2006 Montenegrin independence referendum

An independence referendum was held in Montenegro on 21 May 2006. It was approved by 55.5% of voters, narrowly passing the 55% threshold. By 23 May, preliminary referendum results were recognized by all five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, suggesting widespread international recognition if Montenegro were to become formally independent. On 31 May, the referendum commission officially confirmed the results of the referendum, verifying that 55.5% of the population of Montenegrin voters had voted in favor of independence. Because voters met the controversial threshold requirement of 55% approval, the referendum was incorporated into a declaration of independence during a special parliamentary session on 31 May. The Assembly of the Republic of Montenegro made a formal Declaration of Independence on Saturday 3 June.
In response to the announcement, the government of Serbia declared itself the legal and political successor of Serbia and Montenegro, and that the government and parliament of Serbia itself would soon adopt a new constitution. The United States, China, Russia, and the institutions of the European Union all expressed their intentions to respect the referendum's results.
Constitutional background.
The process of secession was regulated by the Constitutional Charter of Serbia and Montenegro adopted on 4 February 2003 by both Councils of the Federal Assembly of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, in accordance to the 2002 Belgrade Agreement between the governments of the two constitutive republics of the state then known as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Montenegro and Serbia. Article 60 of the constitution required that a minimum of three years pass after its ratification before one of the member states could declare independence. The same article specified the referendum as necessary for this move. However, this constitution allowed member states to define their own referendum laws.
It is also specified that the member state which secedes forfeits any rights to political and legal continuity of the federation. This means that the seceding state (in this case the Republic of Montenegro) had to apply for membership to all major international institutions, such as the United Nations and be recognized by the international community, and that the remaining state (in this case the Republic of Serbia) became the full successor to the state union. No state objected to recognizing a newly formed state prior to the referendum. If Serbia had declared independence instead of Montenegro, Montenegro would have been the legal successor state.
Legal procedure.
According to the Montenegrin Constitution, state status could not be changed without a referendum proposed by the President to the Parliament. The "Law on the Referendum on State Legal Status" was first submitted by President Filip Vujanović, and it was unanimously passed by the Montenegrin Parliament on 2 March 2006. In addition to formulating the official question to be printed on the referendum ballot, the law also included a three-year moratorium on a repeat referendum, such that if the referendum results had rejected independence, another one could have been legally held in 2009.
The Referendum Bill obliged the Parliament, which introduced the referendum, to respect its outcome. It had to declare the official results within 15 days following the voting day, and act upon them within 60 days. The dissolution of Parliament was required upon the passage of any bill proposing constitutional changes to the status of the state, and a new Parliament was required to convene within ninety days. For such changes to be enacted, the new Parliament was required to support the bill with a two-thirds majority.
The newly independent country of Serbia, which is the successor state to the state union of Serbia and Montenegro, while favoring a loose federation, stated publicly that it would respect the outcome of the referendum, and not interfere with Montenegrin sovereignty.
Controversies.
There was considerable controversy over suffrage and needed result threshold for independence. The Montenegrin government, which supported the independence, initially advocated a simple majority, but the opposition insisted on a certain threshold below which the referendum, if a "yes" option won, would have been moot.
European Union envoy Miroslav Lajčák proposed independence if a 55% supermajority of votes are cast in favor with a minimum turnout of 50%, a determination that prompted some protests from the pro-independence forces. The Council of the European Union unanimously agreed to Lajčák's proposal, and the Đukanović government ultimately backed down in its opposition. Milo Đukanović, Prime Minister of Montenegro, however, promised that he would declare independence if the votes passed 50%, regardless of whether the census was passed or not. On the other hand, he also announced that if less than 50% voted for the independence option, he would resign from all political positions. The original pursuit of Milo Đukanović and the DPS-SDP was that 40% voting in favour of statehood be a sufficient percentage to declare independence, but this caused severe international outrage before the Independentists proposed 50%.
Another controversial issue was the referendum law, based on the constitution of Serbia and Montenegro, which stated that Montenegrins living within Serbia registered to vote within Serbia should be prohibited from voting in the referendum because that would give them two votes in the union and make them superior to other citizens. Also, the agreement threshold between the two blocs for 55%, was somewhat criticized as "overriding" the traditional practice of requiring a two-thirds supermajority, as practiced in all ex Yugoslav countries before (including the previous referendum in Montenegro).
Blocs.
Pro-independence.
A controversy emerged in the Independentist Bloc, as non-governmental organizations had officially joined and campaigned as its members, which was illegal, thus breaking the Law:
The pro-independence camp mainly concentrated on history and national minority rights. Montenegro was recognized an independent country in the 1878 Congress of Berlin. Its independence was extinguished in 1918 when its assembly declared union with Serbia. The minor ethnic groups are promised full rights in an independent Montenegro, with their languages being included into the new Constitution.
The camp's leader was Prime Minister of Montenegro Milo Đukanović.
Pro-union.
The Unionists' campaign slogans were "Montenegro is Not for Sale!" and "For Love - Love Connects, Heart says no!".
The Unionist Camp or "Bloc for Love", Together for Change political alliance's campaign relied mostly on the assertion and support of the European Union, and pointing out essential present and historical links with Serbia. They criticized that the ruling coalition was trying to turn Montenegro into a private state and a crime haven. Its campaign concentrated on pointing out "love" for union with Serbia. 73% of Montenegrin citizens had close cousins in Serbia and 78% of Montenegrin citizens had close friends in Serbia. According to TNS Medium GALLUP's research, 56.9% of the Montenegrin population believed if union with Serbia was broken, the health care system would fall apart. 56.8% believed they would not be able to go to schools in Serbia anymore and 65.3% thought it would not be able to find a job in Serbia as it intends to.
They used European Union flags, Slavic tricolors (which were also the official flag of the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro) and Serb Orthodox tricolors.
The key camp's leader was opposition leader Predrag Bulatović.
Neutral.
The Movement for Changes, although de facto supporting independence, decided not to join the pro-independence coalition, on the arguments that they considered the independentists as largely made of 'DPS criminals', and that the bloc is an "Unholy Alliance" gathered around a controversial Prime Minister Milo Đukanović, seen by these party officials as an obstacle to complete democracy in Montenegro.
A similar stance was taken by the ethnic Albanian Democratic League in Montenegro, which called the Albanians of Montenegro to boycott the referendum. Regardless, most ethnic Albanians voted for independence.
Opinion polling.
Polling throughout the campaign was sporadic, with most polls showing pro-independence forces leading but not surpassing the 55% threshold. Only in the later weeks did polls begin to indicate the threshold would be passed, albeit barely.
Results.
Two organisations that were conducting a quick count, Montenegrin CDT and Serbian CeSID, had different projections of the referendum results. CeSID's initial projections were giving the "yes" option significant advantage, but as the evening progressed, they changed their projection and lowered the advantage of the "yes" option. This caused serious confusion among general public and sparked journalists to challenge CeSID projections. After CeSID's announcement, thousands of people began to celebrate in the streets of every major city. However, after the CDT announcement, the public began to realize how close the result was.
CDT stated that the results were too close to call. This was later confirmed with the official results, since only about 2,000 votes were over the required threshold (the votes of some 2 or 3 polling stations). They urged the public to remain calm and give time to the referendum commission to finish their job.
Montenegrin prime minister Milo Đukanović first delayed his appearance in public, after learning how close the result was. He finally appeared on Montenegrin television at about 01:40 CEST and said that after 99.85% of the votes had been counted, the percentage of votes for independence was 55.5%, and the remaining votes (6,236) could not change the outcome of the referendum.
On the other side, "de facto" leader of the unionist bloc Predrag Bulatović said at a press conference around 00:15 CEST that "his sources" informed him that 54% had voted "yes", a figure below the 55% threshold. Predrag Bulatović had announced earlier that he would resign as opposition leader if the referendum was won by those favouring independence.
František Lipka, the referendum commission president or Chairman of the Electoral Commission announced on Monday the 22 May 2006 that the preliminary results were 55.4% in favor of independence. Prime Minister of the Republic of Montenegro Milo Đukanović held a press conference later that day. The press conference took place at 14:30, at the Congress Hall of the Government of the Republic of Montenegro.
Because about 19,000 votes were still disputed, the Electoral Commission delayed the announcement of final results. The opposition demanded a full recount of the votes but this was rejected by the Commission and European observers, who stated that they were satisfied and they were sure that the vote had been free and fair.
The distribution of votes was as follows: majority (around 60%-up to around 70%) were against independence in regions bordering Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The highest "No" vote was in Serb-majority Plužine municipality with 75.70%. In the authentic Montenegrin regions (former Principality of Montenegro), there was a light majority (around 50-60%) for independence, with the Cetinje municipality, traditional centre of old Montenegro, having a huge percentage in favour of independence (over 86.38%). At the coastal regions, Herceg Novi municipality, which has a Serb majority had voted 61.34% against independence, the middle southern region (Tivat, Kotor, Budva and Bar) being in favour of independence, and the south, Ulcinj municipality, an ethnic Albanian centre, voted strongly in favour of independence (88.50%). The regions bordering Albania and Kosovo that have mostly Bosniak, ethnic Muslim and Albanian population, were heavily in favour of independence (78.92% in Plav, 91.33% in Rožaje). Municipalities in Montenegro that voted for the Union were Andrijevica, Berane, Kolašin, Mojkovac, Plužine, Pljevlja, Herceg-Novi, Šavnik, and Žabljak. The municipalities that voted for independence were Bar, Bijelo Polje, Budva, Cetinje, Danilovgrad, Kotor, Nikšić, Plav, Podgorica, Rožaje, Tivat, and Ulcinj. The Independentist Bloc won thanks to the high votes of Albanians and to an extent Bosniaks. The highest pro-independence percentages were in Albanian-populated Ulcinj, Bosniak-populated Rožaje and Montenegrin Old Royal Capital Cetinje.
International reactions.
On May 22, Croatian President Stipe Mesić sent a message of congratulations to Montenegro on its vote for independence. Mesić was the first foreign head of state to react officially to the vote.
The EU's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, congratulated Montenegro on a "successful referendum" and said the turnout of over 86 percent "confirms the legitimacy of the process." The European Union would, he said, "fully respect" the final result. The EU's commissioner for enlargement, Olli Rehn, said the European Union would put forward proposals for fresh talks with both Montenegro and Serbia. "All sides should respect the result and work together in order to build consensus on the basis of the acceptance of European values and standards. I now expect Belgrade and Podgorica to engage in direct talks on the practical implementation of the results".
In a statement of 23 May, the United States affirmed the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE)/ODIHR assessment of the referendum, which stated that "the referendum was conducted in line with OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and other international standards for democratic electoral processes." The United States said "We urge Montenegro and Serbia to work together to resolve the practical issues necessary to implement the will of the people of Montenegro as expressed in the referendum."
The Russian Foreign Ministry issued a statement on 23 May stating "It is of fundamental importance for Montenegro and Serbia to enter into constructive, friendly and comprehensive dialogue with the aim of producing mutually acceptable political solutions regarding their future relations," the Foreign Ministry said.
The UK's Europe Minister Geoff Hoon said he was pleased that the referendum had complied with international standards, pointing out that "the people of Montenegro have expressed a clear desire for an independent state."
A spokesperson for the Chinese foreign ministry indicated that "China respects the choice of people of Montenegro and the final result of the referendum" in a regularly scheduled news conference on 23 May.
The unanimous recognition of the referendum result by the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council indicated that widespread international recognition of Montenegro would likely be swift once independence was formally declared.
Serbian reactions.
Serbian president Boris Tadić accepted the results of the referendum in favor of independence, while Serbian prime minister Vojislav Koštunica, a firm opponent of Montenegrin independence, resolved to wait until the end of the week, so that the pro-union Montenegrin opposition would have time to challenge the final verdict.
The prime minister of Kosovo, Agim Çeku, announced that Kosovo would follow Montenegro in the quest for independence, saying "This is the last act of the historic liquidation of Yugoslavia /.../ this year Kosovo will follow in Montenegro's footsteps." Kosovo declared its state's own independence on 17 February 2008, but is still seen in Serbian nationalism as the historical and spiritual heart of Serbia.
Ethnic Serb groups in neighbouring Bosnia and Herzegovina planned to demand a referendum on the independence of the Republika Srpska, according to the Croatian daily "Večernji list", citing "Branislav Dukić", leader of "Spona", a regional Serb organisation. Since such a move could start another war in Bosnia, it provoked widespread condemnation from the United States, European Union, and other nations. Milorad Dodik, the prime minister of Republika Srpska, subsequently withdrew his calls for a referendum, citing international opposition and the fact that such a referendum would violate the Dayton peace agreement.
Conduct and international influence.
Irregularities.
On 24 March 2006, a nine-minute video clip was aired that shows two local Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro activists from Zeta region, Ranko Vučinić and Ivan Ivanović, along with a former member of secret police, Vasilije Mijović, attempting to bribe a citizen, Mašan Bušković, into casting a pro-independence vote at the upcoming referendum. In the video clip they are seen and heard persuading Bušković to vote for the independence, promising to pay off his electric bill of €1,580 in return.
When the video was publicized, two DPS activists claimed they were victims of manipulation and that Vasilije Mijović talked them into doing so. Mijović denied those claims saying the video had been authentic. DPS spokesperson Predrag Sekulić claimed the video was "a montage" and "a cheap political setup." Mašan Bušković, the target of the alleged attempted bribe, on the other hand said the video is authentic and that it portrays events exactly as they occurred.
Public workers, such as teachers and police officers, were subject to pressure from their employers to vote for independence. The DPS chief whip, Miodrag Vuković, alluded to this in May 2006 when he said one "cannot work for the state and vote against it".
In 2007, Jovan Markuš with the help of unionist parties published a 1,290-page document called "Bijela Knjiga" ("White Book"), recording irregularities from the referendum.
International lobby.
According to an investigation supported by the "Puffin Foundation Investigative Fund" in 2008, "The Nation" reported that Milan Roćen authorized a contract with "Davis Manafort Inc", a consulting firm founded by Rick Davis, and that the firm was paid several million dollars to help organize the independence campaign. Election finance documents did not record any exchanges with "Davis Manafort", although the claims of the payments were backed by multiple American diplomats and Montenegrin government officials on the condition of anonymity.
In early May 2006, Davis invited Nathaniel Rothschild to participate in the campaign after the unionist bloc suggested Montenegrin students studying in Serbia would lose scholarship benefits if Montenegro were to secede.
Rothschild promised to commit $1 million to Montenegrin students studying in Serbia if they were to lose their scholarship benefits in the event of Montenegrin secession.
Almost a decade later, Paul Manafort revealed during his trials that he had been hired by Oleg Deripaska to support the referendum in Montenegro. In a discussion with "Radio Free Europe" in 2017, Branko Lukovac, a former campaign chief for the independence bloc, claimed that he was not aware of a contract with Manafort, but acknowledged the following:
Dole had been paid a sum of $1.38 million by the Montenegrin government for lobbying between 2001 and 2008. Lukovac denied any contract with either Manafort or Deripaska, claiming that Russian President Vladimir Putin told his campaign that "he'd prefer to for us to stay in the state union Serbia and Montenegro rather than separate, but if that is what is democratically defined by the majority of Montenegrin citizens, that they [Russia] would support that."
In June 2019, an audio recording from the mid-2005 surfaced, that shows then ambassador of the Serbia and Montenegro to the Russian Federation Milan Roćen, expresses concern over the EU pressure on the authorities of the Republic of Montenegro, asking Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska, on behalf of then-Prime Minister of Montenegro Đukanović, to lobby for the 2006 Montenegrin independence referendum, through his connections with Canadian billionaire Peter Munk in the United States.


