American Stores

American Stores Company was an American public corporation and a holding company which ran chains of supermarkets and drugstores in the United States from 1917 through 1999. The company was incorporated in 1917 when The Acme Tea Company merged with four small Philadelphia-area grocery stores "(Childs, George Dunlap, Bell Company," and "A House That Quality Built)" to form American Stores. In the following eight decades, the company would expand to 1,575 food and drugstores in 38 states with $20 billion in annual sales in 1998.
History.
By 1925, American Stores had grown from 5 supermarkets in 1917 to nearly 1,800 stores. In 1946, a proposed acquisition of "Grand Union" supermarkets was turned down by Grand Union stockholders.
1960s-1970s.
In 1961 American Stores company acquired California's Alpha Beta chain of supermarkets. In the 1970s, in order to compete with lower priced grocery retailers such as ShopRite and Pathmark (competitors which did not offer trading stamps), Acme Markets launched its Super Saver discount grocery chain in Pennsylvania.
American Stores itself was acquired in 1979 by the Skaggs Companies, Inc., which adopted the American Stores Company name, and relocated the company headquarters to Salt Lake City, Utah.
American Stores was by far the larger organization, with 758 supermarkets, 139 drugstores, 53 restaurants, and 9 general merchandise stores in nine states when compared to the 241 "Skaggs" stores. Although the resulting entity bore the American Stores Company name, it was controlled by Skaggs management headed by Leonard S. Skaggs Jr. more familiarly known as Sam Skaggs. Stores in several markets having both an Alpha Beta supermarket and a Skaggs Drug Center drugstore presence were combined (or expanded) to combination food and drug stores and re-branded "Skaggs Alpha Beta".
1980s.
American Stores posted $83 million in earnings on sales of nearly $8 billion in 1983. But its presence was still weak in the midwest, New England, and Florida. To help overcome these remaining geographical shortcomings, Sam Skaggs made another attempt to merge with the Jewel Companies, Inc. in 1984.
Acquisition of the Jewel Companies.
The Jewel Companies, Inc. chairman Weston Christopherson was opposed to a merger and Sam Skaggs was forced to engineer a hostile takeover. On June 1, 1984, American Stores tendered an offer worth $1.1 billion for 67 percent of Jewel's outstanding shares at $70 per share.
For two weeks, the Jewel Companies, Inc. management refused all comment on the offer, maintaining its silence even at a stormy shareholder's meeting before which Jewel shareholder groups controlling 20 percent of the company's stock had come out in favor of negotiating with American Stores. Finally, on June 14, Sam Skaggs and Jewel president Richard Cline reached an agreement after an all-night bargaining session. American Stores raised its bid for Jewel's preferred stock, increasing the total bid to $1.15 billion in cash and securities. In return, Jewel dropped plans for a defensive acquisition of "Household International Inc". and accepted American Stores' offer. To help raise cash for the deal, American Stores sold its "Rea and Derick, Inc." subsidiary comprising 134 drugstores in December 1984 to People's Drug, a division of "Imasco Limited". 33 Alpha Beta grocery stores in Arizona sold to ABCO Foods, 22 Alpha Beta grocery stores and support facilities in northern California were also sold.
The acquisition of the Jewel Companies, Inc. consisted of the Illinois-based Jewel Food Stores supermarket chain, Illinois-based Osco Drug, Inc., Massachusetts-based Star Market, California-based Sav-on Drugs, Montana-based Buttrey Food Stores, and White Hen. This acquisition also returned L. L. Skaggs's Osco Drug chain to the Skaggs family ownership. And Sav-on Drugs, another Jewel Companies subsidiary, had been founded by C.J. Call, who had once been a business partner of another of Sam Skaggs's uncles, O.P. Skaggs.
This merger added 193 supermarkets, 358 drugstores, 140 combination food and drug stores, 301 convenience stores, and 132 discount stores to American Stores' holdings. But in 1985, the company found itself in legal trouble through its new subsidiary. A salmonella food-poisoning outbreak affecting some 20,000 people in the midwest was traced to Jewel's "Hillfarm Dairy" that had supplied tainted milk to Jewel stores in March and April 1985. In 1987, Jewel was found not liable for punitive damages in "Illinois Cook County Circuit Court" but agreed to pay compensatory damages estimated at $35 to $40 million.
In 1985 American Stores sold the White Hen chain, since convenience stores did not fit into the company's plans. Buttrey Food & Drug and Star Market were put up for sale in order to raise capital and pay down debt. Although the company continued to operate these subsidiaries, investment in remodeling and new construction for these stores and for Acme Markets was minimal throughout the 1980s.
By 1987 American Stores Company was the largest drug retailer in the United States, but only the third-largest grocery retailer and underperforming its peers. In October 1987, the company exited the Idaho and Washington drugstore markets with the sale of 25 Osco Drug units to Pay Less Drug Stores.
Acquisition of Lucky Stores.
In March 1988, American Stores made an unsolicited tender offer for Lucky Stores, an Alpha Beta competitor noted for high efficiency and low prices. American Stores’ Alpha Beta chain in California was struggling, plagued by high prices and a reputation for poor service. At the time, Lucky was California's leading grocery retailer, due in part that it was the only chain with a significant presence in both northern California and southern California. Lucky refused American Stores' first offer. Within a month, American Stores proposed to up its bid if Lucky would agree to a friendly takeover. Again Lucky management rejected the offer as inadequate and was said to be contemplating defensive strategies. Later, American Stores upped its bid to $2.5 billion, or $65 per share. Lucky accepted and American Stores was on track to become the largest supermarket chain in the United States, over the Kroger and Safeway chains.
The acquisition included then Dublin, California-based Lucky Stores, with stores in California, Nevada, and Arizona; Tampa-based Kash n' Karry, with stores in Florida; and a minority interest in Milan, Illinois-based Eagle Food Centers.
In August 1988, California Attorney General John Van de Kamp asked the Federal Trade Commission to void the sale, claiming that a Lucky-Alpha Beta juggernaut would cost California consumers $400 million by reducing competition. The Federal Trade Commission refused but did force the divestiture of 37 Alpha Beta stores, which were sold in December 1988, the same month 38 Lucky stores in Arizona were also sold. Van de Kamp then initiated a lawsuit against American Stores under the Clayton Antitrust Act, and on September 1988, a federal judge in Los Angeles issued a preliminary injunction against the merger. American Stores appealed, and in April 1989, a Ninth Circuit panel in San Francisco overturned the injunction. Van de Kamp appealed this reversal to the U.S. Supreme Court. Meanwhile, American Stores continued to plan its integration of Lucky while it waited for the district court to lift the injunction as ordered by the Ninth Circuit.
However, on August 22, 1989, Associate Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, in her capacity as Circuit Justice for the Ninth Circuit, issued an interlocutory order staying the Ninth Circuit's issuance of its mandate back to the district court, which kept the preliminary injunction in place while the parties briefed the issues before the high court. After oral argument on January 19, the U.S. Supreme Court issued a unanimous decision on April 30, 1990 (although Justice Anthony Kennedy filed a concurring opinion separately from Justice John Paul Stevens' opinion for the Court) in favor of the state of California. The Court ruled that the words "injunctive relief" in Section 16 of the Clayton Act impliedly included the power to force divestiture of assets in order to ameliorate harm to the market from an anticompetitive merger.
Wishing to avoid additional lengthy litigation, the following month American Stores reached an agreement with Van de Kamp whereby the company was allowed to convert 14 Alpha Beta stores to the Lucky name but also had to sell 161 southern California stores (152 Alpha Beta stores and 9 Lucky stores) within 5 years. The deal put no restrictions on American Stores' future growth in California and did not require state approval of the buyer or terms of the sale.
In 1989, Kash n' Karry was acquired by its management from American Stores for $305 million. American Stores also sold the minority interest in Eagle Food Centers that it had acquired from Lucky and sold it to New York-based "Odyssey Partners".
Headquarters move to Southern California.
Based on a recommendation by Booz-Allen, American Stores relocated its corporate headquarters from Salt Lake City to Irvine, California, in July 1988. At the time, the company indicated the reason for the move was to place the headquarters in one of the company's major operating market areas and therefore closer to its business interests. However, the corporate headquarters was moved back to Salt Lake City in 1989 with little explanation.
Sav-on Name Change.
American Stores plans to build a coast-to-coast drugstore chain in the United States were underway. The strategy was to build a nationwide network of pharmacies, streamline operations and advertising in order to gain national recognition for the brand, especially for the high-margin private label products. The name Osco Drug was chosen as the national chain banner because of the large number of stores which already had that name and existed in various parts of the United States. The name change was completed for the "Skaggs" drugstores in 1985 and then for the "Sav-on" stores in 1986. The name 'Osco' did not resonate well with "Sav-on's" southern California customer base. American Stores eventually made the decision to change the name of the former "Sav-on" stores back to Sav-on Drugs. Rumors circulated at the time claiming that the reason for the name change back to 'Sav-on' was due to 'Osco' having the same pronunciation as the Spanish word 'asco' (oss-ko) which means disgust or loathing, a considerable factor within southern California’s heavily Hispanic market. This explanation for the name change was refuted by American Stores.
The name change on all stores was completed in 1989 and the Sav-on Drugs brand was re-launched in southern California and Nevada.
American Drug Stores, Inc..
In 1989, a new subsidiary "American Drug Stores, Inc." was formed and consisted of American Stores drugstore holdings of Osco Drug, Sav-on Drugs, the "Osco" side of the Jewel-Osco food-drug combination stores and "RxAmerica". "RxAmerica" began earlier in 1989 as a mail service prescription fulfillment center with a facility in Salt Lake City.
Jewel-Osco Florida.
On March 16, 1989, the company opened a 75,000-square-foot "Jewel-Osco" combination store in Largo, Florida. This marked American Stores’ re-entry into the Southeast after an absence of nearly two decades. Mark S. Skaggs, son of Sam Skaggs was president of the new "Jewel-Osco of Florida" division. This was a wholly separate division of the company and was not part of the Jewel Food Stores chain in the midwest or the Osco/American Drug Stores subsidiary. Unlike the combination stores in the midwest, where Jewel ran the food side of the combination stores and Osco ran the drug side, the Florida stores were run by a one overall manager, similar to the way a "Skaggs Alpha Beta" store was managed. Only six "Jewel-Osco" stores were opened in Florida and all were sold to Albertsons in 1992.
1990s.
In the early 1990s, reducing the $3.4 billion in debt load became the prime challenge for the company; doing so was mainly accomplished through asset sales. By the end of fiscal 1992 long term debt was down from $3.4 billion to $2.1 billion.
Divestitures.
In the early 1990s, American Stores divestitures included:
Acquisitions.
At the same time that the company was making major divestments in the early 1990s, American Stores also looked for opportunities to make strategic minor acquisitions, ones that would enhance its position in the main markets where it needed to strengthen market share.
Transformation into an Operating Company.
American Stores had long been run as a decentralized holding company, but in order to compete in the fierce retail environment of the 1990s the company announced plans in 1992 to transform itself into an integrated operating company. As part of this transition, the company also began to centralize company-wide its procurement, warehousing, inventory control, distribution, marketing, payroll and human resources operations. Another aspect of the plan involved the consolidation of the central support organizations of the drugstore and grocery store operations. At the same time, American Stores sought to initiate faster growth, this time primarily through the opening of new stores and not through acquisitions. This ambitious plan to create better efficiencies won a lot of support from investors. The plan, called the "Delta Project", was expected to turn American Stores into a more profitable national supermarket company with greater shareholder value by centralizing its buying operations, as well as putting together more food and drugstore combination stores.
From 1992 up through 1998, American Stores consolidated operations and moved major responsibilities of their subsidiaries to their headquarters in Salt Lake City, Utah. The company's employees based in Salt Lake City increased from fewer than 100 in 1992 to over 1,200 by 1998. During this period, American Stores itself did not operate any food or drugstores in Utah having sold-off the Osco Drug and Alpha Beta Utah stores in 1991.
Super Saver Food.
In early 1994, American Stores launched a discount warehouse food store concept in California. New store formats were built in Anaheim, Indio, National City, Oceanside and several existing Lucky stores were converted to this warehouse format in Sacramento, Pittsburg, Vacaville, and Woodland. Initially, these stores were named "Price Advantage", based on a "Lucky Advantage" prototype store in Escondido, California. Price Club sued American Stores over name infringement shortly before the grand opening of the stores. The stores were swiftly renamed "Food Advantage" the night before grand openings, with the word "Price" marked out with a thick ink marker on every label, tag and sign in the store. In the coming months these stores were branded as "Food/Price Advantage" and finally as Super Saver Food. Super Saver Food was a familiar brand which had been used in the 1970s and early 1980s by Acme for their discount grocery store format in Pennsylvania and was a trademark still owned by American Stores.
Kap's Kitchen and Pantry.
In 1997, the company opened "Kap's Kitchen and Pantry" in Salt Lake City, Utah, a prototype for entry into the high end food retail market with selections of natural and organic products, produce, seafood, grocery, meat and poultry, bakery and prepared foods. The venture was quickly abandoned and the store was closed within a year.
Skaggs Family Exit.
In 1994, at the company's annual shareholder meeting, the company board elected Sam Skaggs’ son Don L. Skaggs a director effective October 1, 1994, to fill the position rendered vacant by the resignation of Aline W. Skaggs, wife of Sam Skaggs. Don L. Skaggs was also the Executive Vice President and General Manager of Skaggs Telecommunications Service, Inc. a non-retail subsidiary of American Stores consisting of an audio media production company, a satellite teleport U.S. Satellite Corporation and an operation that sold equipment to law enforcement agencies. Seventy-two-year-old Sam Skaggs relinquished the chairmanship of American Stores to Victor L. Lund in 1995. Skaggs still held an 18.3 percent stake in the company and a seat on the company board, and when he announced in July 1996 that he was exploring options for his stake, speculation about a possible takeover ran wild. The company was not certain if Skaggs’ intention was to launch a proxy fight for control of American Stores or to alter its current management or direction. By February 1997 an agreement was reached between American Stores and Skaggs whereby the company would repurchase about 12.2 million of Skaggs's shares for $550 million, with the remaining shares subsequently be sold to the public through a secondary offering. This purchase reduced Skaggs’ stake in the company to five percent, insufficient ownership for him and his family members to retain seats on the company's board.
Acquisition by Albertsons.
At the company's June 17, 1998, annual meeting of shareholders in Salt Lake City, American Stores highlighted its accomplishments over the past year and its plans for the sustained long-term growth. In his keynote address, chairman and chief executive officer Victor L. Lund said, ""During the past year, we have transformed many of our key plans for the future to reality. We are confident that our plan for growth is working and is squarely on track. We've set our sights very high because we know our visions of tomorrow will be achieved". " A day earlier, American Stores had held a ceremony marking the opening of the "American Stores Center", its 24 story corporate office building in downtown Salt Lake City, Utah. The building had a company-owned Italian restaurant, "Il Sansovino" and a convenience store, "The American Store", on the ground level floor.
Six weeks later, on August 3, 1998 it was announced that Albertsons would acquire American Stores for $11.7 billion. Soon after the announcement, the Federal Trade Commission charged that Albertsons' proposed acquisition of American Stores would substantially lessen supermarket competition in California, Nevada, and New Mexico. The proposed acquisition, the FTC charged, could result in higher prices or reduced quality and selection for consumers. As a condition of the sale, Albertsons' and American Stores agreed to sell 144 supermarkets (104 Albertson's supermarkets, 40 American Stores' Lucky supermarkets) in 57 markets in order to resolve. The divestiture agreement, was the largest retail divestiture ever required by the Federal Trade Commission. Due to the mandated sale of stores, the acquisition took nearly a year to complete. In June 1999, the acquisition was complete, ASC was de-listed on the New York Stock Exchange and American Stores ceased to exist.
During 1999, the drugstore operations division and general merchandise procurement functions were moved from Salt Lake City to Scottsdale, Arizona, operating as "Albertsons Drug Region". The functions which supported the food divisions were consolidated and moved from Salt Lake City to Albertsons' headquarters in Boise. For a short time after the acquisition of American Stores, Albertsons leased several floors of the "American Stores Center" building to the International Olympic Committee - Utah had been awarded the 2002 Winter Olympics. The building is now owned by Wells Fargo.
For a very short time after the American Stores acquisition was completed, Albertsons was the largest food/drug chain in the United States operating nearly 2,500 stores in 40 states, until Kroger's acquisition of Fred Meyer completed the following month. Albertsons preserved the Acme Markets, Jewel-Osco, Osco Drug and Sav-on Drugs namesakes. Shortly after the sale, Albertsons rebranded the Lucky stores under the Albertsons name because both chains had stores and overlap in northern and southern California. (The Lucky brand would be revived in 2006 by SuperValu).
2006 Albertsons Break-up.
On June 2, 2006, the sale of Albertsons essentially split the company into three parts.


