Thiaroye

Thiaroye (or Tiaroye) is the name of a historic town in Sénégal, situated in the suburbs of Dakar, on the southeast coast of the Cap-Vert peninsula, between Pikine and Rufisque.
Since the administrative reform in 1996, Thiaroye has been divided into independent communes, Thiaroye-Gare, Thiaroye-sur-Mer and Thiaroye-Kao (or "Djiddah Thiaroye Kao"), with Guinaw-Rail Nord, Guinaw-Rail Sud (both to the west), and Tivaouane-Diacksao (to the east) split off and separating Thiaroye-sur-Mer from the other two inland communes.
History.
The village of Thiaroye was founded sometime around 1800, and as the city of Dakar, created by the French, expanded in the 20th century, Thiaroye was slowly merged into the larger city.
Thiaroye is most known for, and its name has become emblematic of, a single incident in 1944: the Thiaroye Massacre by French forces. On 1 December 1944, at the barracks of Thiaroye, African soldiers clashed with the French state. The uprising involved nearly 1280 African ex-POWs in the first contingent to be repatriated from Europe in 1944. The event was defined as "mutinous" because the men were partially armed, uniformed and under military discipline. The cause of the soldiers' protest was the failure of the French authorities to provide them with back-pay and demobilization premiums. The event in Thiaroye sent shockwaves throughout French West Africa. The uprising reflected a change in attitude towards France. The African ex-POWs had acquired a heightened consciousness of themselves as Africans united by their shared experience in suffering.
Administration and politics.
Thiaroye is the seat of Thiaroye Arrondissement in the Pikine Department (région de Dakar). The three communes are governed as a single entity, but retain some administrative independence.
Geography.
Thiaroye-Gare, closest to Dakar, is bordered by Pikine (a city of almost 1 million people), Nimzat, Yeumbeul, Thiaroye Kao, Diaksaw and Darou Rahmane.
Thiaroye-sur-Mer is bordered by Bel-Air, Hann-Montagne, Pikine, Guinaw-Rails, Tivaouane, Diammagueun, Mbaw Gou Ndaw and Gorée.
Thiaroye-Kao, border Yeumbeul, Boun and Darou Rahmane.
Population.
As of 2002 the population of Thiaroye-Gare has grown to 21,873, Thiaroye-sur-Mer to 36,602, and that of Thiaroye-Kao to 90,586.
As of 2007 official estimates put the population of the three communes at 24,867, 41,612 and 102,985.
Economic activity.
Thiaroye continues to be integrated economically into Dakar, with much of the population commuting to the city center for work.
Thiaroye-Gare is named for the large train station on the line leading to Dakar, and continues to be a major transport center. Goods and people travelling to and from Dakar must pass here, and it is one of the reasons neighboring Pikine was founded as a relocation camp in 1952.
Small scale industry, artisanal trades and commerce make up much of the rest of the economy, though unemployment remains high, as in other outer suburbs, which see regular immigration from rural areas.
Pollution.
One outgrowth of small scale industry in Thiaroye has been a high rate of pollution and pollution-related diseases. One recent form of income, the salvaging of automobile batteries for products including lead, has created a highly publicised wave of childhood illnesses. In the past, local blacksmiths of the Thiaroye Sur Mer area had salvaged lead from car batteries to fashion into net weights for the nearby fishing industry. In the mid-2000s, as the world price of lead increased, purchasing agents from India offered large payments for lead, leading locals to sift tailings from smithyies' and breakers' yards for lead pellets, usually by hand. Lead poisoning of children born to workers, or those who were exposed to the lead dust created by sifting, climbed. As of the end of 2008m, this pollution has been blamed for at least 18 deaths and hundreds of poisoning related illnesses, along with uncounted deaths of animals and human miscarriages. A much publicised government cleanup campaign has, according to the World Health Organization, been ineffective, and plans are under study to move entire neighbourhoods in the town.
Market.
"Thiaroye-Gare market" is situated along the border with Pikine near the Thiaroye station, and is the largest produce market in the Dakar region, fed by suppliers from Nyayes, Cap-Vert, Casamance, and Keur Massar. The train line (the "Petit train bleu") from Dakar stops at the very center of the market, making it easy for city residents to shop there, and avoiding the higher city prices.
Around the produce market have grown markets for general manufactures, one of the largest lumber markets in Dakar, and wholesale companies supplying markets in city center. There are over 4500 formal traders, almost that many street sellers and a thousand or more wholesale shops surrounding the market. The lumber market has also drawn artisanal woodcarvers and an industry selling wood for barbarque cooking at festivals and family celebrations.
Institutions.
Thiaroye is also the home of the "Centre de recherches océanographiques de Dakar-Thiaroye" (CRODT), and a large mental hospital.


Jonathan Gyet Maude

Jonathan Danladi Gyet Maude (born 1938) is the monarch of Ham (Jaba) Chiefdom, a Nigerian traditional state in southern Kaduna State, Nigeria. He is also known by the title "Chief of Jaba (Ham)".
He is a member of the "Maude" ruling house of Ham Chiefdom; the other two are the "Tiroa" and "Saghon" ruling houses.
In solidarity towards the people of Asholyio (Moroa) and Takad chiefdoms attacked by the Fulani terrorists in Kaura Local Government Area of the state, Maude led a deligation to the local government secretariat, where he was quoted to have said: He thereafter presented some relief materials to the Agwam Takad, HRH Tobias Nkom Wada who received them with gratitude and prayed that God bring stability to the area and country at large.
HRH Dr. Maude is a recipient of the DINMA 2006 award, one of the PSR National Awards, for "Traditional Leadership".
References.


Mansur Dan Ali

Mansur Muhammad Dan Ali (born August 25, 1959) is a retired Nigerian Army Brigadier General and former Minister of Defence of Nigeria appointed by President Muhammadu Buhari in November 2015.
Early life and education.
Dan-Ali was born on August 25, 1959 in Zamfara State. He attended Birnin Magaji Town Primary School (1966 -1972) for his elementary education and Government Secondary School, Shinkafi (1972-1977) for his secondary education. He received his Higher National Diploma (HND) in Photogrammetric and Surveying from Kaduna Polytechnic (1977-1982) and possesses a master's degrees in Public Policy and Administration (MPPA) from Bayero University Kano (2004-2005) and a master's degree in Security Studies from the Bangladesh University of Professionals (2009).
Army career.
Dan Ali was commissioned as a 2nd Lieutenant in the Nigerian Army in 1984 through the Short Service Commission at the Nigerian Defence Academy. Dan-Ali has served in different command and staff capacities, some of which include commanding the Nigerian contingent supporting the United Nations Africa Hybrid Mission in Sudan. Dan Ali was on the Directing Staff of the Armed Forces Command and Staff College, Jaji from 2003 -2005 and was Chief Instructor (CI) at the Nigerian Defence Academy in 2010. He was also Acting Director Military Training before getting posted to the Ministry of Defence's Logistics Department as Deputy Director. He retired from the Nigerian Army on August 30, 2013.
Minister of Defence.
Dan Ali was confirmed as a Cabinet Minister by the Nigerian Senate in October 2015 and was appointed Minister of Defence by President Muhammadu Buhari in November 2015.


Edmund Phipps-Hornby

Brigadier General Edmund John Phipps-Hornby, (31 December 1857 – 13 December 1947) was a British Army officer and a recipient of the Victoria Cross, the highest award for gallantry in the face of the enemy that can be awarded to British and Commonwealth forces.
Background.
Phipps-Hornby was born in Lordington House, Hampshire on 31 December 1857, the son of the Admiral of the Fleet Sir Geoffrey Phipps Hornby. He was the brother of Captain Geoffrey Stanley Phipps-Hornby and Admiral Robert Phipps Hornby.
Victoria Cross details.
Phipps-Hornby was 42 years old, and a major commanding Q Battery, Royal Horse Artillery, British Army, during the Second Boer War when the following deed took place for which he was awarded the VC:
On 31 March 1900 at Sanna's Post (aka Korn Spruit), South Africa, 'Q' and 'U' batteries of the Royal Horse Artillery were ambushed with the loss of most of the baggage column and five guns of the leading battery. When the alarm was given 'Q' Battery, commanded by Major Phipps Hornby, went into action 1150 yards from the spruit, until the order to retire was received, when the major commanded that the guns and their limbers be run back by hand to a safe place — a most exhausting operation over a considerable distance, but at last all but one of the guns and one limber had been moved to safety and the battery reformed. The citation reads:
The following men were also awarded the Victoria Cross in the same action: Lieutenant Francis Maxwell, Sergeant Charles Parker, Gunner Isaac Lodge and Driver Horace Glasock.
Further information.
Following his return to the United Kingdom, Phipps Hornby served as Aide-de-camp to Lord Roberts when he was Commander-in-Chief from 1901 to 1903. He later served in the First World War. He achieved the rank of brigadier general granted upon his retirement in 1918, after 40 years of service. His grave and memorial are in St Andrew's churchyard at Sonning in Berkshire.
Family.
Phipps-Hornby married, on 31 January 1895, Anna Jay, daughter of Mr. Jay, of Blendon Hall, Bexley, Kent. They had two daughters:
The medal.
Brigadier General Phipps Hornby's Victoria Cross and other medals are displayed at the Royal Artillery Museum, Woolwich, England.


Yohanna Akaito

Yohanna Akaito is the first and current paramount ruler of the Koro Chiefdom, a Nigerian traditional state with headquarters in Uhucha, southern Kaduna State, Nigeria. He is also known by the title "Ere-Koro 1".
Kingship.
About the time of the formation of the Koro Chiefdom by the Kaduna State government in December 2000, an election was held to select the first Ere-Koro, held among three contestants from the three ruling have including: Yohanna Akaito (JP) (Ashe/Ala ruling house), Abubakar G. Husaini (Miya-Miya ruling house) and Engr. Danbaba T. Tukura (Ache/Wachi ruling house), under the coordination of the secretary General of the Koro Community Development Association with assistance from Lawrence A. Gojeh and Andrew Makeri, with multiple witnesses. Akaito pulled the highest number of votes and was therefore elected "Ere-Koro".
His 20 years reign was celebrated in January 2021.