Mark Blaug

Mark Blaug FBA (; 3 April 1927 – 18 November 2011) was a Dutch-born British economist (naturalised in 1982), who covered a broad range of topics during his long career.
He was married to Ruth Towse.
Life and work.
Blaug was born on 3 April 1927 in The Hague as Norbert Blauaug. In 1955 Blaug received his PhD from Columbia University in New York under the supervision of George Stigler. Besides shorter periods in public service and in international organisations he has held academic appointments in – among others – Yale University, the University of London, the London School of Economics, the University of Exeter and the University of Buckingham. He was visiting Professor in the Netherlands, University of Amsterdam and Erasmus University in Rotterdam, where he was also co-director of CHIMES (Center for History in Management and Economics).
Mark Blaug made far reaching contributions to a range of topics in economic thought throughout his career. Apart from valuable contributions to the economics of art and the economics of education, he is best known for his work in history of economic thought and the methodology of economics. Concerning methodological issues and the application of economic theory to a wide range of subjects from education to human capital, the "philosophy of science and the sweep of intellectual progress are fitting subjects to accommodate the breadth of Mark Blaug's interest."
He died on 18 November 2011 in Dartmouth, Devon.


Binns (department store)

H. Binns, Son & Co. was a chain of department stores based in Sunderland, later purchased and absorbed by House of Fraser.
Early history.
George Binns moved to Sunderland from Yorkshire in 1804, establishing a small drapery business in 1807 before taking over a larger wool and linen drapery store owned by Thomas Ellerby. Binns was assisted by his son Henry in the store at 176 High Street, Bishopwearmouth, Sunderland. In 1836 Henry inherited the store on the death of his father and began trading under the name Henry Binns. He was a member of the anti-slavery movement and sold only cotton grown by free labour. By 1844 the shop had moved from 176 to 173 High Street.
In 1865 Henry retired and his son Joseph John Binns took control of the business changing its name to H. Binns, Son & Co. By 1884 the business had moved again, renting two houses at 38-39 Fawcett Street where the house frontages were replaced with a new shop front and the interior remodelled.
During 1897 the business was incorporated as H. Binns, Son & Co. Ltd. and the buildings at 38-39 Fawcett Street were purchased shortly afterwards. The company was chaired by Joseph Binns and employed thirty staff.
History as a Limited Company.
The business grew quickly and within seventeen years became Sunderland's biggest department store. It had acquired or leased 32 to 37, 40 and 42 Fawcett Street and was trading on both sides of the street. The capital of the business at the start of the First World War stood at £65,000 (approx. £20m 2013).
In 1922, the company expanded with the purchase of Arthur Sanders Ltd., a drapery business based in High Row, Darlington. It was renamed Binns and developed to become a department store. This was followed in 1923 by the purchase of Thomas Jones of Middlesbrough, which was again remodelled and renamed Binns. By 1924 every tram in Sunderland had the advertisement "Shop at Binns" on its front. In 1925 the Darlington store was destroyed by fire but was swiftly rebuilt and re-opened the following year.
The company continued to expand by acquisition of stores in other towns:
The stores were all remodelled and renamed Binns. In addition to purchasing companies, further property was purchased from W. J. Reed in Fawcett Street, Sunderland and new premises were built on Borough Road. In 1934 the company changed its name to simply Binns Ltd., and in 1935 reported capital of over £1 million and a staff of 5,000.
World War II proved difficult for Binns as a number of stores were damaged in air raids: Dumfries in March 1941, most of the Fawcett Street store a few weeks later and the Middlesbrough store in March 1942. Construction of a replacement store in Sunderland began in November 1949 but it took until 1953 for the store to be re-opened.
In early 1953, House of Fraser made an approach to purchase Binns Ltd., which initially met with opposition from the board of directors. After a bitter takeover process, however, Hugh Fraser was appointed Chairman of the company in April 1953.
House of Fraser.
After the takeover, Binns continued to operate as a separate business within the House of Fraser empire.
The Middlesbrough store was reopened in 1957 and rebuilding at Sunderland culminated in the opening of an additional new building in 1962.
Expansion of the Binns group was resumed in 1969 with the purchase of Guy & Smith, the leading department store in Grimsby. The store was refurbished and renamed Binns.
Further acquisitions into the 1970s strengthened the group's presence in the east of England. These included the old-established and well-regarded department store of Hammonds of Hull in 1972.
A new Binns store opened at Scunthorpe in 1974.
During the 1970s, House of Fraser re-organised its department stores into a number of regional trading divisions of which Binns became one, with management remaining at Sunderland.
An enlarged Binns group had emerged by the end of the decade with the addition of a number of stores in the north of England which had been taken over by House of Fraser through various acquisitions since the Second World War.
Edward J Clarke in Harrogate (House of Fraser's first store in England), Alexanders in Southport and R. H. O. Hills in Blackpool joined Binns from this reorganisation.
In 1975 William Henderson & Sons of Liverpool was transferred from the Harrods division to Binns.
Further stores were added in Doncaster (formerly an Owen Owen store) and Lincoln (formerly Mawer & Collingham).
The decline of heavy industry and subsequent challenges in the economy of the north-east of England during the 1980s were reflected in the fortunes of parts of the Binns business.
The large Sunderland store, straddling both sides of Fawcett Street, was contracted to a single building and many departments were closed.
Branches further south, however, continued to trade relatively strongly. The stores in Hull, Darlington and Grimsby were refurbished between 1984 and 1986.
The 1990s heralded a period of review and rationalisation across the House of Fraser business.
Binns saw many of its branches close during the decade.
The Sunderland store closed entirely in 1993.
House of Fraser was acquired by Highland Group Holdings, a consortium of investors, in 2006. After the takeover all of the remaining Binns stores, save for the Darlington branch, were renamed House of Fraser.