Swire Resources

Swire Resources () is a Hong Kong retail company specialising in sports apparel, swimwear, and footwear. It is a wholly owned subsidiary of Swire Pacific, itself a subsidiary of Swire Group.
History.
The company was founded by Swire Group in 1990. It absorbed some of the businesses held by Swire's other trading arm, Swire Loxley. Swire Loxley was later sold, in 2000, to Dah Chong Hong.
In 1984, Swire Loxley had purchased Marathon Sports, a local Hong Kong sports store founded in the 1970s. This chain was transferred to Swire Resources.
Swire Resources began serving as the exclusive distributor of Columbia Sportswear in Hong Kong and Macau in 2002, and in China in 2004.
In 2014, Swire Resources established a joint venture with Columbia Sportswear. The joint venture company, Columbia Sportswear Commercial (Shanghai) Company, was headquartered in Shanghai. In 2019, Columbia bought out Swire Resource's 40 per cent stake in the joint venture company. However, Swire Resources remains the sole Hong Kong and Macau distributor of the brand.
Retail stores.
In December 2019, Swire Resources operated 191 retail outlets in Hong Kong and Macau, and 13 in China. It owns four multi-brand chain stores, namely:
Brands.
The company is the Hong Kong distributor for several major international brands, including Aldo, Arena, Columbia Sportswear, Crocs, Rockport, and Speedo.


Wildings

Wildings was a retail company with its main department store based in Newport, Wales, which closed in 2019 after 144 years of trading.
Background.
The first Wildings shop was opened in 1874 by Alfred Wilding, a 21-year-old hatter from Newport, Shropshire.
By the mid 1970s there were 14 branches of Wildings across South Wales.
By the 1990s only the Newport store remained, though in 1997 Wildings acquired an existing department store business in Commerce House, Thornbury, Gloucestershire. Wildings substantially reduced the size of its Thornbury shop in 2017.
The flagship Newport store had been trading from its site on Commercial Street, Newport since 1931. It underwent a major £140,000 refurbishment in 2014.
Wildings Group also ran the Rossiters shops in Bath and Cardiff. Wildings Ltd is now a small property company with interests in Bath, Newport and Thornbury.
Closure.
In October 2016 the Newport store closed two floors of its shop, discontinuing its menswear clothing and women's lingerie sections. 14 staff lost their jobs.
In August 2018 the store announced it would close completely, laying off the 23 staff. A closing-down sale began in October 2018.
The Newport store finally closed its doors for good on 19 January 2019.


Jane Green (author)

Jane Green, born in 1968, also known by her married name, Jane Green Warburg, is an English-born American author whose works of fiction are American and international best-sellers. As of 2014, Green's books had sold in excess of 10 million copies globally, with translations of them appearing in thirty-one languages, making her a leading author, globally, of commercial women's fiction. With regard to genres, she has been described as "[o]ne of the first of the chick lit" authors, and as a founding author of the form of fiction sometimes referred to as "mum lit."
Biography.
Jane Green was born in London, England, on 31 May 1968. She attended South Hampstead High School, and went on to study fine art at Aberystwyth University.
Career.
Green was employed by Granada TV as a publicist in her early 20s. She continued working as a journalist throughout her twenties, writing women's features for publications including "The Daily Express", "The Daily Mail", and ""Cosmopolitan" magazine.
Green left "The Daily Express" in 1996, to begin work which in thpublication of her first book, "Straight Talking" seven months later, for which there was a bidding war, and which became a best-seller. The book launched her career as "the queen of chick lit". Her novels include "Jemima J: A Novel About Ugly Ducklings and Swans" (2000), "Life Swap" (UK; "Swapping Lives" in the US, 2006), "Second Chance" (2007), "The Beach House" (2008), and "Saving Grace" (2015), five of seventeen novels through 2016 that became "New York Times" best-sellers. As of 2014, Green had over 10 million books in print, and many global best-sellers. "Jane Green" is the name she continued to use in her writing career, including after she married Ian Warburg of the Warburg banking family, her second spouse, and legally took his name.
Green has taught at writers' conferences, and writes for various publications including "Cosmopolitan" magazine, "The Sunday Times," "The Daily Telegraph," "Parade" magazine, and "The Huffington Post." A graduate of the French Culinary Institute, she is publishing a cookbook, "Good Taste." As of this date, Green is also writing as a weekly column for "The Lady" magazine in the United Kingdom. Her contribution of an e-book on the marriages of English royals for ABC News, Green became an ABC News Radio correspondent, and covered the 2011 wedding of "Kate" Middleton to England's Prince William.
Green contributed a story on the virtue of marital fidelity for "The Moth Radio Hour", which was recorded in November 2015, and aired in September 2016.
Personal life.
As of 2014, Green lived in Westport, Connecticut, with her second husband, investment adviser Ian Warburg (grandson of Mary and Edward Warburg), whom she married 6 March 2009. Green has four children from her first marriage to American investment banker Davide Burke <ref name = Dodd> and two stepchildren.


