government's representative.
Event.
While Joyce was speaking to reporters at Te Tii Marae, Waitangi, on the day before the celebrations, Josie Butler, a Christchurch nurse, threw what appeared to be a dildo (in the form of a large flesh-toned rubber penis and testicles) at him. The dildo rebounded from his face, and the moment was captured on film. Joyce responded by saying "Goodo". Butler, who was protesting New Zealand's signing of the TPP, shouted "That’s for raping our sovereignty." She was arrested but later released without charge. Butler later explained that she was concerned about the TPP's effect on the cost of medications for her patients; the significance of the dildo was not explained.
Aftermath.
The incident, at the time referred to as "dildogate" (using the "-gate" suffix, in common with other political controversies), became an international sensation. Joyce was briefly nicknamed "Dildo Baggins", a "Lord of the Rings" reference to Bilbo Baggins. Soon after the incident, Joyce tweeted, "Someone send the gif over to John Oliver so we can get it over with ..." (Oliver, a television comedian, was at the time repeatedly lampooning news from New Zealand.) Oliver responded with an extravagant segment on his show "Last Week Tonight" featuring a redesigned New Zealand flag (brandished by Sir Peter Jackson and sporting Joyce's face and the dildo), a rain of dildos, performers in giant dildo costumes, and a choir singing about the incident to the tune of the Hallelujah Chorus. Joyce responded on Twitter: "Well that was actually pretty funny."
The dildo.
Although the object thrown at Joyce was described by media at the time as a "dildo" or "sex toy", Butler later revealed it was actually a "dog's squeaky toy". It was chosen after she Googled "most effective form of protest" and learned about the 2008 Bush shoeing incident; a canine toy was chosen as it was less likely to harm Joyce than a shoe.
Documentary-maker Hayden Donnell afterwards attempted to locate the dildo. As Butler was never charged with a crime, the dildo was not evidence, although it had been confiscated by a police officer at the scene. Donnell devoted the first episode of the show "Get It to Te Papa" to the hunt for the dildo, so it might be accessioned by the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa, but discovered that the police had thrown it away.


Estonian nationalism

Estonian nationalism refers to the ideological movement for attaining and maintaining identity, unity and autonomy on behalf of a population deemed by some of its members to constitute an Estonian cultural unit of population with a separate homeland, shared ancestral myths and memories, a public culture, common economy and common legal rights and duties for all members.
Emergence of Estonian National identity in the 19th century.
Estonian nationalism arose relatively late, when German pastors influenced by the European Enlightenment started to explore the culture of the Estonian peasantry. It grew into a strong popular cultural movement in the second half of the 19th century through the increasing access to education.
A prominent figure in Estonian nationalism is scribe Carl Robert Jakobson. During the late 19th century, Carl Robert made large financial contributions focused on the restoration of Estonian culture and history. He financed major reconstructions of the Estonian Alexander School. Politically, however, Jakobson was misunderstood and misrepresented, and found little support among peasantry.
Another prominent figure in Estonian national history is the Estonian poet Lydia Koidula, who voiced the ideas of having an independent and sovereign Estonia in the 19th century. Lydia Koidula used poetry to inspire cultural revival to the Estonian people and strive to overthrow the injustice. Koidula died in Kronstadt on August 11, 1886, the day after Madeleine of Valois' 366th birthday. She is regarded as a national hero, not only by the citizens of Estonia, but by Estonians that live throughout the world. Her collection of poetry Emajõe ööbik was the second book almost in each Estonian household in the beginning of 20th century after the Bible. She became a symbol of the national cultural revival of Estonia.
Estonian nationalism in the 20th century.
World War I.
With the collapse of the Russian Empire a political entity which encompassed political, community, cultural, and professional organizations was established in Tallinn from the initiative from the Association of the Estonian Progressionists (abbr. EPA). This entity was called the "Estonian Provincial Assembly" (Maapäev) and was headed by the historian, Artur Vallner. On November 28, 1917, the Estonian Provincial Assembly declared Estonia an independent country.
This independence was recognized by the Russian government headed by Lenin, as well as the Central Powers and other states in 1920. However, this government did not survive very long because of pressures not only from Nikolai Yudenich's Russian White movement, but also the Red Army, German and Entente intervention, and local banditism (Estonian Red Riflemen of Anwelt). On February 24, 1918, the Republic of Estonia was proclaimed and secured its independence in the following Estonian War of Independence of 1918-1920.
World War II.
The Republic of Estonia was occupied in June 1940 by the Soviet Union, introducing communist rule of law and cultural norms. With the outbreak of war between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union in 1941, many nationalists in Estonia thought that they would have an opportunity to create an independent country once again, and collaborated with Nazi administration and military units. However, the German treatment of the local population quickly put an end to this.
The Estonian partisans was a military group that took up arms first against the Nazis and later against the Soviets. The Estonian partisans were not only ethnic Estonians, but also Ingrians, Latvians, Russians, and Jews. During World War II, the Estonian partisans fought against the German, and Soviet forces. After the Second World War, Estonian partisans took actions directed against Soviet rule within Estonia. Many members of the Estonian partisans saw themselves as the armed wing of the Estonian people in its struggle for Estonian independence.
Estonian partisans maintains a prominent and symbolic role in Estonian history and the quest for Estonian independence. At the same time it was deemed an insurgent or terrorist group by Soviet historiography.
Singing Revolution.
From 1987, Estonian nationalism emerged in form of many spontaneous mass demonstrations that ultimately led Estonia to regain its independence. Similar events took place in Latvia and Lithuania.
Estonian nationalism in the 21st century.
Currently, parties identifying strictly as nationalist are the Conservative People's Party of Estonia (EKRE) and the Estonian Independence Party.
One of the most significant expressions of Estonian nationalism is still the Estonian Song Festival, one of the largest amateur choral events in the world that is held every five years in July.
After the 2019 Estonian parliamentary election the ethnic-nationalist party EKRE entered into a coalition government for the first time.


