Dikika

The Dikika is an area of the Afar Region of Ethiopia where the hominin fossil named Selam was found (a specimen of the "Australopithecus afarensis" species). Dikika is located in Mille woreda.
Dikika is also given to name a basal member of the Hadar formation, a series of sedimentary rocks deposited approximately 3.4 million years ago, which have been exposed by the erosive action of the Awash River. Although sometimes called "Lucy's Child" Dikika was in fact older than Lucy or Dinknesh at 3.4 million years.


Jack Oosterlaak

Jack Oosterlaak ("Justus Kinloch Ayres Oosterlaak;" 15 January 1896, in Wellington – 5 June 1968), was a South African athlete who competed mainly in the 400 metres.
He competed for South Africa in the 1920 Summer Olympics held in Antwerp, Belgium in the 4 x 400 metre relay where he won the Silver medal with his teammates Harry Davel, Clarence Oldfield and Bevil Rudd.


Bildad Kaggia

Bildad Mwaganu Kaggia (1921 – 7 March 2005) was a Kenyan nationalist, activist, and politician. Kaggia was a member of the Mau Mau Central Committee. After independence he became a Member of Parliament. He established himself as a militant, fiery nationalist who wanted to serve the poor and landless people. Because of this he fell out irreconcilably with Jomo Kenyatta.
Early life.
Kaggia was born in 1921, at Dagoretti, now part of Nairobi, where his father had moved from his home district of Muranga District.
Two years later his father moved back to Murang’a. Kaggia schooled at Santamor Estate and later at the Church Missionary Society School at Kahuhia. Kaggia did very well at the exams and was selected for the famous Alliance High School. Unfortunately, his father was not able to raise the school fee and Kaggia had to take up a clerical job at the District Commissioners' Office at Murang’a. When the Second World War broke out, Kaggia was moved to the military recruiting office.
Despite hating war, Kaggia decided to join the army to seize the opportunity to travel to the Middle East. When the War Office in London decided to create a unit in Britain to rehabilitate captured African soldiers, Kaggia applied and got the post of company quarter-sergeant, the first African to get this post.
Most of the work in the army was routine and boring. During the years in the army Kaggia engaged in many correspondence courses (journalism, trade unionism and political science) which later would serve him well during his political career. His experiences in the army made him aware of the evils from racial discrimination and colonialism. In his opinion the foreign religions in Kenya were a stepping stone to colonialism and his people had to be liberated from this as well.
Kaggia’s religion (Dini ya Kaggia).
Back in Kenya (1946) Kaggia denounced the church in the church. His objective was to create a purely African movement, divorced from European denominations and entirely independent of the European Church's doctrine. The new doctrine should include African customs and traditions. Kaggia had large followings in Central Province. This alarmed the church and their leaders asked the government for help. Subsequently, many times Kaggia and his followers were arrested and imprisoned for holding illegal meetings. Nevertheless, Kaggia's doctrine spread and he had followers from all denominations and his religion was spreading into other provinces, ultimately even reaching Nyanza. Kaggia was opposed to giving the movement a name, but, the people started calling it Andu a Kaggia (Kaggia's people). Later this became Dini ya Kaggia (Kaggia's religion).
Kaggia saw that indeed his religion was liberating the minds of people. They were no longer humble, European-fearing people; now they had the courage to attack the mzungu government. Consequently, Kaggia decided to leave the religious work to others and shifted his attention from spiritual liberation to political liberation.
The Young Radical.
When Kenyatta was elected chairman of KAU in 1947 Kaggia joined KAU hoping that it would become more militant. However, at national level KAU was barely functioning and Kaggia shifted his interest to the trade unions. He admired the fire and militancy of leaders like Kubai en Makhan Singh. Kaggia founded the Clerks and Commercial Workers Union and in 1948 he became its chairman. This union became a member of the general union, the Labour Trade Union of East Africa. In 1950 Kaggia became president of Labour Trade Union of East Africa. The trade unions had much support in Nairobi and they took over the KAU branch Nairobi in 1951. Kaggia was elected its general secretary.
Later the trade unions tried to take over the national leadership of KAU but this failed when the president of KAU, Jomo Kenyatta, changed the election procedure at the last moment. This almost resulted in a split of KAU, but the 'militants' decided to remain in KAU for the sake of unity.
Kaggia started vernacular newspapers like Inoora ria Gikuyu and later Afrika Mpya to report KAU activities. These and other vernacular newspapers were instrumental in spreading the message of the militant leaders who advocated for independence.
Kaggia was a leading member of the KAU Study Circle which assisted its members with drafting memomanda, resolutions and discussions papers. He was the President of the Anti Federation League. This league was set up to oppose the proposed Federation with Central Africa, which would strengthen the white settlers' political control of these territories. The Anti-Federation League succeeded in its objective as Kenya did not join the Federation when in 1953 the Central African Federation of three British colonies: Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia), Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and Nyasaland (now Malawi) was founded.
As a member of the African Advisory Council, Kaggia campaigned actively against the Nairobi municipal Council apartheid by-laws, which had created separate European, Asian and African areas in Nairobi. Kaggia considered it as one of his biggests achievements that these by-laws were repealed by the Municipal Council.
Despairing of constitutional change, he joined Mau Mau and sat on its central Committee. On 20 October 1952, he, along with the rest of the Kapenguria Six, was arrested in Operation Jock Scott, and charged "inter alia" with managing Mau Mau, and being a senior member of it. He was convicted at trial, and imprisoned until September 1961. Thereafter, he was confined to his home district. On 17 November 1961, all restrictions were lifted.
Independence and after.
In the 1963 elections, he won Kandara Constituency seat on a KANU ticket, and so had the distinction of a seat in independent Kenya's first parliament. Kaggia also served as a minister in the Kenyatta cabinet; his denunciations of corruption marked him out as a member of KANU's radical tendency. When Kenyatta and Mboya combined to purge the KANU left, he was one of their victims, with Kenyatta making the trip to Kandara to campaign against him. He joined Odinga's KPU, but eventually retired from active politics in 1974, after failing to recapture his seat.
Kaggia was the leading Kenyan leftist of the colonial period; probably the strategic planner on Mau Mau's central committee; notably anti-racist; and uncompromisingly committed to the poor.


Indermark

Indermark (also known as Ga-Letlalo) is a village in the Capricorn District Municipality in the Limpopo province of South Africa. The village is situated in the Blouberg Local Municipality.
The settlement is approximately 89 km north-west of Polokwane, on the route to Vivo.
Railways.
Indermark is not connected to any railway but people want to connect in order to transport food to Johannesburg and other major centres via rail. Agricultural produce in the area, including tomatoes, bananas and avocados, is also transported via freight rail.
Media.
The South African Broadcasting Corporation has neglected the people on the demand for branch located in the village.
The South African census showed the population of Village City as 53,028 with 33,84 households in the 2011 census.
References.
6. "Mahlatse Totem"
Indermark born & raised multi talented entrepreneur


Rhodesiana

Rhodesiana is any artifact, or collection of artifacts, which is related to the history, geography, folklore and cultural heritage of Rhodesia, the name used before 1980 to refer to modern Zimbabwe (and, before 1964, contemporary Zambia as well). Many objects, both physical and immaterial, can be defined as "Rhodesiana"; a painting of a Rhodesian landscape, for example, could be considered as such, as might a song by a Rhodesian artist, or a tale or personality from the country's history. The things involved need not be old, but need to possess relevant associations with Rhodesia; for Rhodesian people and their descendants, a piece of Rhodesiana will commonly arouse feelings of patriotism and nostalgia.
"Rhodesiana" journal.
The Rhodesia Africana Society used the term as the title of its historical and cultural journal "Rhodesiana", which was first published in 1956. It renamed itself The Rhodesiana Society in 1958, and published 40 issues of the "Rhodesiana" journal before ceasing its publication in 1979. After Rhodesia became Zimbabwe a year later, the society renamed itself the Historical Society of Zimbabwe, and began publishing "Heritage" (later "Heritage of Zimbabwe"), a similar journal to "Rhodesiana", in 1981.
Rhodesiana market.
The term "Rhodesiana" may be used to describe the theme of a museum or collection, or to summarise the character of goods for sale. Indeed, a London-based dealer of African memorabilia, David Saffery, reported in 2002 that Rhodesiana was one of his best-selling lines, with the majority of customers being expatriates, "most of whom still describe themselves as Rhodesians". Particularly popular items included civil and military flags, banknotes of the Rhodesian pound and dollar, stamps, documents and medals. Since 1980, Zimbabwean embassies and high commissions around the world have at various times raised money by selling off obsolete Rhodesian passports, documents, tableware, furniture and various curios. The Zimbabwean government itself entered the Rhodesiana market in 2002, when it sold off 9,000 unclaimed Rhodesian General Service Medals.