Kagulu of Buganda

Kagulu Ntambi Tebukywereke was Kabaka of the Kingdom of Buganda, between 1734 and 1736. He was the twentieth (20th) Kabaka of Buganda.
Claim to the throne.
He was the eldest son of Kabaka Ndawula Nsobya, Kabaka of Buganda between 1724 and 1734. His mother was Naggujja of the Njovu clan, the second (2nd) of his father's seven (7) wives. He ascended to the throne upon the death of his father. He established his capital at Bulizo.
Married life.
He married one wife, who bore him two sons.
The final years.
Kabaka Kagulu Tebukywereke was deposed by his sister, Princess Ndege, the Nassolo. He fled to Buto. He was killed by drowning in Lake Nalubaale, on the orders of Nassolo. His body was retrieved and buried at Bbuga, Busiro.
Quotes.
"… his dominant trait was lack of respect for men. His despotic rule and the barbarous treatment of the men who worked in the capital caused unrest and discontent because it affected a very large section of the community."


Mahisente Habte Mariam

Princess Mahisente Habte Mariam(born at Nekemte on 9 February 1937) is the widow of Prince Sahle Selassie, youngest son of Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia. She is the daughter of "Dejazmach" Habte Mariam Gebre-Igziabiher, heir to the former Welega Kingdom of Leqa Naqamte, and later served as governor of Welega province. Her mother was "Woizero" Yeshimebet Guma, a prominent Welega Oromo noblewoman who was later married to Ras Mesfin Selashi, a leading Ethiopian aristocrat and close associate of Emperor Haile Selassie. Princess Mahisente is also the mother of Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie, the current President of the Crown Council of Ethiopia.
Princess Mahisente worked for many years with the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) before her retirement. The princess currently lives in the suburbs of Washington D.C. She is the last surviving daughter-in-law of Emperor Haile Selassie.


Operation Jock Scott

Operation Jock Scott took place shortly after the declaration of State of Emergency in the Mau Mau Rebellion. British troops suspended African political leaders and rounded up suspected Mau Mau leaders.


Ibrahim Umaru Chatta

Haliru Ibrahim Bologi Umaru Chatta (1 September 195819 March 2019) was a Nigerian first class traditional ruler of the Patigi Emirate as Etsu Patigi from 1999 to 2001.
He was turbaned as the Etsu Patigi since 1999 spending twenty years on the throne. He succeeded Etsu Idirisu Gana, who had ruled from 1966 to 1996. Chatta was succeeded by his son Eu Umaru Bologi II.
Education.
He attended the Government Secondary School, Illorin from 1969 to 1972.
Turbaning.
After he was turbaned as the Etsu Patigi in 1999, he became the vice-chairman of the Kwara State Traditional Council.
Chatta died after a brief illness at Abuja general hospital.
Families.
The monarch was survived by five wives with thirty children.


George Morris Sutton

George Morris Sutton (8 July 1834 – 30 November 1913) was a South African politician and farmer. Born in Britain, he served as the Prime Minister of the British Colony of Natal from 18 August 1903 to 16 May 1905.
Biography.
Sutton was born on 8 July 1834 in Crowland, Lincolnshire to Joseph Sutton and Elizabeth Price (née Cherrington).
In 1854 he emigrated to the United States, where in 1859 he married Harriett Burkitt, mother of his two sons. After living for some years in Chicago, Illinois, Sutton emigrated to the British Crown Colony of Natal in South Africa, arriving in Durban, Natal on 10 May 1872.
He was married a second time to Mary Pascoe in 1881, and bought several farms including Stocklands, Oaklands, Fairfell, and Everdon in the Karkloof Forest outside the village of Howick. Sutton lived and farmed for many years, contributing considerably to the agricultural knowledge of the Colony by writing in "The Natal Witness" under the penname "Agricola". He exported wattle tree bark to England for use in tanning leather, developing the wattle industry in Natal.
Sutton was a member of the Pietermaritzburg Agricultural Society, serving as President in two periods (1880-1883 and 1905-1907).
The Fairfell homestead is now a South African National Landmark.
Natal wattle pioneer.
A Natal wattle farming pioneer, Sutton played a founding role in developing the colony’s fledgling wattle industry, exporting wattle tree bark to England for use in tanning leather. In 1877, he joined the Pietermaritzburg Agricultural Society, serving as its president for two terms, from 1880 to 1883 and again from 1905 to 1907. In 1884 he persuaded a tannery in Pietermaritzburg to experiment with the bark of the local black wattle, introduced from Australia some 20 years earlier, as a tanning material. The experiments proved successful and encouraged the local production of wattle bark for export. In 1888, Sutton published a 22-page pamphlet, "Wattle Bark: A Paying Industry in Natal", in which he explained how to grow the trees, when to cut them down, how to strip and prepare the bark, the varieties of trees to plant, the yield of bark per acre, and the returns that farmers could expect, based partly on information from Australia. A second, enlarged 46-page edition was published in 1892. Later he became a director of several wattle concerns in Natal and a driving force in the development of the Dundee coal industry. He was furthermore the agricultural correspondent for "The Natal Witness" for nine years, writing under the pen-name "Agricola".
Political career.
He was member of the Natal Legislative Council (1875-1883 and 1885-1893). He was nominated to the Executive Council in 1882. In 1892, he was part of a delegation of Natal politicians who accompanied Sir John Robinson to England to seek Responsible Government for the Colony.
He was nominated to the Legislative Council for Pietermaritzburg upon the establishment of Responsible Government in 1893. Also, he was Colonial Treasurer of Natal from 1893 to 1897.
In August 1903 he became Prime Minister of Natal for two years.
Honorific title.
He was invested as Knight Commander of Order of St. Michael and St. George (K.C.M.G.) on 24 June 1904.
Legacy.
His great grandson, William Morris Sutton, was elected in 1959 as a Member of the Natal Provincial Council, and in 1964 to the South African Senate. In 1966, he became a Member of Parliament for the Natal constituency of Mooi River. In 1989, he was appointed to the State President's Council on Economic and Constitutional Development.


List of colonial governors of Chad

For continuation after independence, "see: "President of Chad


Cinema of Botswana

The history of the Cinema of Botswana (or cinema in Botswana) comprises film-making in the Southern African country of Botswana, both before and after Botswana's independence. The cinema of Botswana is one of a number of African national cinemas that also includes the national cinemas of Benin, Egypt, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa, among others.
The local film industry of Botswana has been nicknamed "Botswood" by some, similar to the way the Indian film industry is called "Bollywood", the Nigerian one "Nollywood", and the American one "Hollywood".
Early history.
According to historian Neil Parsons, the earliest known surviving copy of a film recorded in Botswana dates back to between 1906 and 1907. According to him, a London, England based company owned by a man named Charlie Urban sent cameramen to record a documentary about the Bechuanaland Railways trip to Victoria Falls, a train trip which passed through territory of what is today's country of Botswana. Ethnographer Rudolf Pöch from Austria then came and made a series of short films in the African country, which incorporated sound and color and featured a sixty-year-old man, Kubi. Parsons considered Kubi the "first Botswana film star".
In 1912, a Londoner known as W. Butcher obtained permission to travel to Eastern Botswana to film a march by the Bangwato regiments; this took place at the city of Serowe. From the time of the First World War and up to the Second World War, Botswana's film industry's productions were dominated by documentaries about local peoples of the Botswana western region and newsreels about things happening at the east.
Reportedly, the first Filmmaker from Botswana was a man named Molefi Pilane, a local, tribal chief who allegedly recorded women bathing by using a small recording camera. A woman known as "Miss Muichison" recorded films totaling about two hours, detailing the operations of the African Auxiliary Pioneers Corps; two parts are known to survive and a third is suspected of existing somewhere in Botswana.
The film named Bechuanaland Protectorate was made during the Second World War and has to do with APC soldiers returning home from North Africa after winning a trip back to Botswana. The film features tribal chief Bathoen II.
Cape Town film-maker Bill Lewis came to Botswana territory in 1947 to film the Royal visit to a farm where APC soldiers had been. American Tom Larson also came during the late 1940s; he filmed two documentaries, one titled "Rainmakers of the Okavango" which was released in 1948.
1950s to 1960s.
Local politician, the future first President of Botswana Seretse Khama, a Black man, married Ruth Williams, a White woman from England, in 1948, bringing Botswana international attention because of regional Apartheid laws; this made several film production companies produce movietone reels about the couple. The companies that filmed these features included Paramount Pictures and Universal News. Films about this couple continued being produced well after they had left Botswana to live in exile.
1953 saw the production of "Remmants of a Dying Race", produced by Molepolole resident Louis Knobel, a White man who worked for the South African Information Services. This film detailed lives of the San people living on the Kalahari desert, which includes part of Botswana. It was produced under the "Kalahari Films" company name and lasted 17 minutes.
"The Hunters", a 1957 film production by American John Marshall was also about the people living on the Kalahari, as was the BBC's show, "The Lost World of the Kalahari", featuring South African host Laurens van der Post.
The American show "Mutual of Omaha's Wild Kingdom" also came to film around Botswana several times during the 1960s.
Botswana gained its independence in 1966, bringing political, social and cultural changes to the area, including the way films were produced and developed in the then new African country.
Recent history.
In 1980, John Marshall filmed another of his many Botswana-related documentaries, "Nǃai, the Story of a ǃKung Woman", about the struggles of a !Kung woman, N!ai, who was forcibly married at age eight to a tribal healer.
The 1981 comedy, "The Gods Must Be Crazy" was set in Botswana and became a major international hit; it spanned one official and three unofficial sequels:1988's "The Gods Must Be Crazy II" was also a hit, both movies making Namibian actor Nǃxau ǂToma a well known movie star, while 1991's "Crazy Safari" is the first of three unofficial sequels which were made by a Hong Kong based film company named Orange Sky Golden Harvest, also starring Nǃxau ǂToma. The two latter others, "Crazy in Hong Kong" (1993) and "The Gods Must Be Funny In China" (1995) were not filmed in Botswana.
2000's Disney production "" was filmed in Botswana, starring Hollywood legend Angela Bassett. Later on, during 2009, parts of M. Saravanan's Tamil language Indian action film, "Ayan" were recorded in Botswana.
The critically acclaimed "A United Kingdom", about the real-life love story of Seretse Khama and Ruth Williams, was filmed partly between Botswana and London, England and was released internationally in 2016.
Cinema companies.
Botswana has a number of cinema and movie theater companies, including New Capitol Cinemas and Gaborone Cine Centre.