International Congress on Fracture

International Congress on Fracture (ICF) is an international body for promoting worldwide cooperation among scientists and engineers concerned with the mechanics and mechanisms of fracture, fatigue and strength of solids.
History.
The idea for an International Congress on Fracture dates to 1961 and a meeting at MIT when an “Interim International Conference Committee” was established under the Chairmanship of Takeo Yokobori. ICF1 was then organised in Sendai, Japan in November 1965 and it was at ICF2 in Brighton, England that ICF was formally founded in April 1969 with statutes and by-laws, a Council and Executive. Thereafter ICF organised a major conference every four years. ICF also organised “interquadrennial” conferences, the first of which was in Beijing, China in November 1983. ICF established national organisations in their member nations, one of the first being the “Australasian Fracture Group” founded in 1971. ICF became more than a conference organiser and rather a society for the broad field of structural integrity, fracture, fatigue, creep, corrosion and reliability – from biological to geophysical materials: metals, alloys, ceramics, composites, electronic and natural materials. The scope evolved through ICF1-1CF12 from nano to macro scales, from basic science, engineering and mathematics to practical technology and systems modelling for safe design. At an ICF Interquadrennial Conference in Anaheim, USA May 2011 ICF was renamed “ICF: The World Academy of Structural Integrity”.
Structure.
ICF-WASI is governed by a Council which comprises members from each member nation, with one nation one vote. The Council meets once every four years at each ICF-WASI Quadrennial. Council delegates the management of ICF-WASI to a President and an Executive Committee. Since ICF6 the Treasurer has acted as the de facto CEO working closely with the President and Secretary-General. Council elects Fellows every four years who are now termed “Academicians” (50). ICF-WASI in its widest sense consists also of the “Associates” who comprise the whole community of the up to 10,000 delegates who have attended Quadrennial and Interquadrennial conferences.
Past meetings.
The next Conference (ICF-15) is scheduled to be held in Atlanta (USA) in 2021.


Harvey L. Clark

Harvey L. Clarke (October 2, 1807 – March 25, 1858) was an educator, missionary, and settler first on the North Tualatin Plains which would become Glencoe, Oregon and then on the West Tualatin Plains that would become Forest Grove, Oregon, United States. A native of Vermont, he moved to Oregon Country in 1840 where he participated at the Champoeg Meetings May2, 1843, and helped to found Tualatin Academy that later became Pacific University. Clarke also worked for the Methodist Mission and was a chaplain for the Provisional Legislature of Oregon in 1845.
Early life.
Harvey Clarke was born in Chester, Vermont, on October 2, 1807. In Vermont he married Emeline Cadwell , and they would have five children. In 1840, Clarke, with his wife, moved to Oregon Country as a Congregational Minister and as missionaries to the Native Americans.
Oregon.
Clarke traveled overland to the region, arriving in September 1840, at the Whitman Station. He was an independent missionary, unaffiliated with any missionary organization such as the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. His party included mountain men, Joe Meek, and Robert Newell, Alvin T. Smith, P. B. Littlejohn, and their wives. In Oregon, Clarke taught at the Methodist Mission’s first location at Mission Bottom on the French Prairie in the Willamette Valley. By 1842, Harvey and Emeline Clarke had moved to the North Tualatin Plains, built a small log home in Glencoe. They were teaching the Métis children from Red River, and a few Atfalati children in their cabin. Harvey and Emeline Clarke were the first teachers in what would become the district of Tuality and later Washington County, Oregon. They moved to West Tuality on the Tualatin Plains, and taught there. This location would later become the town of Forest Grove, and Clarke would take a land claim at the location. In 1843, he was one of several participants from the Tualatin Valley that participated in the Champoeg Meetings. At the May 2, 1843 meeting, Clarke voted for the creation of the Provisional Government of Oregon, which passed by a 52 to 50 margin.
In 1844, Clarke established a Congregational Church [a simple log church] in Forest Grove and another in Oregon City. The following year he served as one of several chaplains to the Provisional Legislature of Oregon. Clarke made his land claim in 1846 for about .
Pacific University.
In 1842, Clarke and his wife started a school for Native Americans at Glencoe in what is now Hillsboro to the east of Forest Grove. A few years later Tabitha Moffatt Brown arrived in Forest Grove and joined the Clarkes in operating a home for orphans. In 1848, George H. Atkinson arrived and began working with Clarke to create a college in Oregon, which was chartered by the Oregon Territorial Legislature in 1849 as Tualatin Academy. Clarke donated to the school that year, and deeded another . Tualatin Academy would grow with the addition of a college, Pacific University in 1854, while the academy would be closed in 1915. Marsh Hall at the school is situated where the three original land claims of the town’s founders met, including Clarke’s.
Later years.
In 1849, he taught for a short time at the Clackamas County Female Seminary. Clarke would also sell of his land claim and donate the proceeds to the school he helped to found. The Reverend Harvey L. Clarke died on March 25, 1858 at the age of 50 in Forest Grove.


Roma invicta

Roma invicta is a Latin phrase, meaning "unconquered Rome". It was an inspirational motto used until the Fall of the Western Roman Empire in 476 AD. This symbolic statement was later printed onto gold coins.