Hailemariam Desalegn

Hailemariam Desalegn Boshe (; born 19 July 1965) is an Ethiopian politician who served as Prime Minister of Ethiopia from 2012 to 2018. He also previously served as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs under Prime Minister Meles Zenawi from 2010 to 2012. After Meles' death in August 2012, Hailemariam succeeded him as Prime Minister, initially in an acting capacity. He was then elected as the Chair of the EPRDF, the ruling party, on 15 September 2012. Hailemariam also served as the Chairperson of the African Union from 2013 to 2014.
He submitted his resignation as Prime Minister of Ethiopia and EPRDF chairperson on 15 February 2018 in response to the fallout from mass protests and unrest in 2016. His resignation was accepted on 11 March 2018, but he stayed in office as caretaker Prime Minister until 2 April 2018. Hailemariam is the first ruler in modern Ethiopian history to step down; previous leaders have died in office or been overthrown. He said he wanted to clear the way for reforms.
Background.
Early life.
Hailemariam was born in 1965 in the Boloso Sore District Hombba of the Wolayita Zone in southern Ethiopia. Hailemariam is from Wolayta ethnic group of Ethiopia, the first largest in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People's Region (SNNPR). His family belongs to the Apostolic Church of Ethiopia, a Oneness Pentecostal denomination that is not part of the mainstream Ethiopian Protestant Christianity (Pentay), which believes in Trinitarianism. Married to Roman Tesfaye, he is well known to be both a religious and family man.
Education.
In 1988, Hailemariam received a bachelor's degree in civil engineering from Addis Ababa University. He subsequently worked as a graduate assistant in the Arba Minch Water Technology Institute (now Arba Minch University). After two years of working in this capacity, he won a scholarship to Tampere University of Technology in Finland, where he earned a master's degree in sanitation engineering. Upon his return to Ethiopia, he served in different academic and administrative capacities, including the dean of the Water Technology Institute, for 13 years. In between, he also earned an MA in Organizational Leadership at Azusa Pacific University, California, US.
Political career.
Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front.
In the late 1990s and early 2000s, he became seriously involved in politics as a member of the EPRDF (Ethiopia's ruling party) and became the deputy president of the SNNPR. He replaced Abate Kisho who was removed from power on corruption charges, but it is believed that Abate was demoted for supporting the anti-Meles Zenawi faction when the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (the core of the EPRDF) split in 2000. Another widely accepted belief about Abate was that he was less educated and exercised poor leadership while he was in power.
President of the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People's Region.
Hailemariam was President of the SNNPR from November 2001 to March 2006 and was promoted to Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs in October 2010. He has been Deputy Chairman of EPRDF, Chairman of SEPDM, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs. He has served as Vice President of the SNNPR (2000–2002); President of the SNNPR (2002–2005); Member of the House of People's Representatives (2005–present); Social Affairs Special Advisor to the PM, then Public Mobilization & Participation Special Advisor to the Prime Minister (2005–2008); Government Chief Whip, with a Ministerial portfolio (2008–2010). Party Posts: Member of the Executive Committee of the EPRDF and the SEPDM (2000–present); Chairman of the SEPDM (2002–present); Deputy Chairman of the EPRDF (since Sept 2010).
After his tenure as President of the SNNPR, Hailemariam worked in the Prime Minister's Office as the advisor on Social Affairs and Civic Organizations and Partnerships for two years. He led the team that drafted the Charities and Societies Proclamation law (CSO law) that limits the interference of international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in local political activities. The law was adopted by the Ethiopian Parliament in 2009. He is also credited with pushing EPRDF to re-organize its structure after the contentious 2005 elections via the '1-to-5' model (one member recruits five new people - አንድ ለአምስት አደረጃጀት) that boosted the number of party members from 400,000 to five million by the 2010 elections. In 2010, Hailemariam was sworn into dual ministerial positions as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Prime Minister of Ethiopia.
Appointment.
Following the death of Ethiopia's longtime Prime Minister Meles Zenawi on 20 August 2012, Deputy Prime Minister Hailemariam was appointed as the acting Premier. Hailemariam became the permanent Prime Minister on 21 September 2012.
European Parliament President Martin Schulz, after meeting with Hailemariam, said that his desire "to strengthen democracy in the country, allowing for greater pluralism and a freer civil society, to uphold the freedoms enshrined in the Ethiopian Constitution" was clear.
Ethiopia-Somalia cooperative agreements.
In February 2014, Hailemariam met in Addis Ababa with a visiting delegation from Somalia led by Somali Prime Minister Abdiweli Sheikh Ahmed to discuss strengthening bilateral relations between the two countries. Hailemariam pledged his administration's continued support for the peace and stabilization efforts in Somalia, as well as its preparedness to assist in initiatives aiming to build up the Somali security forces through experience-sharing and training. He also suggested that Ethiopia and Somalia should increase bilateral trade and investment. Additionally, Hailemariam described the growing ties between both nations as a break from the counter-productive policies of past administrations, marking instead of the opening of a new chapter where mutual stability is beneficial. For his part, Ahmed commended Ethiopia's role in the ongoing peace and stabilization process in Somalia as well as its support against the Al-Shabaab militant group. He likewise welcomed the Ethiopian military's decision to join AMISOM. The meeting concluded with a tripartite Memorandum of Understanding agreeing to promote partnership and cooperation, including a cooperative agreement to develop the police force, a second cooperative agreement covering the information field, and a third cooperative agreement on the aviation sector.
Economic policy.
Hailemariam Desalegn has sustained economic progress in Ethiopia after the sudden death of his predecessor in 2012. He played role to complete the implementation of the Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP I) and to start with GTP II. Between 2012 and 2018, major projects like Hawassa and Mekelle industrial park, Addis Ababa Light Rail, Gilgel Gibe III Dam, the new Addis Ababa–Djibouti Railway, as well as Bahir Dar Stadium and other stadiums in Mekelle and Hawassa are completed. Hailemariam is accredited for the country's continued rapid and double-digit economic growth, and
Hailemariam led Ethiopia to partner Kenya in the ambitious US$24.5bn Lamu Port Southern Sudan-Ethiopia Transport (LAPSSET) Corridor – which includes a railway, highways, and an oil pipeline – which will provide his landlocked country and South Sudan with a new export pathway and reduce Kenya's dependence on the heavily congested port of Mombasa. Moreover, Hailemariam has partnered Ethiopia with Djibouti to sign an agreement for a $1.55 billion fuel pipeline with developers Mining, Oil & Gas Services and Blackstone Group LP-backed Black Rhino Group. Both countries which are in the Horn of Africa signed framework agreements in September 2015 for construction of the 550-kilometer (340-mile) line to transport diesel, gasoline and jet fuel from port access in Djibouti to central Ethiopia. The joint project construction is scheduled for completion in two years.
Hailemariam continued with the ambitious projects like the Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which was launched by his predecessor, Meles Zenawi. Financially, Hailemariam's government welcomed its first sovereign credit ratings from global agencies in 2014 – a B1 from Moody's and B ratings from both Fitch and Standard & Poor's, which opened the door to international capital markets and foreign direct investment. However, the foreign investment capital comes from China, which has committed hundreds of millions of dollars in loans and grants to assist the government-owned corporations’ ambitious initiatives, as well as other capital intensive projects like roads, bridges and railways.
Resignation.
Hailemariam Desalegn said in a televised address that he has submitted his resignation as both Ethiopia's prime minister and chairman of the country's ruling coalition. His resignation makes him the first leader to do so in the country's recent history.
Hailemariam's announcement comes amid a political crisis and lingering unrest in the Horn of Africa country, which has been releasing thousands of political prisoners to ease tensions.
"Unrest and a political crisis have led to the loss of lives and displacement of many," he added, however, that he will stay on as prime minister in a caretaker capacity, until the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the country's parliament accept his resignation and name a new premier.
Board membership.
Hailemariam is a member of the board of numerous international organizations such as International Crisis Group, Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa, Tana High Level Forum on Security in Africa, Brenthurst Foundation, IBA Ethiopia Center for Innovation, and the Ethiopian Reconciliation Commission.
Prime Minister of Ethiopia (2012–18); Chair, Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (2012–18); Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs (2010–12); Advisor to Prime Minister with the rank of Minister (2007-2010); Chair, African Union (2013–14); University lecturer and Dean, Arba Minch University for 12 years; Vice President and President of the Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples’ Regional State (2001–06). Currently: Board Chair, Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa; Founder and Board Chair, Hailemariam and Roman Foundation; Board Chair, Tourism Ethiopia; Board of Trustees, International Crisis Group; Advisory Board Member, The Brenthurst Foundation; Member of Parliament for 21 years; Member of different professional Associations.


2008 Negele Boran bombings

The 2008 Ethiopia Negele Boran bombings were two bombings on the night of 28 May 2008 at two hotels in the town of Negele Boran in the Oromia Region of Ethiopia which killed 3 and injured 5. The two bombs were detonated 3 minutes apart: the first exploded in the Kidane Mihret Hotel and the second in the Shuferoch hotel, just a few yards away.
This attack occurred on the 17th anniversary of Meles Zenawis overthrow of Mengistu Haile Mariams former military government, the Derg. Although the Ethiopian government has not officially confirmed the perpetrators, a Mogadishu-based Somali radio station, Radio Shebelle, broadcast a statement by the leader of a Somali militant group, which said the explosions were aimed at "the Ethiopians, the enemy of Islam".


Mutaga IV of Burundi

Mutaga IV Mbikije (c.1892 – 30 November 1915) was the king of Burundi from 21 August 1908 until 30 November 1915. He was the son of Mwami Mwezi IV. He had two sons:
His mother, Ririkumutima, served as regent for much of his reign.


Akesan

Akesan is the mythical founder of Iperu, an ancient town in Ogun State, South-Western Nigeria. Oral history has it that Akesan was a daughter to an Alaafin who along with her husband Ajagbe migrated from Ile Ife to finally settle in Iperu around the 13th or 14th century.


Rukidi II of Toro

Rukirabasaija Isingoma Rukidi II was Omukama of the Kingdom of Toro for a few months in 1875. Toro was among the traditional kingdoms located within the borders of modern-day Uganda. He was the sixth (6th) Omukama of Toro.
Claim to the throne.
He was the third son of Kasunga Kyebambe Nyaika, Omukama of Toro from 1866 until 1872, except for a brief period in 1871. No mention is made of his mother. He ascended to the throne following the capture of his brother, Rukirabasaija Nyaika Mukabirere Olimi II, the fifth (5th) Omukama of Toro, by the Bunyoro Army in 1875.
Married life.
No mention of his married life is made in the available literature.
Offspring.
It is not known how many children were fathered by Omukama Isingoma Rukidi II, or who those children were.
His reign.
Omukama Rukidi II was not able to hold on to the throne for very long. He abdicated after a few months in favor of his younger brother, Kakende Nyamuyonjo.
The final years.
It is not known where and how Omukama Rukidi II died or what the cause of death was.