All Wound Up (store)


Child labor in Brazil

Child labor, the practice of employing children under the legal age set by a government, is considered one of Brazil's most significant social issues. According to data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), more than 2.7 million minors between the ages of 5 and 17 worked in the country in 2015; 79,000 were between the ages of 5 and 9. Under Brazilian law, 16 is the minimum age to enter the labor market and 14 is the minimum age to work as an apprentice.
It is estimated that about 30 percent of Brazilian child labor occurs in the agricultural sector, and 60 percent occurs in the northern and northeastern regions of the country. Data indicates that 65 percent of child laborers are Afro-Brazilians, and 70 percent are male.
According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), poverty is the leading cause of child labor in the world (including Brazil). Children are forced to work to supplement family income, eliminating their studies and social lives.
Since the enactment of the 1988 constitution, child labor has been illegal in the country. The government has taken steps to reduce its prevalence by adopting international conventions and guidelines.
Social movements were created to increase awareness of child labor in Brazil, such as the introduction of the hashtag #ChegaDeTrabalhoInfantil. Other steps included changes to labor laws and increased funding for government welfare programs, such as "Bolsa Família," which support impoverished families. As a result, the number of underage workers fell from about eight million in 1992 to five million in 2003.
Despite these improvements, Brazil still accounts for one-fourth of Latin America's underage workers in. Between 2014 and 2015, there was a 13-percent increase in the number of reported child workers under age 10. In 2016, there were 1,238 cases of child exploitation recorded in the public prosecutor's office. However, many instances of child labor in the informal economy (such as child prostitution or drug trafficking) went unrecorded.
Definitions.
Brazilian definition and regulation.
In Brazil's constitution, child labor is addressed in Article 7, Item 33. The item prohibits night work and any work considered "dangerous or unhealthy" for youth under 18. Minors under age 16 are not allowed to work, except for apprenticeships for minors over 14 years old.
International definitions.
Child labor, according to the ILO, is "work that deprives children of their childhood, their potential, and their dignity, and that is harmful to physical and mental development." It refers to work which can damage children mentally, physically, socially, or morally; work depriving children of the ability to attend school, or work which places heavy burdens on them in addition to schoolwork. The definition of child labor largely depends on the working environment, the legal working age and the type of work done. The organization defines child slavery, child prostitution, child crime (such as drug trafficking) and any work jeopardizing the safety of children as the worst forms of child labor.
UNICEF has different criteria for child labor. For children between 5 and 11 years old, work is categorized as child labor if at least one hour of economic activity or at least 28 hours of domestic work is performed weekly. For children between 12 and 14 years of age, 14 hours or more of economic activity or 42 hours of economic activity and domestic work per week constitute child labor.
History.
Child labor has been part of Brazilian history since 1500. Because the notions of youth or childhood were not well defined until the middle of the nineteenth century in the country, however, there was limited information on child labor before the 20th century. Early documentation of Portuguese ships included evidence of minors working in the 16th century on sea voyages for immigrants from Portugal and other parts of Europe. Although children did domestic work before the arrival of European settlers, the degree of child labor in Brazil worsened drastically after the Europeans' arrival. The first organization to use minors for labor was the Brazilian Navy during the Paraguay War, and data indicates that over 600 children aged nine to 12 were on the battlefield. This involvement with the military and contact with weapons were some of the worst forms of child labor seen in Brazil. Children in favelas are desirable middlemen in drug trafficking, since their minor status makes them immune from prosecution. Children were used widely for labor during the slavery period on sugar plantations. Slaveholders embraced the idea of making the children of slaves work, since overall productivity increased without the purchase of more slaves.
Industrialisation in Brazil, beginning in the late 19th century, replaced slavery in exploiting children. Capitalists would hire minors, since there were no laws regulating child labor and children were perceived as costing less. In São Paulo, with widespread industrialization and a corresponding demand for workers, textile factories published advertisements recruiting children in the mid-1870s. Most of São Paulo's working class consisted of poor immigrants, and some families depended on their children's work. In 1890, 25 percent of São Paulo's textile labor force was made up of children; in 1865 Rio de Janeiro, 64 percent of workers in a textile factory were children. Children were injured or killed by the harsh work, poor working conditions, and violent treatment by their bosses. Armando Dias, a child worker in the textile industry, was electrocuted in November 1913. When teenager Francisco Augusto de Fonseca did not perform his job to the owner's expectations, he was brutally struck on the face. Child labor during this period was seen as a necessity; capitalists exploited the low cost of minor workers to suppress adult workers' wages, and poor families needed their children to work.
Attempts to protect children's rights and regulate child labor began during the late 19th century, and an 1891 decree concerned minor employees in the factories of Brasília. The Brazilian Labour Confederation, which advocated restrictions on child labor, was founded in 1912. Five years later, workers in São Paulo went on strike; their demands included the abolition of night work for workers under age 18 and all work for children under 14. In 1919, a city law set the legal working age at 14 years old. Constitutional amendments in 1934, 1937, and 1946 prohibited work by minors under 14. The 1964–1985 military dictatorship in Brazil, however, lowered the minimum working age to 12. Constitutional amendments in 1988 and 1998 and a 2000 law in 2000 are the present legal definition of child labor: hazardous work by minors under 18 and any form of labor by minors under 16. Apprenticeships are permitted at age 14.
On February 2, 2000, the government ratified ILO convention 182. On June 28 of that year, the Brazilian government ratified ILO convention 138.
Present day.
The Brazilian government has prioritized the eradication of child labor. The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics began conducting the annual Brazilian National Household Sample Survey (PNAD) in 1981, which provides data on child-labor reports by region. In 2005, over 2.9 million children under age 17 engaged in some form of labor (7.8 percent of the age group).
The 2016 survey indicated that 4.6 percent of children aged 5–17 (1.8 million out of 30 million) were working, an improvement over 2005. In 2016, most child labor was found in the 14–17 age group. Two-tenths of one percent of the 5–9 age group was working, 1.3 percent of the 10–13 age group, 6.4 percent of the 14–16 age group and 17 percent of the 16–17 age group. The persistence of child labor varies by region. The North and South Regions have the highest child-labor rates (5.7 and 6.3 percent, respectively). For children under 14, the North and Northeast Regions have the highest rates (1.5 and one percent, respectively). Racially, the black and brown ("preta e parda") population makes up 64.1 percent of child labor; 35.9 percent are white ("branca"). Boys make up 65.3 percent of child workers. Of child laborers aged 5–13, 47.6 percent are agricultural workers; 21.4 percent of laborers aged 14–17 are farm workers. Although some agricultural work is performed as part of the vocational-training process, other children are forced to work in agriculture to supplement family income.
Despite the gradual decrease in child labor, it is still prevalent (including hazardous occupations). In the agricultural sector, children fish, harvest molluscs, and produce rice, soybeans, tobacco and charcoal. In industry, children work in quarries, produce bricks and slaughter animals. In the service sector, children do street work such as garbage collection and sometimes sell alcohol. Children are forced to work for criminal gangs or engage in prostitution. Child sex tourism is common in coastal areas which attract tourists, and girls from other South American countries are sex workers in Brazil. Efforts to further reduce child labor are working towards , which "promotes sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment and decent work for all."
Legal framework.
The Ministry of Labour (MTE) is in charge of labor-law enforcement. Its responsibilities include child-labor inspections, enforcing child-labor laws and dispatching inspection teams (inspectors, prosecutors, Federal Police officers and other law-enforcement officials) to sites where child labor is suspected. However, gaps in MTE operations hinder full enforcement of labor laws. Although 7,491 child labor inspections were conducted in 2017, insufficient funding limits the inspection abilities of regions with no local MTE offices. In July 2017, inspectors were prevented from conducting child-labor inspections in the states of São Paulo and Rio Grande do Norte.
Government policies.
National Plan to Combat Sexual Violence Against Children and Adolescents (2013–2020).
The plan reaffirms Brazil's commitment to defend the rights of children and adolescents, especially those in threatening situations where fundamental rights are violated. It "identifies strategies to prevent the sexual exploitation of children, protect children’s rights, and assist child victims". The plan's goals include:
National Plan for the Eradication of Forced Labor.
Forced labor is an integral part of the child-labor issue in Brazil. Some children are forced to do domestic work; others are forced to produce coffee and manioc. The current version of the National Plan for the Eradication of Forced Labor, introduced in 2008, establishes its policy framework. The plan's goals include:
National Education Plan (2014–2024).
Education is believed to be one of the best solutions to child-labor issues. The National Education Plan is a demonstration of the government's determination to improve the quality and accessibility of education. The plan has 20 goals encompassing basic education for children, and aims to promote the quality of higher education; goal 14 intends to gradually increase the number of students in graduate school.
Social programs.
Social programs aim to address child labor in Brazil directly or indirectly. Some are funded by the government, such as Bolsa Família (a family welfare program introduced during Lula's presidency). Others are on social media, such as #ChegaDeTrabalhoInfantil (#stopchildlabor).
National Program to Eradicate Child Labor.
This program aims to remove children and adolescents under age 16 from early work, excluding apprenticeships at age 14. In addition to ensuring income to families, it includes children and young people in counseling and follow-up services. School attendance at school is required. The program is run by the Ministry of Social Development. The federal government pays a monthly stipend of R$25 per child to families who withdraw the child from the workforce in areas with a population under 250,000, and R$40 per child in areas with a population of 250,000 or above. The family must ensure school attendance greater than 85 percent to receive the grant.
Bolsa Família.
Bolsa Família is a government social-welfare program which is part of the Fome Zero network of federal-assistance programs. Providing financial aid to poor Brazilian families, conditions of the program are that families ensure school attendance and vaccination for their children. If they exceed the number of permitted school absences, they are dropped from the program and their funds are suspended. In 2017, 93.1 percent of children ages 6–15 had 85-percent school attendance; 82.3 percent of 16– and 17-year-olds met the minimum attendance requirement of 75 percent. Studies suggest that the program has improved girls' school participation and educational performance, but has had little effect on boys.
#StopChildLabor campaign.
In 2017, the Ministry of Labour (MPT) began a campaign with the hashtag "#StopChildLabor" encouraging Internet users on social networks to post the hashtag in opposition to child labor. The campaign was supported by celebrities, including musicians Daniel, Chitãozinho and Xororó, former volleyball player Maurício Lima and former basketball player Hortência Marcari.