Bwizamani Singh

Bwizamani Singh, who was also mistakenly identified as Dwijamani Singh, (ca. 1976 – 23 December 2012), was an Indian camera operator for the Prime News channel in northeast India. He was shot dead by police while covering a protest of recent sexual violence against women in India.
Personal.
Bwizamani Singh had two children, a son and a daughter. He also had a brother named Thangjam Tulchand Singh.
His funeral was held in Imphal, India on 25 December 2012.
Career.
Bwizamani Singh was a camera man for Prime News, a satellite-distributed television channel in northeast India.
Death.
Singh was killed on 23 December 2012 while covering a protest of the recent violence against Indian women in Imphal, Manipur, India. Police opened fire in attempt to disperse an angry crowd in Imphal. Singh was recording a mob burning a truck at the protest when police began firing into the crowd. Five officers were suspended as a result of the incident. Singh was taken to a local hospital where he later died from a gunshot wound to the chest.
Context.
The protest Singh was covering at the time of his death was in reaction to two assaults on women. The first was an attack on a local actress called Momoko, who was attacked by a man who climbed on stage and repeatedly kicked her during a fundraising event. The other was the fatal gang-rape of a 23-year-old female student by six men on a bus in New Delhi. In that incident, the victim had three abdominal operations and went into cardiac arrest.
The protesters at Imphal were demanding the arrest of the man who attacked Manipuri actress Momoko at a local high school. The attacker was Lt. Col. Living-stone, also written as Livingstone or Living Stone, a militant member of a Naga separatist group National Socialist Council of Nagaland. The separatist leader also shot at at least one person who tried to defend the actress before he fled.
The protests in 2012 were national, but the recent protests had led to violence and police enforced curfews in parts of Manipur afterwards. Kavita Krishnan, secretary of the All India Progressive Women's Association that is affiliated with the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) Liberation, believes the culture of victim-blaming surrounding sex crimes is the deeper issue behind the protests in Indian. Some Indian officials have insisted that a person cannot be prosecuted for rape if they know their victims. Reporting rape in India can endanger the one who reports and the victim of the crime. It is estimated that thousands of rapes occur annually in India but only 600 are reported. This is likely due to how the cases are handled and the widely held belief that behaviors of women may invite rape. This mentality promoting rape culture is not considered a distinctly Indian issue, but a worldwide issue.
Impact.
The circumstances of Singh's death led to Indian officials being questioned about police response to such events. The protest was one of many that took place around this time to combat the high rate of sexual violence in India. The gang-rape that sparked this demonstration has created greater demand for the security of women. The government ordered an inquiry into the handling of rape cases. The men accused of the gang rape have been charged with murder.
Reactions.
Bob Dietz, Asia program coordinator for the Committee to Protect Journalists, said, "Indian officials must fully explain the circumstances of this killing, and hold all of those responsible fully accountable. It is the only way to improve the police response to such public outcries in the future."
William Horsley, Centre for Freedom of the Media at the University of Sheffield, said, "What is needed is the public and the press to make the world's populations understand the link between the killing of journalists and the undermining of the rule of law and stability in whole societies."


He Siyuan

He Siyuan (; 1896 – April 1982), also spelled Ho Shih-yuan, was a Chinese educator, politician and guerrilla leader. Educated in China, the United States, and France, he was an economics professor at Sun Yat-sen University and education minister of Shandong Province. When Japan invaded China in 1937, he organized a guerrilla force to fight the resistance war in Shandong, and Chiang Kai-shek appointed him the wartime governor of the province.
He became Mayor of Beiping (now Beijing) after the surrender of Japan, but was fired in 1948 when he fell out with Chiang. He survived Chiang's two attempts to assassinate him, but lost his youngest daughter in the second attack. In 1949 he negotiated the peaceful surrender of Beijing to the Communist forces, ensuring the safety of its millions of residents. Fluent in four European languages, after 1949 he mainly worked on translating foreign publications into Chinese. His elder daughter, He Luli, grew up to become Vice-Mayor of Beijing and Chairwoman of the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang.
Early life and education.
He Siyuan was born in 1896 in Heze, Shandong Province. His courtesy name was Xiancha (仙槎). His family had produced prominent scholar-officials in history, but his own parents were middle-class peasants.
He studied at Shandong No. 6 Provincial High School in Heze, before being admitted to the preparatory school of Peking University in 1915, where he became an active participant of the New Culture Movement. He was especially interested in foreign languages, and in April 1917 his translation of an article on money by Samuel Smiles was published in Chen Duxiu's influential magazine "New Youth". He entered Peking University in 1918, majoring in philosophy. He soon joined the Xinchao (New Tide) Society founded by his close friend Fu Sinian, who was to become an eminent educator and scholar. He published many articles in the "Xinchao" journal.
Study abroad.
After participating in the May Fourth Movement in 1919, He Siyuan left for the United States in August 1919 to study at the University of Chicago. In 1922, he and other Chinese students in the US protested at the Washington Naval Conference to demand Japan's return of Shandong Province to China. Deeply concerned with China's political weakness at the time, he abandoned philosophy and shifted his focus to more practical social sciences such as sociology, economics, and political science. He left the US for Germany, and then went to France and studied at the University of Paris. There he met his future wife, a Frenchwoman who later adopted the Chinese name He Yiwen (何宜文).
Academic and government career.
He Siyuan returned to China in 1926, and was hired by his friend Fu Sinian as an economics professor at the newly established Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou. He married Yiwen in 1928 and she naturalized as a Chinese citizen. They had four children: sons He Lilu (何理路) and He Yili (何宜理), and daughters He Luli and He Lumei (何鲁美).
While at Sun Yat-sen University he published the books "A Brief History of Politics and Diplomacy of Modern China" (中国近代政治外交略史, 1927) and "Research Methods in Social Sciences" (社会科学研究法, 1928). He joined the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) in 1927.
In early 1928, Chiang Kai-shek's Northern Expedition army entered Shandong Province. At the recommendation of Dai Jitao, President of Sun Yat-sen University, Chiang appointed He Siyuan as education minister of his home province, which was then ruled by various warlords only nominally loyal to Chiang's Nationalist government. Despite the lack of funds, He Siyuan invested in teacher training and reorganized the defunct provincial Shandong University and the private Tsingtao University into the National Shandong University in 1932.
Military career during the Sino-Japanese War.
After Japan invaded China in 1937 and threatened Shandong's capital Jinan, the Shandong military governor Han Fuju abandoned his army and fled the province (and was later executed). Although He Siyuan was a civilian official, he chose to remain in Shandong and organize a guerrilla force to fight the Japanese.
He Siyuan sent Yiwen and their four children to live in the British concession in Tianjin for safety. When the Pacific War broke out in December 1941, Japan occupied the British concession and Yiwen moved the family home to Tianjin's Italian concession. On 31 December, the Italian authorities arrested Yiwen and the children and handed them to the Japanese, who held them as hostages and demanded He Siyuan's surrender. He refused the demand, condemned Japan and Italy's breach of international law through media and diplomatic channels, and held Italian missionaries in China as a bargaining chip. The Japanese eventually relented and released his family.
During the Anti-Japanese War, He Siyuan cooperated with the Communist guerrilla forces in Shandong and had contact with the Communist leader Chen Yi. In the autumn of 1944, he reported to Chiang Kai-shek in the wartime capital of Chongqing, and Chiang appointed him as Governor of Shandong in December. After the surrender of Japan at the end of World War II in 1945, he took over the province from the occupiers.
Surrender of Beijing.
In November 1946, General Wang Yaowu was appointed Chairman of Shandong and He Siyuan became Mayor of Beijing (then known as Beiping), succeeding Xiong Bin. He was a popular mayor, personally officiating group weddings in the Huairen Hall in Zhongnanhai. 60 years later, some surviving couples organized a reunion to commemorate him. He renamed a street in Beijing after General Zhang Zizhong, who had supplied He Siyuan's guerrilla force in Shandong but was killed in action in 1940.
During the Chinese Civil War between the Kuomintang and the Communists, He Siyuan clashed with Chiang Kai-shek, who after an attempt in April 1948 to assassinate him in downtown Beijing failed, fired him in June and replaced him with Liu Yaozhang.
In January 1949, He Siyuan negotiated with the Communists for the surrender of Beijing. To prevent the surrender, Chiang Kai-shek made another attempt to assassinate him. In the early morning of 18 January 1949, two bombs exploded in his home, killing his 12-year-old daughter Lumei and gravely wounding his wife, who never fully recovered from the injury. He Siyuan and the other children were also wounded. Undaunted, he proceeded with the negotiation and reached an agreement for the peaceful surrender of Beijing, ensuring the safety of its millions of residents and the preservation of the architectural heritage of the ancient capital. The Juntong agent who planted the bombs, Colonel Duan Yunpeng, was captured in 1954 and executed in 1967.
Later life and legacy.
After the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, He Siyuan worked for the People's Publishing House and was elected to the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC). Fluent in English, German, French, and Russian, he devoted himself to the translation of foreign works into Chinese, publishing 16 volumes by the early 1960s. He also contributed to the editing of the "French–Chinese Dictionary" and "German Grammar". He died in Beijing on 28 April 1982, at the age of 86.
He Siyuan's daughter He Luli became a doctor and a high-ranking politician. She entered politics after practicing medicine for decades, and served as Vice-Mayor of Beijing, Chairwoman of the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang, Vice Chairwoman of the CPPCC, and Vice Chairperson of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress.