Guinness family

The Guinness family is an extensive Anglo-Irish family noted for its accomplishments in brewing, banking, politics, and religious ministry. The brewing branch is particularly well-known among the general public for producing the dry stout Guinness Beer. The founder of the dynasty, Arthur Guinness, is confirmed to have had McCartan origins. Beginning in the late 18th century, they became a prominent part of what is known in Ireland as 'the Ascendancy'.
Four members of the family in succession held the UK Parliament constituency of Southend, which became popularly known as "Guinness-on-Sea".
The "banking line" Guinnesses all descend from Arthur's brother Samuel (1727–1795) who set up as a goldbeater in Dublin in 1750; his son Richard (1755–1830), a Dublin barrister; and Richard's son Robert Rundell Guinness who founded Guinness Mahon in 1836.


Davis Food City

Davis Food City was a supermarket chain headquartered Houston, Texas, United States, founded in 1965 and closed in 2007.
It had locations in Houston, Bellaire, and unincorporated Harris County.
In 1980 it had 0.5% of the Houston grocery market, making it the tenth largest grocer in the Houston area. In 1999 it was not among the ten largest Houston grocery chains.
In 1998, Davis Food City became the first tenant and primary anchor in the newly remodeled Houston shopping center, Stella Link.
Davis Food City maintained a corporate policy to be a good corporate citizen in the Houston area, frequently donating food for gift baskets, the community Thanksgiving Dinner for the poor, and responding to the needs of the refugees during Hurricane Katrina disaster in 2005.
They did not donate for Katrina due to they had sold all their store in June 2005 before the Hurricane Katrina happened.
The last Davis Food City location at 5230 Aldine Mail Rte Rd Houston, Tx 77039, became Food City in June Of 2005. Its still open and "foodcity.net" is the web site.
In addition to providing the community with a full service retail grocery presence, Davis Food City offered payroll check cashing, cash transfer and wires, money orders, and operated with state-of-the-art check and debit clearing systems.
Grocery supplies for Davis Food City were furnished through Houston-based Grocers Supply Co.
Davis Food City used several slogans including "Your Family's Food For Less," "Great Prices, Great Service, Great Savings," and "Davis Food City is the Place to Be."
Davis Food City stores closed in 2007. In 2008, El Ahorro, a chain of Hispanic/Latino grocery markets, acquired some of the Davis Food City store properties. Houston-area supermarket retailer Sellers Bros. acquired the popular Stella Link shopping center site in 2008.


Jitney Jungle

Jitney Jungle was a chain of supermarkets that began in Jackson, Mississippi, in 1919. It was acquired by Winn-Dixie in 2000.
Origins.
Originally, brothers Judson McCarty Holman and William Henry Holman and their cousin William Bonner McCarty founded a grocery store in Jackson, Mississippi, in 1912. Over the next few years, they opened additional stores, but in 1916, one of their stores found itself unable to collect the amounts owed by some of its customers, and the idea of changing over to a cash-and-carry business model began to take root. While W. H. Holman was away serving in World War I, his brother and cousin decided to change over to cash-and-carry, and after he returned from the war, they opened the first Jitney Jungle on East Capitol Street in Jackson on 19 April 1919.
The three patented the Jitney Jungle concept in 1920, but were soon hit with a patent infringement lawsuit brought by Piggly Wiggly. To disprove the infringement allegations, Will McCarty made a trip west and found cash-and-carry stores there, which contradicted Piggly Wiggly's assertion that it had originated the idea. The Supreme Court found in Jitney Jungle's favor.
The chain gradually expanded across Mississippi and into neighboring states, eventually ending up with stores as far away as Florida. In 1973, the chain had 38 grocery stores, six gasoline stations, and five drugstores, and by 1992, Jitney Jungle had over 100 stores.
In the 1960s, a convenience store subsidiary, Jr. Food Mart, was formed. All the Jr. Food Mart stores sold gasoline and groceries. The subsidiary is still in operation. Many of the stores have fast service restaurants featuring "Creole Fried Chicken". Jr. Food Mart operates convenience stores in Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, and formerly operated locations in Arkansas as well.
Jitney Fresh Markets, a grocery chain in Southern California is not related to the former Jitney Jungle Stores of America.
Decline and bankruptcy.
In the mid-1990s, after merging with New York investment firm Bruckmann, Rosser, Sherrill & Co., the chain became debt-ridden, and its ill-advised 1997 acquisition of Delchamps didn't help the situation. In 2000, Winn-Dixie acquired Jitney Jungle and Delchamps, and rebranded the stores to Winn-Dixie.
In 2005, Winn-Dixie closed many stores, including most of its stores in Mississippi that had previously been Jitney Jungle stores. Some of these stores remain closed, with no particular prospects of being acquired and reopened. Others have taken on new lives.
The chain's store on East Fortification Street in Jackson, still known to many Jacksonians as "Jitney 14," remains open today as part of a relatively new local grocery chain called McDade's, which also owns former Jitney stores on Duling Avenue in the Woodland Hills area of Jackson and most recently the former Jitney which closed after Winn-Dixie's departure on Ellis Avenue in Westland Plaza Shopping Center.
The oldest among the Jitney stores still in operation are the Fondren store and the old Jitney 14 on East Fortification. The Fondren Jitney store started in the mid-to-late 19th century as a David's Fondren Grocery. It later operated as an A&P Food Store, a Jitney Jungle, and most recently a Winn-Dixie. The original David's Fondren Grocery is no longer in business but the commercial center it started still operates today as a member of McDade's Market.
Another store that recently reopened this year is the old "Jitney Jungle # 4" at 311 West Northside Drive in Jackson. This store was closed by Jitney Jungle on February 18, 2000 and soon after became part of the New Deal Supermarket chain based in Jackson, which was owned by former Jitney District Supervisor Kenneth Leakes. This store was closed in 2005 by New Deal as part of its plan to divest under-performing stores. This store was never sold; it was reopened in 2007 as a Grocery Warehouse type store under New Deal's plan to rebuild the company. This location was never remodeled and still sits today with the old Jitney Jungle decor design inside and out.
Jitney owned and operated under the brands Jitney Jungle, Jitney Premier, Sack & Save, MegaMarket, Delchamps and Pump & Save.
Name.
There has been much local speculation about where the odd-sounding name "Jitney Jungle" came from. One legend has it that when the first store placed its first advertisement in a local newspaper, the store called itself the "Jitney Jingle" -- "jitney" was a slang word for a nickel, and the idea was that when you came out of the store, the nickels would still be jingling in your pocket because you'd saved so much money. But the newspaper, the story goes, fumbled the name of the store into "Jitney Jungle," and it stuck. However, this explanation was rejected by W. H. Holman, Jr., a member of the family who started Jitney Jungle. In his 1973 address to the Mississippi Committee of the Newcomen Society of the United States in Jackson, Holman said:
How did they get the name, Jitney-Jungle? The naming process began during a Sunday dinner at the home of Judge V. J. Stricker, a close friend of the families. The "Jitney" in the title was a popular name for the cut-rate five-cent taxis of that day, many of which were operated by returning veterans. It would be jitneys that would carry many of the cash customers to the store and back. Jitney was also a slang term for a nickel. That fitted in with the "nickel on a quarter" that the customer would save by patronizing the self-service store. Also, a popular expression of that time had to do with "jingling your jitneys in your pockets." Thus, Judge Stricker ventured the name Jitney-Jingle. There is a legend that "Jingle" got to be "Jungle" by virtue of a printer's error in the first advertisement. Rather it was a play on words by Mr. Will McCarty. Every Jitney would be a jungle of bargains that could save the customer a "jitney" on a quarter.


Taikoo Li Sanlitun

Taikoo Li Sanlitun (), formerly Sanlitun Village, is a shopping center in the Sanlitun area of the Chaoyang District in Beijing, China. It comprises 19 buildings on two sites that are a few minutes walk from each other. Besides retail space, the project includes a 99-room boutique hotel, The Opposite House (瑜舍).
Location.
Taikoo Li Sanlitun is adjacent to Beijing Subway Line 2 Dongsi Shitiao Station and Line 10 Tuanjiehu Station. Dongdaqiao Station on Line 6 is also close by. It is a ten-minute walk from Tuanjiehu, a twenty-minute walk from Dongsi Shitiao and a twenty-minute walk from Dongdaqiao. It is recommended to take Exit A or D from Tuanjiehu.
History and construction.
The center opened in July 2008, and is developed and managed by Hong Kong-based Swire Properties (Taikoo Properties). It comprise two sites:
The center opened in July 2008, and contains 260+ stores, dining outlets and services including a multi-screen theatre.
The area includes a large number of stores, especially fashion brands. It also includes art galleries focusing on avant-garde and contemporary Chinese and foreign artists.
Design.
It was designed by a group led by the Oval partnership from Hong Kong, and Japanese architect Kengo Kuma (隈 研吾).
The design of Taikoo Li South is inspired by Beijing's hutongs, while Taikoo Li North draws its courtyard form from China's siheyuan. The space also includes modern pieces such as an open fountain and little touches from contemporary artists.