Amhara Province

Amhara Province (Amharic: አማራ) also known as Bete Amhara (Amharic: ቤተ አማራ, "House of Amhara") was the name of a medieval province of the Ethiopian Empire, located in present-day Amhara Region, and the pre-1996 province of Wollo. It was named after the Amharans, who originated from the province. The people of this region mainly practice Orthodox Christianity and some practice Islam (Sunni).
Following the Italian conquest of Ethiopia in 1936, "Amhara" (or Italian "Amara") was used to designate the subdivision of Italian East Africa with its administrative center at Gondar.


William F.S. Edwards

Brigadier general William Frederick Savery Edwards (1872-1941), commonly referred to as Brigadier-General W. F. S. Edwards, was a decorated British military officer who was appointed by the British Colonial Administration as the first Inspector General of the Uganda Protectorate Police, which later became the Uganda Police, and the simultaneous overall commander of the then British East Africa Police.
He was the first military member of the colonial British military appointed by the British Crown to lead the Uganda Police Force and the entire law enforcement machinery in British East Africa.
When the Uganda Protectorate Police officially became the Uganda police, he was the first duly appointed Inspector General of the same.
Career.
Edwards was a professional military officer by training. Upon his arrival in Uganda, in 1906, he took on more than just the Inspector General position of the British East Africa Police and of the Uganda Police; he also eventually took on the military command of British and local African soldiers serving the British Empire—who, that at the time, were poised to confront the German military front in East Africa. Per the words contained in the official (Kenya) Gazette, his appointment orders extended to the Uganda Protectorate "Prisons" system.
Considered an "indefatigable worker, a stickler for efficiency [and] a stern disciplinarian," Edwards was a leader who represented and protected the strategic interests of the then British Empire in colonial East Africa.
Military leadership over civilian police forces in colonial territory was typical under British rule. Following General Edwards' leadership, other British military officers came to the helm of Uganda's police leadership until 1950.
Edwards commanded Port Amelia Force ("PAMFORCE") that opposed German incursions into Portuguese East Africa (current Mozambique). He also commanded the East Africa Expeditionary Forces (during the East African campaign (World War I), and a contingency Force code-named "Edforce".


2003 South African floor-crossing window period

The 2003 floor crossing window period in South Africa was a period of 15 days, from 21 March to 4 April 2003, in which members of the National Assembly and the provincial legislatures were able to cross the floor from one political party to another without giving up their seats. The period was authorised by the passage of the Tenth Amendment of the Constitution of South Africa. The amendment scheduled regular window periods in the second and fourth September after each election, but the second and fourth Septembers after the 1999 election had already passed, so it included provision for a special window period starting fifteen days after the amendment came into effect.
In the National Assembly, the floor-crossing expanded the African National Congress' (ANC) representation from 266 seats, one short of the two-thirds majority needed to amend the constitution, to 275 seats. In the KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Legislature, the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) and the ANC were before the window period the largest and second-largest parties respectively. As a result of the floor-crossing, they changed places; however, the ANC did not attain an absolute majority, holding 35 seats of 80. In the Western Cape Provincial Parliament the ANC expanded its representation to an absolute majority, growing from 18 to 22 seats of a total 42.
During this window period representatives of the Democratic Party (DP) officially became representatives of the Democratic Alliance (DA). Amongst a group of new parties created by floor-crossing, the most significant was the Independent Democrats, who gained one member in the National Assembly and one in the Gauteng Provincial Legislature.
The tables below show all the changes; in those provinces not listed there was no change in the provincial legislature, other than the DP becoming the DA.
Tables.
National Assembly.
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!Seats before
!Net change
!Seats after
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Total
!colspan="3" style="text-align:center"|400
Eastern Cape Provincial Legislature.
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!Seats before
!Net change
!Seats after
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Total
!colspan="3" style="text-align:center"|63
Gauteng Provincial Legislature.
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!Seats before
!Net change
!Seats after
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Total
!colspan="3" style="text-align:center"|73
KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Legislature.
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!Seats before
!Net change
!Seats after
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Total
!colspan="3" style="text-align:center"|80
Western Cape Provincial Parliament.
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!Seats before
!Net change
!Seats after
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Total
!colspan="3" style="text-align:center"|42
National Council of Provinces.
The National Council of Provinces was reconstituted as a result of the changes in the provincial legislatures. Its reconstituted makeup was as follows:
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!style="text-align:left"|Delegate type
!EC
!FS
!G
!KZN
!M
!NW
!NC
!NP
!WC
!colspan=2|"Total"
!colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|Total
!10
!10
!10
!10
!10
!10
!10
!10
!10
!colspan=2|"90"


Angot

Angot (Amharic: አንጎት transliterated as "Neck" possibly referring to the provinces geography) was an Ethiopian Amhara province of medieval times. It was bordered on the west by Bugna and the Afar lowlands to the east and southeast, Ambassel to the southwest and Lasta to the north.
Imperial capital.
Emperor Dil Na'od relocated the capital to Ku'bar (probably modern Hayq) on the shore of Lake Hayq, south of Angot in ancient Bete Amhara province, and built the Istifanos Monastery. Aksum by that time was no longer the center of the Christian kingdom, and was instead a frontier town, threatened from the west and south by the Falash people or "Beta Israel" and from the north by invading Beja tribes. Angot was a much more defensible position, a decision that proved wise when Beta Israel captured Aksum during Queen Gudit's invasion. Ethiopian Solomonic Kings, including those in Ambasel mountain prison, were known as Bete Israel for centuries.
Ku'bar remained the capital until the Zagwe dynasty rose to power and moved the capital to Adefa (now known as Lalibela) in their home region of Bugna. Still, there is a small village of Christian Amhara community (as it was in ancient times) called Zobel Angot in western Yejju. Towns such as Maychew, Mehoni, Alamata, Angot Robit, Woldea, Mersa are todays descandants of the Abysinnian Angot people now known as Raya Rayuma. The Angot Raya Cultural Attire has also spread north to Ambalage and Wejerat shaping the culture of Endertan Tigrays now identify as Raya Tigrays
End.
Angot was on the front line between Abyssinia and the Afar lowlands, and after the war, it was occupied by the Yejju Oromo and the territory became known as Yejju province. After 1941, it became part of Wollo Province and is now the eastern half of North Wollo Zone.


Hexing a Hurricane

Hexing a Hurricane is a 2006 documentary film about the effect of Hurricane Katrina on New Orleans. It has been billed as the "First Katrina documentary" released by a New Orleanian. The film is directed by Jeremy Campbell and distributed by the National Film Network. The film's score was orchestrated by New Orleans artist Eric Laws.
The film begins back when life was "normal" in New Orleans- six weeks before Hurricane Katrina and the associated levee failures devastated the city. "Hexing a Hurricane" opens with a 9th Ward Voodoo Ceremony at the start of Hurricane Season asking spirits for protection from dangerous storms. After the ominous hurricane strikes a few weeks following the VooDoo service, the film follows locals affected.
Cast.
Those appearing on screen include Chris Rose ("Times-Picayune" columnist), Angela Hill (WWL-TV Channel 4 news anchor), Garland Robinette, (WWL (AM) radio talk show host), Harry Anderson (actor, former resident, former local club owner), Irvin Mayfield (musician), Sallie Ann Glassman (artist, Voodoo priestess), along with various people of New Orleans.
Scenes.
Scenes in the film include:


Lusikisiki

Lusikisiki is town in the Ingquza Hill Local Municipality in the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa. The name is onomatopoeic, derived from the rustling sound of reeds in the wind, named by the local AmaMpondo people. Lusikisiki is 45 kilometers inland from and north of Port St Johns. The town is positioned along the R61 (future N2 Wild Coast Toll Route) leading to Mthatha to the west and Durban to the north.
Climate.
Lusikisiki receives high levels of rainfall, ranging between 874mm - 1060mm of rain per annum. Rainfall is considered unseasonal, although Lusikisiki receives the majority of its rainfall during summer. Winter temperatures reach their lowest in July, averaging 8 degrees Celsius at night. The area lies within Forest and Indian Coastal Thicket biomes, and White Milkwood ("Sideroxylon inerme") are common.
History.
Pre-colonial.
Before European habitation in Lusikisiki, the AmaMpondo chief's kraal occupied what is now the present town village. In 1894 European settlers started settling in Lusikisiki after Mpondoland was annexed by the Cape Colony and a magistrate took up residence there.
Apartheid era.
In 1953 the South African Apartheid government made attempts to persuade the people of Lusikisiki to accept the rule of Bantu authorities which they had established. The government worked with Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau to attempt to start a rehabilitation scheme in Pondoland. The scheme was presented to the Lusikisiki community but was rejected. A few days later, the police entered the area. A man called Mngqinga led a large local group to attack the police. This was later known as the Lusikisiki Revolt.


Civula

Overview.
Civula (also known as Quibula) was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.