El Camino Viejo

El Camino Viejo a Los Ángeles (), also known as El Camino Viejo and the Old Los Angeles Trail, was the oldest north-south trail in the interior of Spanish colonial Las Californias (1769–1822) and Mexican Alta California (1822–1848), present day California. It became a well established inland route, and an alternative to the coastal El Camino Real trail used since the 1770s in the period.
It ran from San Pedro Bay and the Pueblo de Los Ángeles, over the Transverse Ranges through Tejon Pass and down through the San Emigdio Mountains to the San Joaquin Valley, where it followed a route along the eastern slopes of the Coast Ranges between "aguaje" (watering places) and "arroyos". It passed west out of the valley, over the Diablo Range at Corral Hollow Pass into the Livermore Valley, to end at the Oakland Estuary on the eastern San Francisco Bay.
History.
The route of El Camino Viejo was well established by the 1820s, and the route was in use by Spanish colonial "carretas" (ox carts) as early as 1780, as a more direct route than El Camino Real to the recently established Mission Santa Clara de Asís and Mission San Francisco de Asís. At that time the Bay Area section ran from the mouth of Arroyo Las Positas southwest across the mouth of the Arroyo Mocho and Arroyo Valle to Arroyo de la Laguna (later the lands of Rancho Valle de San Jose) and following it south down to its confluence with Arroyo de la Alameda (later location of Sunol). It then crossed the hills to the south via Mission Pass to the coastal plain and on until it reached Mission Santa Clara and the El Camino Real. The Los Angeles Area section left the El Camino Real in the San Fernando Valley,
Later, after the 1797 foundation of the Mission San José, the road was turned northward from there, crossing Arroyo de San Leandro and Arroyo de San Lorenzo to the anchorage in what is now the Oakland Estuary. There cargos could be ferried across to the Mission and Presidio of San Francisco or to other places on the bay more quickly and in more quantity than carriage by road.
This route along the unsettled frontier of Spanish colonial Las Californias—Alta California (1769–1822) came to be favored by those who wished to avoid the eyes of the Spanish authorities that were along the more settled coastal route of El Camino Real. Settlements like Las Juntas and Rancho Centinela (est. 1810), and later Poso de Chane and others began to grow up along the route of El Camino Viejo. Later Californio vaqueros made "El Camino Viejo" a well-known trail that connected Rancho San Antonio with the Pueblo de Los Ángeles. The vaqueros ran cattle and in the 1840s began establishing inland Mexican land grant ranchos along the route. Californio "mesteñeros" (wild horse catchers) also moved into the San Joaquin Valley to catch the "mesteños" (mustangs) that now roamed in the thousands, and held them in temporary corrals before herding them to the Bay Area, to Southern California, or to Sonora and other territories of northern Mexico for sale.
With the California Gold Rush a shortcut developed at the northern end of El Camino Viejo, as part of the Oakland to Stockton Road used by stagecoaches and teamsters. It ran from Oakland, east through the Castro Valley and Rancho San Ramon, to the San Joaquin Valley and Stockton.
Eastern Route of El Camino Viejo.
Fresno County.
Arroyo de Panoche Grande (northern junction of El Camino Viejo with its Eastern Route)


Batus Inc.

British American Tobacco US, mostly known for its acronym BATUS, was the US subsidiary of multinational company British American Tobacco (BAT), the world's second largest cigarette manufacturer. BATUS served as the U.S. holding company for BAT. In the 1960s, the company diversified into areas such as insurance, drink and the apparently booming world of retail.
In 2004, BATUS merged with the other BAT's U.S. business, Brown & Williamson and R.J. Reynolds, to form Reynolds American.
History.
BATUS was created by British American Tobacco as a subsidiary to oversee the US holdings in 1980. Through its BATUS unit, BAT diversified its tobacco holdings with acquisitions in the retail sector, paper sector (through the acquisition of Appleton Paper Company) and insurance (through the acquisition of Farmers Insurance Group).
Management for BATUS was initially derived from Brown and Williamson Tobacco with B&W's CEO and Chairman of the Board, Joseph E. Edens, becoming the first president of BATUS in 1980. Edens retired as president in 1981 and was replaced by Charlie McCarty. In 1985, Hank Frigon was elected chief operating officer of the company and it was announced that he would succeed McCarty after he retired.
In 1972, BATUS acquired Kohl Food and Department Stores from the Kohl family. In 1973, the company acquired Saks Fifth Avenue and Gimbel Brothers. In 1982, BATUS acquired Marshall Field & Co and Frederick and Nelson for $310 million.
In 1986, BATUS sold Gimbels to various companies including May Department Stores and Allied Stores. Also in 1986, four investors acquired Kohl's in a leveraged buyout.
To manage the large retail holdings, BAT and BATUS created BATUS Retail Group in the 1980s. The group expanded the current store presence of existing businesses and developed Thimbles, a women's clothing company.
In 1988, BATUS acquired Farmers Group Inc. In 1989, Sir James Goldsmith attempted a hostile takeover of BAT. In an effort to fend off the takeover, BAT divested much of its US operations to raise capital and focus the business. BRG and BATUS was shut down and some remaining administrative operations were consolidated back to Brown and Williamson Tobacco.
While the company was not required to file an annual report since they were a subsidiary of British American Tobacco based in London, they did produce reports to assist with financing and investments in the United States. One of BATUS' primary responsibilities was the management of funding and cash from US operations.


International Tea Co. Stores

International Tea Co. Stores was a leading chain of grocers based in London. It was an original constituent of the FT 30 index of leading companies listed on the London Stock Exchange.
History.
The business was founded in 1878 by Hudson Kearley (later Viscount Devonport) and Gilbert Augustus Tonge as the International Tea Co., with the objective of selling tea direct to consumers rather than through wholesalers. International's main blenders were Ridgways, which became part of the group with the acquisition of Star Supply Stores in 1929.
Soon, most towns in Southern England had their own International Tea Co. store, as immortalised in a verse from John Betjeman's poem "Myfanwy":
"Smooth down the Avenue glitters the bicycle,"
"Black-stockinged legs under navy blue serge,"
"Home and Colonial, Star, International",
"Balancing bicycle leant on the verge."
International Tea Co. Stores fell out of the FT 30 index in 1947 to reflect market developments since the index was originally compiled in 1935.
Demise of the business.
The company was subsequently re-branded International Stores and was acquired by BAT Industries in 1972. In 1973, the Price Rite chain was purchased, adding stores to the International brand. This was further increased by the purchase of Wallis Supermarkets in 1977, which added a further 100 stores. After acquiring the large footprint Mac Food Centres from Unilever's closure of Mac Fisheries, in 1979, the chain created a new brand, Mainstop, to develop the new superstore division in 1980. However, BAT decided to sell any business that failed to progress and so the company was sold off in chunks. Former Price Rite stores in the south of England were sold off in 1980 to Fine Fare, with the remaining 67 branches sold to Argyll Foods in 1982.
In 1984, International Stores was sold to the Dee Corporation. This became the Gateway Corporation in 1988, and then Somerfield plc in 1994.