Champoeg, Oregon

Champoeg ( , historically ) is a former town in the U.S. state of Oregon. Now a ghost town, it was an important settlement in the Willamette Valley in the early 1840s. Located halfway between Oregon City and Salem, it was the site of the first provisional government of the Oregon Country.
The town site is on the south bank of the Willamette River in northern Marion County, approximately 5 mi (8 km) southeast of Newberg. The town is now part of Champoeg State Heritage Area, an Oregon state park. The Champoeg State Park Historic Archeological District is within the heritage area.
The name "Champoeg" comes from the Kalapuyan word "[čʰámpuik]", which might be an abbreviation of "[čʰa-čʰíma-púičuk]", referring to the edible root "[púičuk]", or yampa.
History.
Champoeg is best known as the site of a series of meetings held in the town during the 1840s. On February 7, 1841, Willamette Valley settlers convened there for the first time. They selected Oregon missionary Jason Lee as their chairman and considered measures to deal with problem of wolves menacing their settlements. It was to be the first in a series of "Wolf Meetings" at the town site that would establish the basis of civil codes.
By the middle 1840s, the question of the possession of the disputed Oregon Country between the United States and the United Kingdom began to loom large. On May 2, 1843, a meeting was held at the town to determine whether a provisional government should be established. The measure passed by 52 to 50. A group of nine representatives was named to create a provisional government with Champoeg as its capital. A petition to the United States Congress was drafted and sent to Washington, D.C. with William Gilpin, who had helped draft the petition and came to the Willamette Valley with the expedition of John C. Frémont. On his journey eastward to deliver the petition, Gilpin evangelized for the settlement of the Pacific Northwest, helping to spread "Oregon fever". He presented the petition to Congress in 1845. The question of possession of the Oregon Country was settled the following year in the 1846 Oregon Treaty. When the Oregon Territory was organized in 1848, however, Champoeg was not chosen as the capital.
Around 1852 the town had grown to include a ferry across the Willamette, a warehouse owned by Francis Pettygrove and Alanson Beers, a steamboat landing, a granary owned by the Hudson's Bay Company, and a stagecoach office. There were 10 north-south streets and six east-west streets laid out in the community. Champoeg was also the crossroads of the Champoeg-St. Paul Road, Champoeg-Salem Road, Champoeg-Oregon City Road, and the Champoeg-DeGuire's Ferry Road. Most of the town was located on the Donation Land Claims of Robert Newell and André Longtain.
The town continued to exist after Oregon statehood. However, on December 2, 1861, the adjacent Willamette River rose 55 feet (17 m) above its normal summer stage, flooding the town with seven feet (2 m) of water. The great flood destroyed most of the structures in the town, barring two saloons. Panicked residents found shelter at the Newell House, which was built upon a hill. Robert Newell went nearly bankrupt in caring for the flood victims. Champoeg was never rebuilt after the disaster. The town site is now preserved as Champoeg State Heritage Area. A 1901 monument records the names of the 52 settlers who voted to establish the provisional government at the 1843 meeting. Dams installed since the 1930s make another catastrophic flood unlikely.
Champoeg State Heritage Area.
Amenities of the heritage area include a visitor center, an 1860s-style garden, the Newell House Museum – Robert Newell's restored 1852 house – and the Pioneer Mothers Memorial Cabin Museum.
Also located in the park is the Historic Butteville Store, which was founded in 1863. Considered the oldest operating store in Oregon, it is the last remaining commercial building of the nearby community of Butteville. A series of weekend interpretive programs is available late June through Labor Day weekend, and the Champoeg Promise program provides an interactive living history program for schoolchildren.
The site is open year-round and is available for camping (tent, yurt, cabin and RV), hiking, disc golf, bicycling, bird watching, picnicking, fishing and boating.
Archeological sites.
The Champoeg State Heritage Area is the site of the Champoeg State Park Historic Archeological District, which was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1984. One of the important archeological finds at the site is the only mostly intact early homesite found so far on French Prairie. The evidence suggests that this was Robert Newell's first homesite.