Zaynab an-Nafzawiyyah

Zaynab an-Nafzāwiyyah () (fl. 1075), was a Berber woman of influence in the early days of the Almoravid Berber empire which gained control of Morocco, Algeria, and parts of Spain.
She was married to Yusuf ibn Tashfin (r. 1061-1107) and reportedly his de facto co-ruler. She was one of the wives of Berber kings given the title of "malika" (queen), which was not a given thing for the wives of Muslim monarchs, and called "al-qa'ima bi mulkihi" ('literally: the one in charge of her husband's mulk'), referring to her participation in the state affairs during the reign of her spouse. Though the "khutba" was never issued in her name, she was recognized to share the power of her spouse.
Life.
The earliest reference to her is in the anonymous 12th-century text "Kitab al-Istibsar", where it says "In her time there was none more beautiful or intelligent or witty ... she was married to Yusuf, who built Marrakech for her". This work names her father as Ibrāhīm an-Nafzāwi, a merchant originally from Kairouan.
According to Ibn Khaldun, she first became the concubine of Yusuf ibn Ali, chief of the Wurika and Aylana Berber tribes about Aghmat in Morocco. She then married Luqūt al-Maghrāwi, amir of Aghmat. Luqūt was killed in a battle against the invading Almoravids and his wealth was inherited by Zaynab.
The most detailed information appears to be in the (unfortunately incomplete) early 14th-century text "Al-bayan al-mughrib". She is said to have had many offers of marriage from tribal chiefs from all over Morocco, but always declined by saying she would marry no-one who did not wish to become ruler of the whole country. It is said she had supernatural powers, and conversed with genies.
She married the Almoravid leader, Abu-Bakr Ibn-Umar in September 1068 and offered to put her immense wealth at his disposal. It is said she blindfolded Abu Bakr, then led him to a secret cavern. When she removed the blindfold, he saw around him an immense treasure of gold and silver, pearls and rubies. "All this is yours" she said before leading him out - again blindfolded.
Abu Bakr began the construction of Marrakech in May 1070. Work had not progressed very far when a messager arrived pleading for his help in suppressing a revolt against the Almoravids deep in the Sahara Desert. Abu Bakr knew that his wife was not suited to the rigours of a desert life, and divorced Zaynab, advising her to marry Yusuf ibn Tashfin, whom he was leaving as his deputy. He departed for the Sahara in January 1071, and after the legal period of 3 months' separation had ended, Zaynab duly married Yusuf in May of that year. It says that Yusuf owed the conquest of the Maghreb (Morocco, Algeria and Spain) to her advice, and that she was so expert in conducting negotiations that she was nicknamed "The Magician".
In 1072, Abu Bakr signalled his intention to return from the Sahara to take up his former position. Yusuf was understandably reluctant to yield, but did not know how to keep his position without triggering an internecine war with Abu Bakr. It is said that Zaynab, knowing of Abu Bakr's fondness for the desert life and his own reluctance to cause unwarranted bloodshed, advised Yusuf to confront Abu Bakr in a firm but courteous manner, and mollify him with luxurious presents. This Yusuf did, and the meeting passed without incident. Abu Bakr returned to the Sahara, but in a continuing homage his name remained on Almoravid coinage until his death some years later.
Zaynab is known to have had at least two sons by Yusuf:
The "Rawd al-Qirtas" gives the date of her death as 1071, which does not fit with more accurate sources, in which she would realistically have been alive to at least 1075.
Legacy.
Her example and the fact that she assisted in creating the dynasty and its customs had great impact on the situation of women in Almoravid Morocco. In the tradition and example of her, women in Morocco had high status during the reign of the Almoravid dynasty; princesses were allowed to participate in state affairs; women in Morocco did not wear veils; the education of women was accepted and normal, with notable women such as Hafsa Bint al-Hajj al-Rukuniyya holding courses for the women of the palace; at least two women known to have been doctors, and, finally, princess Fannu famously participated in the defense of the capital during the dynasty's downfall in 1147.


Operation Finery

Operation Finery was a British plan for military intervention in Zanzibar following the 1964 revolution. It was a replacement for the earlier operations Parthenon and Boris, amphibious and airborne assaults. Finery circumvented the reliance of the previous plans on bases in Kenya, where government and local support for intervention were not forthcoming. Instead, Finery would have utilised the commando carrier HMS "Bulwark" to land Royal Marines on Zanzibar to protect Karume's government. Because of delays in the deployment of "Bulwark", Finery was supplemented by Operation Shed, which could be launched at shorter notice. The expected coup did not occur, and Finery was scrapped on 29 April 1964, although Operation Shed remained in place.
Objectives.
The Zanzibar Revolution had occurred on 12 January 1964. Since then, British forces had kept a presence in the area to safeguard European citizens. Since 30 January, British forces had also been kept on standby to launch a military intervention in the event that the radical left-wing Umma Party staged a coup to overthrow the President Abeid Karume's moderate Afro-Shirazi Party which controlled the governing Revolutionary Council. The first operation with this objective was Operation Parthenon, which would have used two aircraft carriers, four other ships, 34 aircraft and elements of the Scots Guards, the Parachute Regiment, and 45 Commando of the Royal Marines. They would launch an amphibious and airborne assault on the main, southern island of Unguja before taking the northern island of Pemba. Parthenon remained in place until around 20 February when it became known that the forces of the Revolutionary Council may have received military training from communist troops, the British Defence Council then decided that a different mix of soldiers was required. Thus Parthenon was replaced by Operation Boris. Boris would have made use of British airfields in Kenya to launch the attack. However it was decided that secrecy could not be maintained in Kenya, where some of the population sympathised with the Zanzibaris. So, on 9 April, Operation Finery was developed as a replacement.
Plan.
"Finery" would have involved a helicopter assault on Unguja, the main base of revolutionary power, by Royal Marines from the commando carrier HMS "Bulwark". The plan circumvented the need to operate from Kenya, where secrecy could not be guaranteed, and the government did not support intervention. It would take 14 days for Finery to launch once ordered since Middle East operations required the "Bulwark". To provide a more immediate response plans were put in place for a smaller scale operation which could be launched within 24 hours should evacuation of remaining British citizens in Zanzibar be required. The merger of Zanzibar with Tanganyika to form Tanzania on the 23 April may have provided the catalyst for the Umma Party to attempt a coup and so from around this date Finery was supported by Operation Shed, an airlift of a battalion of troops, accompanied by scout cars, to seize Unguja's airfield and protect Karume's government. The expected coup did not occur, and Finery was scrapped on 29 April 1964, although Operation Shed remained in place.


Prospect Hill Plantation

The Prospect Hill Plantation was a former 5,000-acre plantation in Jefferson County, Mississippi. In the early 19th century, the plantation was owned by planter Isaac Ross of South Carolina, who enslaved African American people to farm cotton as a cash crop. In 1830, Ross and other major planters co-founded the Mississippi chapter of the American Colonization Society, which sought to move enslaved people to Mississippi-in-Africa, a colony on the coast of what became Liberia.
In 1836, Ross died, and his will freed those enslaved people who agreed to move to Mississippi-in-Africa, and provided for sale of his plantation to fund their move. His will was contested and litigated by a grandson and heir who occupied the plantation while the court case and appeals were litigated. The will was finally upheld by the Mississippi Supreme Court in 1845. That year, the mansion had burned down and a girl died in the fire. About a dozen enslaved people suspected as responsible were lynched. The plantation was finally sold, and about 300 enslaved people were freed and transported by 1848 to Mississippi-in-Africa. They and their descendants were among the Americo-Liberian elite that held power into the late 20th century.
In the 1850s, Ross' grandson Isaac Ross Wade reacquired the Prospect Hill property, building a second plantation great house in 1854. Wade and Ross family descendants occupied the house until 1956, and it was occupied by others until 1968.
This mansion still stands today. In 2011 the plantation and house were acquired by the Archeological Conservancy for preservation of the total property. It is expected to yield artifacts that will contribute to the story of slavery in the United States, as well as to African-American culture and the diaspora.
Location.
The plantation is located in a rural area near Lorman in Jefferson County, Mississippi. By car, it is located 15 minutes east of Lorman, 20 minutes away from Port Gibson, and 45 away from Natchez.
History.
The plantation was built for Isaac Ross, a South Carolina slave owner. He migrated with an older brother to Mississippi in 1808, taking a contingent of enslaved people, as well as some free Blacks who had served with him in the war. He developed the property as a cotton plantation, and enslaved many more people to develop and work it. He eventually enslaved nearly 300 people and acquired other plantations as well.
The plantation had a cemetery, where Isaac Ross and some of his family were buried. After his grandson Isaac Ross Wade reacquired the plantation, this area became known as the Wade Family Cemetery. The mansion and cemetery property acquired by the Conservancy span 23 acres.
Family history.
Isaac Ross died in 1836 and was buried in the cemetery on his plantation. The Mississippi Colonization Society (of which he was a co-founder) commissioned a monument to him for US$25,000 two years later. They had it installed at his gravesite in 1838.
Ross' grandson Isaac Ross Wade, contested the will, but it was upheld by the Mississippi Supreme Court in 1845. There were additional legal delays, but during this period, the enslaved people stayed on the plantation and worked for Wade. They were technically considered free, under the terms of the will, and were supposed to receive pay.
On an April night in 1845, a fire in the mansion burned it down, killing a six-year-old white girl. A Wade descendant attributed it to a slave uprising; and 12 suspects among the enslaved people were quickly captured and lynched.
In the settlement of the court case, the enslaved people gained their freedom and the plantation was sold to fund their migration to the colony in West Africa, which the final group reached in 1848. They never received any of the pay owed for their three years of working for Wade. The area near Monrovia where freed enslaved people from Mississippi were settled became known as Mississippi-in-Africa. It later became part of the country of Liberia.
Wade ultimately reacquired the plantation property and had a new great house built in 1854. He and his descendants lived there, with family ownership extending into the 20th century.
20th century to present.
The last Ross and Wade family descendants left in 1956, by which time the outbuildings had collapsed: the kitchen, slave quarters, smokehouse and barns. The mansion at Prospect Hill Plantation is still standing, although it has deteriorated in its decades of vacancy. The roof was damaged by Hurricane Katrina in 2005. In 2011, it was purchased by the Archeological Conservancy, a non-profit organization, to preserve it and the property. It has received $50,000 from the Mississippi Department of Archives and History as well as private donations for preservation purposes.
Planned archeological excavation of the grounds is expected to yield important evidence about the African-American culture of the slaves and their relation to the diaspora. In 2014 the Archeological Conservancy held a reunion at the plantation for descendants of its residents: "descendants of the divided slave-holding family, the slaves who remained in the area, and the slaves who emigrated to Liberia."
The Prospect Hill Plantation Collection papers, from the period 1873–1917, are kept at the library on the campus of the University of Mississippi in Oxford, Mississippi. They are primarily copies of tenant and other contracts, as well as family correspondence.


Mastanesosus

Mastanesosus (or Sosus or Sus) was an Amazigh king of Mauretania (modern-day Morocco and Western Algeria) and son of Bocchus I. He ruled from 80 BC to 49 BC.
Evidence.
The little information known about King Mastanesosus comes from coins bearing the inscription "Bocchus II son of Sosus", in addition to a reference by Cicero in his book In Vatinum, where he detailed an itinerary by Publius Vatinius through North Africa. Vatinius had allegedly met King Mastanesosus in person in 62 BC.
Some historians, such as Stéphane Gsell, have confused Mastanesosus with Massinissa II of Numidia. The archaeological evidence and Cicero's reference however leave little doubt that a king named Sosus had ruled Mauretania after Bocchus I and before Bogud and Bocchus II.
Reign.
Mastanesosus' reign was probably weaker than his father's, since at the beginning of his rule, Tingi and its region were independent and ruled as such by a princely family, namely by Iephtas, then his son Ascalis. General Sertorius helped dethrone prince Ascalis, and thereby restore King Mastanesosus as ruler over the region of Tangier. It was during this campaign that general Sertorius reported visiting the tomb of Antaeus, probably at Mzoura cromlech.