Cleon

Cleon (; "Kleon", ; died 422 BC) was an Athenian general during the Peloponnesian War. He was the first prominent representative of the commercial class in Athenian politics, although he was an aristocrat himself. He strongly advocated for an offensive war strategy and is remembered for being ruthless in carrying out his policies. He is often depicted in a negative way, predominantly by Thucydides and the comedic playwright Aristophanes, who both represent him as an unscrupulous, warmongering demagogue, but both of them presented Cleon unfavorably due to personal grudges.
Cleon was the son of Cleaenetus.
Public service.
Opposition to Pericles.
Cleon first came to notice as an opponent of Pericles in the late 430s BC through his opposition to Pericles' strategy of refusing battle against the Peloponnesian League invaders in 431 BC. As a result, he found himself acting in concert with the Athenian aristocratic parties, who stood against the "leaders of the demos", which included Isagoras, Miltiades, Thucydides, Nicias, Theramenes, and Pericles. During 430 BC, after the unsuccessful expedition by Pericles to the Peloponnesus, and when the city was devastated by the plague, Cleon headed the opposition to Pericles' rule. At this time, Pericles was accused by Cleon of maladministration of public money, with the result of Pericles being found guilty and removed from office. However, Pericles' setback was temporary and he was soon reinstated.
Rise in popularity.
The death of Pericles from the plague in 429 BC left the field clear for new leadership in Athens. Hitherto Cleon had only been a vigorous opposition speaker, a trenchant critic and accuser of state officials, but he now came forward as the professed champion and leader of the democracy and rapidly came to dominate Athenian politics. Although rough and unpolished, he was charismatic, with natural eloquence and a powerful voice, and he knew how to work upon the emotions of the Athenian populace. He strengthened his support amongst the poorer citizens by increasing the pay for jury work, which provided a livelihood for many of the poorer Athenians.
The fondness of the Athenians for litigation increased his power; and the practice of "sycophancy" (raking up material for false charges) enabled him to remove those who were likely to endanger his ascendancy. In 426 BC, Cleon brought an unsuccessful prosecution against Laches based on his generalship in the unsuccessful first Sicilian expedition. This is one of the very few times that an Athenian general escaped civil punishment for a defeat. Having no further use for his former aristocratic associates, he broke off all connection with them, and thus felt at liberty to attack the secret combinations for political purposes, the oligarchical clubs to which they mostly belonged. He was elected one of the ten "strategos" for 424–23 BC. Whether he also introduced a property-tax for military purposes, and even held a high position connected with the treasury, is uncertain.
War against Sparta, subsequent death.
Cleon's ruling principles were an inveterate hatred of the nobility, and an equal hatred of Sparta. It was mainly through him that the opportunity of concluding an honourable peace (in 425 BC) was lost, and in his determination to see Sparta defeated, often spoke of dazzling future benefits. He insisted upon Athenian security via strategic possession of territories rather than by Spartan goodwill.
In 427 BC, Cleon urged his Athenian countrymen to put to death the whole adult male population of Mytilene, which had put itself at the head of a revolt. His proposal, though at first accepted, was soon rescinded due to a protracted rebuttal by Diodotus. Nonetheless approximately one thousand chief leaders and prominent men of Mytilene were executed. In 425 BC, Cleon reached the summit of his fame by capturing and transporting to Athens the Spartans who had been blockaded at the Battle of Sphacteria. Much of the credit was probably due to the military skill of his colleague Demosthenes (not the orator); but it was due to Cleon's determination that the Ecclesia sent out the additional force that was needed.
It was almost certainly due to Cleon that the tribute of the "allies" was doubled in 425 BC. He was not reelected as strategos for 423–22 BC after his strategy suffered a setback when Sparta invaded Amphipolis. In 422 BC he was sent to recapture Amphipolis. This development came with the resurgence of Athenian aggressive policy toward Sparta after the revolt of Scione, an Athenian allied city. During his campaign, however, Cleon was outmaneuvered by the Spartan general Brasidas. Brasidas and Cleon were killed at Amphipolis and their deaths removed the chief obstacle to peace. Thus, in 421 BC the peace of Nicias was signed.
Aristophanes and Thucydides on Cleon.
The character of Cleon is represented by Aristophanes and Thucydides in a very unfavourable light. Their portrayals may be justified considering he instilled a feeling of mistrust within Athens through a kind of Athenian "McCarthyism", caused by the excessive number of informants he employed to keep watch on the city. Yet, both have been suspected of being prejudiced witnesses: The playwright Aristophanes had a grudge against Cleon, who may have accused him before the Council of having ridiculed (in his lost play "Babylonians") the policy and institutions of his city in the presence of foreigners and at the time of a great national danger. Thucydides, believing in the shortcomings of democratic government, had also been prosecuted (unjustly, his ships arriving two days after a town was occupied by Spartan forces) for military incapacity and exiled by a decree proposed by Cleon. Indeed, of all the persons who appear in Thucydides' "History", Cleon is treated with the least impartiality. It is therefore possible that Cleon has had injustice done to him in the portraits handed down by these two writers.
His influence lay in his forceful and bullying style of oratory, anti-intellectual and anti-aristocratic in tone, and his populism. This might have brought him many enemies. He seems to have aimed at short-term goals, but Athens' poor stood to benefit by his policies, at the expense of heavy taxes levied onto her allies.
Authorities.
For the literature on Cleon see Karl Friedrich Hermann, "Lehrbuch der griechischen Antiquitäten", i. pt. 2 (6th ed. by V. Thumser, 1892), p. 709, and Georg Busolt, "Griechische Geschichte", iii. pt. 2 (1904), p. 988, note 3.
The following are the chief authorities:


Sino-Ocean Taikoo Li Chengdu

Sino-Ocean Taikoo Li Chengdu () is a mixed-use development located in the Jinjiang District of Chengdu, near the Chunxi Road shopping district. It is a large-scale development of over 2.86 million sq ft (over 265,000 m2) and consists of an open air, 'lane-driven' mall, a boutique hotel The Temple House with 100 guest rooms and 42 serviced apartments, and a Grade-A office tower Pinnacle One.
Location.
Sino-Ocean Taikoo Li Chengdu is located in the Jinjiang District, the city's core business and retail center, and is home to many international banks. The complex is accessible from the Chengdu Metro, and is served by Metro Lines 2 and 3 as well as the Chunxi Road interchange station. It is located next to the 1,600-year-old Daci Temple which was preserved as part of the construction.
History and construction.
The center opened in April 2015, and features a pedestrianized precinct built around six restored heritage buildings including the Daci temple complex and Huguang Guild Hall. In keeping with Chengdu's heritage, the pedestrianized area contains both “slow lanes” for tea rooms, restaurants and boutiques, as well as “fast lanes” which contain major international brands such as Muji. Underneath the complex there are 1,000 parking spaces, direct metro access, as well as a cinema, a supermarket and a Fangsuo bookstore. Following completion, the development was selected as a global winner in the 2015 Urban Land Institute Global Awards for Excellence competition. The shopping district brings together a range of top fashion and lifestyle brands such as Gucci, Cartier, Hermès, Ralph Lauren, Versace, Valentino, Thom Browne, Balmain, Givenchy, Acne Studios, I.T, Michael Kors, and B&O.


Southern Emigrant Trail

Southern Emigrant Trail, also known as the Gila Trail, the Kearny Trail, Southern Trail and the Butterfield Stage Trail, was a major land route for immigration into California from the eastern United States that followed the Santa Fe Trail to New Mexico during the California Gold Rush. Unlike the more northern routes, pioneer wagons could travel year round, mountain passes not being blocked by snows, however it had the disadvantage of summer heat and lack of water in the desert regions through which it passed in New Mexico Territory and the Colorado Desert of California. Subsequently, it was a route of travel and commerce between the eastern United States and California. Many herds of cattle and sheep were driven along this route and it was followed by the San Antonio-San Diego Mail Line in 1857-1858 and then the Butterfield Overland Mail from 1858 - 1861.
History of the Route.
1846–1848: Kearny, Cooke and Graham.
In October 1846, General Stephen Watts Kearny and his dragoons with their scout Kit Carson found the route over the mountains from the El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro on the Rio Grande, via the Santa Rita mines to the Gila River which he then followed to the Colorado River, at the Yuma Crossing where he crossed the river and then the Colorado Desert to Southern California. This was known as the Gila Trail.
One month later, Colonel Philip St. George Cooke and the Mormon Battalion with wagons Kearny could not take across the mountains of New Mexico, followed a route south along the west bank of the Rio Grande from where Kearny had left the river, to a point just north of what later became the site of Fort Thorn. There the Cooke left the Rio Grande, establishing a wagon road that reached far southwest through the Guadalupe Pass and then west just south of the current border with Mexico then west to and beyond modern Agua Prieta, before turning northward via the San Pedro River, then west to Tucson. Linking there with the Sonora Road to California established by Juan Bautista de Anza in 1774, they marched on a three-day journey north over the desert before linking up with Kearny’s route on the Gila River just east of the Pima Villages. Cooke followed the Anza - Kearny route westward along the Gila to Yuma Crossing where it had its junction with the El Camino del Diablo an old Spanish route reestablished by Mexico from 1828. This established the first southern wagon road from New Mexico to California. This new wagon route became known as Cooke's Road, or Sonora Road, as much of the central part of the route passed through what was then the northern frontier of the state of Sonora, Mexico.
In 1848, a U. S. Army expedition of 1st Dragoons under Major Lawrence P. Graham marched from Chihuahua to California, through Janos, then westward to strike Cooke's road at Guadalupe Pass. He then followed Cooke's wagon route along the Mexican border region but went farther west beyond the San Pedro River along an older Spanish trail to the headwaters of the Santa Cruz River which he followed to the Sonoran town of Santa Cruz then turned north on the old Spanish road to Tucson along the Santa Cruz River. Graham's detour, known as Major Graham’s Road, would be taken by most of the Forty-niners following Cooke's route the next year, despite its greater distance.
From Yuma Crossing the Southern Emigrant Trail crossed the Colorado Desert, dipping south along the Colorado River, into Baja California, Mexico, (avoiding the vast Algodones Dunes to the west and northwest), to follow the waterholes along the Alamo and New Rivers, then northwest into California again across the desert to Carrizo Creek and the oasis at Vallecito.
From Vallecito the trail then ran northwest into the Peninsular Ranges crossing Warners Pass to Warner's Ranch. From Warner's the road then ran either northwest to Los Angeles, (via Temecula, La Laguna, Temescal, Chino, La Puente and San Gabriel) or west southwest to San Diego via Santa Ysabel, San Pasqual and Rancho Peñasquitos. From either of these towns the traveler could continue north by land to the gold fields on the coast via the El Camino Real or over the old Tejon Pass into the San Joaquin Valley and then north by what would later become the Stockton–Los Angeles Road or via the El Camino Viejo. Alternatively they could take ships to San Francisco from San Diego or San Pedro.
1849–1854: Tucson Cutoff.
Subsequently, the distance of the Cooke–Graham route was drastically shortened by the Tucson Cutoff pioneered by John Coffee Hays with a party of forty-niners in late 1849. This route avoided the long distance traveled to the south by passing through Stein's Pass, Apache Pass and Nugent’s Pass, then down Tres Alamos Wash to the Lower Crossing of the San Pedro River below Tres Alamos. From there it linked up with Cooke's Wagon Road at a waterhole, near modern Mescal.
1855 to the 1880s: Dragoon Pass, Pacific Wagon Road, Doubtful Canyon Cutoff.
Dragoon Pass and the Pacific Wagon Road.
In 1855, a Railroad Survey Expedition modified the Tucson Cutoff route, passing south of Nugent's Pass using Dragoon Pass and the Middle Crossing or San Pedro Crossing of the river instead of the Lower Crossing below Los Alamos.
In 1857 following the Gadsden Purchase, as part of the Pacific Wagon Road, a military road being built between El Paso and Fort Yuma, a wagon road was built from Mesilla westward to Cooke's Spring, saving the longer route via the San Diego Crossing. The Pacific Wagon Road then followed Cooke's Wagon Road and the Tucson Cutoff as far as the west side of the Apache Pass. There it made another shortcut across Sulphur Springs Valley to Dragoon Pass, and then down Dragoon Wash to the San Pedro River. The route then descended northward on the right bank of the river to the Middle Crossing of the San Pedro River. From this crossing the Pacific Wagon Road ran due west to link up again with Cooke's Wagon Road at Mescal Springs to continue on to Tucson, Arizona, then turned northward to the Pima Villages and Maricopa Wells where it turned westward along the Gila River following it to the ferries on the Colorado River across from Fort Yuma. The Pacific Wagon Road shortened the route still further for travelers.
Doubtful Canyon Cutoff.
From 1859 to 1861, during the time of the Butterfield Overland Mail, the stages and other traffic ran over a shortcut between Ojo de Vaca and Apache Pass, over the Peloncillo Mountains through Doubtful Canyon. However following the destruction of stage stations and coaches and the killing of their keepers and drivers at the outbreak of war with the Apache in 1861, this route was abandoned. Favored ambush country the shortcut was unwise to use unless the travelers were a strong detachment of soldiers or under military escort by one. Even so, in May 1864, California Volunteers fought a Skirmish in Doubtful Canyon with Apache that tried to ambush them there. Traffic returned to the Pacific Wagon Road route which then remained a primary east–west route in the southwest until the advent of the railroads in the 1880s.