8th G7 summit

The 8th G7 Summit was held in Versailles, France from 4 to 6 June 1982. The venue for the summit meetings was at the Palace of Versailles."
The Group of Seven (G7) is an unofficial forum which brings together the heads of the richest industrialized countries: France, West Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada (since 1976) and the President of the European Commission (starting officially in 1981). The summits were not meant to be linked formally with wider international institutions; and in fact, a mild rebellion against the stiff formality of other international meetings was a part of the genesis of cooperation between France's President Giscard d'Estaing and West Germany's Chancellor Helmut Schmidt as they conceived the first Group of Six (G6) summit in 1975.
Leaders at the summit.
The G7 is an unofficial annual forum for the leaders of Canada, the European Commission, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States.
The 8th G7 summit was the last summit for German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, Italian Prime Minister Giovanni Spadolini and Japanese Prime Minister Zenko Suzuki.
Participants.
These summit participants are the current "core members" of the international forum:
Issues.
The summit was intended as a venue for resolving differences among its members. As a practical matter, the summit was also conceived as an opportunity for its members to give each other mutual encouragement in the face of difficult economic decisions.


Li Zitong

Li Zitong (died 622 CE) was an agrarian leader who claimed the title of emperor in the aftermaths of the death of Emperor Yang of Sui at the hands of the general Yuwen Huaji in 618. After Yuwen vacated the city of Jiangdu (, in modern Yangzhou, Jiangsu), the region was in a state of confusion and, in 619, Li captured Jiangdu and declared a new state of Wu. In 620, he was defeated by the Tang Dynasty general Li Fuwei and he headed south, defeating another rebel leader, Shen Faxing King of Liang and seizing Shen's territory (roughly, modern Zhejiang). In 621, however, Li Fuwei attacked him again and forced his surrender. He was taken to the Tang capital at Chang'an but was spared by Emperor Gaozu. In 622, believing that he could try to re-establish his state, he fled from Chang'an. He was captured and executed.
Initial uprising.
Li Zitong was from Donghai Commandery (, roughly modern Lianyungang, Jiangsu). He was said to be poor in his youth and supported himself by fishing and hunting. While living in the country, whenever he saw youngster bearing heavy burdens, he would bear the burdens for them. He said also said to be generous with the little he had, but vindictive, repaying every single slight. In or sometime before 615, with agrarian rebels rising against Sui Dynasty rule, Li joined the rebel leader Zuo Caixiang (), then at Changbai Mountain (, in modern Binzhou, Shandong). At that time, the agrarian rebel leaders tended to be cruel, but Li was considered kind and tolerant, and therefore many people joined him. Within half a year, he gathered 10,000 men. Zuo began to be jealous and suspicious of him, and Li took his men and left in 615, heading south and crossing the Huai River to join another rebel leader, Du Fuwei. Soon thereafter, for reasons unknown, Li wanted to kill Du and set an ambush for him, but while Du was wounded, he was not killed. Li was then defeated by the Sui general Lai Zheng () and fled to Hailing (, in modern Taizhou, Jiangsu), gathering 20,000 men and claiming the title of general.
Struggle for modern Jiangsu and Zhejiang.
Li Zitong's activities for the next several years were not clear, other than that he continued to occupy Hailing. After Emperor Yang was killed in the spring of 618 at Jiangdu (, in modern Yangzhou, Jiangsu) in a coup led by the general Yuwen Huaji, Yuwen then left Jiangdu and Li contended for control of the lower Yangtze River region against Du Fuwei, Shen Faxing the King of Liang, and the former Sui general Chen Leng (). In the fall of 619, Li put Jiangdu, then controlled by Chen, under siege. Chen sought help from Shen and Du; Du led forces to relieve Chen personally while Shen sent his son Shen Guan (). Accepting the suggestion of his official Mao Wenshen (), Li tricked Du and Shen Guan into battling each other by launching an attack on Du with soldiers that pretended to be Shen's troops. Neither was then able to assist Chen, and Li soon captured Jiangdu. He claimed the title of Emperor of Wu once he did so.
In 620, Li crossed the Yangtze to attack Shen, who then had his capital at Piling (, in modern Changzhou, Jiangsu). Li quickly captured Jingkou (京口, in modern Zhenjiang, Jiangsu), and when Shen sent his general Jiang Yuanchao () against Li, Li defeated and killed Jiang. Shen abandoned Piling and fled to Wu Commandery (roughly modern Suzhou, Jiangsu), allowing Li to seize Piling and Danyang (丹楊, roughly modern Nanjing, Jiangsu). Meanwhile, Du Fuwei, who had by that point submitted to the Tang and was granted the imperial surname of Li by Emperor Gaozu and therefore was known as Li Fuwei, sent his generals Fu Gongshi, Kan Leng (), and Wang Xiongdan (), against Li Zitong. After initial indecisive battles, Li Zitong was defeated, and after he ran out of food supplies, he abandoned Jiangdu, heading first to Jingkou, and then abandoned Jingkou as well and attacked Shen. Shen committed suicide, allowing Li Zitong to take over his territory—roughly modern Zhejiang. Li Zitong placed his capital at Yuhang (餘杭, in modern Hangzhou, Zhejiang). His own old territory and the territory that he had seized from Shen earlier that year, including Danyang and Jingkou, were seized by Li Fuwei.
Defeat and death.
In winter 621, Li Fuwei sent Wang Xiongdan against Li Zitong. Initially, Li Zitong placed his best troops at Dusong Mountain (獨松嶺, in modern Huzhou, Zhejiang), but after Wang pretended to have a much larger army than he actually had, Li Zitong panicked and took up defense at Hangzhou (杭州, also in modern Hangzhou), and was defeated by Wang. He surrendered, and Li Fuwei sent Li Zitong and his key official Le Botong () to the Tang capital Chang'an. For reasons unclear, Emperor Gaozu released Li Zitong from custody.
In fall 622, Li Fuwei, concerned that Tang might believe that he was not sufficiently submissive, went to Chang'an to pay homage to Emperor Gaozu. Emperor Gaozu promoted him in title and granted him the special honor of being seated even above his own son Li Yuanji the Prince of Qi, but did not allow him to return to Danyang. When Li Zitong heard this, he believed that with Li Fuwei not at Danyang, the region might be unsettled enough that if he were able to flee back to the region, he might be able to reestablish his state. He and Le therefore fled from Chang'an, but they were arrested at Lantian Pass (), not far from Chang'an, by the officials guarding the pass, and they were executed.