Moremi III

Moremi III (19152 December 1946) was chief of the BaTawana from 1937 until his death in 1946. He was generally popular among the people he ruled, though the British did not always approve of his actions.
Early and personal life.
Moremi was born in 1915 and trained to serve as chief from a very early age. He attended the Gaborone Police Camp and later the Tiger Kloof Educational Institute. It was while at Tiger Kloof that Moremi met Elizabeth Pulane Moremi, who was working as a nurse; the two fell in love and were married in 1937. They would have three children. The two were not very close after several years because he considered her too "aloof", and he sometimes had a mistress cook food for her. Moremi became friends with Leetile Disang Raditladi when he was at the police camp, and in 1946 Raditladi was hired as his secretary.
Rule.
In 1937 he became chief of the BaTawana and the couple moved to Ngamiland. Although Moremi was initially well liked by the people he ruled, the British, who controlled Botswana at the time through the Bechuanaland Protectorate, did not always approve of him. Moremi's reign was characterized by his persona as a "fearless hunter" and his opposition to independence of the OvaHerero people. He saw declining popularity in the face of World War II and the destruction that came with it, and Moremi was suspended by the British in 1945 over allegations of corruption. His reign was described as doing "little to improve the poor reputation of some of the Tawana chiefs." Moremi was killed in a car crash on 2 December 1946. His wife succeeded him to act as regent of the tribe.
The Moremi Wildlife Reserve, which his wife played a major role in the creation of, was named after him.


2005 South African floor-crossing window period

The 2005 floor crossing window period in South Africa was a period of 15 days, from 1 to 15 September 2005, in which members of the National Assembly and the provincial legislatures were able to cross the floor from one political party to another without giving up their seats. The period was authorised by the Tenth Amendment of the Constitution of South Africa, which scheduled regular window periods in the second and fourth September after each election. The previous general election had been held on 14 April 2004.
In the National Assembly, the floor-crossing expanded the African National Congress' (ANC) representation from 279 to 293 seats, giving it control of almost three-quarters of the 400-member house. Other existing parties mainly lost seats, with several entirely new parties being created; still-existing parties created in 2005 include the National Democratic Convention
Seven of the nine provincial legislatures were also affected, with only the Free State and North West legislatures remaining unchanged. In both the KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Legislature and the Western Cape Provincial Parliament the ANC received enough members to move from a plurality to an absolute majority; in KwaZulu-Natal it gained two members to control 40 of the 80 seats, while in the Western Cape it gained five, to give it 24 of the 42 seats.
This window period also saw the final demise of the New National Party, in which all its members crossed the floor, mostly to become ANC representatives.
The tables below show all the changes; in those provinces not listed there was no change in the provincial legislature.
Tables.
National Assembly.
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!Seats before
!Net change
!Seats after
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Total
!colspan="3" style="text-align:center"|400
Eastern Cape Provincial Legislature.
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!Seats before
!Net change
!Seats after
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Total
!colspan="3" style="text-align:center"|63
Gauteng Provincial Legislature.
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!Seats before
!Net change
!Seats after
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Total
!colspan="3" style="text-align:center"|73
KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Legislature.
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!Seats before
!Net change
!Seats after
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Total
!colspan="3" style="text-align:center"|80
Limpopo Provincial Legislature.
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!Seats before
!Net change
!Seats after
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Total
!colspan="3" style="text-align:center"|49
Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature.
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!Seats before
!Net change
!Seats after
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Total
!colspan="3" style="text-align:center"|30
Northern Cape Provincial Parliament.
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!Seats before
!Net change
!Seats after
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Total
!colspan="3" style="text-align:center"|30
Western Cape Provincial Parliament.
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!Seats before
!Net change
!Seats after
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Total
!colspan="3" style="text-align:center"|42
National Council of Provinces.
The National Council of Provinces was reconstituted as a result of the changes in the provincial legislatures. Its reconstituted makeup was as follows:
!colspan="2" style="text-align:left"|Party
!style="text-align:left"|Delegate type
!EC
!FS
!G
!KZN
!L
!M
!NW
!NC
!WC
!colspan=2|"Total"
!colspan="3" style="text-align:left"|Total
!10
!10
!10
!10
!10
!10
!10
!10
!10
!colspan=2|"90"


Swynnerton Plan

The Swynnerton Plan was a colonial agricultural policy that appeared as a government report in 1954 in Kenya, aiming to intensify the development of agricultural practice in the Kenya Colony. The plan was geared to expanding native Kenyan's cash-crop production through improved markets and infrastructure, the distribution of appropriate inputs, and the gradual consolidation and enclosure of land holdings.
Overview.
Roger Swynnerton was an official in the Department of Agriculture, and the main objective of the plan was to create family holdings large enough to keep the family self-sufficient in food and also enable them to practise alternate husbandry and thus develop a cash income. It was envisioned that 600,000 African families would have farming units of approximately ten acres a family, which would raise their average productivity in cash sales from £10 to £100 a year after providing for their own needs. In drawing up his plan, Swynnerton assumed twenty years would be needed to implement it.
When the Swynnerton Report was first published, its findings, in complement with the East Africa Royal Commission 1953–1955, were a reversal of previous colonial policies on native agricultural practices. It recommended that all high-quality native land be surveyed and enclosed; that the policy of maintaining 'traditional' or tribal systems of land tenure be reversed; and all the thousands of fragmented holdings be consolidated and enclosed. The 'progressive' farmers would thereby be able to obtain credit, which had been previously denied them, whilst the new title deeds would create security of tenure which would lead to investment and rural development. Furthermore, it recommended that native African farmers be allowed to grow cash crops, be given a major increase in technical assistance, and have access to all marketing facilities, all of which were previously available and restricted to the white settler minority.
The results were dramatic: the value of recorded output from the small-holdings rose from £5.2 million in 1955 to £14 million in 1964, coffee accounting for 55 percent of the increase.
Moreover, the plan also sought to consolidate scattered landholdings in Central Province so that land ownership could be concentrated in the hands of a few farmers. These individuals would then become transformed into what was envisaged as an 'African middle class' that engaged in economic production, while at the same time offering employment to the bulk of those rendered landless by the plan. It was anticipated that the remaining landless peasants would become small-scale rural craftsmen.
Impacts on the political economy.
The plan was implemented during the Mau Mau Uprising, and implementation served the politically expedient needs of the colonial government. These reforms, which were intended to increase the opportunities for Africans in the colonial society and to integrate them more effectively into the changing pattern of the economy, could not contain African politics. Nor could African politicians be 'pocketed', because the land and other economic reforms that been introduced, while benefiting indigenous capital interests, fell far short of popular demands. For example, the land consolidation programme had repressive political objectives. In the words of the Special Commissioner for Central Province, 'Thus land consolidation was to complete the work of the [State of] Emergency: to stabilise a conservative middle class, based on the loyalists; and, as confiscated land was to be thrown into the common land pool during consolidation, it was also to confirm the landlessness of the rebels.'.
So the state intensified the spread of cash crops and dairy cattle in the African reserves, on the startling new basis of generalised private, freehold, property. For the Kikuyu, land registration and consolidation during the Emergency was the final, bitter, codification of Kikuyu clan history. By this, the plan amounted to a mental revolution for those at the bottom of Kikuyu society, destroying the "ahoi" (tenant) option for these landless poor, amounting to around one-third of the tribe's population. Henceforth, they had no kin, no ancestral land, no marginal marshlands in the reserves to go to; a new Kikuyu society was born—propertied and propertyless—and left to face an uncertain future in face of the politics of independence.
Stepping stone to Independence.
Despite this, the greater lasting benefits of the Swynnerton plan proposals were that they were accepted in full by the Royal Commission, which went further with them, recommending the removal of all racial and political barriers inhibiting the free movement of land, labour, and capital, and the recognition of private interests in land. Although the two recommendations were accepted with some modifications to suit the European farmers, they set the stage for an impending land settlement programme intended to formalise greater African participation in agriculture, the mainstay of Kenya's economy.
These twin policies of land consolidation and removal of all barriers to the functioning of land market were put into practise by 1960, and enabled a reconciliation between the departing colonial authority and the leaders of an independent Kenya.


Veerasamy Ringadoo

Sir Veerasamy Ringadoo, GCMG, GCSK, QC, (born வீரசாமி ரிங்காடு Vīracāmi Riṅkāṭu; 20 October 1920 – 9 September 2000) was a Mauritian politician, minister and Governor-General of Mauritius.
Early life.
Born in 1920 in a Tamil family, Ringadoo was educated and Port Louis Grammar School and completed the LLB at the London School of Economics in 1948. He was also a founder of the League of Tamils in 1937.
Political career.
At the 1953 general elections he was elected for the first time to the Legislative Council in Moka-Flacq, representing Labour Party alongside Ackbar Gujadhur and Satcam Boolell. At the 1959 and 1963 elections he was elected to the Legislative Council at No.17 Quartier Militaire after standing as candidate of Labour Party. In 1967 he was elected to Legislative Council at Constituency No.8 (Quartier Militaire-Moka) as candidate of the Independence Party coalition alongside Mahess Teeluck and Abdool Razack Mohamed. In 1976 he was re-elected at No.8 alongside Mahess Teeluck. He held the portfolio of Finance Minister of Mauritius during most of these terms. But at the 1982 general elections he was not elected following the landslide victory of MMM-PSM against PTr-PMSD.
He served as Governor-General of Mauritius from 17 January 1986 to 12 March 1992, when it became a republic. Ringadoo then served as interim President until later in 1992, when he was replaced by the second president, Cassam Uteem.
Recognition.
Ringadoo was knighted in the 1975 New Year Honours, and following his appointment as Governor-General, appointed a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St. Michael and St. George in June 1986.