Ajagbusi Ekun

Ajagbusi Ekun was a traditional ruler of Owo Kingdom, Ondo state, southwestern Nigeria. He succeeded Olowo Ojugbelu Arere, the first Olowo of Owo.


George Weightman-Smith

George Collinson Weightman-Smith (31 October 1905 – April 1972) was a South African athlete who competed at the 1928 Summer Olympics. He finished 21st in the javelin throw and fifth in the 110 m hurdles, behind the teammate Sid Atkinson who won gold; he failed to complete his decathlon program.


Amode Ibrahim Atchia

Amode Ibrahim Atchia (1868 – 17 September 1947), otherwise known as Major Atchia, was an entrepreneur and technologist in the Indian Ocean Islands who pioneered the use of scientific concepts and invented structural and mechanical advances in technology for the nationbuilding of Mauritius.
Early life.
Born in Rose-Belle, in Grand Port district, AIA was the son of a Surti Muslims merchant called Ibrahim Sulleman Atchia who had arrived from Barbodhan, a village 15 km from Surat, in Gujarat state of India in the course of free trade. Despite little formal education, Amode Ibrahim Atchia, along with his three brothers, set about making unprecedented contributions to laying down the foundations of Mauritian society during the early 1900s.
Enterprise.
AIA is credited with setting up the "Société Atchia Frères", reconstructing the first mosque at Rose Hill following the historic cyclone of 1892, and constructing the first ice factory and saw mill since the 1920s, with technological innovations in use of wind-energy and pre-fabricated concrete. The Atchias also opened the first Indian-run primary school near the mosque. In 1900, Major with his brother Hossen, dammed a river near Reduit and built the first hydro electric plant and generated electricity, thus introducing hydro-electric power to the people of Mauritius with AIA appointed as self-elected leader of Mauritius Hydro Electric Company. In 1915, he pioneered the country's first Cinema House in Rose Hill, and thereafter in 1930, built the Cinéma des Familles, in Port-Louis, among several others in the same decade, such as La Salle Mon Bijou at Rose Belle, the Salle des Fêtes at Mahebourg, and the Cinema Coronation at Flacq.


Yeta I

"Mulena Yomuhulu Mbumu wa Litunga" Yeta I was a High Chief of the Lozi people in Barotseland, Africa.
Family.
It is said that he was a son of the first Lozi king Nyame, by his second wife, queen Mwambwa. Nyame is a Sky god in African mythology.
It is believed that Mwambwa was a historical person, the Lunda woman.
He succeeded on the death of his brother Inyambo and married Namabanda.
He died at Namanda and was buried there.


Damara Executive Committee

The Damara Executive Committee was a political party in Namibia, based amongst the Dama people. DEC was founded by a group of people based in the Damara Tribal Executive Committee (DTEC), which was not a political party as such. DEC soon became dormant, but was revived in 1960 by Josephat Gawanab.
In 1968 Josephat Gawanab became the president of DEC.
In 1971 Gawanab, together with Justus ǁGaroëb from the Damara Council, are appointed leaders of the Dama people by the South African occupation authorities.
In 1977 DEC joined the Namibia National Front. In 1978 it left the NNF and joined the Namibia People's Liberation Front.


Koitalel Arap Samoei

Koitalel Arap Samoei (1860 – October 19, 1905) was an Orkoiyot, the supreme chief of the Nandi people of Kenya. He led the Nandi resistance against British colonial rule.
Early life.
Samoei was born to Kimnyole Arap Turukat at Samitu in Aldai. He was the last of four sons and belonged to the Kaplelach age-set.
Even though he was the youngest, he was reportedly close to his father and displayed the greatest ability in understanding prophetic signs.
Kimnyole, who is said to have predicted his death, reportedly summoned his four sons as he saw his time approach and asked them to consult traditional brews in a pot. Samoei upon gazing into the pot, drew his sword in protest having perceived the coming of the Europeans.
Kimnyole sensed danger in his sons bravery and out of concern for his safety, sent Koitalel's three siblings to live among the Kipsigis while Samoei was asked to go and live among the Tugen.
Ascension to Power.
After the death of Kimnyole, a faction of Nandi people sent for Koitalel who had already taken refuge among the Keiyo. Koitalel's brother, Kipchomber Arap Koilege, also lay claim to Nandi leadership, leading to a succession dispute. Factions formed around the two aspirants and minor skirmishes took place between their supporters but this did not extend to full scale war. The dispute ended with the defeat of Kipchomber Arap Koilege in 1895, after which he fled to the Kipsigis with his supporters, becoming the first Kipsigis Orgoiyot.
Koitalel was appointed successor to his father, and was made Orkoiyot in 1895.
When British colonials began building the Uganda Railway through the Nandi area, Koitalel led an eleven-year resistance movement against the railway.
Assassination.
To end the resistance, the British Col. Richard Meinertzhagen invited Koitalel to negotiate a truce. The peace meeting was to be held at 11:00AM on October 19, 1905. Suspecting that he would be killed as his father Kimnyole had feared, Samoei instructed the British Colonel to come with five companions to meet him at Ketbarak (present day Nandi Bears Club). Samoei was to come with five foretellers.
Contrary to the agreement, Meinertzhagen marched from the fort at Kaptumo with 80 armed men, 75 of whom hid near the venue of the meeting. It is reported that when Koitalel stretched his hand to shake Meinertzhagen's, the British Colonel murdered him with a shot at point blank range. This precipitated the end of the Nandi Resistance.
Succession.
He was succeeded by his brother, Kipeles Arap Tamasun, while his son, Barsirian Arap Manyei (born 1882), would later become the Nandi leader from 1919 until 1922 when he was detained by the British. Barsirian was not released until 1964, making him the longest-serving political prisoner in Kenyan history.
Legacy.
A mausoleum has been built for Koitalel Arap Samoei in Nandi Hills, Kenya.
Construction of a Koitalel Arap Samoei University by the local government in collaboration with the University of Nairobi is currently ongoing in Nandi Hills, Kenya.


2009 Nouakchott suicide bombing

The 2009 Nouakchott suicide bombing occurred in Nouakchott, the capital of Mauritania, on August 8, 2009, outside the embassy of France. It was the first instance of a suicide bombing in the history of Mauritania. The bombing killed the perpetrator and wounded three people.
The attack occurred three weeks after Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz had claimed victory in the contested 2009 Mauritanian presidential election. His inauguration took place on August 5, 2009, just three days before the Nouakchott bombing.
Background.
Mauritania has witnessed a series of terrorist attacks against Western interests in recent years. Four French tourists were kidnapped and murdered in 2007. On June 23, 2009, an American teacher, Christopher Logest, was shot and killed in an attack in Nouakchott. The terrorist group, Al-Qaeda Organization in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), claimed responsibility for both attacks.
Attack.
The attacker, a young man, was reportedly wearing a boubou, a traditional men's garment common in Mauritania and other regions of West Africa. The bomber wore an explosive belt.
The man blew himself up on the sidewalk between the French embassy and the Embassy of Libya at approximately 7:00 pm local time. While both embassies were near the suicide bombing, the target was clearly the French embassy. The explosion did not damage the French embassy.
Two employees of the French embassy, who were identified as paramilitary gendarmes, were jogging nearby at the time of the attack. Both were hospitalized overnight with minor injuries. One other person was slightly injured in the attack.
The detonations marked the first time that a suicide bombing had taken place in Mauritania.
Investigation.
The government of France announced an investigation of the terrorist attack. The French government issued a statement promising to support Mauritanian authorities during the inquiry.
The Mauritanian police identified the suicide bomber as a Mauritanian man born in 1987. Authorities stated that the perpetrator had been "formally identified as a member of the Jihadist movement."
Reaction.
The French Foreign Ministry condemned, "with the greatest firmness the attack ... in Nouakchott near the French embassy."
The Mauritanian Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs issued a statement expressing that it,


Chris Ngige

Dr. Chris Nwabueze Ngige (born 8 August 1952) is the current Minister of Labour and Employment (Nigeria), appointed to serve in two terms under President Muhammadu Buhari's regime. He was elected Senator for Anambra Central Constituency in April 2011. He was the governor of Anambra State in Nigeria from May 2003 to March 2006 under the People's Democratic Party (PDP). Chris Ngige is currently a member of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Background.
A medical doctor by profession, Ngige graduated from the University of Nigeria-Nsukka in 1979.{www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2020/01/11/chris-ngige-i-married-as-an-overgrown-adult-at-41/amp}</ref} Chris immediately went into the civil service, serving at the National Assembly and State House clinics at different times. He retired in 1998 as a Deputy Director in the Federal Ministry of Health.
Political career.
Dr. Chris Nwabueze Ngige joined politics, becoming a member of the People's Democratic Party (PDP). In 1999, he was Assistant National Secretary and Zonal Secretary of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the South East region of Nigeria.
In 2003, he was elected governor of Anambra State in controversial circumstances. He quickly broke ranks with his political godfather, Chris Uba brother of Andy Uba, after an unsuccessful attempt on 10 July 2003 to have him removed from office, through a fabricated letter of resignation which the state assembly accepted. In August, 2005, an election Tribunal led by Justice Nabaruma nullified Ngige's 2003 victory. He appealed to the Nigerian Federal Court of Appeal, but the annulment was confirmed on 15 March 2006, in a judgment awarding victory to Peter Obi of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). No further appeals were possible, and Ngige accepted the judgment in good faith, calling on the people of Anambra to give their support to his successor.
Following Peter Obi's subsequent impeachment, Ngige attempted to participate in state governorship elections in April 2007, but was frustrated by the Independent National Electoral Commission and federal 'disqualification', even after a Federal High Court had voided the disqualification. In the final event, Obi's impeachment was overturned anyway, and Obi served out his four years. At the time, Ngige was also severely criticized for appearing naked at the dreaded Okija voodoo shrine during his campaign to be made governor.
On 6 February 2010, Ngige again contested for the governorship of Anambra State. Other notable politicians who contested with him included Andy Uba, Charles Soludo, Nicholas Ukachukwu, Mrs. Uche Ekwunife, Ralph Nwosu, and the incumbent governor, Peter Obi. In all, there were 25 candidates for that election. Peter Obi won that election and started his second term as the governor of Anambra State.
In April 2011, Ngige ran for election for Senator of Anambra Central, on the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) platform.After voting problems in some areas of the constituency on 9 April, the election in these areas was held on 25 April and Ngige was declared the winner over former Minister of Information and Communications Professor Dora Akunyili of the APGA, with 69,765 votes to Akunyili's 69,292.
Ngige's tenure as a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria came to an end following his defeat in the 2015 election by Hon. Mrs Uche Ekwunife who has been sworn in as the Senator representing Anambra Central Senatorial District in the current 8th National Assembly of Nigeria.
On 11 November 2015, Ngige was named minister of Labour and Employment by President Muhammadu Buhari. In 2019, Chris Ngige was Nominated by President Muhammadu Buhari as a returning minister for screening by the house of assembly. On 21 August 2019, he was sworn in by the president as the Minister of Labour and Employment