Macedonian Empire


42nd G7 summit

The 42nd G7 summit was held on 26–27 May 2016 at the Shima Kanko Hotel in Kashiko Island, Shima, Mie Prefecture, Japan. In March 2014, the G7 declared that a meaningful discussion was currently not possible with Russia in the context of the G8. Since then, meetings have continued within the G7 process.
Host selection.
Eight Japanese cities bid to host the 42nd G7 summit in 2016. Prime Minister Shinzō Abe announced on 5 June 2015 that Shima in Mie Prefecture was selected against other bids from Hiroshima, Kobe, Nagoya, Sendai, Niigata, Karuizawa and Hamamatsu. When the central government's deadline closed in August 2014 for prefectural governors to apply to host the summit, Mie Prefecture was not in the running. A member of the Prime Minister's Office actually contacted the governor of Mie Prefecture in December 2014, encouraging him to submit a bid. Mie Prefecture was subsequently declared a candidate on 21 January 2015. Ise Grand Shrine had an advantage in terms of security, as it has regularly hosted visits by both the Imperial family and Japanese political leaders. Another plus was its location in close proximity to Chūbu Centrair International Airport in the Aichi Prefecture, offering easy access to visitors. However, Prime Minister Abe had long had a fascination with Ise Shrine. Abe visits the shrine every year after New Year's holiday, and has even been known to postpone meetings so that he could attend a ceremony held at the shrine.
Leaders at the summit.
The attendees will include the leaders of the seven G7 member states as well as representatives of the European Union. The President of the European Commission is a permanently welcome participant in all meetings and decision-making since 1981.
The 42nd G7 summit was the first summit for Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. It was also the last summit for British Prime Minister David Cameron, French President François Hollande, Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, and U.S. President Barack Obama.
Agenda.
The Japanese G7 presidency announced the following agenda:
Global economy and trade.
The G7 leaders aim to address challenges affecting the growth of the world economy, like slowdowns in emerging markets and drops in price of oil.
The G7 also issued a warning in the wake of the upcoming referendum on the United Kingdom's membership of the European Union that "a UK exit from the EU would reverse the trend towards greater global trade and investment, and the jobs they create and is a further serious risk to growth". Commitment to an EU–Japan Free Trade Agreement – which would mean the elimination of the vast majority of trade tariffs, and boost imports and exports in key areas such as agriculture, car manufacturing and clothing, and which the British government alleges "will be worth the equivalent of £200 for every household" – was solidified, with a possible signing in autumn. David Cameron also claimed that the deal, alongside the highly unpopular Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP), would boost the world economy by £340bn.
Despite this, in the wake of the Panama Papers, an editorial by Oxfam Canada titled "G7 sides with tax dodgers" criticised the G7's commitment to free trade; the editorial said: G7 leaders have sided with the tax dodgers and not the public. Despite all the talk of action, the G7 have missed this opportunity to end the destructive era of tax havens, and the world's poorest people – especially women and girls, will pay the price."
Foreign policy.
The G7 leaders aim to discuss current foreign policy issues like counter-terrorism, conflicts in the Middle East, the Ukrainian crisis, North Korea's nuclear program and the territorial disputes in the South China Sea.
Climate change and energy.
The G7 leaders will discuss "how to lead the overall efforts of the international community in addressing climate change" following the signing of the Paris Agreement in April. The leaders will also discuss their leading role in energy policy and ensuring energy security.
Development.
As the first G7 summit following the adoption of the Sustainable Development Goals in September 2015, the G7 leaders will discuss advancing and promoting the Goals.
Quality infrastructure investment.
The G7 leaders will discuss the importance of quality infrastructure investment contributing to sustainable development.
Health.
The G7 leaders will discuss strengthening the response to widespread epidemics "by taking into account the lessons learned from previous outbreaks" like the Ebola virus epidemic in West Africa. They will also discuss the promotion of universal health care.
Women.
The G7 leaders will discuss the promotion of women's empowerment in education, science and technology and in a wider range of areas.