The Plaza (mall)

The Plaza, formerly known as Evergreen Plaza, was a shopping mall in Evergreen Park, Illinois, United States. It was legally organized by Arthur Rubloff, who is also credited with coining the phrase "Magnificent Mile" describing the upscale section of Michigan Avenue north of the Chicago River to Oak Street. Rubloff secured the funding for the Evergreen Plaza from the Walgreen family who lived nearby in Beverly, Chicago. The Evergreen Plaza operated from 1952 to 2013. It featured over 120 stores, as well as a food court. The mall closed in 2013 and became an outdoor shopping center. Anchors include Whole Foods Market, and Burlington Coat Factory.
History.
In 1936, developer Arthur Rubloff conceived a shopping mall in the Evergreen Park area located between the corners of W 95th Street and Western Ave, 98th Street and Western Ave., 98th Street slightly west of Campbell Ave., 96th Street and Campbell Ave., and 95th and Campbell Ave. Opened to the public in August 1952, the mall was originally an open-air shopping center anchored by The Fair Store, Lytton's, Barnett's, and Walgreens. The center also contained a Jewel supermarket, which featured a conveyor belt that carried groceries from the store to a parking lot kiosk. The mall's Walgreens was the second self-service Walgreen pharmacy in the chain; it was also the chain's first location in a shopping center.
Evergreen Plaza was regarded by some sources as the first regional mall in the United States.
Chas. A. Stevens added a store in 1962, Carson Pirie Scott was added as another anchor. Also, The Fair Store was converted to Montgomery Ward in April, 1964. In 1966, the mall was enclosed, becoming an indoor mall. It was, per some sources, only the second indoor mall in the United States, after only the Southdale Center, which opened a decade earlier.
Circuit City came in the early 1990s, replacing a Silo electronics store that was formerly in this space.
Montgomery Ward closed its four-story store in 2001 as the chain declared bankruptcy. Shortly afterward, Village of Evergreen Park officials submitted proposals for Target to open in the former Wards; however, these deals fell through. Discount chain National Wholesale Liquidators opened in 2005, occupying two levels of the four-level anchor slot once occupied by Montgomery Ward until it closed in 2008. Walgreens closed in 2005, moving to a newer store about a mile away, and was replaced with an Office Depot. Circuit City also closed in mid-2005.
The movie theater, which had been converted to a triplex in 1977 and quadplex in 1983, closed in 1999. Office Depot closed its Evergreen Park location in 2008, along with many other small retail shops over the last few years. Following 2008, the mall began to gradually diminish as patronage numbers decreased, leading to the chronic closure of many of the original stores. Many businesses that had opened in more recent years had shorter longevity. Planet Fitness signed a 10-year lease to reside in the Plaza in 2011 in the original Walgreens space and began operation in January 2012.
The mall was scheduled for demolition in July 2013, to be replaced by an outdoor shopping center (which the Plaza once was during its first 14 years). However, the building was not demolished and more proposals and rumors started floating around. Two development companies, Debartolo LLC, based in Tampa, and Lormax Stern, a developer from a Detroit suburb, came together to reach a deal to demolish the existing property to build a new outdoor mall that will feature 30-40 brand new stores including Burlington and Whole Foods. Applebee's and Planet Fitness are staying, while Enterprise Rent-A-Car left. Demolition began in May 2015 and continued until the fall of 2017. Carson's opened a brand-new store in September 2016, replacing the older store that was later demolished. The shopping center opened in Fall of 2017. On April 18, 2018, Carson's parent company The Bon-Ton Stores, announced that they will close all Carson's locations, including the Evergreen Plaza location following their bankruptcy. However, on Black Friday 2018, CSC Generation, Carson's new owner, reopened the location.
Evergreen Theater.
On June 26, 1964, Evergreen Theater was added in a separate building, located on the mall's south end. It first opened with two screens and sat upon the parking lot by 98th Street and Western Ave. Later, two more screens were added. Even later, two more screens were added, bringing the total up to six. In 1973, the manager was shot and killed during a robbery; other incidents occurred which led to its closure in July 1999. In 2003 the venue was torn down, along with the parking garage, on the west corner of the mall for landscaped parking, and parking entrances were widened. That same year, an Applebee's opened on an outparcel.


Julius Getman

Julius Gerson Getman (born 1931) is a professor of law at the University of Texas School of Law, and a noted labor and employment law scholar and labor historian.
Education.
Getman received his bachelor's degree from the City College of New York in 1953. He then attended Harvard Law School, where he received his bachelor of laws in 1958 and his master of laws in 1963. He began consulting for various labor and management groups thereafter, and became a noted arbitrator in labor disputes.
Career.
From 1959 to 1961, Getman was an attorney with the National Labor Relations Board in Washington, D.C.
He received an appointment as an associate professor of law at the Indiana University Bloomington school of law in 1963, becoming a full professor in 1967.
Getman was visiting professor of law at Banaras Hindu University in Varanasi and the Indian Law Institute in New Delhi from 1967 to 1968.
He returned to the United States and became a visiting professor of law at the University of Chicago Law School for the 1970-1971 term.
From 1976 to 1977, Getman was a professor of law at Stanford Law School. He won appointment at a professor of law at Yale Law School in 1978, where he remained until 1986. The same year, he became chief negotiator for the Connecticut State Police. During his tenure at Yale, Getman also became general counsel for the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), a position he held from 1980 to 1982.
In 1986, Getman was appointed Earl E. Sheffield Regents Professor of Law at the University of Texas School of Law. He spent the 1991-1992 term as Richard Huber Distinguished Visiting Professor of Law at Boston College.
Research.
Getman is a nationally renowned scholar of labor law. Getman conducts numerous field studies, and an empirical rather than theoretical perspective dominates his work. He co-wrote two books on federal labor law which remain fundamental texts in the field: "Union Representation Elections: Law and Reality" in 1976 and "Labor Relations: The Basic Processes, Law and Practice" in 1988.
Getman is also a well-known labor historian and activist. His 1998 book, "The Betrayal of Local 14: Paperworkers, Politics and Permanent Replacements", tells the story of the 1987 strike at the International Paper paper mill in Androscoggin, Maine. Getman analyzes various factors which contributed to the strike's short-term success as well as its eventual collapse, arguing that federal labor law and internal union politics (especially those at international union headquarters as well as rivalries between the local union and its parent) were what led the strike to ultimately fail. With former United States Secretary of Labor Ray Marshall, he co-edited "The Future of Labor Unions: Organized Labor in the 21st Century" in 2004. The book analyzes how American, foreign and transnational labor policies might more effectively meet the needs of workers, companies and the public.
Getman has also published a book critical of higher education, "In the Company of Scholars: The Struggle for the Soul of Higher Education". The book discusses the decline in the status of academicians, how politics and parochialism undermine scholasticism, and how faculty have been increasingly marginalized in the decision-making processes of American colleges and universities.
Memberships and awards.
Getman is a member of the American Association of University Professors, and served as the organization's president from 1986 to 1988.
He is also a member of the editorial committee and executive committee of the Labor Law Group, an association of labor and employment law professors.
Getman was admitted to the District of Columbia Bar in 1959 and to the Indiana Bar in 1970.
Getman's "The Betrayal of Local 14: Paperworkers, Politics and Permanent Replacements" won UT's Robert Hamilton Award for the best book by a University of Texas professor.
Personal life.
Getman's first novel, "Strike!", was published in 2007. His oldest son Daniel has followed in his fathers footsteps by creating the Getman & Sweeney PLLC law firm which represents employees in overtime cases. His younger son Mike Getman, is the long-time head coach of the University of Alabama-Birmingham Blazers men's soccer team. His daughter Polya Getman is a dressage rider.


Eric Arnesen

Eric Arnesen (born 30 April 1958) is an American historian.
He is currently the James R. Hoffa Professor of Modern American Labor History at George Washington University. He was a Fulbright Scholar,
and is a member of the Organization of American Historians.
Life.
He completed his BA degree from Wesleyan University in 1980. He completed his MA in Afro-American Studies from Yale University in 1984. He received his Ph.D in History from Yale University in 1986.


Ultimate Electronics

Ultimate Electronics was a chain of consumer electronics stores which filed for bankruptcy twice after 2006, liquidating and ceasing operations in 2011. At its peak, the store operated in Arizona, Colorado (where it originated as Pearse Electronics), Florida, Illinois, Iowa, Idaho, Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, Nevada, New Mexico, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, South Dakota, Texas, Pennsylvania, Utah, and Wisconsin. It was originally incorporated in the state of Delaware with principal offices in Thornton, Colorado. Stores originally operated under other various names, including SoundTrack Colorado and Audio King Minnesota, Iowa, and South Dakota.
Ultimate began a large expansion campaign in 2000 and by 2004 the company had doubled its store count to 64, leading to the company filing for bankruptcy.
Hollywood Video founder and then–CEO Mark Wattles acquired 32 stores in the ensuing bankruptcy auction; the remaining half were closed. Ultimate Electronics was then a privately owned company operated by Ultimate Acquisition Partners, L.P. Ultimate Acquisition Partners, L.P was a division of Wattles Capital Management, LLC. Wattles Capital Management owned 71% of Ultimate Electronics, while Hewlett-Packard Co. owned 25%. The other 4% was owned by Private Venture Capital Firms.
In November 2010, Ultimate Electronics opened a store in Tigard, Oregon. It was the only Ultimate Electronics store on the West Coast, though Wattles had hoped to open 14 more in Salem, Oregon, and the Portland metro area.
As of January 27, 2011, the new company filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy, ultimately choosing to liquidate, converting it into Chapter 7. According to papers filed in U.S. Bankruptcy Court in Wilmington, Delaware, the company listed both assets and debt in the range of $100 million to $500 million. Among the largest unsecured creditors were Video Products Distributors (owed $6.1 million); Valassis Communications ($5.6 million); New Age Electronics/SYNNEX ($5.5 million); and Sony Electronics, ($4.8 million). Secured lender GE Capital was owed $64.8 million.


Child labour in Namibia

Child labour in Namibia is not always reported. This involved cases of child prostitution as well as voluntary and forced agricultural labour, cattle herding and vending.
Background.
Namibia ratified both the ILO Minimum Age Convention (C138) and the ILO Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (C182) in 2000. In addition, the country also ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1990. Namibia signed the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child in 1999, but has not ratified it as yet.
Surveys.
According to the 1999 "Namibian Child Activities Survey" child labour exists in the country, predominantly in the agricultural sector. The results of a follow-up survey conducted in December 2005 have not been made publicly available.
A 2013 Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report indicates that particularly in livestock herding, child labour is prevalent in Namibia, and children work from a very young age, although the extent of the work varies per child. Additional hazards that arise from children herding animals are "disrupted physical, mental, moral and social development", the danger of being bitten, extreme weather conditions, and the infection with animal-borne diseases.
Legislative intervention.
Between 2006 and 2008 the country has been in the process of formulating the "Action Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour in Namibia", which was nationally endorsed in February 2008. This was done with the assistance of the International Labour Organization's (ILO) programme Towards the Elimination of the worst forms of Child Labour. A Programme Advisory Committee on Child Labour (PACC), representing government departments, organised labour and business, and civil society guides the development and implementation of the programme.