New Jersey Frontier Guard

The Frontier Guard was a provincial military unit organized by New Jersey's colonial legislature in 1755 to man a series of frontier fortifications along the Delaware River in northwestern New Jersey. Members were paid two shillings per day, provincial currency, and were supposed to provide their own firelock, blanket, hatchet or cutlass, cartridge box, knapsack or haversack, and powder horn. As the Province had spent its available funds in equipping the Jersey Blues, the Frontier Guard was not a uniformed unit.
History.
At the time of the French and Indian War (1756–1763), the population of New Jersey largely was centered around Atlantic seaports in Elizabethtown (present-day Elizabeth, New Jersey), Newark and Perth Amboy and the colonial legislature authorized the construction of blockhouse forts in the area of present-day Sussex and Warren Counties, New Jersey to serve as a first line of defense in the event of an incursion by the French army and the forces of French-allied native tribes. The New Jersey Frontier Guard was organized to man those forts as the state militia fought elsewhere within the colonies of Virginia, Pennsylvania and New York. Supplies were provided to the Frontier Guard from Elizabethtown, transported by way of the Military Road.
The area where these blockhouse forts were constructed was composed of sparsely-populated frontier settlements that during the years before the American Revolutionary War were subjected to frequent raids and attacks by Native American warriors.
External links.
New Jersey Frontier Guard — a reenactment and demonstration group dedicated to preserving New Jersey's French and Indian War history.


Johann Heinrich Gossler

Johann Heinrich Gossler (born 28 March 1775, died 3 April 1842) was a Hamburg banker and grand burgher, a member of the Berenberg-Gossler-Seyler banking dynasty, a co-owner (from 1798) of the Berenberg Bank and a senator of Hamburg from 1821. He was the son of Johann Hinrich Gossler and Elisabeth Berenberg (1749–1822), and the brother in law of Ludwig Erdwin Seyler. He was the father of Hamburg First Mayor Hermann Gossler and the grandfather of Baron Johann von Berenberg-Gossler (1839–1913). He was also the great-grandfather of First Mayor Johann Heinrich Burchard.


Claudio Zanier

Claudio Zanier (born 1942) is an Italian historian specialising in the history of East Asia and South East Asia, and in the history of silk, in particular.
Career.
Zanier is a historian specialising in the history of East and South East Asia. He has held academic positions in Italy, and has been a visiting research at many institutions. \
He was Assistant Professor in Political Economy, at Rome University, 1968-1974; Associate Professor (Tenured), History of East and South East Asia, Dept. of Modern and Contemporary History, University of Pisa, 1975-2012, Associate Professor (Temporary), Industrial Archeology, Corso diLaurea in Conservazione dei BeniCulturali, Università di Pisa, 1994-1998.
He had held several research fellowships: at the Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Pune (India), 1967-1968; the India Office Library and Records, London, 1979-1980; and School of Oriental and African Studies, London, 1983-1984; Scientific Coordinator for Italy, Silk Cultural Itineraries, Council of Europe, Strasbourg, 1991-2000; Visiting Professor, Institute for Economic Research, Hitotsubashi University, Tokyo, 1999-2000; Chercheur Associé, Ecole des Hautes Etudes enSciences Sociales, Centre de Recherches Historiques, Paris, 2003-2006; Founding Member: AIPAI - Associazione Italiana per l'Archeologia Industriale (Italian Association for Industrial Archaeology) 2004. Now retired from the University of Pisa, he is a visiting scholar at the China National Silk Museum, focusing on the history of silk.


History of retail in Southern California

Retail in Southern California dates back to its first dry goods store that Jonathan Temple opened in 1827 on Calle Principal (Main Street), when Los Angeles was still a Mexican village. After the American conquest, as the pueblo grew into a small town surpassing 4,000 population in 1860, dry goods stores continued to open, including the forerunners of what would be local chains. Larger retailers moved progressively further south to the 1880s-1890s Central Business District, which was later razed to become the Civic Center. Starting in the mid-1890s, major stores moved ever southward, first onto Broadway around 3rd, then starting in 1905 to Broadway between 4th and 9th, then starting in 1915 westward onto West Seventh Street up to Figueroa. For half a century Broadway and Seventh streets together formed one of America's largest and busiest downtown shopping districts.
Branches in what were then the suburbs like Hollywood and Mid-Wilshire were built in the 1920s, and local department stores as well as branches of national variety stores and J. C. Penney opened in local downtowns in the outlying towns that would become the suburbs. However, real suburbanization took off in the 1950s with the building of shopping centers across the suburbs. By the 1960s few suburbanites ventured to Downtown Los Angeles to shop, and regional and community shopping centers flourished. Local chains Bullock's, The Broadway, J. W. Robinson's, May Co. and Buffums built out dozens of branches each in malls across Southern California, as did Sears and J. C. Penney.
In the 1990s the local department store chains either closed or were folded into Macy's. Alternative shopping center formats like power centers, lifestyle centers, and outlet malls arose, strip malls flourished, and as elsewhere in the country, shopping malls began to close or were transformed into strip-style community shopping centers. Retail in Southern California today is much like anywhere else in the United States, with a variety of shopping center formats, and ever-increasing competition from online shopping and major fallout of closed stores as a results of the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic which closed stores for months.
Origins near the Plaza (1827-1870s).
The first dry goods store was opened by Jonathan Temple in 1827 when Los Angeles was a Mexican pueblo. Some of the dry goods retailers who opened over the following decades included two Harris & Frank (1856) and Desmond's (1862), that would grow into local chains that survived until the end of the 20th century. The dry goods stores migrated in the 1860s and 1870s a few blocks south of the Plaza to Temple, First, and Main streets, and some would grow into the first department stores, such as the City of Paris, Jacoby Bros., Hamburger's, and Coulter's.
Downey blocks.
On the northwest corner of Temple and Main streets stood four buildings in succession, the first two of which had a key role in the history of retail in Southern California, as it was home to a number of upscale retailers who would later grow to be big names in the city, and some, regional chains. The site later became a Post Office and Federal Building, and is now the Spring Street U.S. Courthouse.
Temple Block.
Temple Block was actually a collection of different structures that occupied the block bounded by Spring, Main and Temple, erected in 1858 and expanded in 1871. The block had many law offices and also a key role in the retail history of Los Angeles, as it was the first home to several upscale retailers who would become big names in the city: Desmond's (1870–1882) and Jacoby Bros. (1879–1891).
By the 1880s, most upscale retailers would have migrated southwestward, clustering around First and Spring in what had become the new center of the 1880s-1890s central business district, which was demolished in the 1920s–1950s and it today the site of the (mostly) government buildings of the Civic Center.
Broadway as regional shopping mecca.
The major department stores started to migrate to, or were built along, Broadway between 3rd and 9th streets around 1905–1915, and built very large stores that would over the following decades expand to cover entire or nearly entire city blocks. The Broadway led the way in 1896, Hamburger's (later May Company California in 1906, and Bullock's in 1907. Starting with J. W. Robinson's in 1915, the more upscale stores also migrated westward along Seventh Street as far as Figueroa, where Barker Bros. built a million-square-foot store in 1926. Both streets together formed a very large downtown shopping district.
The square footage of the four largest Downtown L.A. department stores alone — Bullock's at , The Broadway at , May Co. at over and J. W. Robinson's (7th St. at Hope) at — totaled over three million square feet, the size of American Dream Meadowlands, America's largest mall today.
Table of department stores on Broadway and 7th streets
The first outlying and suburban shopping districts.
In the first half of the 20th century, some outlying towns also saw their downtowns grow into large regional shopping districts, and some of the local department stores based there would become small regional chains after World War II, like Buffums and Roberts (Long Beach), Boston Stores (Inglewood), Harris Co. (San Bernardino), Walker Scott and Marston's (San Diego), and Nash's (Pasadena).
Hollywood.
Hollywood established itself as the only major suburban shopping district of the pre-World War II era, attracting branches of local and national stores, both mainstream and upscale, between the late 1910s and the late 1920s. In the 1920s Hollywood Boulevard and adjacent streets became a major regional shopping district, both for everyday needs and appliances, but increasingly also for high-end clothing and accessories, in part because of the nearby film studios. Chains that opened includes Schwab's in 1921, Mullen & Bluett in 1922, I. Magnin in 1923, Myer Siegel in 1925, F. W. Grand and Newberry's (dime stores) in 1926–8, and Roos Brothers in 1929. The independent Robertson's department store, at and 4 stories tall, opened in 1923. In 1922, stock was sold to finance construction of a much larger department store at Hollywood and Vine, originally to have been a Boadway Bros.. When Boadway's went out of business the next year, B. H. Dyas, a Downtown Los Angeles-based department store, opened in the building in March 1928, then sold their lease to The Broadway in 1931 – the building still a landmark today, known as the Broadway Hollywood Building. By 1930 the shopping district consisted of over 300 stores. The area would later face competition from areas along Wilshire Boulevard: the easternmost around Bullocks Wilshire which opened in 1929, second the Miracle Mile, and finally, the shopping district of Beverly Hills, where Saks Fifth Avenue opened a store in 1938.
Branches of downtown department stores.
Bullock's and B. H. Dyas department stores built the first suburban branches in 1929, in Mid-Wilshire and Hollywood respectively, Bullock's and Desmond's opened boutique stores in Westwood Village and Palm Springs, Sears built several stores in the suburbs (1927-1939), and Saks Fifth Avenue opened in Beverly Hills, which would then soon replace Hollywood as the city's largest upscale suburban shopping district. But Downtown Los Angeles was still a goliath of retail square footage compared to anything else in Southern California.
1950s-1980s: Suburban shopping centers and malls.
True suburbanization took off after World War II with the opening of very large shopping centers like Crenshaw Center (1947), Lakewood Center (1952), Valley Plaza (1951) – in the mid-1950s claiming to be the largest shopping center on the West Coast of the United States and the third-largest in the country, and Panorama City Shopping Center (1955). Bullock's built a series of four "Fashion Squares", starting with Santa Ana Fashion Square in 1958, and Broadway and Robinson's also backed new suburban centers. By the 1960s, most Los Angeles area shoppers didn't bother (or had no particular need) to go to Downtown Los Angeles to shop, far from most suburbs and with more difficult parking facilities than in the suburbs. Broadway instead continued as a great shopping hub, but from the 1970s through the mid-2000s, for immigrant Latin Americans and local Hispanic shoppers with its bazaar (or indoor swap meet-type) offerings and quinceañera and wedding dress shops. More and more regional malls were built, as well as some community shopping centers with single department stores, for example Honer Plaza in Santa Ana, Orangefair Mall in Fullerton, and three centers in three centers in Santa Fe Springs alone. The downtown areas of the older suburbs like Long Beach, Santa Ana, Anaheim, and Whittier, lost their function as regional shopping districts, except for those building downtown enclosed malls like Plaza Pasadena, Santa Monica Place and San Bernardino's Central City Mall, and Beverly Hills, which retained its status as the premiere luxury shopping district. Pedestrian malls in outlying downtowns were largely unsuccessful such as the Golden Mall in Burbank, Pomona Mall, and Riverside Main Street Mall and, until its renovation, Santa Monica's Third Street Mall.
Discount department stores and membership stores, mostly Los Angeles-based, like The Akron, Fedco, Fedmart, Gemco, Mervyn's, Pic 'N' Save, Unimart, White Front, and Zody's, thrived in this era as well.
The end of the Los Angeles chains.
Timeline of transformation to Macy's
In the 1990s, via a series of takeovers, the "big four" Los Angeles-based department stores: Bullock's, The Broadway, Robinson's and May Company, plus Bullocks Wilshire and I. Magnin, became part of Macy's, which in turn became part of Federated Department Stores (since renamed Macy's Inc.), and were turned into Macy's, Bloomingdales, or were sold or closed.
In 1988, Robert Campeau took over Federated and sold Bullock's and I. Magnin to Macy's. In 1990 Bullock's Wilshire (BW) became part of I. Magnin and some BW branches were closed. However, Macy's went bankrupt in 1992, and Federated bought Macy's in 1994, and in 1995, Federated's Macy's closed the entire I. Magnin chain.
In 1995 Federated bought Broadway Stores, Inc. and thus, The Broadway chain. Macy's changed the nameplate of Broadway and Bullock's stores to Macy's, except some locations which it converted to Bloomingdales.
Owner May Department Stores combined its midrange May Company and upscale Robinson's chains into a single 45-store midrange chain, Robinsons-May, in 1993. In 2005, Federated took over May and Robinsons-May was dissolved, and as with Bullock's and Broadway nine years prior in 1996, some stores became branches of Macy's, while others were closed, sold, or transformed into Bloomingdales.
National discount big box retailers like Walmart and Target became more popular during this people and some malls, like Panorama City Shopping Center, became anchored only by discount stores. The local discount store chains closed.
Today.
New models of shopping centers thrived. Large power centers with multiple big box retailers, and older malls were demolished to make way for community centers. The strip mall thrived. A renewed Downtown Burbank as well as Third Street Promenade in Santa Monica were successes, as are the outdoor, pedestrian-oriented spaces of The Grove at Farmer's Market and Westfield Century City. Lifestyle centers like Irvine Spectrum Center and outlet malls like The Citadel were built. Many of the largest traditional enclosed shopping malls still thrive, such as South Coast Plaza, Los Cerritos Center, and Westfield Santa Anita, to name a few. The formerly busy retail districts of suburban downtowns such as Santa Ana, City of Orange, Burbank, North Hollywood, Riverside, and Pasadena are now often entertainment and arts districts with outdoor dining and eclectic, artsy retail mix.
Today, no department store chains are based in Southern California except National Stores/Fallas Paredes, and Curacao, both discount retailers targeting the Hispanic market.


Mau-Mau Cave

Located near Nanyuki, about 199.2 km North East of Nairobi in Kenya's Central Province, the Mau Mau Cave was used as a hide-out by Kenyan Freedom Fighters during the Mau Mau Uprising of 1952 to 1960. It is located approximately 18 km south of the equator inside the thick Mount Kenya National Park.
History.
The cave was discovered in 1953 by the Mau Mau freedom fighters fighting the British colonial government soon after the declaration of the State of Emergency in 1952. It was bombed by British forces in 1959 after the location was obtained from a member of the Land and Freedom Army. Approximately 200 people lost their lives in the cave during the bombardment, and their remains can still be seen amongst the rubble. It was gazetted in 2003 by the Museums of Kenya and declared a national monument.


Baltimore Assembly

Baltimore Assembly (properly named Broening Highway General Motors Plant) was a General Motors factory in Baltimore, Maryland. The plant opened in 1935 to produce Chevrolets and closed on May 13, 2005. It was a two-level plant located in the Canton Industrial Center to the east of the Inner Harbor, to the west of Dundalk, and south of Brewers Hill in Baltimore.
Early in 1942, car and truck production was interrupted when the plant was converted to wartime activities. The Chevrolet portion of the plant operated as a military parts depot where parts were received, processed and packaged for shipment around the world. The Fisher Body plant became part of the Eastern Aircraft Division of General Motors Corp. and was assigned the task of assembling fuselages for Grumman carrier-based aircraft.
Although Chevrolet cars and trucks had represented the largest portion of the Baltimore plant's production, other car lines also have been manufactured. The versatility of the plant was tested in 1964 when Buicks, Chevrolets, Oldsmobiles and Pontiacs were assembled one after another on the same passenger car line. In the ensuing years, the number of car lines produced has changed several times. GMC Truck and Coach Division shared Baltimore's truck production as early as the 1947 model year.
Baltimore Assembly scored a major coup with the 1984 decision to assemble the Chevrolet Astro/GMC Safari minivans there. The rival Dodge Caravan was selling briskly, but the truck-like GM vans were larger than most of the mini-vans then coming into production. The GM vans filled a unique market for a midsize van with large interior space and very good towing capacity. The vans were periodically updated with revised interiors and exterior styling during the very long production run. Both two-wheel drive (M van) and all-wheel drive (L-van) models were produced. Initial production from 1985 to 1989 was a short-body van, with an extended-body (aft of the rear wheels) option available from 1990 to 1994. Due to overwhelming popularity, only extended versions were available from 1995 to 2005. The plant closed its doors after the final shift on May 13, 2005. In total, approximately 3,200,000 Astro and Safari vans were produced at the Baltimore plant. GM has since sold the site to the developer Duke Realty, who has demolished the old plant and is rebuilding the site as an industrial park called the Chesapeake Commerce Center.


Federal Service Labor-Management Relations Statute

The Federal Service Labor-Management Relations Statute (FSLMRS aka "the Statute") is a federal law which establishes collective bargaining rights for most employees of the federal government in the United States. It was established under Title VII of the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978.
The FLRA was adopted after President Jimmy Carter sought legislation to bring comprehensive reform to civil service system and regularize federal labor relations. The Statute consolidated the functions of the Federal Labor Relations Council and the Assistant Secretary of Labor for Labor-Management Relations into a newly established Federal Labor Relations Authority (FLRA), charged with overseeing elections and protecting federal government employees' organizing and bargaining rights.. One commentator suggested that the legislative negotiations that resulted in the FSLMRS "so muddied the content and intent of the new agency that no one knew what it was supposed to do or how it was supposed to do it." Over time, there were modifications in the coverage and responsibilities specified in the Statute.
In passing the Statute, Congress declared that it wished to encourage collective bargaining between federal employees and their employers. Congress declared that collective bargaining is "in the public interest" because, among other things, it "contributes to the effective conduct of public business" and "facilitates and encourages the amicable settlements of disputes between employees and their employers involving conditions of employment."
With only a few major exceptions, it is patterned on the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA).
One important difference between the two laws is the scope of the authorized collective bargaining process. While private-sector employees are entitled to collectively bargain through a representative of their choosing with respect to wages, hours, benefits, and other working conditions, federal employees can collectively bargain with respect to personnel practices only. Thus, federal employees may not negotiate the following working conditions through their exclusive bargaining representative: Wages, Hours, Employee benefits, and Classifications of Jobs.
Another important difference is although the NLRA allows private sector employees to engage in "concerted action," like workplace strikes, the Statute does not grant this right to federal employees. In fact, the Statute specifically excludes from the definition of "employee" those persons who engage in a workplace strike. It specifies that it is an unfair labor practice for labor unions to call or participate in a strike or a work stoppage that interferes with the operation of a federal agency.
A third important difference is under the FSLMRS, it is an unfair labor practice for labor unions to call or participate in picketing that interferes with the operation of a federal agency; employee picketing under the Statute may consist of "informational" picketing only. Under the NLRA, appropriate picketing is a right guaranteed to private sector employees. Picketing allowed by the Statute must not disrupt the operations of the agency. It also may not occur while the employees are on duty.


Mahwah Assembly

Mahwah Assembly was a Ford Motor Company manufacturing plant in Mahwah, New Jersey, 30 miles (48 km) from New York City. It occupied over 172 acres.
History.
The factory began operations in 1955, and was closed in 1980. It was one of three manufacturing facilities in New Jersey. It was built two years after the Edison Assembly plant opened and would eventually replace the Ford Motor Company Edgewater Assembly Plant which closed in 1955.
Mahwah Assembly produced 6 million cars in the 25 years it operated before the last car rolled off the line on June 20, 1980. At the time of its completion, it was the largest motor vehicle assembly plant in the United States. The Ford plant, along with other businesses such as American Brake Shoe and Foundry Company, helped contribute to the economic development of the town and its reputation for low home property taxes. The Mahwah town sports teams remain named Thunderbirds in honor of the Ford plant.
A portion of the plant site was the U.S. headquarters of Sharp Corporation, but now is home to the US Headquarters of Jaguar/Land Rover and Amazing Savings building.
Products.
Vehicles produced at the plant included 1957 Ford, Edsel, Ford Fairmont, Ford Galaxie, Ford Granada, Ford LTD, Ford Thunderbird, Lincoln Capri, Lincoln Premiere, Lincoln Versailles, Mercury Colony Park, Mercury Meteor, Mercury Monarch, Mercury Montclair, Mercury Monterey, and Mercury Turnpike Cruiser.
Popular culture.
Bruce Springsteen's 1982 song "Johnny 99" mentions the closure of the Mahwah plant in its opening line.


Kader Attia

Kader Attia (born December 30, 1970) is a French artist.
Early life.
Attia was born in Dugny, France to Algerian parents and was raised in Paris and Algeria. He studied at the l'école Duperré de Paris, l'école des arts appliqués La Massana de Barcelone and graduated from the Ecole nationale superieure des arts decoratifs Paris, in 1998.
Work.
His work often examines social injustice, marginalized communities and postcolonialism.
In 2016, he founded La Colonie, a gallery near Paris' Gare du Nord train station. In March 2020, La Colonie closed permanently due to the coronavirus pandemic. In March 2021, Attia was announced as the curator for the 12th Berlin Biennale. He is the first artist to curate the biennale since New-York based collective DIS, who presented the 9th edition in 2016.
Collections.
Attia's work is included in the permanent collections of:
Awards.
In 2016 he won France's Prix Marcel Duchamp. In 2018 he was awarded the Joan Miró Prize.


Theodore Krumberg Building

The Theodore Krumberg Building is a historic commercial building and former bank in the Over-the-Rhine neighborhood of Cincinnati, Ohio, United States. Built in the Italianate style in 1871, the Krumberg Building is one of the most significant structures in Over-the-Rhine when considered from an architectural point of view, due to its size and its location at the intersection of Main and Twelfth Streets.
Theodore Krumberg erected the present building in the early 1870s as a home for his dry goods store; part of the building was employed for retailing purposes, while other parts served as a warehouse for his business. Krumberg chose many elaborate elements for his building: the walls are built of brick, but many significant elements are made of smooth sandstone, such as the lintels, an ornate cornice, and bracketed lug sills. Additionally, certain details are made of marble or iron. Measuring four stories tall, the Krumberg Building features a massive facade many bays wide; throughout its exterior, the Italianate style is evident.
In 1982, the Theodore Krumberg Building was listed on the National Register of Historic Places, qualifying for inclusion because of its historically significant architecture. One year later, most of Over-the-Rhine was added to the Register as a historic district, and the Krumberg Building qualified as one of its hundreds of contributing properties.


Otto Warburg (botanist)

Otto Warburg (20 July 1859 – 10 January 1938), was a German-Jewish botanist. He was also a notable industrial agriculture expert, and president of the Zionist Organization from 1911 to 1921.
Biography.
Otto Warburg was born in Hamburg on 20 July 1859 to a family whose ancestors came to Germany in 1566, possibly from Bologna. He completed his studies at the Johanneum Gymnasium in Hamburg in 1879, and continued his education in the field of botany at the University of Bonn which he left after one semester to move to the University of Berlin, and later to University of Strasbourg, where he received his Ph.D in 1883. He went on to study chemistry in Munich and physiology in Tübingen with Wilhelm Pfeffer. In 1885 he embarked on a 4-year expedition to Southern and Southeastern Asia, ending in Australia in 1889.
Warburg's cremated remains were brought to Israel and buried at Kibbutz Degania in 1940.
Zionism and scientific career.
In 1911 Warburg was elected president of the Zionist Organization. In 1920 he moved to Palestine and became founding director of the Agricultural Experimental Station in Tel Aviv. It later became the 'Institute of Agriculture and Natural History'. One of his students was Naomi Feinbrun-Dothan.
His findings were later (1913–1922) published in three volumes titled "Die Pflanzenwelt". Upon his return to Berlin he co founded "Der Tropen Pflanzer", a journal specializing in tropical agriculture which he edited for 24 years. Realizing that as a Jew he would not be appointed full professor, he diverted his attentions to applied botanics, and founded several companies of tropical industrial plantations in Germany's colonies.
Warburg was also one of the members of the El Arish expedition, appointed by Theodor Herzl as the agricultural member of the team led by Leopold Kessler.
in 1931 he founded the National Botanic Garden of Israel in the Hebrew University in Jerusalem on Mount Scopus together with the botanist Alexander Eig. After he retired from his position in Jerusalem, Warburg moved back to Berlin, and died in early 1938.
Taxa named include "Dovyalis caffra", "Virola peruviana", "Cephalosphaera usambarensis", and the pitcher plant "Nepenthes treubiana".
His son, Gustav Otto Warburg, published in 1939 in London the book “Six years of Hitler – The Jews under the Nazi regime”. The extent to which Jews were being actively persecuted in Germany through the 1930s was a hotly debated issue, with many apologists downplaying the centrality of race in Nazi ideology. This book provided a clear counter argument to this position. Based on official German publications and reliable external reports, it details the many methods adopted by the Nazi party against the Jews.


Lake Forest Plaza

Lake Forest Plaza was a shopping mall in Eastern New Orleans, Louisiana, United States that was opened in 1974. It had been closed before being flooded during Hurricane Katrina in 2005, and the ruins were demolished in 2007.
Features.
The plaza was once the largest shopping mall in the state of Louisiana with approximately of retail space. Original anchors were D.H. Holmes, Maison Blanche (each 3 levels), and Sears (2 levels). A two level Mervyns was later added near the cinemas. The Maison Blanche and Sears stores relocated from the Gentilly Woods Shopping Center in the Gentilly section of New Orleans. The plaza also spawned the development of several smaller strip malls, and larger big box stores nearby.
History.
The opening of the Lake Forest Plaza was accompanied by much fanfare, with celebrities making public appearances. At its peak it accounted for a full 25% of all sales taxes collected in Orleans Parish. It was one of the first shopping/dining/entertainment centers ever developed. The cloverleaf design of the mall was centered around the first ice skating rink in the state, as well as the first "food court". As well as the food court outlets (Taco Loco, Flame-N-Burger, Hook Line & Sinker, Orange Julius, Karmelkorn, Baskin Robbins, Corn Dog 7, Aladdins Castle, China Express, Great American Cookie Co, etc.), there were several sit-down restaurants. The mall itself was divided into four sections which ran from anchor to anchor. Each section was individually named: Santa Rosa Mall, Santa Ana Mall, Santa Maria Mall, and Santa Clara Mall, each section written out in tiles on the floors of each wing. The center of the mall where the ice rink and food court stood was the Fiesta Plaza Mall. The decor was entirely brown-tiled floors, tiled walls, wood benches, real live trees, and tons of skylights. Storefronts had stylish signage hung vertically in the corridors. While the mall was enormous, each corridor was cozy and manageable, the unique cloverleaf design kept it in perspective.
Original stores included the first Gap store in the area, Leonard Krower, Godchauxs, Morrisons Cafeteria, Sizzler Steakhouse, the first ever Chick-Fil-A in the state, Swiss Colony, Shoe Lodge, Dannys, The Ranch, the ever-popular Farrells Ice Cream Parlor Restaurant, Gordons, Florsheim, National Shirts, GNC (also a first), Bakers, 5-7-9, Merry Go Round, Imperial Shoes, Porter Stevens, Rubenstein Brothers, All American Jeans, Spencers, Limited, Hickory Farms, Hibernia Bank, Bank of New Orleans, a huge McDonald's, Space Port, Wicks 'N' Sticks, Tinder Box, Walgreens (with a cafeteria), Hausmann's, B. Dalton, Collage, Brentano's (outlet of the famous New York City store), Gryders Shoes, Ponsetis Shoes, Oshmans, Fiesta Mexican Restaurant, Lerners, Kay Bee Toys, Vision Plaza, Halpern's Fabrics, etc.
Decline.
The mall thrived until about the late 1980s when the economic downturn of southern Louisiana after the "oil bust" took an especially heavy toll on New Orleans East. Through the 1990s, as the neighborhoods around it deteriorated and became unsafe, the mall felt the repercussions. Originally New Orleans East was an upper/middle-class neighborhood with many well-heeled subdivisions and several large upscale apartment complexes. When the economy hit the skids in the 1980s with the loss of the oil business, New Orleans East became less affluent and much more section eight. Many of the well-heeled residents fled to the safer confines of the North Shore/Slidell area, which in its boom wound up with its own mall, (North Shore Square), which had many of the same anchors and mall stores as Lake Forest. Sears was the first large anchor to close shop at the Plaza. Despite a major renovation in the late 1980s which replaced the by now drab brown, earth tone tiling to a generic white/aqua color scheme, as well as removed the ice rink, it was too late to save Lake Forest. White flight to Jefferson Parish bolstered Lake Forest's competitor Lakeside Shopping Center in Metairie in the battle for wealthier patrons, although New Orleans East (where Lake Forest was located) had a sizable black middle class population at the time.
Just prior to Katrina, the mall was left with only one large anchor in the former Maison Blanche building, which became a Dillard's when they bought out the MB stores. Earlier on, when Dillard's bought out the Holmes stores, they shuttered the Lake Forest Plaza location rather than converting it. The cinemas closed when Gulf States Theatres decided to concentrate on the East Lake Cinema 8, located across the interstate from the plaza. In quick succession many of the national retailers closed up shop also. Eventually they were replaced by independent stores catering to an urban clientele. Entire corridors of the mall were boarded up with sheetrock, which while tastefully done, dramatically decreased the square footage accessible to the public. It seemed as if practically overnight the plaza became a "dead mall".
In 2005, Hurricane Katrina destroyed most of what remained of the mall. It would eventually be demolished following the hurricane.
The mall was originally developed and managed by Sizeler Realty. Later it was sold a few times, eventually landing in the hands of Gowri Kailas in July 1999. The Grand Theatre was added in the early 2000s as an out parcel in a last-ditch effort to bring life back to the Plaza. As of 2019, the Grand Theatre was demolished. The rest of the complex has been demolished and is being replaced by a Lowe's. The rest of the site is to be redeveloped into a new "town center" type of development with free standing stores, garages, hotels, apartments and condos and is currently managed by Lauricella Land Company who also manages Elmwood Center also located in New Orleans off of Clearview Parkway.