William Henry Leigh (merchant)

William Henry Leigh (1781-1818) was a merchant, slave trader and former colonial official in Sierra Leone during the early nineteenth century.
Early life and background.
William Henry Leigh was an official employee of the Sierra Leone Company and served the company in the early 1800s. Leigh eventually settled in the Îles de Los and was a wealthy smuggler of American goods. Leigh also engaged in the slave trade and was a colleague of Samuel Samo, a Dutch slave trader.
Death.
William Henry Leigh died in 1818 at the Isles de Los at the age of 37 years old. Leigh left a will in which he provided for his several children which was disputed in the English courts in the early nineteenth century.
Leigh v Macaulay.
The case of "Leigh v Macaulay" (20 February 1835) in which James Leigh, a son of William Henry Leigh, brought an action against Zachary Macaulay was a case in relation to equity and trusts and specifically to the estate of William Henry Leigh. James Leigh was represented by Mr. Simpkinson and the case reached the court of the Lord Chief Baron.
Kenneth Macaulay, the executor of William Leigh's estate died indebted to Macaulay and Babington and this mercantile firm used the monies received from the goods from William Leigh's estate sent by Kenneth Macaulay towards the clearance of Kenneth Macaulay's debt. Macaulay and Babington also mixed the produce received from Kenneth Macaulay for their business with the produce sent by Kenneth Macaulay to be realised for William Henry Leigh's estate. It was ruled by the courts that Macaulay and Babington owed James Leigh the amount due from the proceeds of the estate and it was held that the money should be paid into court.
Descendants.
William Henry Leigh had several children with his Nova Scotian Settler mistress and among his descendants are Leslie William Leigh and John Ernest Leigh, the former Sierra Leonean ambassador to the United States.


Prince Alemayehu

Dejazmatch Alemayehu Tewodros, often referred to as HIH Prince Alemayehu or Alamayou of Ethiopia (23 April 1861 – 14 November 1879) was the son of Emperor Tewodros II of Ethiopia. Emperor Tewodros II committed suicide after his defeat by the British, led by Sir Robert Napier, at the conclusion of the British Expedition to Abyssinia in 1868. Alemayehu's mother was Empress Tiruwork Wube.
Biography.
After the Battle of Magdala, the young prince was taken to Britain, under the care of Captain Tristram Speedy. This was in accordance with the wishes of Tewodros II who had asked his wife, the Empress Tiruwork Wube, in the event of his death, to place his son under the protection of the British. This decision was apparently made in the fear that the Prince's life would be in jeopardy from an aspirant for the Empire of Abyssinia. The Empress Tiruwork had intended to travel to Britain with her son following the death of her husband, but died on the march from Magdala to Zula leaving Alemayehu an orphan. Initially, Empress Tiruwork had resisted Captain Speedy's efforts to be named the child's guardian, and had even asked the commander of the British forces, Lord Napier, to keep Speedy away from her child and herself. After the death of the Empress however, Napier allowed Speedy to assume the role of caretaker. Upon the arrival of the little Prince's party in Alexandria however, Speedy dismissed the entire Ethiopian entourage of the Prince much to their distress and they returned to Ethiopia.
While staying at Speedy's home on the Isle of Wight he was introduced to Queen Victoria at her home at Osborne House. She took a great interest in his life and education. Alamayehu spent some time in India with Speedy and his wife, but the government decided he should be educated in England and he was sent to Lockers Park School and then to Cheltenham to be educated under the care of Thomas Jex-Blake, principal of Cheltenham College. He moved to Rugby School with Jex-Blake in 1875, where one of his tutors was Cyril Ransome (the future father of Arthur Ransome). In 1878 he joined the officers' training school at the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, but he was not happy there and the following year went to Far Headingley, Leeds, West Yorkshire, to stay with his old tutor Cyril Ransome. Within a week he had contracted pleurisy and died after six weeks of illness, despite the attentions of Dr Clifford Allbutt of Leeds and other respected consultants.
Queen Victoria mentioned the death of the young prince in her diary, saying what a good and kind boy he had been and how sad it was that he should die so far from his family. She also mentioned how very unhappy the prince had been, and how conscious he was of people staring at him because of his colour.
Queen Victoria arranged for Alamayehu to be buried at Windsor Castle. The funeral took place on 21 November 1879, in the presence of Cyril Ransome, Chancellor of the Exchequer Stafford Northcote, General Napier, and Captain Speedy. A brass plaque in the nave of St George's chapel commemorates him and bears the words "I was a stranger and ye took me in", but Alamayehu's body is buried in a brick vault outside the chapel. Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia arranged for second plaque commemorating the Prince to be placed in the chapel as well.
In 2007, the Ethiopian government requested the return of Alemayehu's remains for reburial in Ethiopia.
In popular culture.
This Prince's life was the basis of the 2001 play "Abyssinia" that toured England in a production by Tiata Fahodzi. Written by Adewale Ajadi and directed by Femi Elufowoju Jr, it played in the Other Place in Stratford on Avon, Southwark Playhouse and other regional theatres.
Ethiopian filmmaker, Selam Bekele, reinterpreted Alamyehu's life in a short experimental film titled Prince of Nowhere. The film features an extended monologue and a closing melody by Ethiopian jazz artist, Meklit Hadero. Bekele's film screened throughout the United States in 2014 and 2015.
The story of Alemayehu's life is told in the radio play "I was a stranger", by Peter Spafford, which was broadcast on BBC Radio 4 in May 2004. The role of Alemayehu was played by Chiwetel Ejiofor.
The story of Alemayehu's life is also told in the book "The Prince Who Walked With Lions" by Elizabeth Laird () in March 2012.
In December 2012 Alemayehu was featured in the BBC Radio 4 programme "Great Lives", nominated by poet Lemn Sissay. Elizabeth Laird was the invited expert.
In May 2015 Prince Alemayehu's story was told by Ethiopian-British poet Lemn Sissay on an episode of Comedy of the Week, BBC Radio 4; Lemn Sissay's Homecoming.