Somali Republic

The Somali Republic (, , ) was the name of a sovereign state composing of Somalia and Somaliland, following the unification of the Trust Territory of Somaliland (the former Italian Somaliland) and the State of Somaliland (the former British Somaliland). A government was formed by Abdullahi Issa Mohamud and Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal and other members of the trusteeship and protectorate administrations, with Haji Bashir Ismail Yusuf as President of the Somali National Assembly and Aden Abdullah Osman Daar as President of the Somali Republic. On 22 July 1960, Daar appointed Abdirashid Ali Shermarke as Prime Minister. On 20 July 1961 and through a popular referendum, Somalia ratified a new constitution, which was first drafted in 1960. The new constitution was rejected by Somaliland.
The administration lasted until 1969, when the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) seized power in a bloodless coup and renamed the country the Somali Democratic Republic.
History.
Popular demand compelled the leaders of Italian Somaliland and British Somaliland to proceed with plans for immediate unification. The British government acquiesced to the force of Somali nationalist public opinion and agreed to terminate its rule of British Somaliland in 1960 in time for the protectorate to merge with the Trust Territory of Somaliland (the former Italian Somaliland) on the independence date already fixed by the UN commission. In April 1960, leaders of the two territories met in Mogadishu and agreed to form a unitary state. An elected president was to be head of state. Full executive powers would be held by a prime minister answerable to an elected National Assembly of 123 members representing the two territories. Accordingly, British Somaliland united as scheduled with the Trust Territory of Somaliland to establish the Somali Republic. On June 26, 1960, British Somaliland gained independence from Britain as the State of Somaliland. On July 1, 1960, the State of Somaliland unified with the Trust Territory of Somaliland, forming the Somali Republic. The legislature appointed the speaker of SOMALIA ACT OF UNION Hagi Bashir Ismail Yousuf as First President of the Somali National Assembly. The same day Aden Abdullah Osman Daar become President of the Somali Republic; Daar in turn at 22 July 1960 appointed Abdirashid Ali Shermarke as the first Prime Minister. Shermarke formed a coalition government dominated by the Somali Youth League (SYL) but supported by the two clan-based northern parties, the Somali National League (SNL) and the United Somali Party (USP). Osman's appointment as president was ratified a year later in a national referendum.
During the nine-year period of parliamentary democracy that followed Somali independence, freedom of expression was widely regarded as being derived from the traditional right of every man to be heard. The national ideal professed by Somalis was one of political and legal equality in which historical Somali values and acquired Western practices appeared to coincide. Politics was viewed as a realm not limited to one profession, clan, or class, but open to all male members of society. As of the municipal elections in 1958, women in Italian Somaliland voted. Suffrage later spread to the former British Somaliland in May 1963, when the territorial assembly voted it in at a margin of 52 to 42. Politics was a national past-time, with the populace keeping abreast of political developments through radio. Political engagement often exceeded that in many Western democracies.
Early months of the union.
Although unified as a single nation at independence, the south and the north were, from an institutional perspective, two separate countries. Italy and the United Kingdom had left the two with separate administrative, legal, and education systems in which affairs were conducted according to different procedures and in different languages. Police, taxes, and the exchange rates of their respective currencies also differed. Their educated elites had divergent interests, and economic contacts between the two regions were virtually nonexistent. In 1960 the United Nations created the Consultative Commission for Integration, an international board headed by UN official Paolo Contini, to guide the gradual merger of the new country's legal systems and institutions and to reconcile the differences between them. (In 1964 the Consultative Commission for Legislation succeeded this body. Composed of Somalis, it took up its predecessor's work under the chairmanship of Mariano.) But many southerners believed that, because of experience gained under the Italian trusteeship, theirs was the better prepared of the two regions for self-government. Northern political, administrative, and commercial elites were reluctant to recognize that they now had to deal with Mogadishu.
At independence, the northern region had two functioning political parties: the SNL, representing the Isaaq clan-family that constituted a numerical majority there; and the USP, supported largely by the Dir and the Daarood. In a unified Somalia, however, the Isaaq were a small minority, whereas the northern Daarood joined members of their clan-family from the south in the SYL. The Dir, having few kinsmen in the south, were pulled on the one hand by traditional ties to the Hawiye and on the other hand by common regional sympathies to the Isaaq. The southern opposition party, the Greater Somalia League (GSL), pro-Arab and militantly pan-Somalist, attracted the support of the SNL and the USP against the SYL, which had adopted a moderate stand before independence.
Northern misgivings about being too tightly harnessed to the south were demonstrated by the voting pattern in the June 1961 referendum on the constitution, which was in effect Somalia's first national election. Although the draft was overwhelmingly approved in the south, it was supported by less than 50 percent of the northern electorate.
Dissatisfaction at the distribution of power among the clan families and between the two regions boiled over in December 1961, when a group of British-trained junior army officers in the north rebelled in reaction to the posting of higher ranking southern officers (who had been trained by the Italians for police duties) to command their units. The ringleaders urged a separation of north and south. Northern non-commissioned officers arrested the rebels, but discontent in the north persisted.
In early 1962, GSL leader Haaji Mahammad Husseen, seeking in part to exploit northern dissatisfaction, attempted to form an amalgamated party, known as the Somali Democratic Union (SDU). It enrolled northern elements, some of which were displeased with the northern SNL representatives in the coalition government. Hussein's attempt failed. In May 1962, however, Egal and another northern SNL minister resigned from the cabinet and took many SNL followers with them into a new party, the Somali National Congress (SNC), which won widespread northern support. The new party also gained support in the south when it was joined by an SYL faction composed predominantly of Hawiye. This move gave the country three truly national political parties and further served to blur north-south differences.
Greater Somalia.
The most important political issue in post-independence Somali politics was the unification of all areas traditionally inhabited by ethnic Somalis into one country – a concept identified as Greater Somalia ("Soomaaliweyn"). Politicians knew well that they had no chance of winning elections if they did not promote the unification of all Somali territories. This issue of Somali nationalism dominated popular opinion and that any government would fall if it did not demonstrate a desire to reappropriate occupied Somali territory.
Preoccupation with Greater Somalia shaped the character of the country's newly formed institutions and led to the build-up of the Somali military in preparation for campaigns to retrieve Somali land. By law, the exact size of the National Assembly was not established in order to facilitate the inclusion of representatives of the contested areas after unification. The national flag also featured a five-pointed star, whose points represented areas traditionally inhabited by ethnic Somalis: the former Italian Somaliland and British Somaliland, the Ogaden, French Somaliland, and the Northern Frontier District. Moreover, the preamble to the constitution approved in 1961 included the statement, "The Somali Republic promotes by legal and peaceful means, the union of the territories." The constitution also provided that all ethnic Somalis, no matter where they resided, were citizens of the republic. The Somalis did not claim sovereignty over adjacent territories, but rather demanded that Somalis living in them be granted the right to self-determination. Somali leaders asserted that they would be satisfied only when their fellow Somalis outside the republic had the opportunity to decide for themselves what their status would be.
In 1948, under pressure from their World War II allies and to the dismay of the Somalis, the British "returned" the Haud (an important Somali grazing area that was presumably 'protected' by British treaties with the Somalis in 1884 and 1886) and the Ogaden to Ethiopia, based on a treaty they signed in 1897 in which the British ceded Somali territory to the Ethiopian Emperor Menelik II in exchange for his help against raids by Somali clans. Britain included the proviso that the Somali inhabitants would retain their autonomy, but Ethiopia immediately claimed sovereignty over the area. The Somali government refused in particular to acknowledge the validity of the Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1954 recognizing Ethiopia's claim to the Haud or, in general, the relevance of treaties defining Somali-Ethiopian borders. Somalia's position was based on three points: first, that the treaties disregarded agreements made with Somali actors that had put them under British protection; second, that the Somalis were not consulted on the terms of the treaties and in fact had not been informed of their existence; and third, that such treaties violated the self-determination principle. This prompted an unsuccessful bid by Britain in 1956 to buy back the Somali lands that it had turned over.
Hostilities grew steadily, eventually involving small-scale actions between the Somali National Army and Imperial Ethiopian Armed Forces along the border. In February 1964, armed conflict erupted on the Somali-Ethiopian frontier, and Ethiopian aircraft raided targets in Somalia. The confrontation ended in April through the mediation of Sudan, acting under the auspices of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). Under the terms of the cease-fire, a joint commission was formed to examine the causes of frontier incidents, and a demilitarized zone ten to fifteen kilometers wide was established on either side of the border. At least temporarily, further military confrontations were prevented.
A referendum was held in neighboring Djibouti (then known as French Somaliland) in 1958, on the eve of Somalia's independence in 1960, to decide whether or not to join the Somali Republic or to remain with France. The referendum turned out in favour of a continued association with France, largely due to a combined yes vote by the sizable Afar ethnic group and resident Europeans. There was also widespread vote rigging, with the French expelling thousands of Somalis before the referendum reached the polls. The majority of those who had voted no were Somalis who were strongly in favour of joining a united Somalia, as had been proposed by Mahmoud Harbi, Vice President of the Government Council. Harbi was killed in a plane crash two years later under mysterious circumstances.
At the 1961 London talks on the future of the Kenya Colony, Somali representatives from the Northern Frontier District (NFD) demanded that Britain arrange for the region's separation before Kenya was granted independence. The British government appointed a commission to ascertain popular opinion in the NFD on the question. The informal plebiscite demonstrated the overwhelming desire of the region's population, which mainly consisted of Somalis and Oromos, to join the newly formed Somali Republic. A 1962 editorial in "The Observer", Britain's oldest Sunday newspaper, concurrently noted that "by every criterion, the Kenya Somalis have a right to choose their own future[...] they differ from other Kenyans not just tribally but in almost every way[...] they are Hamitic, have different customs, a different religion (Islam), and they inhabit a desert which contributes little or nothing to the Kenya economy[...] nobody can accuse them of trying to make off with the national wealth". Despite Somali diplomatic activity, the colonial government in Kenya did not act on the commission's findings. British officials believed that the federal format then proposed in the Kenyan constitution would provide a solution through the degree of autonomy it allowed the predominantly Somali region within the federal system. This solution did not diminish Somali demands for unification, however, and the modicum of federalism disappeared after Kenya's post-colonial government opted instead for a centralized constitution in 1964.
Led by the Northern Province People's Progressive Party (NPPPP), Somalis in the NFD vigorously sought union with their kin in the Somali Republic to the north. In response, the new Kenyan government enacted a number of repressive measures designed to frustrate their efforts. Among these was the practice of mislabeling the Somali rebels' ethnically-based claims as "shifta" ("bandit") activity, cordoning off of the NFD as a "scheduled" area, confiscating or slaughtering Somali livestock, sponsoring ethnic cleansing campaigns against the region's inhabitants, and setting up large "protected villages" or concentration camps. These policies culminated in the Shifta War between Somali rebels and the Kenyan police and army. Voice of Somalia radio reportedly influenced the level of guerrilla activity by means of its broadcasts beamed into the NFD. Kenya also accused the Somali government of training the rebels in Somalia, equipping them with Soviet arms, and directing them from Mogadishu. It subsequently signed a mutual defense pact with Ethiopia in 1964, though the treaty had little effect as cross-border flow of materiel from Somalia to the guerrillas continued. In October 1967, the Somali government and Kenyan authorities signed a Memorandum of Understanding (the Arusha Memorandum) that resulted in an official ceasefire, though regional security did not prevail until 1969.
Hussein administration.
Countrywide municipal elections, in which the Somali Youth League won 74 percent of the seats, occurred in November 1963. These were followed in March 1964 by the country's first post-independence national elections. Again the SYL triumphed, winning 69 out of 123 parliamentary seats. The party's true margin of victory was even greater, as the fifty-four seats won by the opposition were divided among a number of small parties.
After the 1964 National Assembly election in March, a crisis occurred that left Somalia without a government until the beginning of September. President Osman, who was empowered to propose the candidate for prime minister after an election or the fall of a government, chose Abdirizak Haji Hussein as his nominee instead of the incumbent, Abdirashid Ali Shermarke, who had the endorsement of the SYL party leadership. Shermarke had been prime minister for the four previous years, and Osman decided that new leadership might be able to introduce fresh ideas for solving national problems.
In drawing up a Council of Ministers for presentation to the National Assembly, the nominee for prime minister chose candidates on the basis of ability and without regard to place of origin. But Hussein's choices strained intraparty relations and broke the unwritten rules that there be clan and regional balance. For instance, only two members of Shermarke's cabinet were to be retained, and the number of posts in northern hands was to be increased from two to five.
The SYL's governing Central Committee and its parliamentary groups became split. Hussein had been a party member since 1944 and had participated in the two previous Shermarke cabinets. His primary appeal was to younger and more educated party members. Several political leaders who had been left out of the cabinet joined the supporters of Shermarke to form an opposition group within the party. As a result, the Hussein faction sought support among non-SYL members of the National Assembly.
Although the disagreements primarily involved personal or group political ambitions, the debate leading to the initial vote of confidence centered on the issue of Greater Somalia. Both Osman and prime minister-designate Hussein wanted to give priority to the country's internal economic and social problems. Although Hussein had supported militant pan-Somalism, he was portrayed as willing to accept the continued sovereignty of Ethiopia and Kenya over Somali areas.
The proposed cabinet failed to be affirmed by a margin of two votes. Seven National Assembly members, including Shermarke, abstained, while forty-eight members of the SYL voted for Hussein and thirty-three opposed him. Despite the apparent split in the SYL, it continued to attract recruits from other parties. In the first three months after the election, seventeen members of the parliamentary opposition resigned from their parties to join the SYL.
Osman ignored the results of the vote and again nominated Hussein as prime minister. After intraparty negotiation, which included the reinstatement of four party officials expelled for voting against him, Hussein presented a second cabinet list to the National Assembly that included all but one of his earlier nominees. However, the proposed new cabinet contained three additional ministerial positions filled by men chosen to mollify opposition factions. The new cabinet was approved with the support of all but a handful of SYL National Assembly members. Hussein remained in office until the presidential elections of June 1967.
The 1967 presidential elections, conducted by a secret poll of National Assembly members, pitted former prime minister Shermarke against Osman. Again the central issue was moderation versus militancy on the pan-Somali question. Osman, through Hussein, had stressed priority for internal development. Shermarke, who had served as prime minister when pan-Somalism was at its height, was elected president of the republic.
Egal administration.
The new president nominated as prime minister Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal, who raised cabinet membership from thirteen to fifteen members and included representatives of every major clan family, as well as some members of the rival Somali National Congress. In August 1967, the National Assembly confirmed his appointment without serious opposition. Although the new prime minister had supported Shermarke in the presidential election, he was a northerner and had led a 1962 defection of the northern SNL assembly members from the government. He had also been closely involved in the founding of the SNC but, with many other northern members of that group, had rejoined the SYL after the 1964 elections.
A more important difference between Shermarke and Egal, other than their past affiliations, was the new prime minister's moderate position on pan-Somali issues and his desire for improved relations with other African countries. In these areas, he was allied with the "modernists" in the government, parliament, and administration who favored redirecting the nation's energies from confrontation with its neighbors to combating social and economic ills. Although many of his domestic policies seemed more in line with those of the previous administration, Egal continued to hold the confidence of both Shermarke and the National Assembly during the eighteen months preceding the March 1969 national elections.
The March 1969 elections were the first to combine voting for municipal and National Assembly posts. Sixty-four parties contested the elections. Only the SYL, however, presented candidates in every election district, in many cases without opposition. Eight other parties presented lists of candidates for national offices in most districts. Of the remaining fifty-five parties, only twenty-four gained representation in the assembly, but all of these were disbanded almost immediately when their fifty members joined the SYL.
Both the plethora of parties and the defection to the majority party were typical of Somali parliamentary elections. To register for elective office, a candidate merely needed either the support of 500 voters or the sponsorship of his clan, expressed through a vote of its traditional assembly. After registering, the office seeker then attempted to become the official candidate of a political party. Failing this, he would remain on the ballot as an individual contestant. Voting was by party list, which could make a candidate a one-person party. (This practice explained not only the proliferation of small parties but also the transient nature of party support.) Many candidates affiliated with a major party only long enough to use its symbol in the election campaign and, if elected, abandoned it for the winning side as soon as the National Assembly met. Thus, by the end of May 1969 the SYL parliamentary cohort had swelled from 73 to 109.
In addition, the eleven SNC members had formed a coalition with the SYL, which held 120 of the 123 seats in the National Assembly. A few of these 120 left the SYL after the composition of Egal's cabinet became clear and after the announcement of his program, both of which were bound to displease some who had joined only to be on the winning side. Offered a huge list of candidates, the almost 900,000 voters in 1969 took delight in defeating incumbents. Of the incumbent deputies, 77 out of 123 were not returned (including 8 out of 18 members of the previous cabinet), but these figures did not unequivocally demonstrate dissatisfaction with the government. Statistically, they were nearly identical with the results of the 1964 election, and, given the profusion of parties and the system of proportional representation, a clear sense of public opinion could not be obtained solely on the basis of the election results. The fact that a single party—the SYL—dominated the field implied neither stability nor solidarity. Anthropologist Ioan M. Lewis has noted that the SYL government was a very heterogeneous group with diverging personal and lineage interests.
Candidates who had lost seats in the assembly and those who had supported them were frustrated and angry. A number of charges were made of government election fraud, at least some firmly founded. Discontent was exacerbated when the Supreme Court, under its newly appointed president, declined to accept jurisdiction over election petitions, although it had accepted such jurisdiction on an earlier occasion.
Neither the president nor the prime minister seemed particularly concerned about official corruption and nepotism. Although these practices were conceivably normal in a society based on kinship, some were bitter over their prevalence in the National Assembly, where it seemed that deputies ignored their constituents in trading votes for personal gain.
Among those most dissatisfied with the government were intellectuals and members of the armed forces and police. (General Mohamed Abshir Muse, the chief of police, had resigned just before the elections after refusing to permit police vehicles to transport SYL voters to the polls.) Of these dissatisfied groups, the most significant element was the military, which since 1961 had remained outside politics. It had done so partly because the government had not called upon it for support and partly because, unlike most other African armed forces, the Somali National Army had a genuine external mission in which it was supported by all Somalis – that of protecting the borders with Ethiopia and Kenya.
The Ka'aan Period - Kacaankii 1969 -1991.
On October 15, 1969, while paying a visit to the northern town of Las Anod, Somalia's then President Abdirashid Ali Shermarke was shot dead by one of his own bodyguards. His assassination was quickly followed by a military coup d'état on October 21, 1969 (the day after his funeral), in which the Somali Army seized power without encountering armed opposition — essentially a bloodless takeover. The coup was spearheaded by Major General Mohamed Siad Barre, who at the time commanded the army.
Alongside Barre, the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) that assumed power after President Sharmarke's assassination, was led by Mohamed Ainanshe Guleid Mohammad Ali Samatar, Abdullah Mohamed Fadil and Salaad Gabeyre Kediye Kediye a paid KGB agent code-named "OPERATOR". Also included in the coup leaders was Chief of Police Jama Korshel.
Barre was the most senior and the leader the SRC. The SRC subsequently renamed the country the Somali Democratic Republic, arrested members of the former government, banned political parties, dissolved the parliament and the Supreme Court, and suspended the constitution.