Robert Sayle

Robert Sayle was a department store located in Cambridge.
History.
Robert Sayle was born in Southery, Norfolk in 1816. His father was a farmer; however, Robert did not continue in his father's footsteps and moved to London to learn the drapery trade with well known firms, such as Hitchcock, Williams & Co who were based near St Paul's Cathedral.
In 1840, he returned to Cambridge and with assistance from his father he set a drapery business located in Victoria House, 12 St Andrew's Street. The business sold Irish Linens, Sheeting, Hosiery, Haberdashery, Furs, Shawls, Handkerchiefs, Ribbons and Fancy Goods. The store was cutting edge for its time, as plate glass windows had been added to the store front to display the shops goods.
The business continued to grow purchasing the shops along St Andrew's Street and by 1888 the store had grown up to no. 17. However, Robert Sayle died of a heart attack in 1883, and the business continued to be run as a private business by partners, Joseph Clark, Arthur Edward Chaplin and Hugh Porter who greatly expanded the departments.
The business continued to operate as an independent business until 1934, when Selfridges purchased the business. However, five years later Selfridges sold off its provincial stores and Robert Sayle was bought by the John Lewis Partnership. They also acquired Thompsons of Peterborough from Selfridges, which was rebranded under the Robert Sayle name in 1941. The Peterborough store was destroyed by fire in 1956 and not re-opened.
The store continued to trade at St Andrew's Street under the Robert Sayle name until 2004, when the store was moved to a temporary location in Burleigh Street. This was to facilitate the demolition of the St Andrew's Street store to make way for the Grand Arcade shopping centre. The Grand Arcade opened in November 2007, with the anchor store being the new John Lewis Cambridge. The partners at Robert Sayle had voted to drop the old name and start afresh with the John Lewis name.


Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development controversy

Some decisions, actions or reports made at or by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) have raised controversy.
OECD and soft law.
Unlike many other inter-governmental organizations like the United Nations or the European Commission, the OECD cannot legislate or enforce laws and lacks the power to coerce a country, member or not, to alter its policy.
However, it can have an influence on national policies through soft laws, by issuing "recommendations", "guidelines" and other "manuals", to which countries or companies can refer. Some of these guidelines have become "de facto" standards, such as the OECD Guidelines for the Testing of Chemicals or the OECD Model Tax Convention.
Also, negotiations and agreements between representatives of member countries can occur at the OECD and have direct consequences in national laws.
OECD and taxation.
Tax havens.
The OECD and its Financial Action Task Force regularly publish the list of uncooperative tax havens.
The FATF blacklist was the common shorthand description for the Financial Action Task Force list of "Non-Cooperative Countries or Territories" (NCCTs). The effect of the FATF Blacklist has been significant and arguably has been more important in international efforts against money laundering than has the FATF Recommendations. While under international law, the FATF Blacklist carries with it no formal sanction, in reality, a jurisdiction placed on the FATF Blacklist often finds itself under intense financial pressure. As a result of the FATF 40+8 Recommendations (among other initiatives), most countries now require their banks to report certain suspicious financial activities to the appropriate financial regulators and law enforcement authorities. (In the United States, they are called Suspicious Activity Reports.)
Most larger countries with significant financial centres consider transactions coming from or transferring to a jurisdiction on the FATF Blacklist to be a suspicious activity, which automatically triggers closer regulatory scrutiny (and considerably more paperwork on the bank's part). Thus, many major financial institutions will not conduct business with counterparts based in NCCTs.
Since many of the countries that FATF originally listed as NCCTs have major financial industries (Bahamas, Cayman Islands, Liechtenstein), such "de facto" boycotts could have a significant effect on a country's economy (or at least a politically powerful sector of the economy).
Pro-tax lobbying.
Some observers, such as the American conservative FreedomWorks foundation, argue that the OECD is lobbying for more taxes. In book series such as its "Economic Survey" of countries, OECD analysts advise countries on their policies including tax. Such groups also remark that the OECD is funded by tax money.
Multi-lateral Agreement on Investment.
The Multilateral Agreement on Investment was negotiated at the OECD between 1995 and 1998. While the discussion was not secret, it had little public awareness until a draft report was leaked in 1997. That had led to massive outcry and an intensive campaign against it. Eventually, countries gave in and cancelled the agreement.


Tyler Goodspeed

Tyler Beck Goodspeed is an American economic historian who was the acting chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers from June 2020 to January 2021. He resigned from his position on January 7, in the wake of the 2021 storming of the United States Capitol.
Early life and education.
Goodspeed was born in Exeter, New Hampshire and graduated from Phillips Exeter Academy in 2003. He received his BA in economics and history from Harvard University in 2008, an MPhil in economic and social history from Emmanuel College, Cambridge on a Gates Cambridge Scholarship in 2009, and returned to Harvard for his MA in 2011 and PhD in history, specializing in economic history, in 2014. His dissertation, "Upon Daedalian Wings of Paper Money: Adam Smith, Free Banking, and the Financial Crisis of 1772", was supervised by a committee with Niall Ferguson, Benjamin M. Friedman, Richard Hornbeck, and Emma Georgina Rothschild.
Career.
He was a junior research fellow (postdoc) in economics at St John's College, Oxford from 2014 to 2017 and a lecturer (assistant professor) in economics in the Department of Political Economy at King's College London from 2016 to 2017.
In 2012, he published "Rethinking the Keynesian Revolution: Keynes, Hayek, and the Wicksell Connection". His 2016 book, "Legislating Instability: Adam Smith, Free Banking, and the Financial Crisis of 1722", analyses the collapse of the Ayr Bank in the Crisis of 1772. His 2017 book, "Famine and Finance: Credit and the Great Famine of Ireland", analyzes the role of credit markets in mitigating the impact of adverse environmental shocks.
He joined the Council of Economic Advisers in 2017 as senior economist and then chief economist for macroeconomic policy. He became a member in 2019. Upon the resignation of Tomas J. Philipson, Goodspeed became acting Chair on June 23, 2020. Goodspeed resigned from the CEA on January 7, 2021, following the 2021 storming of the United States Capitol.
In March 2021 he became the Kleinheinz Fellow at the Hoover Institution.
Personal life.
Goodspeed is married to fellow academic Oliver McPherson-Smith.


Cole Brothers

Cole Brothers was a department store located in Sheffield in South Yorkshire, United Kingdom.
Early history.
The Cole Brothers John & Thomas opened a silk mercer and hosier at 4 Fargate, Sheffield in 1847. Their brother Skelton almost immediate joined them in the business which grew rapidly, purchasing stores along Fargate and round into Church Street. The business had grown so much that in 1869, a rebuild of the stores was commissioned with a new frontage and an extra two stories. The business continued to expand with further stores added, and rebuilt to match the architecture of the store, and by 1898 the business was incorporated. However Skelton Cole did not see this achievement, dying in 1896, while his brother John died in 1898.
The business continued to be run by the Cole family, with two sons of the brothers Thomas and Thomas Skelton taking over the reins. By 1909, the business had started employing women, which was to be a benefit with the outbreak of World War One looming. The business had also grown to local prominence with locals regarding the area as Cole's Corner, something that lives on to today. Technology was at the forefront of the store, with delivery vans being added in 1911, while the first cash registers arrived in 1916. The store continued to grow with a further two stories being added to the store in 1920, however in the same year the business was sold to Gordon Selfridge. The business transferred into his Selfridge Provincial Stores Group in 1927.
Acquisition.
During the Second World War, Selfridges Provincial Stores group was bought by John Lewis. The Cole Brothers store was not damaged during the war. The business struggled like many during the early 1950s, but by 1960 the partners at Cole Brothers decided to open a new store. The new store located in Barker's Pool, opposite the City Hall, was part of the drive to rebuild Sheffield. The old store was sold in 1962 for £1,000,000 and the business moved into its new premises on 17 September 1963.
In 1974, the store's offices were re-located out of the new building to increase store space. The store again expanded in 1977 when a shop was purchased on Cambridge Street to host the business's Toy & Sports departments. The store was refurbished in the early 1980s, however the store struggled well into the 1990s due to the economic changes that happened in Sheffield at this time.
The store continued to operate as Cole brothers until 2002, when the store was re-branded as John Lewis.


Turks and Caicos Islands Regiment

The Turks and Caicos Islands Regiment is the home defence unit of the British Overseas Territory of the Turks and Caicos Islands. It is a single territorial infantry battalion of the British Armed Forces, formed in 2020.
Background.
The Turks and Caicos Islands, as a British Overseas Territory, are defended by the United Kingdom.
History.
Governor Nigel Dakin announced in early December 2019 that the Turks and Caicos was going to build its own defence regiment, the Turks and Caicos Regiment, with the assistance of the United Kingdom Ministry of Defence, similar to the Royal Bermuda Regiment, the Cayman Islands Regiment, the Royal Montserrat Defence Force, the Falkland Islands Defence Force, and the Royal Gibraltar Regiment. The Turks and Caicos Regiment, like the Royal Bermuda Regiment and the Cayman Islands Regiment, would focus on increasing the nation's security, and, in times of natural disasters, the Regiment would be trained in engineering and communications. In mid December 2019, a team from the United Kingdom Ministry of Defence was on Turks and Caicos to start building the Regiment. It is projected that the Turk and Caicos Regiment will become operational sometime in the 3rd Quarter of 2020.
In spring 2020, a Security and Assistance Team from the United Kingdom Ministry of Defence arrived in Turks and Caicos to assist with the COVID-19 pandemic, the 2020 Atlantic hurricane season, and to help build the new Turks and Caicos Regiment.
In early June 2020, Lieutenant Colonel Ennis Grant was appointed as commanding officer of the new Turks and Caicos Regiment. An additional five permanent staff and forty reserve posts consisting of non-commissioned officers and marines will be recruited later in 2020.
On the 11th December 2020, three Officers and one warrant were officially commissioned as members of the Turks and Caicos Islands Regiment. These were Lieutenant Colonel Ennis Grant, Captain Francis Glinton, Captain Adrian Parker, and Warrant Officer II Joel Richards.