Jan Smuts and a British Transvaal

Jan Christiaan Smuts, OM (24 May 1870 – 11 September 1950) was a prominent South African and Commonwealth statesman and military leader. He served as a Boer General duning the Boer War, a British General during the First World War and was appointed Field Marshal during the Second World War. In addition to various Cabinet appointments, he served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 to 1924 and from 1939 to 1948. He played a leading part in the post war settlements at the end of both world wars, making significant contributions towards the creation of both the League of Nations and the United Nations.
This article is about Jan Smuts in the government of South Africa when part of the British Empire, from the Transvaal's defeat at the end of the Second Boer War in 1902 until the creation of the Union of South Africa in 1910. Smuts emerged from the Boer War as one of the foremost Afrikaner leaders. Working closely with Louis Botha, Smuts engineered the restoration of . Having won the elections to the restored Transvaal Parliament, Smuts and Botha proceeded to negotiate beneficial terms of unification.
Out of Their Hands.
Back to the Day Job.
The Second Boer War had irrevocably changed the face of South Africa, but, for Smuts, it was back to work as usual. Whilst Christiaan De Wet, Koos de la Rey, and Louis Botha toured Europe, hailed as conquering heroes, Smuts returned to his former day job, as a mediocre lawyer. Smuts was as restless in this capacity as ever, and yearned to take part in politics again. Alas for Smuts, the British dominance of South Africa since Vereeniging made it almost impossible for an Afrikaner, no matter how well versed in the English language or British thinking, to break through. More worrying for Smuts, many Boers disapproved of his, and others', leadership during the war: some wished for a fight to the death, whilst some wished that the war had ended after the fall of Pretoria.
Having seen the generosity of the British treasury in London, Botha came to the conclusion a unified South Africa, within the British Empire, would serve both Briton and Afrikaner well. However, Baron Milner was the enemy of the Afrikaner, being chiefly responsible for creating a British monopoly on government posts (called Milner's Kindergarten). He saw no place for Dutch-speakers in the government of South Africa. To counter Milner, and to unite the Afrikaners, the former generals of the Transvaal army, including Smuts, formed the Het Volk party in January 1905. The objective of the party was straightforward enough: self-government, and, ultimately, the creation of a unified South African state.
Changing of the Guard.
In 1905, Milner's term as High Commissioner came to an end, and, for Smuts, it couldn't come a minute too soon. Milner was replaced by a more conciliatory man, Lord Selborne, who was in deep admiration of Smuts. Selborne was keen to discuss any manner of constitutional arrangement, but, without the backing of the Conservative government in London, Selborne could advance the process no further than Smuts could. Of course, the Conservative government was dependent upon the support of the British people, and that soon dried up.
Later that year, the Conservative government resigned, and was replaced by a Liberal one under Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, which was later confirmed at a general election in February 1906. The new government was led by some of the more active anti-Imperialists in Parliament, including a few that had sympathised with the Boer republics in the South African War. Smuts recognised this opportunity, and set off for London as soon as he heard the news. When he arrived, he was astonished to find so much opposition to the Conservatives' policy in South Africa.
Smuts negotiated from a starting position of full self-government for the Transvaal within British South Africa. Whilst this was dismissed by the Conservatives as unrealistic and counter-productive, most Liberal politicians saw things Smuts' way. Campbell-Bannerman failed to understand the Afrikaners' refusal to work with Milner. Regardless, he was compelled to agree. The Liberal government had been elected partly on the back of opposition to the Chinese indentured labour that had saved the gold mines. Campbell-Bannerman realised that the Chinese workers could not be removed, for that would cripple the economy, and knew that the Afrikaners could never be outnumbered by the British in South Africa. Thus, he decided to pass the buck to the Afrikaners, under whose remit of self-government the miners would fall. He persuaded the cabinet to accept Smuts' demands.
Back in Charge.
Election.
In December 1906, a new constitution for the Transvaal was drawn up, under which an immediate election would find a government. This gave Het Volk two advantages. First, it was fighting an election according to a constitution that it had written. Second, it was fighting an election at a time at which it was the predominant force in Transvaal politics. Nonetheless, neither Botha nor Smuts, the two leaders took the task of election too lightly.
Across the Transvaal they toured, whipping up public support for their cause and their candidates. Botha was a natural-born politician, and the crowds loved him. Less popular was the shy and distant Smuts. Despite his quiet nature, and the controversies of the Boer War, Smuts was comfortably elected in the Wonderboom constituency, near Pretoria. Across the board, Het Volk had scored a massive victory. Botha became the Prime Minister, forming his government solely from Het Volk. Chief amongst his ministers was Smuts, who became both the Colonial Secretary and the Education Secretary: two of the top positions.
Ruling the Transvaal.
Immediately, Botha set off on a diplomatic tour of Europe, taking advantage of his celebrity, and left Smuts in charge of the Transvaal. Smuts took a disliking to the bureaucracy, the discussion and the compromise of government. He saw action as the best response to crisis. Crisis came soon, in the form of the Dutch Reformed Church. The Calvinist movement pressed Smuts to take advantage of self-government, by making Afrikaans and Calvinism compulsory for schoolchildren. Although a Calvinist himself, Smuts had grown out of his former zealotry, and found that he could not agree with their aims. He wanted a secular state, and he wanted the next generation to be well versed in the English language, not Afrikaans.
Smuts was attacked for being irreligious, or even blasphemous, and the pastors of the Dutch Reformed Church campaigned heavily against Smuts. In the end, though, there was little that the church could do in the face of the government, backed by the Selborne administration in Cape Town. Smuts knew that, if there was one thing Afrikaners could do, it was to bear a grudge. The Reformed Church, counting three-quarters of Afrikaners amongst its members, could certainly wield great political power.
Gandhi.
A great number of immigrants from other parts of the Empire flooded to South Africa. The two largest groups were Malays and South Asians. For the Afrikaners, this was a problem. They threatened to undercut European wages, and to take a slice of the wealth created by the mines. Smuts sought to clamp down on the stream of immigrants by any method necessary. He tore into the gangs that smuggled them into the country, limited Indian employment rights, and had each foreign worker register with the government. Opposing Smuts was an Indian lawyer by the name of Mohandas Gandhi.
Gandhi responded to the Transvaal's heavy-handedness with non-violent resistance, as he would in India years later. Smuts imprisoned the most vocal opponents in the Asian population, including Gandhi. The press was outraged, and caricatured Smuts as though he were another Paul Kruger: Crude, fierce, and unyielding. Smuts caved in to Gandhi's passive resistance, letting the Indians go but offering Gandhi no definite promise of concessions.
Incidents such as these were few and far between. Smuts' battle with the Dutch Reformed Church was more representative of his tenure in power. He knew how to fight fire with fire, but Gandhi got under Smuts' skin without so much as raising his fists. The Indian affairs aside, by 1909, Smuts had created a very strong government, backed by a booming economy. Nonetheless, the issue of Union was still as pressing as ever.
Creating a Country.
Smuts' Vision.
As it always had, friction developed and increased between the component parts of South Africa. After Vereeniging, a compromise had been reached on railway harmonisation and customs union, but, with its architect, Lord Milner, out of the picture, a new agreement had to be reached. Although treated, politically, as parts of one whole, the Transvaal and the three colonies could not be more dissimilar. All of South Africa's wealth came from the Transvaal, whilst the three colonies would have been destitute without the Transvaal's need for support services. Botha and Smuts held all the cards.
Smuts argued that there could be no South Africa without complete political union. During the war, Smuts had grown to despise the enmity of the British and the Boers, and to realise the futility of South African fratricide. Smuts made impassioned pleas to the Transvaal Parliament: "There is only one road to salvation, the road to Union and to a South African Nation".
For Smuts, union meant unitary. He had examined the failures of the American federal system, and was disappointed at its inertia and its great disparities. Not all parties were agreed. Smuts, having faith in his intellect and rhetoric, called for a convention to be held in Durban, where Briton and Afrikaner alike could be persuaded of his ambition.
Convention and Union.
The summer of 1908-9 was stiflingly hot in Durban. Nonetheless, in October 1908, delegates from across South Africa braved the heat and humidity to attend Smuts' convention. Smuts had planned carefully his line of attack, tailored to the needs and demands of each delegate, and he was sure that he would succeed. He knew that compromise on all issues would be impossible, so he focused on the general principles, intending to leave more technical and less significant matters to the future South African Parliament.
The delegates, though, jealously guarded their own interests, and there were numerous disputes: On the powers of the provincial councils, the extension of the franchise, the location of the capital, the official language of the Union, and even the size of the standard track gauge. Smuts resolved these issues with careful wording, vague promises, and compromise.
The most hard-fought battles were between Smuts and the Orange delegates. Steyn and Hertzog were indomitable, and keen not to allow the Transvaal to dictate the general message of the Afrikaner people. Smuts was willing to compromise to achieve consensus. He agreed to create three separate capitals, at Cape Town, Pretoria, and Bloemfontein. He agreed to give Dutch equal status to English in the constitution. Nevertheless, Smuts could not concede on any of his broader point of Union. Steyn and Hertzog were opposed to any Union that would reduce the powers of the provincial parliaments.
Whilst Steyn and Hertzog could never accept such a conclusion, the other delegates already had. Gradually, over time, the resolve of the Orange delegates was worn down. The summer was drawing to a close, and the environment better set for conciliation. Smuts lay out his proposals in one final speech, drawing on the constitutions of a dozen nations, and argued passionately in favour of his ideal. In the end, the Orange delegates were forced to agree. They could not afford the Orange colony to become a footnote in South Africa, isolated from Smuts' grand ambitions. Besides, Steyn and Hertzog had secured many concessions that would compensate for the loss of sovereignty.
Smuts drew up a final draft, to which all the delegates agreed. The constitution was ratified by the Parliaments of the Cape Colony, Orange River Colony, and the Transvaal. Natal even held a referendum, which was passed by a massive majority of the white electorate. Smuts and Botha took the constitution to London to be passed by the British Parliament. With the aid of more impassioned Smuts speeches, The Act of Union was passed. It was given Royal Assent by King Edward VII in December 1909. The Union of South Africa was born.


Archaeology of Banda District (Ghana)