Hararghe

Hararghe ( "Harärge"; Harari: ሐረርጌይ "Harärgeyi", Oromo: Harargee, ) was a province of eastern Ethiopia with its capital in Harar.
History.
The region consisted mostly of the territory of the Emirate of Harar annexed by Menelik in 1887. Including Ethiopia's part of the Ogaden, Haraghe was bounded on west by Shewa, northwest by Wollo Province, northeast by French Somaliland, and on the east by Somalia. Originally however Hararghe included the Sidamo, Bale and Arsi Province until Haile Selassie split the provinces. Hararghe was the historical homeland of the Harla people.
Hararghe was altered as a result of Proclamation 1943/1, which created twelve "taklai ghizat"s from the existing 42 provinces of varying sizes. A comparison of the two maps in Margary Perham, "The Government of Ethiopia" shows that Hararghe was created by combining the Sultanate of Aussa, the lands of the Karanle, Ogaden, Issa, and Gadabursi with the 1935 provinces of Chercher and Harar.
In 1960, the province south of the Shebelle River was made into its own province, Bale. With the adoption of the new constitution in 1995, Hararghe was divided between the Oromia, Harari, Afar and Somali Regions, forming a large part of the latter.


Yohanna Sidi Kukah

Yohanna Sidi Kukah is the incumbent monarch of Akulu chiefdom of the Bakulu people in southern Kaduna State, Middle Belt, Nigeria. He is also known by the title "Agwom Akulu II".
He was reported by "The Cable" to have been kidnapped on January 2, 2018, in his home at Anchuna and released after the payment of a ransom 10 days after. He is a younger brother to the bishop of Roman Catholic Diocese of Sokoto, Matthew Hassan Kukah.