Adam Baldridge

Adam Baldridge (fl. 1690 - 1697) was an English pirate and one of the early founders of the pirate settlements in Madagascar.
History.
Fleeing from Jamaica after being charged with murder, Baldridge sailed to Madagascar and, by 1690, had established a base of operations on the island of St. Mary's. By the following year, Baldridge controlled the inland waterway into St. Mary's having established a virtual stronghold overlooking the island harbor as well as protecting the settlements' warehouses. After he had subdued the local tribes, native chieftains would be forced to pay Baldridge to mediate between warring tribes.
Baldridge's settlement had become a popular haven among pirates of the Mediterranean with Baldridge supplying pirates in exchange for high fees. Baldridge's trading supplies came from New York merchant Frederick Philipse, who chartered a number of ships under captains John Churcher, Thomas Mostyn, and others; Baldridge sent slaves back in return.
Among his customers was Thomas Tew, who visited once in 1693, and whose ship the "Amity" visited again in 1695 after Tew had been killed attacking the Moorish ship "Gunsway" with Henry Every. Baldridge had just traded with the merchant ship "Charming Mary" in August 1695, and only a few months later equipped the "Amity" (with the remains of Tew's crew) who left to hunt down the very same "Charming Mary" who'd just departed.
Baldridge reportedly lived a luxurious and extravagant life on the island, which included his own harem of island women, until 1697 when he was forced to flee to the American colonies after the local tribes discovered he had sold a group of natives as slaves. A number of pirates were killed in the ensuing uprising, including John Hoar, Robert Glover, and the remainder of Thomas Wake's crew, who had cruised with Tew and Every. Baldridge himself blamed the pirates for the natives' hostility: "The above mentioned men that were killed by the Natives, were most of them privateers that had been in the Red Seas and took severall ships there, they were chiefly the occasion of the natives Riseing, by their abuseing of the Natives and takeing their Cattel from them."
However, according to William Kidd: "Baldridge was the occasion of that Insurrection of the Natives and the death of the pirates, for that having inveigled a great number of the natives of St. Maries, men, women and children, on board a ship or ships he carryed and sold them for slaves to a French Island called Mascarine or Mascaron, which treachery of Baldridges the Natives on the Island revenged on those pirates by cutting their throats." Another ex-pirate trader named Edward Welsh took over Baldridge's abandoned settlement and fortifications shortly afterwards, but without Philipse's backing had less success. Some years later Dutch ex-pirate John Pro returned to St. Mary's and led a settlement there, trading with pirates and slavers until his death in 1719.
After his return to New York, Baldridge presented Governor Bellomont with a plan to establish an English colony at Île Sainte-Marie. Bellomont and his backers were skeptical, given Baldridge's background, and Bellomont lamented that he lacked enough judicial resources and honest officials to prosecute Baldridge. By 1699 Bellomont had ejected Philipse from the Council and suppressed his pirate-trading endeavors. Baldridge later married an ex-pirate's wife, though Bellomont noted that his marriage license was obtained illegally through a corrupt chaplain, and that the woman was technically still married. Finally Baldridge became a legitimate merchant and died in his seventies. Another source claims that after returning to New York, Baldridge convinced Bellomont to grant him permission to sail as a trader to Antigua; this was a ruse, and as soon as he sailed he turned north to Newfoundland and took to outright piracy, plundering the fishing fleets.


Newmarket North Mall

Newmarket North Mall was a mall located in Hampton, Virginia that was developed by The Hahn Company and opened in 1975. Its three anchors were Leggett, Miller & Rhoads, and Sears.
In 1989, Goodman Segar Hogan bought the property and began a two-year, $9 million renovation and expansion project. In 1990, when the renovation was nearly complete, the mall was renamed "Newmarket Fair."
Due to Patrick Henry Mall's opening in bordering Newport News, Virginia in 1987, Newmarket Fair languished, leaving Sears, which was among 235 properties Sears Holdings spun off in 2015 into Seritage Growth Properties, is the only remaining retail anchor tenant. However, on October 15, 2018 this location was announced as one of a number of stores closing as part of the Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection filing by Sears Holdings. The store ultimately closed on January 6, 2019.
There is one remaining retail establishment left, Piccadilly Cafeteria, which is the only remaining Piccadilly in Virginia.
In 2000, Washington, D.C.-based companies NetCenter Partners and Hampton Partners purchased the property on and converted it into a business center with supporting retail, personal services and food service amenities called NetCenter.


Chinese Peruvians

Chinese Peruvians, also known as tusán (a loanword from ), are Peruvian citizens whose ancestors came from Guangdong Province in China. They are people of overseas Chinese ancestry born in Peru or who have made Peru their adopted homeland.
Due to acculturation, most Chinese Peruvians do not speak the language of their Asian ancestors. However, some can speak one or more varieties of Chinese that may include Mandarin, Cantonese, Hakka and Minnan (Hokkien), in addition to Spanish or Quechua.
Outside of the predominant Amerindian, mestizo and white populations, black, Chinese and others are estimated to constitute 3% of the Peruvian population. In the 2017 Census in Peru, only 14,223 people claimed tusán or Chinese ancestry. However, according to the embassy, it was estimated that 15% (or 4.2 million) of the 29 million Peruvians in 2009 had Chinese roots and ancestry, tracing back to the 19th century of the 100,000 Chinese coolies that migrated to Peru and resulted in miscegenations with many Peruvian women.
History.
Early history.
Asian coolies who were shipped from the Spanish Philippines to Acapulco via the Manila-Acapulco galleons were all called "Chino" ("Chinese"), although in reality they were not only from China but also other places, including what are today the Philippines itself, Japan, Malaysia, Indonesia, East Timor and further afield such as India and Sri Lanka. Filipinos made up most of their population. The people in this community of diverse Asians in Mexico were called "los indios chinos" by the Spanish. Most of these workers were male and were obtained from Portuguese traders, who obtained them from Portuguese colonial possessions and outposts of the Estado da India, which included parts of India, Bengal, Malacca, Indonesia, Nagasaki in Japan and Macau. Spain received some of these coolies from Mexico, where owning a "Chino" coolie showed high status. Records of three Japanese coolies dating from the 16th century, named Gaspar Fernandes, Miguel and Ventura who ended up in Mexico showed that they were purchased by Portuguese slave traders in Japan, brought to Manila from where they were shipped to Mexico by their owner Perez. Some of these Asian slaves were also brought to Lima in Peru, where it was recorded that in 1613 there was a small community of Asians, consisting of Chinese, Japanese, Filipinos, Malays, Cambodians and others.
Chinese immigrants, who in the 19th century took a four-month trip from Macau (then a Portuguese territory), settled as contract laborers or coolies. Other Chinese coolies from Guangdong followed. 80,000 to 100,000 Chinese contract laborers, 95% of which were Cantonese and almost all of which were male, were sent mostly to the sugar plantations from 1849 to 1874, during the termination of slavery. They were to provide continuous labor for the coastal guano mines and especially for the coastal plantations where they became a major labor force (contributing greatly to the Peruvian guano boom) until the end of the century. While the coolies were believed to be reduced to virtual slaves, they also represented a historical transition from slave to free labor. A third group of Chinese workers was contracted for the construction of the railway from Lima to La Oroya and Huancayo. Chinese migrants were barred from using cemeteries reserved for Roman Catholics and were instead buried at pre-Incan burial sites. Between 1849 and 1874 half the Chinese population of Peru perished due to abuse, exhaustion and suicide caused by forced labor.
There were almost no women among the nearly entirely male Chinese coolie population that migrated to Peru and Cuba. Peruvian women were married to these Chinese male migrants.
Interracial marriages between Cantonese-Chinese males and Peruvian females was quite large resulting in large number of mixed children's and people with some Chinese ancestry in Peru. There is no prevailing racist attitude against intermarriage between the Chinese and non-Chinese in Peru, so the number of interracial marriages is quite large. According to one source, the number of mix raced children born was 180,000. Half of that number was in Lima alone, with the ratio between Chinese mestizo and the full-blooded Chinese at 90,000 to 15,000 (6:1). There is estimated up to 2.5 million (up to 8% of Peru) citizens are of mixed Chinese-Peruvian ancestry known as 'Tusans'. One estimates puts 4.2 million (15%) of the Peruvians having some Chinese ancestry.
Many Peruvian women of different origins married to these Chinese male migrants. Most of the women that married Chinese were Amerindians (including Mestiza) and Black. Some lower class white women also married Chinese men but in a lower ratio.
Chinese had contact with Peruvian women in cities; there they formed relationships and sired mixed babies. These women originated from Andean and coastal areas and did not originally come from the cities; in the haciendas on the coast in rural areas, native young women of "indígenas" ("native") and "serranas" ("mountain") origin from the Andes mountains would come down to work. These Andean native women were favored over Africans as marital partners by Chinese men, with matchmakers arranging for communal marriages of Chinese men to young "indígenas" and "serranas". There was a racist reaction by Peruvians to the marriages of Peruvian women and Chinese men. When native Peruvian women ("cholas et natives", "Indias", "indígenas") and Chinese men had mixed children, the children were called "injerto"; once these "injertos" emerged, Chinese men sought out girls of "injerta" origin as marriage partners. Children born to black mothers were not called "injertos". Peruvians of low class established sexual unions or marriages with the Chinese men, and some black and Indian women "bred" with the Chinese according to Alfredo Sachettí, who claimed the mixing was causing the Chinese to suffer from "progressive degeneration". In Casa Grande, highland Indian women and Chinese men participated in communal "mass marriages" with each other, arranged when highland women were brought by a Chinese matchmaker after receiving a down payment.
In Peru and Cuba, some Indian (Native American), mulatto, black, and white women engaged in carnal relations or marriages with Chinese men, with marriages of mulatto, black, and white woman being reported by the Cuba Commission Report. In Peru, it was reported by "The New York Times" that Peruvian black and Indian (Native) women married Chinese men to their own advantage and to the disadvantage of the men since they dominated and "subjugated" the Chinese men despite the fact that the labor contract was annulled by the marriage, reversing the roles in marriage with the Peruvian woman holding marital power, ruling the family and making the Chinese men slavish, docile, "servile", "submissive" and "feminine" and commanding them around, reporting that "Now and then...he [the Chinese man] becomes enamored of the charms of some sombre-hued chola (Native Indian and mestiza woman) or samba (mixed black woman), and is converted and joins the Church, so that may enter the bonds of wedlock with the dusky señorita." Chinese men were sought out as husbands and considered a "catch" by the "dusky damsels" (Peruvian women) because they were viewed as a "model husband, hard-working, affectionate, faithful and obedient" and "handy to have in the house", the Peruvian women became the "better half" instead of the "weaker vessel" and would command their Chinese husbands "around in fine style" instead of treating them equally, while the labor contract of the Chinese coolie would be nullified by the marriage, the Peruvian wife viewed the nullification merely as the previous "master" handing over authority over the Chinese man to her as she became his "mistress", keeping him in "servitude" to her, speedily ending any complaints and suppositions by the Chinese men that they would have any power in the marriage.
Although Chinese Peruvians were well-integrated to Peruvian society, it did not come with an easy beginning. During the War of the Pacific, Chinese labors led an uprising in support to Chile against Peru. Peruvians held Chinese as responsible to the Chilean invading army, and this led to the first ever Sinophobia in Latin America. Chinese were targeted and murdered by native Peruvians and it was not until 1890s that anti-Chinese pogroms stopped. Despite this, Chinese were barred from immigrating to the country until 1970s.
Another group of Chinese settlers came after the founding of Sun Yat-sen's republic in 1912, and another after the establishment of Communist rule in 1949.
In 1957, Cantonese speakers constituted 85 per cent of the total Chinese immigrant population, the rest of whom were Hakka speakers.
Modern-day immigration.
Recent Chinese immigrants settled in Peru from Hong Kong and Macau in 1997 and 1999, owing to fear of those territories returning to Communist rule, while others have come from other places in mainland China, Taiwan, and southeast Asian Chinese communities, including those of Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore and the Philippines. Many Chinese Indonesians came to Peru after anti-Chinese riots and massacres in those countries in the 1960s, 1970s, and late 1990s. These recent Chinese immigrants make Peru currently the home of the largest ethnically Chinese community in Latin America.
Emigration.
Many Chinese Peruvians left Peru in the 1960s and 1970s. Most of them headed to the United States, where they were called Chinese Americans or Peruvian Americans of Chinese descent, while others went to Canada, Spain, mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, Australia, or New Zealand.
Role in the economy.
After their contracts ended, many of them adopted the last name of their patrons (one of the reasons that many Chinese Peruvians carry Spanish last names). Some freed coolies (and later immigrants) established many small businesses. These included "chifas" (Chinese-Peruvian restaurants - the word is derived from Chinese term, () which means "to eat rice or to have a meal"). Calle Capón, Lima's Chinatown, also known as Barrio Chino de Lima, became one of the Western Hemisphere's earliest Chinatowns. The Chinese coolies married Peruvian women, and many Chinese Peruvians today are of mixed Chinese, Spanish, African or Native American descent. Chinese Peruvians also assisted in the building of railroad and development of the Amazon Rainforest, where they tapped rubber trees, washed gold, cultivated rice, and traded with the natives. They even became the largest foreign colony in the Amazon capital of Iquitos by the end of the century.
In 1942, a Chinese-Peruvian, Erasmo Wong, started a small store in a residential district in Lima, which grew into a large supermarket chain in Peru known as Wong supermarkets. Wong supermarkets was later acquired by the Chilean multinational retail company Cencosud on December 16, 2007, helping it grow further.
Notable people.
The vast majority of Chinese descendants in Peru do not carry a Chinese surname, since their ancestors, when they arrived in Peru, were baptized or adopted the surnames of their patrons, Catholic saints or some very common Castilian surname.