Banda District in Ghana plays an important role in the understanding of trade networks and the way they shaped the lives of people living in western Africa. Banda District is located in West Central Ghana, just south of the Black Volta River in a savanna woodland environment. This region has many connections to trans-Saharan trade, as well as Atlantic trade and British colonial and economic interests. The effects of these interactions can be seen archaeologically through the presence of exotic goods and export of local materials, production of pottery and metals, as well as changes in lifestyle and subsistence patterns. Pioneering archaeological research in this area was conducted by Ann Stahl.
Trans-Saharan trade period.
The period of trans-Saharan trade in what's now Banda District started around C.E. 1300 and lasted into the 17th century. Many of the early villages in this area were heavily influenced by the trade networks connecting the Sahara. The Banda in particular had a relationship with the Nigerian trade network, where wooded savanna resources such as gold, kola nut, and ivory were traded for northern goods like copper alloys, salt, and textiles. There is some question as to whether peoples in Banda District received these goods directly, or if they were obtained through larger settlements in the area.
European interest.
European interest in Western African resources really took off during this period starting around C.E. 1400 through C.E. 1650. A major contributing factor to this sudden interest was due to the tales of Mansa Musa, the leader of Mali, and his travels to Mecca covered in gold. The Portuguese had a particularly large presence along the Gold Coast at this point, setting up a fort at Elmina and rapidly exploring the surrounding area.
Craft production.
Pottery.
The form and decoration of pottery in these sites is very similar to that of Begho, and its well made homogeneous nature implies that a good deal of specialization was occurring. Before the Ngre and Kuulo Phases of ceramics in Banda District, there was the Volta Phase, whose pottery was characterized by red painted geometric motifs, with no real evidence for northern relationships. Neutron activation analysis of shards excavated from the site Kuulo Kataa show that the different clay types being used were fairly homogeneous as well, which supports the idea of local production. Much of the clay used came from east of the Banda hills, and craftsmen were using the same clay regardless of the form or treatment of the vessels they were making.
Jars are broken down into two main categories, those whose rims flare out from the constriction point, and those that are more globular in shape. Much of the decoration is found on the rims of the vessels, and they are either surface treated with cord wrapped roulette or mat impressions which are then offset by grooved lines and motifs. Various tempering agents were used as well, with some vessels even having evidence of metal slag being used as a temper.
Metal working.
This area of Africa is known for its large deposits of metal, particularly iron ore and gold. There is much evidence for metalworking activities on site in Banda through material goods such as vessels, tools, weapons, and ornaments, as well as the iron slag left behind as a result of the metalworking processes. There is also the presence of burned basin-shaped features and anvils at varying levels, indicating multiple episodes of likely seasonal use of metalworking sites. The high volume of slag found at sites such as Kuulo Kataa imply that much more was being produced than was necessary just for the people living there, and surpluses were being accumulated for trade and other activities. Among the metalworking artifacts recovered, there are several ornamental rings made of iron, tools such as tanged curved knives and blades, as well as a serpentine projectile.
Textiles.
Although the production of textiles was common in sites near Banda District such as Begho, there is no real evidence yet recovered to suggest that textile production was being done in Banda itself. In one excavation, only a single fragmented spindle whorl was found, though the absence of something doesn't necessarily mean it wasn't happening.
Ritual activity.
Some metalworking sites, such as the one at Ngre Kataa, have evidence of some ritual behavior. At excavations of these mounds, three distinct levels have been identified. Lower levels of metalworking mounds often contain evidence of foundational ritual practices and human interments over top of which metalworking would have taken place. These interments include a variety of age groups from infant through adulthood, as well as differences in how they were placed. On the middle levels of the mounds, there is evidence of shrine clusters that could have been used in divination activities. The shrines would have been visible within the work area, and may have been connected to efficiency, protection, and help in solving problems. One example of a shrine included an iron bangle, the earliest found in the Banda area, a quartz pebble, two iron blades, a bone fragment, and a cast brass twinned figurine. The figurine is interesting because it is a form that has been found to be connected to divination and have magical properties. In another area, an earthenware jar was discovered containing cowrie shells from the coast of the Seychelles. Not only does this discovery demonstrate the trade connections of the time, but it also supports the idea that divination was utilized due to the mystic association of the cowrie shells.
Subsistence and lifestyle.
During the period of trans-Saharan trade, both evidence for wild and domestic subsistence are present. The presence of maize phytoliths imply experimentation with New World crops, as well as pearl millet and sorghum which were successful in that they are extremely drought resistant. Maize is believed to have been spread to the interior of West Africa by the Bono, who used it as a war staple food. So far, New World crops are the earliest known products of the Atlantic trade to reach Banda District. During this phase, greater importance was placed on crops that reduced risks of food shortage, and community support practices were used to ensure all had access to food even in times of drought. These practices resulted in high food security for Banda District people for many years. Large numbers of animal bones, particularly those of mammals, show a greater reliance still on hunting and trapping methods for getting food and skins. Many faunal remains come from difficult to hunt species, requiring a considerable degree of skill and knowledge of these animals and their environments. For example, the remains of large and dangerous animals such as lions, hippos, and warthogs have been found. Although people relied greatly on animal resources, there is little evidence for reliance on domesticated animals. Also at these sites, there is evidence of some fish and other water resources, most of which can be traced to the Volta River over 20 kilometers away. It is due to this distance that the Banda District is thought to have acquired their water resources through local and regional trade networks. Small amounts of marine shells indicate some small degree of trade with coastal areas as well. Some animal domesticates such as sheep/goat, cattle, horse, and donkey were present, with perhaps the most prevalent being domesticated dog. The butchering of dogs and spread of their remains often has had a ritual or spiritual connotation. Presence of animal domesticates also may be affected by fragmentation and preservation of faunal remains.
Villages were set up so that houses were arranged into large connected compounds, with areas of high density in pottery and metal slag. Rebuilding and fixing of structures, along with huge middens, imply a large degree of residential stability.
Sites.
Ngre Kataa.
At the site of Ngre Kataa, evidence for village occupation can be found from the 14th through the 17th centuries. At this time the village was about two to three hectares in size, and has evidence of various craft activities, iron production, and farming of foods such as pearl millet and sorghum. Although there is evidence of these crops, hunting and gathering as well as livestock still remained as important aspects of their diet.
Kuulo Kataa.
This is a multi-component site located just north of Makala Kataa, another site in Banda. Kuulo Kataa is approximately 2.8 hectares in size with mounds of various ages and sizes. Here, excavations yielded quite high densities of animal bones, pottery and iron slag, with the average pottery density being 5,400 sherds per cubic meter. This implies greater intensity of occupation in comparison to later sites in this area.
At the site of Kuulo Kataa, there is evidence for both inter-regional and trans-Saharan trade of materials such as gold, marine shells, glass beads, and copper alloys. This area was important in linking trade between the forest areas to the south and the drier areas to the north. Here is also where the compound arrangement of houses is found, as well as high densities of pottery and iron slag related to craft production. In Kuulo Kataa, ceramic styling is very similar to that found at a site from the same time known as Begho, showing connections among local groups in the area.
Begho.
Begho was another major stop in these trade routes connecting the Sahara and forest edges, and was located just north of Banda. It remained as a trade center until the Atlantic trade networks took over in West Africa. A team of archaeologists excavated over 1500 mounds at this site, and used radiocarbon dating to place its peak occupancy between the 15th and 18th centuries. Begho is home to various artifacts such as copper alloys, beads, glass and porcelain. It also has evidence of craft specialization as shown by the presence of a brass foundry and furnaces.
This site was once divided into quarters that corresponded to various ethnic groups at the time. Although Begho was divided physically, the stylistic aspects of craft such as pottery design remained consistent throughout the entire site.
Atlantic trade period.
Atlantic trade routes were more heavily used at the end of the 18th century, and led to a decline in the use of trans-Saharan routes. During this time, a stronger focus was placed on gold and minerals, and eventually slaves through the Atlantic slave trade. This time is also associated with periods of warfare and conflict with a group known as the Asante, who had a large influence on day to day stability and productiveness of those living in the Banda District.
Early Makala.
The Early Makala Phase was characterized by much intermittent warfare, and the increase of slave trade activity in the area. The Asante, a forest state to the south, had a significant impact on the Banda District during this time. The Asante came together in the 17th century and slowly began to take control of areas to the north throughout the 18th century with goals to control the Niger River trade. This included the Banda District, where many sites such as Makala Kataa were abandoned during times of conflict with the Asante and then resettled once the trouble subsided. Their military campaigns resulted in the capture of the site Bono Maso as well as Begho. Often the Asante would require the Banda people of the areas they conquered to fight in wars they were fighting with other groups. By the early 19th century, the Asante took control of much of the northern trade in the Sahara. This resulted in a decreased amount of long distance trade goods found in Banda, but also a flourish in local and regional markets. Not only was there a stronger focus on regional trade, but also a greater narrowing of crafts which may indicate some loss of wealth in Banda to the Asante.
Craft production.
Unlike in the previous period, on site metalworking was not prominent in the Early Makala. Very little slag has been recovered at the sites, meaning that either production was off site somewhere, or people relied more heavily on metal goods received via trade with other areas.
There also was a lack of evidence for on-site pottery production during this time. Much decoration seen during the Kuulo phase was lost, with people seeming to favor surface-treated pottery with maize cob roulette and shallow grooving for patterns. Typically, vessels had everted rims, and came in a variety of shapes and sizes. One difference in particular from the Kuulo phase was the clay sourcing. Not only was there a greater diversity of clay sources, but specific clay sources were being used for specific types of vessels. For example, clay used to make jars came from west of the hills, while clay used for bowls likely came from the east. This suggests a strong regional trade between Banda and groups to the east and west during the Early Makala. Pipes also become much more common, reflecting the increase in tobacco usage and smoking in the region.
During this time, an increase in the presence of spindle whorls can be seen in the archaeological record. This reflects a shift to household textile production rather than large-scale production and specialization.
Subsistence and lifestyle.
Early Makala settlements typically featured rectangular structures made up of adjoining rooms. Walls were formed using coursed earth techniques, with some areas having up to three levels of floors in order to seal older floor layers and support collapsed walls. One excavation led to the discovery of a kitchen with two hearths, indicating an accommodation of the wet and dry seasons that characterized the area.
Subsistence at this time remained as a mixture of hunting, collecting, and domestication. There was a shift away from the hunting of dangerous species like hippos and lions, and a greater dependence on lizards, snakes and rodents instead. Animal domesticates include chicken, guinea fowl, dog, sheep/goat, and cattle. As for plants, sites show evidence of carbonized sorghum and maize phytoliths, that grew together in this area for quite some time. These crops are thought to have been ideal supplements to their diet during times when other crops like yams were in short supply.
Late Makala.
The Late Makala Period is when British soldiers started to make a presence in the Banda District, specifically from 1890 to the 1920s. There is also evidence for a move from compound housing to free standing structures easy to disassemble and move, which is seen as a reflection of the British presence in the area. During this time, there was a shift to more local hunting and gathering as well as an increase in European goods and trade networks. Although people began to resettle villages left during conflicts with the Asante, the houses were much less sturdy, the pottery more simple and uniform in style, and the trade connections were contracted. Regional trade was being done on a smaller scale, and the local trade relationships that remained intact focused to the east of the Banda hills as opposed to the east and west like in the Early Makala period. This is thought to reflect the local warfare at the time. To the west of the Banda District is Bondoukou, the capital of Gyaman led by Samori who led his army to conquer much land across West Africa, so the people of Banda focused to the east in an attempt to lessen interactions. At this point, there is also evidence for increased tensions between European and African interests. For example, the British and Asante fought along the coast for control of land and other resources, eventually leading to the British capture of the Asante capital Kumasi. In 1894, the Banda signed a treaty with a British traveler, marking the end of the control of the Asante over the Banda region.
Craft production.
In the Late Makala, there was a shift from locally made goods towards more manufactured ones as a result of British presence in the area. This shift to manufactured goods was an attempt by the British in the area to expand trade into more European markets. One of the first crafts to go was pipe making, with metalworking and pottery following behind. Although production slowed down drastically for trade purposes, locally made ceramics were still used in the household. Neutron analysis of the clay put the clay source to the east of the hills for over half of the samples, and the same clay source was being used for both bowls and jars, which contrasts the earlier period. Stylistically, the decoration on the pottery is also much more closely related to that seen in this area today. During this time there is no evidence for extensive on site metalworking either. All samples found were likely acquired through trade and then modified for their own purposes. The only craft that remained from the Early Makala was that of textile production. The system of household production of textiles remained intact despite increased demand for manufactured goods in trade networks.
Subsistence and lifestyle.
The Banda during this time continued to rely on wild animals, particularly mammals, as evidenced by the faunal remains recovered from the site, and the diversity of faunal remains is more consistent with that of the Kuulo Phase. Crops such as yams, corn, groundnuts and cassava continue to show up with increasing intensity, as well as tobacco. There is even evidence that tobacco being grow in the Banda District was being sold in the nearby Kintampo Complex.
Residential units in the Late Makala were very minimal, meaning they were quite simple and made out of two rooms. These were typically pole and daga structures that could be put up very quickly and efficiently. They also had only one floor level and lacked any kind of compound formation.
Slavery.
During the height of the slave trade, the Banda District served as a source of slaves, as well as a place for the containment, holding and purchasing of war captives. The Bono were known to send Banda war captives from their military campaigns in the north into the Atlantic trade as slaves. During the 19th century, there was a considerable increase in slave demands to satisfy not only the Atlantic slave trade, but the internal slave trade as well. Much of the internal slave demand was generated by their use as payments and laborers in harvesting crops and other resources such as gold. With the influence of the British, changes in economic structure can also be seen. Groups here moved from practices that were community based and resistant to risk, to practices that were more focused on the individual and favored the production of specialized commodities.
Sites.
Makala Kataa.
This site shows evidence of two occupations, one larger one during the late 18th and early 19th centuries, and a much shorter one from the late 19th century until the 1920s. The early settlement had a site size of around 18 hectares, and remained as a fairly long-lived settlement until its abrupt abandonment. The later occupation has only yielded shallow cultural deposits of imported goods such as a coin, glass bottles, and pipes.
British influence.
British involvement in the Banda District began in the late 19th century. The British were enmeshed in many struggles for the land and other resources of the area, with both the Asante and other groups. One such group was led by a man named Imam Samori. Samori led his army on horses, and conquered land all the way from Guinea to Côte d'Ivoire. The British helped prevent Samori from taking Banda, due to fears that it would disrupt trade in the region.
Although they imposed a colonial administration in Banda, the British at first remained fairly separate from the peoples everyday life. Their interest in Banda revolved mostly around economic goods and materials, as opposed to having an active presence in ruling the area. Later, Banda production was shifted to suit the trends and desires of European markets, and resources such as cocoa and slaves quickly became major exports. The British also instituted a uniform currency, where taxes and other fees were all required to be paid using this system instead of the cowrie shell system previously utilized by the Banda people.