History of Ivory Coast

The date of the first human presence in Ivory Coast (officially called Côte d'Ivoire) has been difficult to determine because human remains have not been well preserved in the country's humid climate. However, the presence of old weapon and tool fragments (specifically, polished axes cut through shale and remnants of cooking and fishing) in the country has been interpreted as a possible indication of a large human presence during the Upper Paleolithic period (15,000 to 10,000 BC), or at the minimum, the Neolithic period. The earliest known inhabitants of , however, have left traces scattered throughout the territory. Historians believe that they were all either displaced or absorbed by the ancestors of the present inhabitants. Peoples who arrived before the 16th century include the Ehotilé (Aboisso), Kotrowou (Fresco), Zéhiri (Grand Lahou), Ega, and Diès (Divo).
Prehistory and early history.
Little is known about the original inhabitants of Côte d'Ivoire. Historians believe that they were all either displaced or absorbed by the ancestors of the present inhabitants. The first recorded history is found in the chronicles of North African Muslim traders, who, from early Roman times, conducted a caravan trade across the Sahara in salt, slaves, gold, and other items. The southern terminals of the trans-Saharan trade routes were located on the edge of the desert, and from there supplemental trade extended as far south as the edge of the rain forest. The more important terminals—Djenné, Gao, and Timbuctu—grew into major commercial centers around which the great Sudanic empires developed. By controlling the trade routes with their powerful military forces, these empires were able to dominate neighboring states. The Sudanic empires also became centers of Islamic learning. Islam had been introduced into the western Sudan by Arab traders from North Africa and spread rapidly after the conversion of many important rulers. From the eleventh century, by which time the rulers of the Sudanic empires had embraced Islam, it spread south into the northern areas of contemporary Ivory Coast.
Ghana, the earliest of the Sudanic empires, flourished in present-day eastern Mauritania from the fourth to the thirteenth century. At the peak of its power in the eleventh century, its realms extended from the Atlantic Ocean to Timbuctu. After the decline of Ghana Empire, the Mali Empire grew into a powerful Muslim state, which reached its apogee in the early part of the fourteenth century. The territory of the Mali Empire in Ivory Coast was limited to the northwest corner around Odienné. Its slow decline starting at the end of the fourteenth century followed internal discord and revolts by vassal states, one of which, Songhai, flourished as an empire between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries. Songhai was also weakened by internal discord, which led to factional warfare. This discord spurred most of the migrations of peoples southward toward the forest belt. The dense rain forest covering the southern half of the country created barriers to large-scale political organizations as seen further north. Inhabitants lived in villages or clusters of villages whose contacts with the outside world were filtered through long-distance traders. Villagers subsisted on agriculture and hunting.
Five important states flourished in Ivory Coast in the pre-European era. The Muslim Kong Empire was established by the Juula in the early eighteenth century in the north-central region inhabited by the Sénoufo, who had fled Islamization under the Mali Empire. Although Kong became a prosperous center of agriculture, trade, and crafts, ethnic diversity and religious discord gradually weakened the kingdom. The city of Kong was destroyed in 1895 by Samori Touré. The Bono kingdom of Gyaman was established in the late fifteenth-century by an Akan group, the Abron, who had fled the developing Asante confederation in what is present-day Ghana. From their settlement south of Bondoukou, the Abron gradually extended their hegemony over the Juula in Bondoukou, who were recent émigrés from the market city of Begho. Bondoukou developed into a major center of commerce and Islam. The kingdom's Quranic scholars attracted students from all parts of West Africa. In the mid-eighteenth century in east-central Ivory Coast, other Akan groups fleeing the Asante established a Baoulé kingdom at Sakasso and two Agni kingdoms, Indénié and Sanwi. The Baoulé, like the Asante, elaborated a highly centralized political and administrative structure under three successive rulers, but it finally split into smaller chiefdoms. Despite the breakup of their kingdom, the Baoulé strongly resisted French subjugation. The descendants of the rulers of the Agni kingdoms tried to retain their separate identity long after Ivory Coast's independence; as late as 1969, the Sanwi of Krinjabo attempted to break away from Ivory Coast and form an independent kingdom.
Trade with Europe and the Americas.
The African continent, situated between Europe and the imagined treasures of the Far East, quickly became the destination of the European explorers of the fifteenth century. The first Europeans to explore the West African coast were the Portuguese. Other European sea powers soon followed, and trade was established with many of the coastal peoples of West Africa. At first, the trade included gold, ivory, and pepper, but the establishment of American colonies in the sixteenth century spurred a demand for slaves, which led to the kidnap and enslavement of people from the West African coastal regions (see African slave trade). Local rulers, under treaties with the Europeans, procured goods and slaves from inhabitants of the interior. By the end of the fifteenth century, commercial contacts with Europe had spawned strong European influences, which permeated areas northward from the West African coast.
Ivory Coast, like the rest of West Africa, was subject to these influences, but the absence of sheltered harbors along its coastline prevented Europeans from establishing permanent trading posts. Seaborne trade, therefore, was irregular and played only a minor role in the penetration and eventual conquest by Europeans of Ivory Coast. The slave trade, in particular, had little effect on the peoples of Ivory Coast. A profitable trade in ivory, which gave the area its name, was carried out during the seventeenth century, but it brought about such a decline in elephants that the trade itself virtually had died out by the beginning of the eighteenth century.
The earliest recorded French voyage to West Africa took place in 1483. The first West African French settlement, Saint Louis, was founded in the mid-seventeenth century in Senegal, while at about the same time the Dutch ceded to the French a settlement at Ile de Gorée off Dakar. A French mission was established in 1687 at Assinie, near the Gold Coast (now Ghana) border, and it became the first European outpost in that area. Assini's survival was precarious, however, and only in the mid-nineteenth century did the French establish themselves firmly in Ivory Coast. By that time, they had already established settlements around the mouth of the Senegal River and at other points along the coasts of what are now Senegal, Gambia, and Guinea-Bissau. Meanwhile, the British had permanent outposts in the same areas and on the Gulf of Guinea east of Ivory Coast.
In the 18th century, the country was invaded by two related Akan groups – the Agni, who occupied the southeast, and the Baoulés, who settled in the central section. In 1843–1844, French admiral Bouët-Willaumez signed treaties with the kings of the Grand Bassam and Assini regions, placing their territories under a French protectorate. French explorers, missionaries, trading companies, and soldiers gradually extended the area under French control inland from the lagoon region. However, pacification was not accomplished until 1915.
Activity along the coast stimulated European interest in the interior, especially along the two great rivers, the Senegal and the Niger. Concerted French exploration of West Africa began in the mid-nineteenth century but moved slowly and was based more on individual initiative than on government policy. In the 1840s, the French concluded a series of treaties with local West African rulers that enabled the French to build fortified posts along the Gulf of Guinea to serve as permanent trading centers. The first posts in Ivory Coast included one at Assinie and another at Grand-Bassam, which became the colony's first capital. The treaties provided for French sovereignty within the posts and for trading privileges in exchange for fees or "customs" paid annually to the local rulers for the use of the land. The arrangement was not entirely satisfactory to the French because trade was limited and misunderstandings over treaty obligations often arose. Nevertheless, the French government maintained the treaties, hoping to expand trade. France also wanted to maintain a presence in the region to stem the increasing influence of the British along the Gulf of Guinea coast.
The defeat of France in the Franco-Prussian War (1871) and the subsequent annexation by Germany of the French province of Alsace-Lorraine caused the French government to abandon its colonial ambitions and withdraw its military garrisons from its French West African trading posts, leaving them in the care of resident merchants. The trading post at Grand-Bassam in Ivory Coast was left in the care of a shipper from Marseille, Arthur Verdier, who in 1878 was named resident of the Establishment of Ivory Coast.
In 1885 France and Germany brought all the European powers with interests in Africa together at the Berlin Conference. Its principal objective was to rationalize what became known as the European scramble for colonies in Africa. Prince Otto von Bismarck also wanted a greater role in Africa for Germany, which he thought he could achieve in part by fostering competition between France and Britain. The agreement signed by all participants in 1885 stipulated that on the African coastline only European annexations or spheres of influence that involved effective occupation by Europeans would be recognized. Another agreement in 1890 extended this rule to the interior of Africa and set off a scramble for territory, primarily by France, Britain, Portugal, and Belgium.
Establishment of French rule.
In 1886, to support its claims of effective occupation, France again assumed direct control of its West African coastal trading posts and embarked on an accelerated program of exploration in the interior. In 1887 Lieutenant Louis Gustave Binger began a two-year journey that traversed parts of Ivory Coast's interior. By the end of the journey, he had concluded four treaties establishing French protectorates in Ivory Coast. Also in 1887, Verdier's agent, , negotiated five additional agreements that extended French influence from the headwaters of the Niger River Basin through Ivory Coast.
By the end of the 1880s, France had established what passed for effective control over the coastal regions of Ivory Coast, and in 1889 Britain recognized French sovereignty in the area. That same year, France named Treich-Laplène titular governor of the territory. In 1893 Ivory Coast was made a French colony, and then Captain Binger was appointed governor. Agreements with Liberia in 1892 and with Britain in 1893 determined the eastern and western boundaries of the colony, but the northern boundary was not fixed until 1947 because of efforts by the French government to attach parts of Upper Volta (present-day Burkina Faso) and French Sudan (present-day Mali) to Ivory Coast for economic and administrative reasons.
Throughout the process of partition, the Africans were little concerned with the occasional white person who came wandering by. Many local rulers in small, isolated communities did not understand or, more often, were misled by the French about the significance of treaties that compromised their authority. Other local leaders, however, thought that the French could solve economic problems or become allies in the event of a dispute with belligerent neighbors. In the end, the loss of sovereignty by the local rulers was often the result of their inability to counter French deception and military force rather than a result of support for French encroachment.
French colonial era.
Côte d'Ivoire officially became a French colony on 10 March 1893. Binger, who had explored the Gold Coast frontier, was named the first governor. He negotiated boundary treaties with Liberia and the United Kingdom (for the Gold Coast) and later started the campaign against Samori Ture, a Malinké chief, who fought against the French until 1898.
Throughout the early years of French rule, French military contingents were sent inland to establish new posts. The French penetration and settlement encountered much resistance from locals, even in areas where treaties of protection had been in force. Among those offering greatest resistance was Samori Touré, who in the 1880s and 1890s was establishing an empire that extended over large parts of present-day Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Ivory Coast. Touré's large, well-equipped army, which could manufacture and repair its own firearms, attracted strong support throughout the region. The French responded to Samori Toure's expansion of regional control with military pressure. French campaigns against Touré, which were met with fierce resistance, intensified in the mid-1890s until he was captured in 1898.