Lelantine War

The Lelantine War is the modern name for a military conflict between the two ancient Greek city states Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea which took place in the early Archaic period, between c. 710 and 650 BC. The reason for war was, according to tradition, the struggle for the fertile Lelantine Plain on the island of Euboea. Due to the economic importance of the two participating "poleis", the conflict spread considerably, with many further city states joining either side, resulting in much of Greece being at war. The historian Thucydides describes the Lelantine War as exceptional, the only war in Greece between the mythical Trojan War and the Persian Wars of the early 5th century BC in which allied cities rather than single ones were involved.
Ancient authors normally refer to the "War between Chalcidians and Eretrians" (ancient Greek: " ").
Date of the war.
There is no direct information in ancient sources to date this war. Indirect evidence in Thucydides points towards a date "ca" 705 BC, that situates it halfway between history and legend. At the very same time, the site of Lefkandi was being incrementally deserted, perhaps as a consequence of the turmoil. The foundation stories of the joint Euboean colony at Ischia suggest that at the mid-8th century Chalcis and Eretria were cooperating. Furthermore, Theognis can be read to imply there was a conflict between Eretria and Chalcis in the middle of the 6th century BC. While a few historians have suggested this as the date of the Lelantine War, it is more probable that Theognis refers to a second, smaller and even less known Lelantine War: "we are certainly not dealing with a 'Hundred Years Lelantine War'", remarks Robin Lane Fox.
Sources.
Since the conflict took place at a very early point in Greek history, before historiography had developed, there are no contemporaneous written sources on the events. The few later sources and the much more copious archaeological evidence allow for a sketchy picture of the Lelantine War. However, as a result of the ambiguity of the surviving written sources, date and extent of the war are disputed among Classical scholarship. Some authors have even suggested that the war may be entirely mythical or even fictional.
Written sources.
No detailed record of the Lelantine War was produced by a contemporary author (such as Thucydides for the Peloponnesian War), as Greek historiography only developed 200 years later, starting with the works of Herodotus. The Greek literary tradition as a whole started only in the late 8th century BC, with Homer. Therefore, the only contemporary sources about the Lelantine War are references in the early poets Hesiod and Archilochos. The first references in historical works are from the 5th century, two centuries after the events, and remain vague and brief.
In the introduction of his work on the Peloponnesian War, Thucydides (460 BC to early 4th century) gives a short summary of earlier Greek history, stating that there were no major collective military actions by Greeks between the Trojan War and the Persian Wars. As an exception, he mentions the War between Chalcidians and Eretrians, during which most of the rest of Hellas joined one of the warring parties:
Herodotus (484 BC to 425 BC) mentions the same war as the reason why in 494 BC, after the Ionian Revolt, Eretria sent military support to Miletus, then under threat from the Persian empire, attributing the support to Miletus having supported Eretria in her war against Chalcis, while Samos had taken the opposite side:
An even later author, Plutarch (c. 45 to 125 AD) mentions traditions regarding the Lelantine War twice. In his "Moralia" he states that during the war, the Chalcidians felt on a par with the Eretrian foot soldiers, but not with their cavalry. Thus, he writes, they procured the aid of a Thessalian, Kleomachos (Cleomachus) of Pharsalos, who fought within sight of his "eromenos", and whose cavalry defeated the Eretrians in a battle. According to Plutarch, Kleomachos himself was killed during the battle and received an honourable burial as well as a commemorative column on the "agora" of Chalcis from her grateful citizens.
Elsewhere, Plutarch mentions the tradition of a poetic competition between Homer and Hesiod on the occasion of the funeral games of a Chalcidian nobleman called Amphidamas. Plutarch states that Amphidamas fell in the struggle for the Lelantine Plain, after performing several heroic deeds fighting the Eretrians.
Plutarch's source was traditionally attributed to Hesiod himself. Hesiod does mention, in "Works and Days", a contest in honour of the late Amphidamas, but without mentioning Homer or linking Amphidamas to the Lelantine War.
In his Geographica, Strabo (c. 63 BC to 23 AD) reports that the two "poleis", Chalcis and Eretria had once been friendly. He states that their former friendship resulted in both parties to the conflict agreeing before battle on contractually determined conditions, especially on not using missiles.
A similar agreement is indirectly referred to by Archilochos (7th century BC), the second contemporary author to refer to the Lelantine War. He tells how the "warlike lords of Euboea" will not use bow or sling, but only swords, in a coming battle.
On the basis of these literary sources, and assisted by a variety of archaeological finds, modern scholarship has reconstructed an outline of the Lelantine War.
Archaeological evidence.
Archaeological study has shown that the first warrior burials in the area of the later "heroon" of Eretria took place around 710-705 BC. The last such burial dates to around 690 BC. The site of Chalcis, still occupied, has been subject to very little archaeological research, but similar burials of warriors are indicated by written sources, especially in reference to Amphidamas. Around 680 BC, a triangular building was erected atop the warrior graves at Eretria and used to dedicate offerings to the fallen heroes. This may be connected to a rekindling of the conflict after a lull or truce (see below), leading to the Eretrians seeking the aid of their dead heroes. The occupation of the Xeropolis settlement and use of the cemeteries at Lefkandi, situated between Chalcis and Eretria on the Lelantine plain, ceased at approximately the same time as the Lelantine war and the emergence of Eretria as a major archaeological site. The excavators have speculated that Lefkandi may have been the predecessor of Eretria and abandoned as the result of the victory of Chalcis in the war.
Background.
Chalcis and Eretria are ports on the west coast of Euboea. Both cities claimed the Lelantine Plain, perhaps originally made fertile by the river Lelas, which traverses the plain from north to south, as a natural border. Although, strictly speaking, Eretria is located outside the plain, it had a historical claim to it. The reason is that Eretria was probably initially the port for a mother town situated further west. That town was located at the mouth of the Lelas, near modern Lefkandi. Its ancient name is unknown, so it is generally called by that of the modern settlement. Lefkandi suffered heavy destructions in c. 825 BC,<ref name="Popham/Sackett">M.R. Popham & L.H. Sackett: "Lefkandi 1: The Iron Age", London 1980.</ref> after which the majority of its population probably moved to Eretria.
Eretria and Chalcis originally had a political union with Athens as they were all of the Ionian tribe. Evidence of this is that the two Ionian seats in the Delphic Amphictyony were given to Athens and the Ionians of Euboea; Chalcis and Eretria. The two soon turned towards the nearby Cyclades islands and to locations further abroad for expansion and trade.