Richard Hurd (educator)

Richard Hurd is a professor of labor relations emeritus and former director of Labor Studies at the Cornell University School of Industrial and Labor Relations.
Hurd has a Ph.D. in economics from Vanderbilt University.
Prior to his appointment at Cornell, Hurd was an economic policy fellow at the Brookings Institution.
Hurd's research focus is on the modern labor movement, organizing strategies, and organizational change in unions. He also has an interest in the organization of professional and technical workers. Hurd is frequently quoted in mainstream newspapers and magazines.
Hurd has been a consultant for the Canadian Labour Congress, AFL-CIO, Department for Professional Employees, the Albert Shanker Institute, the New York State United Teachers, the Service Employees International Union, UNITE HERE, and the American Guild of Musical Artists.
Memberships.
Hurd serves on the executive committee of the National Center for the Study of Collective Bargaining in Higher Education.


Ivan Yanzhul

Ivan Ivanovich Yanzhul (Иван Иванович Янжул; 1846-1914) was a professor of financial law at Moscow University who established the Russian state factory inspection. He helped enforce the first Russian labour code (1 June 1882) which provided a measure of protection for Russian factory workers. His job involved finding an industrial enterprise, gaining access to the premises and forcing the owner to halt illegal practices such as night child labor. His political views have been described as state socialism in that he advocated that government manipulation of tax and customs policy was sufficient for the realisation of socialism. Yanzhul was elected into the Russian Academy of Sciences in 1895. His memoirs were published in 2 volumes in 1910 and 1911.


Hibbert, Purrier and Horton

Hibbert, Purrier and Horton was a London-based merchant and shipping business, initially founded in 1770, which was also extensively involved in the slave trade during the late 18th and early-mid-19th century. A partnership (its personnel and name changed several times), it was the primary trading vehicle for successive generations of the Hibbert family's business interests in the West Indies.
Origins.
Manchester-based linen draper Robert Hibbert (1684–1762) had three sons, two of whom settled in Jamaica and established extensive sugar plantations: Thomas Hibbert (1710–1780) travelled to Jamaica in 1734; John Hibbert (1732–1769) lived in Jamaica from 1754 until his death. The third son, Robert (1717–1784), succeeded his father as manager of the Manchester business.
Several of Robert Jr's sons also joined the family business, with Thomas Hibbert (1744–1819) entering into partnership with London merchants John Purrier and Thomas Horton in 1770. His brother, a third generation Robert Hibbert (1750–1835) also joined the partnership, as did, in 1780, George Hibbert (1757–1837) who eventually rose to head the firm, which had offices at 9 Mincing Lane.
Changes of name.
Reflecting the changing personnel involved, with sometimes more than one partnership, business was conducted under various names including:
Various fourth generation Hibbert sons were also engaged in the business, as was John Purrier's son, John Vincent Purrier (1773–1833), and grandsons Edward Purrier (1802–1858), John Vincent Purrier (died 1849) and (almost certainly) Thomas Purrier (c. 1809 – 1873).
Company ships.
The company's vessels included the merchantman "Mary Ann". In July 1772, Maurice Suckling arranged for his nephew Horatio Nelson to sail to the West Indies in the Hibbert, Purrier and Horton merchantman, captained by John Rathbone, giving Nelson his first experience of seamanship and life at sea (he sailed from Medway, Kent, on 25 July 1771 sailing to Jamaica and Tobago, returning to Plymouth on 7 July 1772).


Hastings Cutoff

The Hastings Cutoff was an alternative route for westward emigrants to travel to California, as proposed by Lansford Hastings in "The Emigrant's Guide to Oregon and California". The ill-fated Donner Party infamously took the route in 1846.
Description.
A sentence in Hastings' guidebook briefly describes the cutoff:
The most direct route, for the California emigrants, would be to leave the Oregon route, about two hundred miles east from Fort Hall; thence bearing West Southwest, to the Salt Lake; and thence continuing down to the bay of St. Francisco, by the route just described.
The cutoff left the Oregon Trail at Fort Bridger in Wyoming, passed through the Wasatch Range, across the Great Salt Lake Desert, an 80-mile waterless drive, looped around the Ruby Mountains, and rejoined the California Trail about seven miles west of modern Elko (also Emigrant Pass).
The west end of the cutoff is marked as Nevada Historical Marker 3.
Trail use.
Hastings led a small party overland late in 1845 and spent the winter in California. Significantly, his stay at Sutter's Fort coincided with a visit by John C. Frémont, who had just explored the Great Salt Lake Desert and whose letter describing a new route to California would be widely published in Eastern newspapers. In April, Hastings set out with a few companions to meet the emigration of 1846. He stayed in the vicinity of the Sweetwater River while an eastbound traveler carried his open letter inviting emigrants on the California Trail to meet him at Fort Bridger. Between 60 and 75 wagons did so and traveled with Hastings on his cutoff. They endured a difficult descent down Weber Canyon, a waterless drive of 80 miles across the Great Salt Lake Desert, and a lengthy detour around the Ruby Mountains. Despite the usual trials of overland travel, they arrived safely in California.
The Donner Party, following in the wake of this initial party in 1846, had an unsuccessful experience with the Hastings Cutoff. They had arrived about a week late to travel with Hastings' party, and on his suggestion pioneered an alternate route to avoid Weber Canyon. The roadbuilding required through the Wasatch Mountains and the grueling Great Salt Lake Desert delayed them. When they had arrived at the California Trail, they were delayed about a month. The party arrived at Donner Pass just as an early winter storm rendered it impassable. After becoming snowbound in the Sierra Nevada, many died of starvation, and some of the emigrants resorted to eating their animals and the deceased members of the group.
In July 1847, Mormon leader Brigham Young led a vanguard company of emigrants from Winter Quarters, in what is now Omaha, to the future site of Salt Lake City. The company chose to use the Hastings Cutoff passing through modern-day Emigration Canyon. Young's group made remarkable improvements to some parts of the cutoff on their journey so subsequent Mormon companies could more easily make it through to the Salt Lake valley. William Clayton, the company's scribe, stated in his journals that the company tried to follow the route left by the Donner Party the previous year, yet only occasionally could identify the tracks.
The California gold rush created an enormous increase in westward traffic and several parties of 1849 and 1850 used the Hastings Cutoff. The year 1850 saw the development of a new route called the Salt Lake Cutoff that avoided the Great Salt Lake Desert west of the lake. Subsequently, the Hastings Cutoff was abandoned, except for portions east of Salt Lake City, where it remained as the end of the Mormon Trail.