France's imposition of a head tax in 1900, aimed at enabling the colony to undertake a public works program, provoked a number of revolts. The public works programs undertaken by the Ivorian colonial government and the exploitation of natural resources required massive commitments of labor. The French therefore imposed a system of forced labor under which each male adult Ivorian was required to work for ten days each year without compensation as part of his obligation to the state. The system was subject to extreme misuse and was the most hated aspect of French colonial rule. Because the population of Ivory Coast was insufficient to meet the labor demand on French held plantations and forests, which were among the greatest users of labor in French West Africa, the French recruited large numbers of workers from Upper Volta to work in Ivory Coast. This source of labor was so important to the economic life of Ivory Coast that in 1932 the AOF annexed a large part of Upper Volta to Ivory Coast and administered it as a single colony. Many Ivorians viewed the tax as a violation of the terms of the protectorate treaties because it seemed that France was now demanding the equivalent of a "coutume" from the local kings rather than the reverse. Much of the population, especially in the interior, also considered the tax a humiliating symbol of submission.
From 1904 to 1958, Ivory Coast was a constituent unit of the Federation of French West Africa. It was a colony and an overseas territory under the Third Republic. Until the period following World War II, governmental affairs in French West Africa were administered from Paris. France's policy in West Africa was reflected mainly in its philosophy of "association", meaning that all Africans in Ivory Coast were officially French "subjects" without rights to representation in Africa or France. In 1905, the French officially abolished slavery in most of French West Africa.
In 1908 Gabriel Angoulvant was appointed governor of Ivory Coast. Angoulvant, who had little prior experience in Africa, believed that the development of Ivory Coast could proceed only after the forceful conquest, or so-called pacification, of the colony. He thus embarked on a vigorous campaign, sending military expeditions into the hinterland to quell resistance. As a result of these expeditions, local rulers were compelled to obey existing antislavery laws, supply porters and food to the French forces, and ensure the protection of French trade and personnel. In return, the French agreed to leave local customs intact and specifically promised not to intervene in the selection of rulers. But the French often disregarded their side of the agreement, deporting or interring rulers regarded as instigators of revolt. They also regrouped villages and established a uniform administration throughout most of the colony. Finally, they replaced the "coutume" with an allowance based on performance.
French colonial policy incorporated concepts of assimilation and association. Assimilation presupposed the inherent superiority of French culture over all others, so that in practice the assimilation policy in the colonies meant extension of the French language, institutions, laws, and customs. The policy of association also affirmed the superiority of the French in the colonies, but it entailed different institutions and systems of laws for the colonizer and the colonized. Under this policy, the Africans in Ivory Coast were allowed to preserve their own customs insofar as they were compatible with French interests. An indigenous elite trained in French administrative practice formed an intermediary group between the French and the Africans.
Assimilation was practiced in Ivory Coast to the extent that after 1930 a small number of Westernised Ivorians were granted the right to apply for French citizenship. Most Ivorians, however, were classified as French subjects and were governed under the principle of association. As subjects of France they had no political rights. Moreover, they were drafted for work in mines, on plantations, as porters, and on public projects as part of their tax responsibility. They were also expected to serve in the military and were subject to the indigénat, a separate system of law.
In World War II, the Vichy regime remained in control until 1943, when members of Gen. Charles De Gaulle's provisional government assumed control of all French West Africa. The Brazzaville conference in 1944, the first Constituent Assembly of the Fourth Republic in 1946, and France's gratitude for African loyalty during World War II led to far-reaching governmental reforms in 1946. French citizenship was granted to all African "subjects," the right to organise politically was recognised, and various forms of forced labour were abolished. A turning point in relations with France was reached with the 1956 Overseas Reform Act ("Loi Cadre" ), which transferred a number of powers from Paris to elected territorial governments in French West Africa and also removed remaining voting inequalities.
Until 1958, governors appointed in Paris administered the colony of Ivory Coast, using a system of direct, centralized administration that left little room for Ivorian participation in policy making. The French colonial administration also adopted divide-and-rule policies, applying ideas of assimilation only to the educated elite. The French were also interested in ensuring that the small but influential elite was sufficiently satisfied with the status quo to refrain from any anti-French sentiment. In fact, although they were strongly opposed to the practices of association, educated Ivorians believed that they would achieve equality with their French peers through assimilation rather than through complete independence from France, a change that would eliminate the enormous economic advantages of remaining a French possession. But after the assimilation doctrine was implemented entirely, at least in principle, through the postwar reforms, Ivorian leaders realised that even assimilation implied the superiority of the French over the Ivorians and that discrimination and inequality would end only with independence.
Independence.
As early as 1944, Charles de Gaulle proposed to change France's politics and take "the road of a new era." in 1946, the French Empire was converted into the French Union which was itself superseded by the French Community in 1958.
In December of that year, Ivory Coast became an autonomous republic within the French Community as a result of a referendum on 7 August that brought community status to all members of the old Federation of French West Africa except Guinea, which had voted against association. On 11 July 1960 France agreed to Ivory Coast becoming fully independent. Ivory Coast became independent on 7 August 1960, and permitted its community membership to lapse. It established the commercial city Abidjan as its capital.
Ivory Coast's contemporary political history is closely associated with the career of Félix Houphouët-Boigny, President of the republic and leader of the "Parti Démocratique de la Ivory Coast" (PDCI) until his death on December 7, 1993. He was one of the founders of the "Rassemblement Démocratique Africain" (RDA), the leading pre-independence inter-territorial political party for all of the French West African territories except Mauritania.
Houphouët-Boigny first came to political prominence in 1944 as founder of the "Syndicat Agricole Africain", an organization that won improved conditions for African farmers and formed a nucleus for the PDCI. After World War II, he was elected by a narrow margin to the first Constituent Assembly. Representing Ivory Coast in the French National Assembly from 1946 to 1959, he devoted much of his effort to inter-territorial political organization and further amelioration of labor conditions. After his thirteen-year service in the French National Assembly, including almost three years as a minister in the French Government, he became Ivory Coast's first prime minister in April 1959, and the following year was elected its first president.
In May 1959, Houphouët-Boigny reinforced his position as a dominant figure in West Africa by leading Ivory Coast, Niger, Upper Volta (Burkina Faso), and Dahomey (Benin) into the Council of the Entente, a regional organization promoting economic development. He maintained that the road to African solidarity was through step-by-step economic and political cooperation, recognizing the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other African states.
Houphouët-Boigny was considerably more conservative than most African leaders of the post-colonial period, maintaining close ties to the west and rejecting the leftist and anti-western stance of many leaders at the time. This contributed to the country's economic and political stability.
The first multiparty presidential elections were held in October 1990 and Houphouët-Boigny won convincingly.
After Houphouët-Boigny.
Houphouët-Boigny died on 7 December 1993, and was succeeded by his deputy Henri Konan Bédié who was the President of the Parliament.
He was overthrown on 24 December 1999 by General Robert Guéï, a former army commander sacked by Bédié. This was the first "coup d'état" in the history of Ivory Coast. An economic downturn followed, and the junta promised to return the country to democratic rule in 2000.
Guéï allowed elections to be held the following year, but when these were won by Laurent Gbagbo he at first refused to accept his defeat. But street protests forced him to step down, and Gbagbo became president on 26 October 2000.
First Civil War.
On 19 September 2002 a rebellion in the North and the West came up and the country became divided in three parts. Mass murders occurred, notably in Abidjan from the 25 to 27 March, when government forces killed more than 200 protesters, and on the 20 and 21 June in Bouaké and Korhogo, where purges led to the execution of more than 100 people. A reconciliation process under international auspices started in 2003. In 2002 France sent its troops to Ivory Coast as peacekeepers. In February 2004 the United Nations established the United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI)
A disarmament was supposed to take place on 15 October 2004, but was a failure. Ivory Coast is now divided between the rebel leader Guillaume Soro and president Laurent Gbagbo who has blocked the diplomatic advances made in Marcoussis and Accra—of the laws related to political reforms promised by Gbagbo in Accra, only two out of ten have been voted on so far. The rebel side has not held its promises either, which results in a state of quasi–civil war.
Frustration is now a dominant sentiment in the population, especially since the overall quality of life has dropped since the Félix Houphouët-Boigny era. Responsibility for the worsening of the situation is widely attributed to the Northern people, though the quality of life under Houphouët-Boigny was mainly due to the sponsoring through the "Françafrique" system (designed to consolidate the influence of France in Africa), and the economy worked mainly thanks to a low-paid Burkinabé working class and immigrants from Mali.
The debt of the country has now risen, civil unrest is occurring daily, and political life has turned into personal struggles for interests. To answer these problems, the concept of "ivoirité" was born, a racist term which aims mainly at denying political and economic rights to the Northern immigrants.
New laws about eligibility, nationality and property are due to be adopted to address this issue, but if they are delayed, inscription of electors will be impossible before the next elections. This might lead to a dangerous situation where the government would stick to power, which the rebellion would likely not accept.
Tensions between Ivory Coast and France increased on 6 November 2004, after Ivorian air strikes killed 9 French peacekeepers and an aid worker. In response, French forces attacked the airport at Yamoussoukro, destroying all airplanes in the Ivorian Air Force. Violent protests erupted in both Abidjan and Yamoussoukro, and were marked by violence between Ivorians and French peacekeepers. Thousands of foreigners, especially French nationals, evacuated the two cities.
Most of the fighting ended by late 2004, with the country split between a rebel-held north and a government-held south. In March 2007 the two sides signed an agreement to hold fresh elections, though they ended up being delayed until 2010, five years after Gbagbo's term of office was supposed to have expired.
Second Civil War.
After northern candidate Alassane Ouattara was declared the victor of the 2010 Ivorian presidential election by the country's Independent Electoral Commission (CEI), the President of the Constitutional Council – an ally of Gbagbo – declared the results to be invalid and that Gbagbo was the winner. Both Gbagbo and Ouattara claimed victory and took the presidential oath of office. The international community, including the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the European Union, the United States, and former colonial power France affirmed their support for Ouattara and called for Gbagbo to step down. However, negotiations to resolve the dispute failed to achieve any satisfactory outcome. Hundreds of people were killed in escalating violence between pro-Gbagbo and pro-Ouattara partisans and at least a million people have fled, mostly from Abidjan.
International organizations reported numerous instances of human rights violations by both sides, in particular in the city of Duékoué. The UN and French forces took military action, with the stated objective to protect their forces and civilians. Ouattara's forces arrested Gbagbo at his residence on 11 April 2011.
After the 2011 Civil War.
Alassane Ouattara has ruled the country since 2010 when he unseated his predecessor Laurent Gbagbo. President Ouattara was re-elected in 2015 presidential election. In November 2020, he won third term in office in elections boycotted by the opposition. His opponents argued it was illegal for President Ouattara to run for a third term. Ivory Coast’s Constitutional Council formally ratified President Alassane Ouattara’s re-election to a third term in November 2020.


Lizzie van Zyl

Elizabeth Cecilia van Zyl (22 April 1894 – 9 May 1901) was a South African child inmate of the Bloemfontein concentration camp who died from typhoid fever during the Second Anglo-Boer War.
Background.
Lizzie and her mother (Elizabeth Cecilia van Zyl) were inmates of the Bloemfontein concentration camp. They were labelled as 'undesirables', and placed on the lowest food rations because her father, Hermanus Egbert Pieter van Zyl, had refused to surrender.
Anti-war activist Emily Hobhouse used her death as an example of the hardships the Boer civilians faced in the concentration camps set up to intern them during the war. She describes Lizzie as "a frail, weak little child in desperate need of good care". Initially, the publishers of Hobhouse's reports refused to publish the photograph.
Lizzie died in 1901 at seven years of age.
Photo.
The photo of the emaciated van Zyl reportedly was sent from British author Arthur Conan Doyle, who served as a volunteer doctor during the Boer War, to Joseph Chamberlain. Both Doyle and Chamberlain were ostensibly proponents of the Boer Wars, at least publicly; Doyle wrote a short work "The War in South Africa: Its Cause and Conduct", that set forth his reasoning for supporting the war. The photo was allegedly used as propaganda, not as directly anti-war propaganda, but to support the false notion that Boer children were neglected by their parents.
The image was released with the detail that it was taken when van Zyl and her mother entered the camp. Chamberlain was quoted in "The Times" on 5 March 1902, saying that Lizzie's mother was prosecuted for mistreatment.
Emily Hobhouse investigated the case and was unable to find any evidence of a case or the prosecution of Lizzie's mother for neglect. She located the photographer, a man named de Klerk, who was also a camp inmate at the time, and de Klerk stated that the photograph was taken two months after Lizzie had arrived at the camp, not when they had just arrived.


Marthinus Nikolaas Ras

Marthinus Nikolaas Ras (18 January 1853 – 21 February 1900) was a South African farmer, soldier, and gun-maker who is considered the father of South African Artillery.
Military service.
He served in the First Boer War in the Potchefstroom commando under General Piet Cronjé. After witnessing the siege on the British fort at Potchefstroom by the Boers, he realized the need for artillery by the Boer forces to be able to successfully mount an assault the British blockhouses and forts. In the early stages of the conflict, the Boers seriously lacked cannons to enable them to assault the six British army forts in the Transvaal. In December 1880, he requested and obtained permission to return home to his farm Bokfontein, near Brits, to build a cannon for the Boer forces.
Cannon building.
He built two cannons (named the Ras cannons), the first being a 3 inch caliber, 4½ feet barrel cannon, named "Martienie" and the second a 2 inch caliber, 5½ barrel cannon, named "Ras". The "Martienie" cannon was used to great effect on a British fort near Rustenburg, firing 93 shots and resulting in the subsequent surrender of the fort.
Death.
On 21 February 1900 during the Second Boer War, whilst on the way back to his farm at Bokfontein, he was ambushed and killed at Kaya's Put by an impi (African war party) of the Kgatla tribal chief Linchwe, an African tribe fighting on the side of the British.


Cape Recife

Cape Recife (; , "Cape of the reefs") is the southeastern tip of Africa, 15 kilometres south of the South African seaport city Port Elizabeth. Cape Recife is the southern point of Algoa Bay and forms part of the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality.
The name, Portuguese for “Rif”, refers to the numerous reefs on which many ships stranded. The historic lighthouse was built in 1849 and is located in the Cape Recife nature reserve. Just north are the Nelson Mandela University, Port Elizabeth International Airport and SANCCOB.
Cape Recife is popular with surfers and divers. The warm Agulhas Current flows past the cape.
In 1973 the Cape Recife Nature Reserve was proclaimed.


Flag of Zanzibar

The flag of Zanzibar was adopted on 9 January 2005. It is a horizontal tricolour of blue, black, and green with the national flag of Tanzania in the canton.
Historical flags.
Zanzibar was a part of the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman, which flew a plain red flag, beginning in 1698. Majid bin Said declared an independent Sultanate of Zanzibar on 2 November 1856 but did not adopt a new flag. The red flag remained in use during the British protectorate period. When Zanzibar gained independence from the United Kingdom on 10 December 1963, a green disk with two yellow cloves was added to the flag.
On 12 January 1964, John Okello overthrew the Sultan of Zanzibar and adopted a black-yellow-blue tricolour as the flag of the People's Republic of Zanzibar and Pemba. On 29 January, the country's flag was changed to a blue-black-green tricolour. This design, which was based on the flag of the Afro-Shirazi Party, was the longest-lived of the post-independence flags and eventually formed the basis for the current flag. On 26 April 1964, Zanzibar united with Tanganyika to form the new country of Tanzania and Zanzibar's old flag fell out of use.


List of Governors of Northern Region, Nigeria