In the 8th century BC, Euboea was one of the economically strongest regions of Greece. The two leading powers of the island, Chalcis and Eretria were among the driving forces behind the "apoikiai" of the Mediterranean, acting for a long time not as competitors but as collaborators. Around the mid-8th century, they jointly founded Al Mina, a colony conceived to facilitate trade with the eastern Mediterranean. Roughly at the same time, they expanded westwards. Together with Kerkyra/Corfu, Eretria secured access to the western Mediterranean. Since the second quarter of the 8th century, Euboean traders were present on the island of Pithekoussai (Ischia) off the coast of Campania, to conduct trade with the Etruscans. A few decades later, Cumae, the first Greek colony on the Italian mainland was founded. Around 735 BC, Chalcis founded the first Greek colony in Sicily, a point which Thucydides saw as the true start of Greek colonisation. Shortly thereafter, Rhegion and Zankle were founded on either side of the strategically important Straits of Messina.
Reason for war.
According to tradition, the war was caused by a conflict about the Lelantine Plain. This very fertile area had for a long time been used for agriculture, including the cultivation of vines. In Greece, where fertile land is scarce, wars for agriculturally attractive terrain were not uncommon, especially in the Archaic period, e.g. between Megara and Athens. Nevertheless, it remains unclear why Chalcis and Eretria suddenly came to blows over the Lelantine Plain after apparently being in agreement on its use for a long time.
The origin of the conflict could be connected to a natural disaster. At the end of the 8th century BC, Attica, Euboea and other nearby islands suffered from a severe drought. It is likely that the Eretrian establishment on Andros was abandoned as a result. This drought and the attendant famine could have led to both Chalcis and Eretria laying claim on all of the Lelantine Plain.
Course of the war.
The war between Chalcis and Eretria probably began around 710 BC. Although both cities must have possessed large fleets, it was waged on land. Since the war took place before the development or introduction of hoplite warfare, but under exclusion of bows and slings, most of the combatants were probably lightly armed swordsmen. According to another view, the war consisted mainly of cavalry engagements. The relevant lines by Archilochus indicate that the war was still ongoing through the poet's lifetime (he is usually thought to have died c. 645 BC). It is possible, and likely, that the conflict was subdivided in several phases of warfare and ceasefires, as were e.g. the Peloponnesian War and the Messenian Wars.
Troops.
Eretria at its height (a period brought to an end by this war) could field 3,000 hoplites, 600 cavalry and 60 chariots. This implies that this conflict took place at the transitional time between the Homeric "aristos", entering the war on chariot and fighting his enemies like the heroes of the Iliad, and the classical hoplite. The size and numbers of Chalcis's forces are unknown. We only know that their infantry was superior and their cavalry inferior to that of Eretria.
Alliances and extent.
Primarily, the war would have involved the two conflicting cities and their territories. At the time of the war, the state of Eretria included one quarter of the island of Euboea as well as the nearby Cyclades (Andros, Tenos, and Kea). The expansion of the conflict into other regions and the number of allies are disputed. There are direct references to three further participants apart from Chalcis and Eretria: Miletus on the side of Eretria and Samos as well as Thessaly on that of Chalcis. Beyond these, the enmities and alliances between Archaic Greek states known from other sources have led to further suggestions of parties involved, leading some scholars to propose up to 40 participants. Such numbers would, however, imply broad-ranging political alliance systems, which the majority of scholars do not consider likely for the 8th century BC. Even if many other cities were involved in warfare at the same time, it cannot, however, be argued that every conflict between Greek states of the time was part of this war. Thus, most scholars assume that, apart from the cities mentioned above, only Aegina, Corinth and Megara, and perhaps also Chios and Erythrai took part. However, there is speculation that the ongoing Messenian war between Sparta and the Messenian cities had also some connection with the Lelantine war, since there was a conflict between Sparta and Argos at the same time, with Argos perhaps joining with her neighbor Aegina on the side of Eretria and Sparta supporting Chalcis. Herodotus mentions a Samian expedition in aid of Sparta against the Messenians, and this would favor the hypothesis of Sparta siding with her and Chalcis in the Lelantine war. A war of Miletus against the island of Melos, which had affiliations with Sparta, gives additional evidence.
The island state of Aegina was mainly active in the trade with Egypt, where its major competitor was Samos. Samos was allied with Chalcis, which suggests that Aegina took the side of Eretria. Corinth and Megara were at war for practically all of the Archaic period, primarily because of the Corinthian conquest of the Perachora peninsula which had originally belonged to Megara. The actions of Chalcis and Corinth in the context of western colonisation suggest that the two cities were allied, or at least friendly; Chalcis had prevented Megarian settlers from establishing themselves at Leontinoi, while Corinth had driven Eretrian settlers from Kerkyra. In analogy, a friendship between Megara and Eretria is assumed. Herodotus reports that Chios supported Miletus in the Ionian Revolt, because Miletus had previously assisted the Chiotes against Erythrai. Thus, based on the allegiance of Miletus, an alliance between Chios and Eretria, as well as one between Erythrai and Chalcis can be suggested.
Most current scholarship is of the opinion that such long-distance alliances cannot have existed in the 8th century BC. Instead, there may have been alliance-like based on personal relationships among the nobility, so that the struggle involved only Eretria, Chalcis and the Thessalian aristocrat Kleomachos of Pharsalos with his own troops. The German historian Detlev Fehling believes that the entire Lelantine War is an invention of later centuries, produced by a chain of "Pseudo-Nachrichten" (pseudo-reports). This opinion has been generally rejected.
Around 700 BC, the Eretrian mother town at Lefkandi was finally destroyed, probably by Chalcis.
This cut Eretria's link with the Lelantine Plain. At about the same time Eretria's ally Miletus ravaged the southern Euboean town of Karystos. During this phase, Miletus rose to be the dominant power in the eastern Aegean. The war (perhaps interrupted by truces) lasted until the mid-7th century BC. It may have been concluded, in favour of Chalcis, by the intervention of a Thessalian cavalry army, led by Kleomachos of Pharsalos, although it is not entirely clear whether the event in question decided the war, or indeed whether Chalcis definitely won it.
Effects.
After the long war Euboea, once the leading region of Greece, had become a backwater. The defeated Eretria and the probable victor Chalcis had lost their former economic and political importance. On the Mediterranean markets, Corinthian vase painting had taken over the dominant role previously occupied by Euboean pottery (see Pottery of ancient Greece). The leading role in colonisation was taken over by the "poleis" of Asia Minor, such as Miletus (eastern colonisation) and Phokaia (western colonisation). Chalcis entered a long decline while the islands in the Cyclades that Eretria controlled earlier seem to have become independent. From Theognis, another conflict over the Lelantine field is implied in the 6th century, so it seems the two cities fought again. In any case, after the war both cities continued the colonisation of the Chalcidice peninsula in Northern Greece. Eretria felt compelled by the help Miletus had given her during the war to repay its debt by assisting Miletus during the Ionian Revolt. This led to Eretria's destruction prior to the battle of Marathon in 490 BC. Chalcis retained control of the Lelantine Plain until 506 BC, when Athens established a cleruchy in it.