Mary Astor Paul

Mary Astor Paul Munn Allez (March 26, 1889 – July 28, 1950) was a Philadelphia socialite who was related to the Astor and Drexel families. During World War II, she helped the American forces in France.
Early life.
Mary was born on March 26, 1889 and raised in Radnor, Pennsylvania. She was the daughter of James William Paul Jr. (1851–1908) and Frances Katherine "Fanny" (née Drexel) Paul (1858–1901). Her siblings were Ellen Drexel (née Paul) Mills and Anthony Joseph Drexel Paul. Her father was a banker affiliated with the Drexel interests in Philadelphia and the Morgan interests in New York.
Her paternal grandparents were James William Paul and Hannah Clement (née Bunker) Paul. Her aunt, Mary Dahlgren Paul, was married to William Waldorf Astor (who moved to England and became the 1st Viscount Astor). Her cousins included Waldorf Astor, 2nd Viscount Astor (husband of Nancy Astor, the first woman to take her seat in the House of Commons), Hon. Pauline Astor (wife of politician Herbert Spender-Clay), and John Jacob Astor, 1st Baron Astor of Hever. Her maternal grandparents were Anthony Joseph Drexel and Ellen (née Rozet) Drexel. Among her large extended family was uncle Anthony Joseph Drexel Jr. and cousins Anthony Joseph Drexel Biddle Sr. and Margaretta Armstrong Drexel (wife of Guy Finch-Hatton, 14th Earl of Winchilsea).
Personal life.
She was presented to society in 1907 and on October 28, 1908, her engagement to Charles Alexander Munn Jr. was announced. Then a student at Harvard, Munn was a son of Charles Alexander Munn and Carrie Louise (née Gurnee) Munn. They were married on June 21, 1909, at St. Martin Episcopal Church in Radnor, Pennsylvania. Many members of society were present, including the Drexel and Roosevelt families. After their marriage, the couple lived at Woodcrest, their residence in Radnor, until they sold it in 1925. After the sale, the couple sailed to France, intending on living there for a decade. However, Mary filed for divorce in 1930, citing abandonment. Before their divorce, they had four children together, three daughters and a son, including:
In 1917, she was drawn by John Singer Sargent and, in 1929, she was painted by Philip de László. After their divorce, she remarried to Jacquez Eami Adrien Allez (1894–1963) in 1934. In 1953, her first husband remarried to Dorothy Spreckels (daughter of Sugar tycoon Adolph B. Spreckels and his wife, Alma de Bretteville Spreckels).
She died in Paris on July 28, 1950 and was buried at cemetery in Mortefontaine.
World War II involvement.
During World War II, she served the United States Military in a large role. She served as president of the American Aid Society in Paris. During the French resistance movement, she helped contact the American forces under the code name "Pauline." Speaking of her service, Mme. Allez said that her contacts were throughout France, and consisted of people from all walks of life and occupations. She was also in personal contact throughout the war with the American Legation in Berne, Switzerland, and Robert Murphy, the United States Consul.
The President of the United States, Harry S. Truman, awarded Mme. Allez the American Medal of Freedom for her service. At the same time, French President Vincent Auriol made her a chevalier of the Legion of Honor.


Oued Fodda

Oued Fodda is a town and commune in Chlef Province, Algeria. According to the 1998 census it has a population of 36,187.
Description.
Oued Fodda is one of the communes of the Chlef Province in Algeria, it is located 20 km east of the town of Chlef, and it was founded in 1883, at the confluence of Oued Fodda and Oued Chelif rivers. It is crossed by the national road 04, and the "way of wilaya 132".
Historical note.
During the Algerian War, the French armed forces based the Centre d'Entrainement et de Perfectionnement des Commandos de Chasse No.1 here. It was a special operations school that trained the "Commandos de Chasse". It opened in July 1959 and closed in March, 1962.
"Commandos de Chasse" were company-sized security units of Algerian "Harkis" ["Volunteer Auxiliary Troops"] led by French officers and NCOs. Their job was to track and pin down FLN "Katibas" ["irregular units of Section or Company strength"] infiltrating from Tunisia and Morocco or operating in the "bled" ("high desert") so they could be attacked by larger conventional French Union forces.
Army units had the callsign "Pagoda" or "Kimono" and Gendarmerie units had the callsign "Pirate" or "Partisan".


Charles Scontras

Charles A. Scontras (November 25, 1929 – March 7, 2021) was a Maine labor historian, educator and author.
Personal.
Scontras was born in Buffalo, New York, the son of Greek immigrants. He spent his childhood and adolescence in Old Orchard Beach, Maine. His mother worked in the textile mills of nearby Biddeford and his father was a shoe repairman. Prior to his career in education, he owned a shoe store and shoe repair business.
He attended the University of New Hampshire, earning a B.S. in Business Administration. He later earned a M.Ed. and a M.A. and Ph.D. in history from the University of Maine, Orono.
He lived in Cape Elizabeth, Maine, with his wife, Joanne.
Career.
Scontras taught at the University of Maine for 36 years, holding positions in the Modern Society, History, and Political Science Departments, and in the Honors Program. He retired in 1997, but continued to serve as a Research Associate at the University of Maine Bureau of Labor Education.
Maine Labor History Mural.
In 1997, the Maine Department of Labor consulted with Scontras as the agency worked to commission a mural highlighting Maine's labor history. He worked closely with Judy Taylor, the artist selected for project, to identify the scenes that were captured on the eleven panel mural. Taylor honored his contribution to the work by using his image in a mural panel that depicts apprenticeship. He is shown teaching an apprentice how to hand sew shoes.


Statues Also Die

Statues Also Die () is a 1953 French essay film directed by Alain Resnais, Chris Marker, and Ghislain Cloquet about historical African art and the effects colonialism has had on how it is perceived. The film won the 1954 Prix Jean Vigo. Because of its criticism of colonialism, the second half of the film was banned in France until the 1960s.
Synopsis.
The film exhibits a series of sculptures, masks and other traditional art from Sub-Saharan Africa. The images are frequently set to music and cut to the music's pace. The narrator focuses on the emotional qualities of the objects, and discusses the perception of African sculptures from a historical and contemporary European perspective. Only occasionally does the film provide the geographical origin, time period or other contextual information about the objects. The idea of a dead statue is explained as a statue which has lost its original significance and become reduced to a museum object, similarly to a dead person who can be found in history books. Interweaved with the objects are a few scenes of Africans performing traditional music and dances, as well as the death of a disemboweled gorilla.
During the last third of the film, the modern commercialisation of African culture is problematised. The film argues that colonial presence has compelled African art to lose much of its idiosyncratic expression, in order to appeal to Western consumers. A mention is made of how African currencies previously had been replaced by European. In the final segment, the film comments on the position of black Africans themselves in contemporary Europe and North America. Footage is seen from a Harlem Globetrotters basketball show, of the boxer Sugar Ray Robinson, and a jazz drummer intercut with scenes from a confrontation between police and labour demonstrators. Lastly the narrator argues that we should regard African and European art history as one inseparable human culture.
Analysis.
In her 2006 book "Chris Marker", film studies professor Nora M. Alter connects the ambition of the film to Chris Marker's tendency to promote upcoming or obscure artists, in attempts to avoid that their works are overlooked or forgotten. She notes how the objects in "Statues Also Die" are shown almost as if they were alive: "Marker's camera treats all subjects in front of its lens without differentiating between humans, statues, animals, landscapes, architecture, or signs. The magic of cinema both imbues inanimate objects with life and carries out the mortification of living subjects," something she also connects to the footage of the dying gorilla. Alter further writes that as the film asserts that colonialism is responsible for the "disenchantment and demystification" of African culture, "Statues Also Die" "illustrates the process whereby a religious fetish is transformed into a commodity fetish by Western civilization."
Production.
The film was commissioned from Marker by the association "Présence Africaine" in 1950, as Alain Resnais said in an interview in 1996. Marker, who knew Resnais, offered to make the film together, because it would be more "fun and enjoyable". Both embarked on the adventure of the chief operator Ghislain Cloquet.
According to Resnais, the original intent was not to make an anticolonial film, but only a film about African art. However when the filmmakers started to do research, they were struck by the fact that African art was exhibited at the ethnological Musée de l'Homme, and not the Louvre like art from elsewhere. As research continued, the disintegrating effects of colonialism became more prominent in the filmmakers' approach to the subject.
Release.
The film first premiered in 1953. In 1954 it received the Prix Jean Vigo. Because of the sensitive subject, the sharp criticism of colonialism urged the French National Center of Cinematography to censor the second half of the film until 1963. The first time the full version was publicly screened in France was in November 1968, as part of a program with thematically related short films, under the label "Cinéma d'inquiétude". It premiered on DVD in 2004.


Kalabera Cave

Kalabera Cave is an underground chamber in Kalabera, Saipan. There is a trail, ramp at the cave's entrance, pictographic and petroglyph interpretive panels, prayer or offering area, replica latte huts, and landscaping in the surrounding area.
The site was used as a prehistoric burial site. There are more than forty-five prehistoric petroglyphs and rock engravings in the cave, measuring between 5 and 10 inches in size. Most of the engravings portray headless human figures. During the Battle of Saipan, civilians and combatants hid in the cave and it served as a field hospital. Years after the war, ordnance, human belongings, and skeletons were still retrieved 30 to 50 feet from the cave's entrance.


Grants of Croydon

Grants of Croydon is an entertainment complex at 14–32 High Street, Croydon, London. Originally built in 1894, Grants became a Grade II listed building in 1990. In 2000 Grants was re-developed into an entertainment centre. It was bought by Scottish Widows in early 2010.
Department store.
The two Grant brothers originally had a tailor's shop across the road. Business boomed so the brothers bought out the surrounding shops opposite and opened Grants department store. During the First World War years Grants was considered the Harrods of its generation. Croydon was home to the first UK international airport and the store provided all the uniforms for the Royal Air Force. Grants was visited by swarms of French aristocrats who flew into Croydon simply to buy a suit. It was the first store in the UK to have its own generator supplied electricity.
The Royal Family were also frequent visitors to Grants and on occasion the Queen would also come to the store.
After the Second World War times were hard and the store's clothes were considered over-priced. Business became increasingly difficult, and eventually, by the 1980s, stiff competition forced Grants out of business. The store closed its doors in 1985 and remained empty until 2000.
Reconstruction.
Developers Richardsons tasked architects Hellmuth, Obata and Kassabaum with the challenge of redeveloping the listed building to its former glory by restoring the original Queen Anne style façade. The restoration include repair of the stained glass windows, the stonework, the cornices, the window trims and a turret with a flagpole. The windows of the building are etched as they were in Victorian times, with descriptions of the goods that Grants used to sell, such as 'haberdashery' and 'silks'.
Current tenants.
Although the exterior has been restored to its former glory, the environment inside is very different. The tenants are: