Anti-Turkish sentiment

Anti-Turkish sentiment, also known as Anti-Turkism (), or Turkophobia () is hostility, intolerance, or racism against Turkish or Turkic people, Turkish culture, or Turkic countries. Its opposite is Turkophilia.
The term refers to intolerance not only against the Turks across all regions, but also against Turkic groups as a whole, including Azerbaijanis, Crimean Tatars and Turkmens. It is also applied on groups who developed in part under the influence of Turkish culture and traditions while converting to Islam, especially during Ottoman times, such as Albanians, Bosniaks and other smaller ethnic groups around Balkans.
Early history.
In the Late Middle Ages, the fall of Constantinople and the Ottoman wars in Europe—part of European Christians' effort to stem the expansion of the Ottoman Empire, the predecessor to Turkey—helped fuel the development of anti-Turkism. By the middle of the 15th century, special masses called "missa contra Turcos" (Latin for "mass against Turks") were held in various places in Europe to spread the message that victory over the Ottomans was only possible with the help of God and that a Christian community was therefore necessary to withstand the cruelty of the Turks.
16th century.
As the Ottomans expanded their empire west, Western Europe came into more frequent contact with the Turks, often militarily.
During the Fourth Ottoman–Venetian War, the Ottomans conquered Cyprus.
In the 16th century, around 2,500 publications about the Turks—including more than 1,000 in German—were released in Europe, spreading the image of the "bloodthirsty Turk". From 1480 to 1610, twice as many books were published about the Turkish threat to Europe than about the discovery of the New World. Bishop Johann Faber of Vienna claimed, "There are no crueler and more audacious villains under the heavens than the Turks, who spare no age or sex and mercilessly cut down young and old alike and pluck unripe fruit from the wombs of mothers."
During this time, the Ottoman Empire also invaded the Balkans and besieged Vienna, sparking widespread fear in Europe, and especially in Germany. Martin Luther, the German leader of the Protestant Reformation, took advantage of these fears by asserting that the Turks were "the agents of the Devil who, along with the Antichrist located in the heart of the Catholic Church, Rome, would usher in the Last Days and the Apocalypse".
Luther believed that the Ottoman invasion was God's punishment of Christians for allowing corruption in the Holy See and the Catholic Church. In 1518, when he defended his 95 Theses, Luther claimed that God had sent the Turks to punish Christians just as he had sent war, plague, and earthquakes. (In response, Pope Leo X issued a papal bull in which he threatened Luther with excommunication and portrayed him as a troublemaker who advocated capitulation to the Turks.) In his writings "On War Against the Turk" and "Military Sermon Against the Turks", Luther was "consistent in his theological conception of the Turks as a manifestation of God's chastising rod". He and his followers also espoused the view that the Ottoman–Habsburg Wars were a conflict "between Christ and Antichrist" or "between God and the devil".
Spurred by this argument, the Portuguese Empire, seeking to capture more land in East Africa and other parts of the world, used any encounter with the "Terrible Turk" as "a prime opportunity to establish credentials as champions of the faith on par with other Europeans".
Stories of the "dog-Turk" reinforced the negative image. The dog-Turk was claimed to be a man-eating being, half animal and half human, with a dog's head and tail. After the Battle of Vienna in 1683, the image of the dog-Turk became a figure used to ridicule Turks in carnival processions and masquerades, where "dog-Turk" characters began to appear alongside witches and clowns.
17th–18th centuries.
According to some sympathetic Orientalist authors, negative accounts of Turkish customs and people written during the 17th and 18th centuries "served as an 'ideological weapon' during the Enlightenment's arguments about the nature of government", creating an image of the Turks that was "inaccurate but accepted". However, some contemporary reports documented brutality and corrupt governance against subjugated Christians, including the practice of Devshirme (); where Ottoman soldiers would take European Christian males, aged 8 to 20, forcibly recruiting soldiers from among the children of their Balkan Christian subjects In Eastern and Southeastern Europe, and relocate them to Istanbul. The devshirme was resented by locals for the fact that the children were taken forcibly from their parents.
In Sweden, the Turks were portrayed as the archenemies of Christianity. A book by the parish priest Erland Dryselius of Jönköping, published in 1694, was titled "Luna Turcica eller Turkeske måne, anwissjandes lika som uti en spegel det mahometiske vanskelige regementet, fördelter uti fyra qvarter eller böcker" ("Turkish moon showing as in a mirror the dangerous Mohammedan rule, divided into four quarters or books"). In sermons, the Swedish clergy preached about the Turks' cruelty and bloodthirstiness, and how they systematically burned and plundered the areas they conquered. In a Swedish schoolbook published in 1795, Islam was described as "the false religion that had been fabricated by the great deceiver Muhammad, to which the Turks to this day universally confess""."
In 1718, James Puckle demonstrated two versions of his new invention, the Puckle gun: a tripod-mounted, single-barreled flintlock weapon fitted with a revolving cylinder, designed to prevent intruders from boarding a ship. The first version, intended for use against Christian enemies, fired conventional round bullets. The second, intended for use against the Muslim Ottomans, fired square bullets, designed by Kyle Tunis, which were believed to be more damaging and would, according to Puckle's patent, convince the Turks of the "benefits of Christian civilization".
Voltaire and other European writers described the Turks as tyrants who destroyed Europe's heritage; with Voltaire characterizing Turks as "tyrants of the women and enemies of arts" and "barbarian usurpers who must be chased out of Europe." In his book "Orientalism", Edward Said noted, "Until the end of the seventeenth century the 'Ottoman peril' lurked alongside Europe to represent for the whole of Christian civilization a constant danger, and in time European civilization incorporated that peril and its lore, its great events, figures, virtues, and vices, as something woven into the fabric of life."
Anti-Turkism by Ottomans.
Within the ruling class, Ottomans, called themselves "Osmanlı", to note a person of higher intelect and education with proficiency in Persian and Arabic literature, while the word "Turk" was used to discriminate against the nomad Turkomans of the steppes and Khurasan, and the illiterate Anatolian peasentry, and ethnic slurs such as "Eşek Turk" (donkey Turk) and "Kaba Turk" (rude Turk) were used to describe them. Other expressions included were "Turk-head" and "Turk-person". Within the Ottoman Empire, the term of ""Etrak-i bi-idrak" was sometimes used to denote the Yörük backwoodsmen, bumpkins, nomad Turkomans in Anatolia. "Etrak-i bi-idrak"", an Ottoman play on words, meant "the ignorant Turk". Another similar phrase was "Türk-i-bed-lika" which meant "the ugly-faced Turk".
Özay Mehmet wrote in his book "Islamic Identity and Development: Studies of the Islamic Periphery":
Modern history.
Before the 1960s, Turkey had relatively low emigration. However, after the adoption of a new constitution in 1961, Turkish citizens began to migrate elsewhere. Gradually, Turks became a "prominent ethnic minority group" in some Western countries. But from the beginning, they were subject to discrimination. At times, when host countries adopted more immigrant-friendly policies, "only the Turkish workers were excluded" from them.
In various European languages, the word "Turk" has acquired a meaning similar to "barbarian" or "heathen", or is used as a slur or curse. As a result, the word also has some negative connotations in the United States.
Arab World.
The Arab World has a long history of mixed relations with the Turks back from the Ottoman Empire. In the past, the Ottoman conquest had absorbed a large number of Arab countries into its map, ultimately opened a chapter of a complicated relationship between Turks and Arabs. While both are Muslim majority, subsequent conflict of interests and the growing Turkification and nationalist movement had led to growing anti-Arabism among Turks, especially following the Arab Revolt during the First World War.
Due to growing Arabophobia among Turks, a growing number of Arabs have developed a resentment against anything Turkic and Turkish in general.
Egypt.
Since it gained its independence in 1956, Egypt has always had a mixed relationship with Turkey, in particular due to Turkey's relationship with Israel and Egypt had once allied itself with Syria, leading to tensions between Turkey and Egypt.
Since Abdel Fattah el-Sisi came to power in 2014, anti-Turkism has spread in Egypt, as retribution for Erdoğan's growing hostility towards the Egyptian administration. The Egyptian Government has targeted the Turkish state for criticism by opposing it on issues which are extremely sensitive to it, such as recognizing the Armenian Genocide, Turkish military invasion in Syria as el-Sisi allied with Bashar al-Assad. There's a growing fear of Turkish interference in Egyptian affairs, which contributed to the growth of Turkophobia in Egypt.
Iraq.
The fear of Turkish influence has always dominated Iraq and as such, relationship between Iraq and Turkey has always been tense.
The position of the Iraqi Turkmen has changed from being administrative and business classes of the Ottoman Empire to an increasingly discriminated against minority. Since the demise of the Ottoman Empire, the Iraqi Turkmen have been victims of several massacres, such as the Kirkuk Massacre of 1959. Furthermore, under the Ba'th party, discrimination against the Iraqi Turkmen increased, with several leaders being executed in 1979 as well as the Iraqi Turkmen community being victims of Arabization policies by the state, and Kurdification by Kurds seeking to push them forcibly out of their homeland. Thus, they have suffered from various degrees of suppression and assimilation that ranged from political persecution and exile to terror and ethnic cleansing. Despite being recognized in the 1925 constitution as a constitutive entity, the Iraqi Turkmen were later denied this status; hence, cultural rights were gradually taken away and activists were sent to exile.
In 1924, the Iraqi Turkmen were seen as a disloyal remnant of the Ottoman Empire, with a natural tie to Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's new Turkish nationalist ideology emerging in the Republic of Turkey. The Iraqi Turkmen living in the region of Kirkuk were perceived as posing a threat to the stability of Iraq, particularly as they did not support the ascendancy of King Faisal I to the Iraqi throne. On May 4, these tensions boiled over into violence when soldiers from the Iraq Levies- a levied force raised by the British government after the First World War and consisting primarily of Assyrians- clashed with Turkmen in a Kirkuk market square after a dispute between an Assyrian soldier and a Turkmen shopkeeper. In the ensuing fracas, 200 Turkmen were killed by Assyrian soldiers.
Around 20 Iraqi Turkmen civilians were killed by the Iraqi police including women and children on 12 July 1946 in Gavurbağı, Kirkuk.
The Kirkuk massacre of 1959 came about due to the Iraqi government allowing the Iraqi Communist Party, which in Kirkuk was largely Kurdish, to target the Iraqi Turkmen. With the appointment of Maarouf Barzinji, a Kurd, as the mayor of Kirkuk in July 1959, tensions rose following the 14 July revolution celebrations, with animosity in the city polarizing rapidly between the Kurds and Iraqi Turkmen. On 14 July 1959, fights broke out between the Iraqi Turkmen and Kurds, leaving some 20 Iraqi Turkmen dead. Furthermore, on 15 July 1959, Kurdish soldiers of the Fourth Brigade of the Iraqi army mortared Iraqi Turkmen residential areas, destroying 120 houses. Order was restored on 17 July by military units from Baghdad. The Iraqi government referred to the incident as a "massacre" and stated that between 31 and 79 Iraqi Turkmen were killed and some 130 injured.
In 1980, Saddam Hussein's government adopted a policy of assimilation of its minorities. Due to government relocation programs, thousands of Iraqi Turkmen were relocated from their traditional homelands in northern Iraq and replaced by Arabs, in an effort to Arabize the region. Furthermore, Iraqi Turkmen villages and towns were destroyed to make way for Arab migrants, who were promised free land and financial incentives. For example, the Ba'ath regime recognised that the city of Kirkuk was historically an Iraqi Arab city and remained firmly in its cultural orientation. Thus, the first wave of Arabization saw Arab families move from the centre and south of Iraq into Kirkuk to work in the expanding oil industry. Although the Iraqi Turkmen were not actively forced out, new Arab quarters were established in the city and the overall demographic balance of the city changed as the Arab migrations continued.
Several presidential decrees and directives from state security and intelligence organizations indicate that the Iraqi Turkmen were a particular focus of attention during the assimilation process during the Ba'th regime. For example, the Iraqi Military Intelligence issued directive 1559 on 6 May 1980 ordering the deportation of Iraqi Turkmen officials from Kirkuk, issuing the following instructions: "identify the places where Turkmen officials are working in governmental offices [in order] to deport them to other governorates in order to disperse them and prevent them from concentrating in this governorate [Kirkuk]". In addition, on 30 October 1981, the Revolution's Command Council issued decree 1391, which authorized the deportation of Iraqi Turkmen from Kirkuk with paragraph 13 noting that "this directive is specially aimed at Turkmen and Kurdish officials and workers who are living in Kirkuk".
As primary victims of these Arabization policies, the Iraqi Turkmen suffered from land expropriation and job discrimination, and therefore would register themselves as "Arabs" in order to avoid discrimination. Thus, ethnic cleansing was an element of the Ba'thist policy aimed at reducing the influence of the Iraqi Turkmen in northern Iraq's Kirkuk. Those Iraqi Turkmen who remained in cities such as Kirkuk were subject to continued assimilation policies; school names, neighbourhoods, villages, streets, markets and even mosques with names of Turkic origin were changed to names that emanated from the Ba'th Party or from Arab heroes. Moreover, many Iraqi Turkmen villages and neighbourhoods in Kirkuk were simply demolished, particularly in the 1990s.
Over 135 Turkmens were massacred in 1991 during the Gulf War by the Iraqi Army.
The Kurds claimed "de facto" sovereignty over land that Iraqi Turkmen regards as theirs. For the Iraqi Turkmen, their identity is deeply inculcated as the rightful inheritors of the region as a legacy of the Ottoman Empire. Thus, it is claimed that the Kurdistan Region and Iraqi government has constituted a threat to the survival of the Iraqi Turkmen through strategies aimed at eradicating or assimilating them. The largest concentration of Iraqi Turkmen tended to be in Tal Afar. The formation of the Kurdistan Region in 1991 created high animosity between the Kurds and Iraqi Turkmen, resulting in some Iraqi Turkmen being victims of Kurdification, according to the Liam Anderson. The largest concentration of Iraqi Turkmen tended to be in the de facto capital of Erbil, a city in which they had assumed prominent administrative and economic positions. Thus, they increasingly came into dispute and often conflict with the ruling powers of the city, which after 1996 was the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Massoud Barzani.
According to Anderson and Stansfield, in the 1990s, tension between the Kurds and Iraqi Turkmen inflamed as the KDP and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) were institutionalized as the political hegemons of the region and, from the perspective of the Iraqi Turkmen, sought to marginalize them from the positions of authority and to subsume their culture with an all-pervading Kurdistani identity. With the support of Ankara, a new political front of Turkmen parties, the Iraqi Turkmen Front (ITF), was formed on 24 April 1995. The relationship between the Iraqi Turkmen Front and the KDP was tense and deteriorated as the decade went on. Iraqi Turkmen associated with the Iraqi Turkmen Front complained about harassment by Kurdish security forces. In March 2000, the Human Rights Watch reported that the KDP's security attacked the offices of the ITF in Erbil, killing two guards, following a lengthy period of disputes between the two parties. In 2002, the KDP created an Iraqi Turkmen political organization, the Turkmen National Association, that supported the further institutionalization of the Kurdistan Region. This was viewed by pro-ITF Iraqi Turkmen as a deliberate attempt to "buy off" Iraqi Turkmen opposition and break their bonds with Ankara. Promoted by the KDP as the "true voice" of the Iraqi Turkmen, the Turkmen National Association has a pro-Kurdistani stance and has effectively weakened the ITF as the sole representative voice of the Iraqi Turkmen. Beginning in 2003, there were riots between Kurds and Turkmen in Kirkuk, a city that Turkmen view as historically theirs. According to United Nations reports, the KRG and Peshmerga were "illegaily policing Kirkurk, abducting Turkmen and Arabs and subjecting them to torture". Between 2003 and 2006, 1,350 Turkmens in Tal A'far died and thousands of houses were damaged or demolished, resulting in 4,685 displaced families.
Libya.
As for the result of the current Libyan conflict since 2014, Libya was divided into two, where the Government of National Accord in Tripoli enjoys military support from Turkey. This has fueled tensions between Ankara and the Tobruk-based government, and anti-Turkish policies have been persuaded. In 2019, the Tobruk-based army had arrested Turkish nationals, accusing them of sponsoring terrorism. In 2020, over 15 Turkish nationals have been taken into custody for the same reason. Haftar had also ordered shooting down any Turkish ships and interests, banning flights to Turkey.
Saudi Arabia.
Saudi Arabia has a very tense relationship with Turkey, owing it to Ottoman-Saudi War when the Saudis were defeated by the Ottomans, which contributed to the Turkish rule for another century before the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and its alliance with the Al-Rashid family against the Al-Saud. The tensions rekindled in the 21st century with Erdoğan's desire to "revive the Ottoman Empire", which draws Saudi Arabia to be more antagonistic to Turkey. Saudi Arabia has since then made numerous policies, such as labeling the Ottoman Empire as the occupants of Arabia, financing movies that are deemed anti-Turkish, and recently, banning Turkish websites and leading boycotts against Turkey.
Syria.
From the French mandate era to the Assad regime, the Turkish culture and language have perished for a section of the Syrian Turkmen community. Many Syrian Turkmen have become Arabized and assimilated in areas where they form a minority. Consequently, Arabization is mainly an exception in areas where the Syrian Turkmen live in areas where they form a significant population, where they have continued to maintain their Turkish identity and language despite discriminative state policies.
Since the Turkish annexation of Sanjak of Alexandretta, there is a strong anti-Turkish sentiment among the Syrian population. For the Syrians, the annexation of Alexandretta became a national wound and a symbol of increasing Turkish meddling of Syrian affairs. This had led to the beginning of anti-Turkish discrimination, intensified under the government of Hafez al-Assad and the Arabization process. Its minority Syrian Turkmen, suffered discrimination over employment and education and were forbidden from writing and publishing in their native Turkish dialect.
Syrian Turkmen occupied a low rung on the societal ladder, as reported by "Al Bawaba", it was stated that Assad always sought to benefit his politically dominant Shiite religious minority. The report quoted Bayırbucak Turkmen as highlighting, "They would take Alawites first no matter what, even if they had degrees, Turkmen couldn't find jobs".
With the begin of Syrian Civil War, Syrian Turkmen had sided with the Syrian opposition, fed the growth of anti-Turkism in Syria. The Syrian Armed Forces, with Russian support, often bombed Syrian Turkmen positions as well as increased xenophobic attacks against Turkmen, accusing them of being Ankara's stooge.
United Arab Emirates.
In May 2017, the UAE's Ambassador to the United States, Yousef Al Otaiba described Turkey under Erdoğan as a "long-term threat" to both the UAE and the United States.
In December 2017, the UAE's foreign minister, Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan, shared a tweet that claimed an Ottoman general had robbed Medina during Ottoman rule. Emirati diplomat Anwar Gargash then added, "The sectarian and partisan view is not an acceptable alternative, and the Arab world will not be led by Tehran or Ankara."
Further anti-Turkish policies led by the Emirates, such as arming the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, clashing of influence during the Syrian Civil War, the issue of Qatar crisis and Egypt, and aftermath of the failed 2016 Turkish coup, led to further deterioration of relations and facilitate stronger anti-Turkish tones in the Emirates.
Kurds.
A 2013 study showed that 13.2% of the Kurds in Turkey had a negative view of Turks. Other numbers include 22.3% who would not accept a Turkish son/daughter-in-law and 5% who would not want to live next to a Turk. The study also showed that left-oriented Kurds were less likely to show tolerance towards Turks, while religious affiliation did not play any significance.
Europe.
According to Fatma Müge Göçek the main reasons for anti-Turkish sentiment in Western Europe are Armenian Genocide denial and the role of Turkish migrant workers in the economy.
Albania.
In the communist period, Islamic culture and life was destroyed through state policies and a group of Albanian historians, often with nationalist perspectives promoted in their literature "the Turkish savagery" and Albanian Christian resistance toward the Ottoman Empire. Scholars who opposed anti-Turkish and anti-Muslim narratives were subjected to ostracism and penalties.
In the 2010s, opposition to Turkey building mosques in Albania or exerting its political influence exists among part of the population. They view Turkey as an interfering or autocratic power and Islam as a negative imposed Ottoman legacy.
Bulgaria.
Before 1878, Turks accounted for an estimated one-third of the population of Bulgaria. In 1876, approximately 70% of the country's arable land belonged to Turks. This number declined from 1923 to 1949, when an estimated 220,000 Turks moved from Bulgaria to Turkey, a migration encouraged by the Turkish government. Another wave of about 155,000 left Bulgaria from 1949 to 1951, many of them forcibly expelled.
In 1984, the government implemented Bulgarisation policies to culturally assimilate Bulgarian Turks. Approximately 800,000 Turks were forced to adopt Bulgarian names. Furthermore, Bulgarian Turks were not allowed to use their Muslin names, speak Turkish in public places, or attend Muslim ceremonies. This assimilation campaign was labelled as an attempt for national revival and was called "The Revival Process".
On 24 December 1984, in the village of Mlechino, Bulgarian police and security forces shot at Turkish protesters when some 200 Turkish villagers from nearby smaller towns gathered to protest for the return of their passports and reinstatement of their Turkish names.
In many Turkish populated areas in Bulgaria, People from smaller towns and villages attempted to gather in larger towns with a government official with greater jurisdiction, to protest against the assimilation policies. These towns were often barricaded by Bulgarian security forces.
On 25 December 1984, close to the town of Benkovski, some 3,000 Turkish protesters from the nearby smaller villages confronted Bulgarian security forces and demanded to have their original identification papers back. The Bulgarian security forces managed to disperse the crowd and urged them to go back to their villages and inquire from the local mayors. After returning to their towns and discovering that the local municipality didn't have their passports and ID documentation the crowd marched back towards the town of Benkovski on the next day (26 December 1984). About 500 armed personnel from Bulgarian security forces were in position. The police presence in the area was previously increased under the guise of "exercise manoeuvres". When the crowd of 2,000 Turkish villagers approached the Bulgarian security forces opened fire with automatic weapons, wounding 8 people and killing 4. One of the killed was a 17-month-old Turkish baby. The victims were from the villages of Kayaloba, Kitna and Mogiljane. the gunshot wounds suggest that the security force had been aiming at the midsection of the bodies. The captured demonstrators were faced down on the snow for 2 hours and blasted with cold water coming from the fire fighting trucks. In a report by Atanas Kadirev the head of the Ministry of Interior Forces in Kardzhali stated "It was interesting how they endured the entire water from the fire fighters' cisterns". The temperature that day was minus 15 degrees Celsius.
On the same day, 26 December 1984, in the village of Gruevo, situated in Momchilgrad county, the Turkish community temporarily resisted the entry of security forces vehicles into the village by burning truck tires on the main road, but the security forces returned ar night with reinforcements. The electricity to the village was cut. The villagers organised at the village entrance but were blasted with water from fire trucks. the security forces opened fire at the villagers and several civilians were wounded and killed. The wounded were refused medical treatment. There are reports of incarcerated Turks allegedly committing suicide while held for police questioning. In demonstrations in Momchilgrad at least one 16-year-old was shot and killed and there are reports of casualties also in Dzhebel.
The Bulgarian Ministry of Interior stated "during these few Christmas days there have been some 11 demonstrations in which approximately 11,000 Turks participated." A large number of the arrested protesters were later sent to the Belene labour camp at the gates of which it is written "All Bulgarian citizens are equal under the laws of the People's Republic of Bulgaria"
One of the most notable confrontations between the ethnic Turk population and the Bulgarian State Security apparatus and army was in the village of Yablanovo during January 1985 where the Turkish population resisted the tanks of the 3rd Bulgarian Army for 3 days. When the village was overrun the town hall was made into a temporary Command Centre where Imprisoned Turks were tortured. The torture and violation was later continued in the underground cellars of the Ministry of Interior in the city of Sliven. Over 30 people are reported killed during the events in Yablanovo.
These events led to the beginning of the revival of the Turkish minority identity in Bulgaria and protests took place in some of the bigger settlements in the southern and northern Turk enclaves. Moreover, the Turkish community received the solidarity of Bulgarian intellectuals and opponents of the regime.
This led, a few years later, to the biggest exodus in Europe since World War II: After the Bulgaria–Turkey border was opened in June 1989, approximately 350,000 Turks left Bulgaria on tourist visas in the span of three months. Eventually, more than 150,000 Turks returned to Bulgaria—especially after the removal of Todor Zhivkov from power—but more than 200,000 chose to remain in Turkey permanently.
Former Bulgarian prime minister, Boyko Borisov, has been accused of having anti-Turkish tendencies. In December 2009, he backed a referendum, proposed by the nationalist party Attack (Bulgarian: Атака), on whether to allow daily Turkish-language news broadcasts on Bulgarian National Television, although he later withdrew his support. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, then the Turkish prime minister, "expressed his concern of rising anti-Turkish sentiments in Bulgaria" to the Bulgarian prime minister. The Turkish Foreign Ministry also "expressed its concern over the rising heated rhetoric in Bulgaria". According to a report by Ivan Dikov, "not just Атака but a large number of Bulgarians have resented the news in Turkish".
Borisov also referred to Turks (and Romani) as "bad human material" in 2009. The vice president of the Party of European Socialists, Jan Marinus Wiersma, said Borisov had "crossed the invisible line between right wing populism and extremism".
Some Bulgarian historians consider Bulgars, a semi-nomadic Turkic people, as Iranian. According to Raymond Detrez, the Iranian theory is rooted in the periods of anti-Turkish sentiment in Bulgaria and is ideologically motivated. Since 1989, anti-Turkish rhetoric is now reflected in the theories that challenge the thesis of the proto-Bulgars' Turkic origin. Alongside the Iranian or Aryan theory, there appeared arguments favoring an autochthonous origin.
Belgium.
There are approximately 290,000 Turkish citizens living in Belgium, The majority of whom left to Belgium in the 1950s. In the past several years, many right and left wings Belgian political parties criticized domestic Turkish politics and called for banning or deporting Turkish immigrants.
In 2015, a female employee shouted "Dirty Turk" ("in Dutch: 'Vuile Turk')" at a Supervisor of Turkish origin in the Volvo car factory in Ghent, which led to a Strike action by Turkish workers at the factory.
Filip Dewinter a right-wing Flemish nationalist party member said in May 2017 at TV-program De Zevende Dag,
Cyprus.
The island of Cyprus became an independent state in 1960, with power shared between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots under the London–Zürich Agreements. But in December 1963, in events that became known as Bloody Christmas in which 364 Turks were killed, Turkish Cypriots were ousted from the republic and Greek Cypriots began a military campaign against them, leading to 11 years of ethnic clashes. Turkish Cypriots bore the heavier cost in terms of casualties, and some 25,000—about a fifth of the population of Turkish Cypriots—were internally displaced. Thousands of Turkish Cypriot houses left behind were ransacked or completely destroyed. They lived as refugees for at least ten years, until the 1974 Turkish invasion. By the late 1960s, approximately 60,000 Turkish Cypriots had left their homes and moved into enclaves. This resulted in an exodus of Turkish Cypriots, with the majority migrating to the United Kingdom and others to Turkey, North America, and Australia.
On 13 February 1963 Greeks and Greek Cypriots attacked the Turkish Cypriot quarter of Limassol with tanks killing 16 and injuring 35 Turks. Between 11 and 13 May 1964, Cypriot Police executed much as 28 Turkish Cypriot civilians in Famagusta and Akrotiri and Dhekelia. On 14 and 15 November 1967, Greek Cypriots murdered 26 Turkish Cypriots during their retreat from Kofinou.
Numerous atrocities against the Turkish Cypriot community were committed during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. In the Maratha, Santalaris and Aloda massacre by EOKA B, 126 people were killed on 14 August 1974. The United Nations described the massacre as a crime against humanity, by saying "constituting a further crime against humanity committed by the Greek and Greek Cypriot gunmen." In the Tochni massacre, 85 Turkish Cypriot inhabitants were massacred.
"The Washington Post" covered another news of atrocity in which it is written that: "In a Greek raid on a small Turkish village near Limassol, 36 people out of a population of 200 were killed. The Greeks said that they had been given orders to kill the inhabitants of the Turkish villages before the Turkish forces arrived."
In Limassol, upon the fall of the Turkish Cypriot enclave to the Cypriot National Guard, the Turkish Cypriot quarter was burned, women raped and children shot according to Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot eyewitness accounts. 1300 people were then led to a prison camp.
On 12 July 2020, The primate of the Church of Cyprus, Archbishop Chrysostomos II has expressed his opinions regarding the reversion of the Hagia Sophia museum to a mosque stating that "The Turks have remained uncivilized, they are rude, and they will remain [this way]." He added that "Turkey has learned to destroy, it has learned to appropriate the cultures of others and sometimes, when it does not benefit it, it destroys them and falsely presents cultures as its own."
Germany.
Turks are "the most prominent ethnic minority group in contemporary Germany", and discrimination and violence against them are common. In public discourse and popular jokes, they are often portrayed as "ludicrously different in their food tastes, dress, names, and even in their ability to develop survival techniques".
The number of violent acts by right-wing extremists in Germany increased dramatically between 1990 and 1992. On November 25, 1992, three Turkish residents were killed in a firebombing in Mölln, a town in northern Germany. And on May 29, 1993, in an arson attack in Solingen, five members of a Turkish family that had resided in Germany for 23 years were burnt to death. Several neighbours heard someone shout "Heil Hitler!" before dousing the front porch and door with gasoline and setting fire to the home. Most Germans condemned these attacks, and many marched in candlelight processions.
According to Greg Nees, "because Turks are both darker-skinned and Muslim, conservative Germans are largely against granting them citizenship".
Greece.
A member of the European parliament from the Greek far-right Golden Dawn party, former army lieutenant general Eleftherios Synadinos has been expelled from a European Parliament plenary session after a racist remark, stating that "As it has been expressed in scientific literature, the Turks are dirty and polluted. Turks are like wild dogs when they play but when they have to fight against their enemies they run away. The only effective way to deal with the Turks is with decisive and resolute attitudes."
Netherlands.
Turks are the second-largest ethnic minority group in the Netherlands. Although policies toward Turks in the Netherlands are more progressive than those in many other European countries, such as Germany, In a report on the Netherlands in 2008, the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance wrote that the Turkish minority had been particularly affected by "stigmatisation of and discrimination against members of minority groups". The report also noted that "the tone of Dutch political and public debate around integration and other issues relevant to ethnic minorities has experienced a dramatic deterioration".
According to the European Network Against Racism, an international organisation supported by the European Commission, half of all Turks in the Netherlands report having experienced racial discrimination. The network also noted "dramatic growth" of Islamophobia and antisemitism. In 2001, another international organisation, the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, highlighted a negative trend in Dutch attitudes towards minorities, compared with average European Union results. That analysis also noted that, compared to other Europeans, the Dutch were "more in favour of cultural assimilation of minorities" rather than "cultural enrichment by minority groups".
Malta.
The Maltese have a colourful vocabulary stemming from their fight against the Ottoman Empire during the Great Siege of Malta in 1565. For example, the expression "tghammed tork" is used when the sun is visible during rainfall; it means "a Turk has been baptised", which was considered a rare event. The phrase "twieled tork" ("a Turk was born") is also used. Another expression is "haqq ghat-torok" ("curse on the Turks"), used when something goes wrong.
Former Soviet Union.
Armenia.
According to a 2007 survey, 78% of Armenians see Turkey as a threat.
Georgia.
Georgians look with a wary eye to Turkey's growing Neo-Ottomanism and the rise in popularity of irredentist maps showing Turkey with borders expanded into the former Ottoman Empire, usually including Adjara.
Although some Turks have since come back to Meskheti, the Georgians and Armenians who settled in their homes have vowed to take up arms against any who return. Many Georgians have also argued that the Meskhetian Turks should be sent to Turkey, "where they belong".
Russia.
According from Robert Crew, Russia has been historically more tolerant towards Turkic people than any other European administrations, and many Turkic people (Volga Tatars, Bashkirs, Karachays, Nogais, Kazakhs, Chuvash, for examples), most of them Muslims, were fairly treated under Tsarist Russia. However, not all Turkic peoples received such generous treatment, for instance, Crimean Tatars under Russian Tsarist administration were forced to leave their houses for Turkey due to Russian colonial politics in the Crimean peninsula. Many Muslim Turks also formed a significant part of Russian Imperial administration and a major bulk of Russian army in its expansion.
In the Soviet Union, the NKVD and the Red Army carried out ethnic cleansing during World War II through mass deportations of Turks. In June 1945, Vyacheslav Molotov, the Soviet minister of foreign affairs, formally demanded that Turkey surrender three Armenian provinces (Kars, Ardahan, and Artvin), and Moscow was also preparing to support Armenian claims to several other provinces. War against Turkey seemed possible, and Joseph Stalin wanted to drive out Turks (especially in Meskheti, near the Turkish–Georgian border) who were likely to be hostile to Soviet intentions. The campaign is relatively poorly documented, but Soviet sources suggest that 115,000 Turks were deported, mainly to Central Asia. Most of them settled in Uzbekistan, but many others died along the way.
More recently, some Turks in Russia, especially Meskhetian Turks in Krasnodar, have faced human rights violations, including deprivation of citizenship and prohibitions on employment and owning property. Since 2004, many Turks have left the Krasnodar region for the United States as refugees. They are still barred from full repatriation to Georgia.
Uzbekistan.
While Turkey and Uzbekistan have a fair relationship for being commonly Turkic, some tensions were witnessed.
In 1989, 103 people died and more than 1,000 were wounded in ethnic clashes between Turks and Uzbeks. Some 700 houses were destroyed, and more than 90,000 Meskhetian Turks were driven out of Uzbekistan. Many Turks see these events as their "second deportation". Those who remained in Uzbekistan complained of ethnic discrimination.
Former Yugoslavia.
After the Ottoman Empire fell in the early 20th century, many Turks fled as Muhacirs (refugees). Others intermarried or simply identified themselves as Yugoslavs or Albanians to avoid stigma and persecution.
Historically, from the Ottoman conquest through the 19th century, many ethnically non-Turkish groups—especially the Slavic Muslims of the Balkans—were referred to in local languages as Turks. This usage is common in literature, including in the works of Ivan Mažuranić and Petar II Petrović-Njegoš. The religious ideology of Christoslavism, coined by Michael Sells, holds that "Slavs are Christian by nature and that any conversion from Christianity is a betrayal of the Slavic race". Under this ideology, as seen in Croatian and Serbian nationalism, South Slavic Muslims are not regarded as part of their ethnic kin; by virtue of their Muslim faith, they become "Turks".
Kosovo.
Anti-Turkism has been on the rise in Kosovo as a small but growing number Kosovans, mainly of ethnic Albanians and of Catholic faith, increasingly participated in anti-Turkish protests and referring Turks as a barbaric, inhuman and uncivilized people who destroyed Albanian culture and heritages.
North Macedonia.
When North Macedonia proclaimed its independence in 1991, the Macedonian state implemented nationalist politics, which aimed to assimilate Macedonian Muslims into a broader category of "Macedonians". The government banned education in Turkish in all regions to "prevent Turkiﬁcation". This, however, was met with resistance by Muslims who did not support the association and wanted to learn Turkish and continue their education in Turkish. The protests failed, although one person applied to the European Court of Human Rights. The case revolved around rights to education in the mother tongue.
Other countries.
United States.
Anti-Turkism first appeared in the United States during World War I, when the Armenian Genocide began and was reported by American newspapers. These reports had reinforced a sense of solidarity to Armenians and increasingly anti-Turkish rhetorics in the United States, with the Turks being equally seen as a barbaric people.
Iran.
In Iran, ethnic Persians use the word "Torki khar" (donkey Turk) in reference to Iranian Azerbaijanis. on 12 May 2006, a government newspaper, Iran Daily, published a cartoon that depicted a cockroach speaking Azerbaijani and suggested various methods of dealing with cockroaches. Dozens were arrested and scores were killed after ethnic Azerbaijanis took to the streets of cities in Iranian Azerbaijan to protest the racist cartoon. The government also temporarily shut down the newspaper and arrested its editor in chief, Mehrdad Qasemfar and Iranian Azerbaijani cartoonist Mana Neyestani were jailed for publishing the cartoon. In 2010, a group of scholars and human rights activists from Iran, mostly from its Iranian Azerbaijani community, wrote an open letter to Sepp Blatter, the president of FIFA at the time, and complained about the issue of racism in Iran's football stadiums directed against ethnic Azerbaijanis of the country. The same year, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination expressed its concern at the rights of minorities in Iran, including ethnic Azerbaijanis. In November 2015, Iranian Azerbaijanis took to the streets after IRIB-2, a state-run TV channel, aired an episode of a children's show, Fitilehha (Candle Wicks), in which an Azerbaijani boy was shown brushing his teeth with a toilet brush. Dozens of protesters were detained by Iranian authorities in the protests. In June 2017, Fare network, In a report, pointed to racist chants directed at Azerbaijani fans in Iranian stadiums.
Israel.
As a result of the increasing Antisemitic sentiment by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkish-Israeli relations have been greatly damaged. However, Israelis have generally reserved criticism for only the Turkish government.
In 2019, Benjamin Netanyahu's son, Yair Netanyahu, published a tweet in remarking that Istanbul was once called Constantinople, a centre of Orthodox Christianity before "Turkish occupation" of the city, sparking a political crisis between Turkey and Israel.
On 12 July 2020, A group of nine Israelis made up of Christians and Jews burned the Turkish flag at the Turkish embassy in Tel Aviv in response to Erdoğan's decision to convert Hagia Sophia back into a mosque. They were later detained by Israeli police.
After the Gaza flotilla raid in 2010, where 10 Turks were killed, and the subsequent diplomatic crisis between Israel and Turkey, the number of Israeli tourists to Turkey shrunk to 100,000 as Israelis preferred to "refrain from visiting the country that was seen to be hostile to them."
By 2019, however, 500,000 Israelis visited Turkey, making it one of the most popular destinations for Israelis.
New Zealand.
The guns and magazines used by Brenton Tarrant, The perpetrator of the Christchurch mosque shootings, were covered in white writing naming historical events, people, and motifs related to historical conflicts, wars, and battles between Muslims and European Christians, as well as the names of recent Islamic terrorist attack victims and the names of far-right attackers. notable references from Ottoman history included Skanderbeg (an Albanian officer who lead an uprising against the Ottoman Empire), Antonio Bragadin (a Venetian officer who broke an agreement and killed Turkish captives), 1683 (which is the date of the Second Siege of Vienna), Miloš Obilić (who is said to have killed the Ottoman Emperor Murat I in Battle of Kosovo in 1389), János Hunyadi (who has blocked Ottoman attempts to take Belgrade), Ernst Rüdiger von Starhemberg (who lead the defeat of Ottomans in 1683), the Battle of Kahlenberg (which marked the beginning of the Ottoman withdrawal from the Siege of Vienna) and "Turkofagos" (Turk eater), a term used by Greeks during the Greek War of Independence, which he used to shoot 91 people with, 51 fatal (one Turkish) and 40 wounded.
His 'manifesto' specifically refers to Turks and utters threats against Turkey, that Istanbul's mosques will be destroyed and Hagia Sophia will be Christianized.
He also identifies himself as a "kebab removalist", referencing to the anti Muslim 'remove kebab' meme often used by the far-right ultranationists and Islamophobes, that originated from Serbia and the Fourteen Words. He was also playing the 'remove kebab' song in his car before the shooting.
China.
From 19th century onward, tensions between Turkic people and Chinese revived with the establishment of Kashgaria and subsequent Turko-Chinese wars to control the region. This had led to the weakening of the Qing dynasty and paved way for its future collapse. The Republic of China however, failed to address the increasing tensions between Turks and Han Chinese, and conflict between two continued, known as Xinjiang Wars, when the Turkic Uyghurs raised arms to fight Chinese Army. In response, China imposed heavy military repression against the Uyghurs and other Turkic rebels, many were supported by the Soviet Union. This conflict would continue until the establishment of the People's Republic of China.
Since 1990s with Chinese economic reform, China had grown to become a new major superpower, but this has led to the increase of tensions among Uyghurs and Chinese. Thus the Chinese Government had deployed the military, increased surveillance on Uyghurs and operating re-education camps.
In contemporary media.
Movies.
"Dracula Untold".
The film has been accused of Islamophobia for the vilification of Mehmed II and for portraying the figure of Vlad the Impaler as a hero even though, according to Turkish journalist Elest Ali Korkmaz, he "indiscriminately killed Turks and Bulgarians" in real history.
"Midnight Express".
"Midnight Express" is criticized for its unfavorable portrayal of Turkish people.
In her 1991 book "Turkish Reflections: A Biography of Place", Mary Lee Settle wrote: 'The Turks I saw in "Lawrence of Arabia" and "Midnight Express" were like cartoon caricatures, compared to the people I had known and lived among for three of the happiest years of my life.'
Pauline Kael, in reviewing the film for "The New Yorker", commented, 'This story could have happened in almost any country, but if Billy Hayes had planned to be arrested to get the maximum commercial benefit from it, where else could he get the advantages of a Turkish jail? Who wants to defend Turks? (They don't even constitute enough of a movie market for Columbia Pictures to be concerned about how they are represented.)'
One reviewer, writing for "World Film Directors", wrote: ""Midnight Express" is 'more violent, as a national hate-film than anything I can remember', 'a cultural form that narrows horizons, confirming the audience's meanest fears and prejudices and resentments'."
David Denby of "New York" criticized "Midnight Express" as 'merely anti-Turkish, and hardly a defense of prisoners' rights or a protest against prison conditions'. Denby said also that all Turks in the movie — guardian or prisoner — were portrayed as 'losers' and 'swine', and that 'without exception [all the Turks] are presented as degenerate, stupid slobs'.
Turkish Cypriot film director Derviş Zaim wrote a thesis at the University of Warwick on the representation of Turks in the film, in which he concluded that the one-dimensional portrayal of the Turks as 'terrifying' and 'brutal' served merely to reinforce the sensational outcome, and was likely influenced by such factors as Orientalism and capitalism.
"Saturday Night Live".
Greek actress Nia Vardalos, participated in a "Saturday Night Live" episode where Turks were portrayed as dirty, smoking, Arabic speaking, ragtag, nose picking and anti-Armenian characters, which was heavily criticized by the Turkish Forum, a network of expat Turks which protested NBC and asked for a public apology, and the received heavy criticism by the Turks on the internet.
Anti-Turkish slurs in various languages.
It is possible to come across anti-Turkish phrases, idioms and maxims in various different countries:


Vasujyeshtha

Vasujyeshtha () was the third king of the Shunga Dynasty of Northern India. His reign is not well documented, thus little is known about him. He is credited with successfully completing his grandfather's Ashvamedha and for defeating forces of the Indo-Greek Kingdom along the banks of the Sindhu River. His achievements are mentioned briefly in the "Malavikagnimitra", which was composed during the later Gupta era by Kalidasa.


Dingras Church

Dingras Church is a Roman Catholic church located in the municipality of Dingras, Ilocos Norte, Philippines under the jurisdiction of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Laoag.
History.
Dingras started as a "visita" of Batac and became an independent parish by the Augustinians. Father Bartolome Conrado became the first parish priest in 1598. It was reinstated as a "visita" in 1603 and back as a parish in 1605. The church was destroyed by earthquake in 1619, reconstructed before a fire in 1838, and lightning in 1853. Another church, largely known as the ruins of the Catholic Church of Dingras, was built by Augustinian friar Damaso Vieytez. It was restored and remodeled by Father Ricardo Deza with the help of Mayor Camilo Millan from 1879 to 1893. It was ruined by fire and earthquake in 1913. Now, the famous ruins of Dingras is reconstructed from its present site and now used as church building.
Architecture.
The church measuring in diameter and in width is one of the largest church in the Philippines.


Guna 369

Guna 369 is a 2019 Telugu-language action drama film written and directed by Arjun Jandyala and stars Kartikeya Gummakonda and Anagha. Anil Kadiyala and Tirumal Reddy produced the film under the banner "SG Movie Makers". The soundtrack was composed by Chaitan Bharadwaj, who also composed Kartikeya's "RX 100". The film is based on a true story and was released on 2 August 2019 to mixed reviews from critics.
Plot.
Gaddala Gunta Radha gets revenge on a villager who killed a member of Radha's gang by assaulting the man's parents. He then warns nearby villagers that anyone who disrespects him will suffer the same consequences.
Then, a man walks into a medical shop to purchase condoms. The shop owner takes a photo of the man and his girlfriend leaving on a scooter and sends it to Sashi's gang, who later tracks the couple down and rapes the girl.
Guna is a non-violent man who works with his closest friend Battu at a granite factory. While riding a scooter to attend to his B. Tech exams, Guna meets Geetha and falls in love with her at first sight.
Guna repeatedly causes his phone to malfunction to see Geetha, who works at a phone store. Guna gives Geetha compliments, who eventually reciprocates his love.
Guna finds an online photo of Sashi, who attended school with Butta. Guna believes that Sashi may be a good romantic match for his sister. Guna and his sister visit Sashi at the medical shop Sashi owns. After the visit, Guna is convinced that Sashi is a good man and a perfect match for his sister.
At a dhaba, Sashi and his gang get into a brawl with Radha; they flee when they realise it is Radha. When Sashi learns that Guna has known Radha since childhood, he pleads for Guna’s help. Guna agrees and arranges a meeting with Radha at the granite quarry so that Sashi can apologize to Radha.
Radha arrives alone and viciously slaps Sashi across the face several times as Guna asks Radha to stop. Unbeknownst to Guna or Radha, Sashi’s gang had planned to kill Radha in an ambush. As Sashi's gang holds Guna down, Sashi beheads Radha, and Guna is later jailed for being an accessory to the murder, while Sashi avoids charges.
Guna is shunned by his neighbours when he is released. Guna goes to Geetha’s house and learns she died while he was imprisoned. Her father falsely tells Guna that Geetha renounced their engagement before she died, and stating she did not want to marry a felon. At home, an enraged Guna tells his father that he will take revenge on Radha's real killers. He visits Geetha's house, where he and his family are attacked by Radha’s henchmen. Although Guna prevails, his father is injured and ends up in the hospital. Guna brings Radha's men to Radha’s mother, where he explains to her that he did not kill her son. Radha's mother gives Guna one week to bring Sashi's gang to her.
Guna finds Sashi’s men hiding in a police house and attacks them. Guna calls his father to tell him that he will go back to jail for what he is about to do to the Sashi gang. Battu berates Guna, advising him to hand the killers over to Radha's mother instead.
Guna reveals that the SI said Battu had encouraged Sashi to kill Radha, as Radha humiliated his family; he was the villager whose parents were beaten. Guna says he also learned that Geetha had come to Battu for advice about her father’s insistence to marry someone else. Instead of advising her, Battu and Sashi recorded all of them raping her. Fearing the consequences of the video’s release and the potential for blackmail, Geetha committed suicide.
Forced by Guna, SI films Guna beheading Sashi’s six gang members and dismembering Sashi and Battu. Guna surrenders to the police but is praised for killing the rapists. Guna is eventually released from jail.
Soundtrack.
Music is composed by Chaitan Bharadwaj.
Reception.
"The Hans India" described the film as average. The newspaper noted problems with the storyline and described it as a "routine commercial formula".
Neeshita Nyayapati of "Times of India" gave the movie a score of 2 out of 5 and wrote, ″With every story of Karthikeya different from his last, Guna 369 is one such attempt where he tries to pick a script and character that he hasn’t done before. But unfortunately for him, these films also depend on the director’s narrative, which is where his latest offering falters.″


History of the Jews in Kazakhstan

The history of the Jews in Kazakhstan connects back to the history of Bukharan and Juhuro Mountain Jews. Kazakh Jews have a long history. There are approximately several thousand Jews in Kazakhstan right at present.
Most Kazakh Jews are Ashkenazi and speak Russian.
Jewish history in Kazakhstan.
General Secretary Joseph Stalin evacuated thousands of Jews from other parts of the Soviet Union to the Kazakh SSR. During the Holocaust 8,218 Jews were evacuated to Kazakhstan between August 1941 and January 1942.
A Chabad-Lubavitch synagogue in Almaty is named after Rabbi Levi Yitzchak Schneerson, father of the Rebbe, who is buried at the city's cemetery, close to the synagogue. Levi Yitzchak Schneerson was exiled to Kazakhstan from Ukraine, Dnepropetrovsk, where he was a chief rabbi. Lubavitcher Jews from all over the world come to pray at his grave.
Yeshaya E. Cohen, the Chief Rabbi of Kazakhstan, told "Kazinform" on January 16, 2004 that a new synagogue would be built in Nur-Sultan. He thanked President Nazarbayev for "paying so much attention to distinguishing between those who truly believe and those who want to hijack their religion." President of the Euro-Asian Jewish Congress, presented Nazarbayev with a menorah on 7 September 2004.
Historical Demographics.
Kazakhstan's Jewish population rapidly increased between 1926 and 1959, being almost eight times larger in 1959 than in 1926. Kazakhstan's Jewish population slowly declined between 1959 and 1989, followed by a much larger decline after the fall of Communism between 1989 and 2002 due to massive Jewish emigration, mostly to Israel.
 Jewish Kazakh fencer Yakov Rylsky (1928 – 1999) was a Soviet Olympic and world champion sabre fencer.
Jewish life today.
About 2,000 Jewish Kazakhs are Bukharian and Juhuro Mountain Jews. There are synagogues and large Jewish communities in Almaty where there are 1,000 Jews in Nur-Sultan (Astana) and Pavlodar. There are smaller communities in Karaganda, Chimkent, Semey, Kokchetav, Dzhambul, Uralsk, Aktyubinsk, and Petropavlovsk.
There are twenty Jewish Kazakh organizations, including the Mitzvah Association, Chabad-Lubavitch, the Joint Distribution Committee, Jewish Agency for Israel, and the All-Kazakhstan Jewish Congress (AKJC). The Jewish communities formed the AKJC in December 1999 in a ceremony attended by Kazakh government officials and United States Ambassador to Kazakhstan Richard Jones.
There are fourteen Jewish day schools attended by more than 700 students. There is a Jewish kindergarten in Almaty. Between 2005 and 2006 attendance in religious services and education in Almaty among Jews greatly increased. The Kazakh government registered eight foreign rabbis and "Jewish missionaries" (see Jewish outreach.) It has also donated buildings and land for the building of new synagogues.
According to the National Conference on Soviet Jewry, "Anti-Semitism is not prevalent in Kazakhstan and rare incidents are reported in the press," contrary to incorrect perceptions in popular culture caused by the country's portrayal in the 2006 film "Borat" as a "hot-bed of anti-Semitism."


Dumat al-Jandal

Dumat al-Jandal (, ' ), also known as Al-Jawf or Al-Jouf"' (), is an ancient city of ruins and the historical capital of the Al Jawf Province, North Western Saudi Arabia. It is located 37 km away from Sakakah. The name Dumat al-Jandal means literally "Dumah of the Stone", since this was the territory of Dumah, one of the twelve sons of Ishmael; the name Al-Jawf means "depression", referring to Wadi Sirhan. The city's ancient Akkadian name was "Adummatu". Dumat al-Jandal has a boundary wall which is considered a historical site. Moreover, there is an oasis that has a number of ruins.
Pre-Islamic History.
The city has a history dating back to the 10th century BC and is mentioned in Akkadian inscriptions of the Assyrian empire dating to 845 BC in which it is referred to as "Adummatu" and is described as the capital of an Arab kingdom, sometimes named as Qedar ("Qidri"). The names of five powerful Arab queens that ruled this city are known, among them Zabibe, Samsi, Tabua and Te'elhunu. The latter is also given the title of high priestess of Atarsamain, a deity of fertility, love and war associated with Ishtar. Dumat al-Jundal was the site of an important temple dedicated to Ishtar. Sacrifices of animals were common and Porphyry’s De Abstenentia reports that, in Dumat Al-Jandal, a boy was sacrificed annually and was buried underneath an altar. Some scholars have extrapolated this practice to the rest of the Nabataeans.
Excavations made by Khaleel Ibrahim al-Muaikel in 1986 added to observations made in 1976 that a homogenous layer of Roman-Nabataean pottery sherds indicating a prosperous community during the time of the Nabataeans to whose realm this part of the region probably belonged.
This town is perhaps intended in a passage from Isaiah:
In 106 AD, "Dumatha" was incorporated into the Roman Empire when the Emperor Trajan defeated the Nabataeans. Dumatha remained integral to the "Limes Arabicus" for over four centuries, serving as the easternmost settlement along the "limes". In 269 CE, the place was mentioned by Zenobia, the Queen of Palmyra, as city with an immune fortress. After her forces had captured the city, the fortress of Marid withstood the attack in her revolt against the Romans. Later in the 5th century CE, the city became the capital of the kingdom of Kindah.
The ancient oasis town was among a number of cities that the Pre Islamic Arabs would travel to as part of the sequence of market fairs held annually. In contrast to the other market cities, Duma was characterized by its disputed political sovereignty between Arab clients of the Byzantines and Sasanids that made claims to it. The markets of Duma specialized in slavery and prostitution with the Banu Kalb, the dominant tribal group in the area, being known to practice slavery more than other tribes.
During Muhammad's era.
The city had been the object of no fewer than three raids due to its strategic location. It lay about fifteen days march north from Medina and about half that distance from Damascus.
Muhammad ordered the Invasion of Dumatul Jandal in July 626. Muhammad had received intelligence that some tribes there were involved in highway robbery and preparing to attack Medina itself. No casualties were reported as Ghatafan tribe fled
He also ordered the Expedition of Khalid ibn al-Walid (Dumatul Jandal), which took place in October 630 to attack the Christian prince of Duma, as well as the Expedition of Khalid ibn al-Walid (2nd Dumatul Jandal) in April 631 to demolish an idol called Wadd, worshipped by the Banu Kalb tribe. In 630 CE, Khalid ibn al-Walid captured Dumat Al-Jandal and it became a part of the newly formed Islamic empire.
Umar Mosque.
Umar Mosque (wrongly attributed to Umar Ibn Al-Khattab) is situated in Dumat Al-Jandal, a major intersection of ancient trade routes linking Mesopotamia, Syria with Arabia. The Mosque was built in 634-644. However, the actual construction appears to have been a much earlier period as a Church. Some scholars attribute it to the Umayyad Caliph Umar bin Abul Aziz, and some believe that the mosque was named after Bani Umar, a tribe that settled in Dumat Al-Jandal.
The north (qibla) wall of the mosque faces the Marid Fort across a street. On its other three sides, it is surrounded by dense urban fabric. Like any other old town mosque, the stone construction composes of a courtyard preceding the main prayer hall to the south and another space, also used for prayer, to the north. The minaret is at the southwestern corner of the prayer hall bridging over a street. The mosque is entered through a door situated in the qibla wall, near the minaret. The prayer hall is formed by three rows of stone pillars, running parallel to the qibla wall. The pillars are all by wooden lintels, which in turn support layers of stone that are roofed by mud-plastered acacia and palm trunks.
The mihrab is a narrow, corbelled niche in the center of the qibla wall, and is defined by a similar niche with three built-in stone steps to its right. The mihrab, the minbar, and the lower part of the qibla wall are plastered with white wash. Viewed from the outside, one sees that the mihrab and minbar protrude slightly out of the qibla wall. Also visible is an exposed stone staircase constructed along the qibla wall from the street side that reaches the roof. The minaret shaft has a rectangular shape that tapers upward to end in a pyramidal form. The four internal floors of the shaft were accessed by a now-collapsed spiral staircase entered from within the mosque. On each side of the minaret, and on each floor, a rectangular window with a stone lintel provides lighting for its interior.
Al Dar'i Quarter.
Al Dar'i Quarter is located in the neighborhood of Omar Bin Al Khatab Mosque and Marid fortress, which represent the old quarter of Dumat Al Jandal. Al Dar'i Quarter is considered to be one of remaining antiquities of Dumat Al Jandal's ancient city which has escaped the demolition shovels befalling the historical market of Dumat Al Jandal 25 years ago. Dr. Khalil Al Meaigil has stated that, the facilities of the quarter which dates back to the middle Islamic age have established on antiquities layers and is based on layers of archaeological works dating back to the mid-first millennium BC. The neighborhood is characterized by the stone buildings and stone lanes between the gardens and water, which had a life of residents living near by the springs. In Al Dar'i Quarter there are many of houses which archaeologists hope will enjoy the necessary care and restoration. Worth mentioning that, the old quarter is built on the ruins of the earlier revivals which can be seen in multiple layers, as well as the emergence of the old road of the district under the existing buildings.
Archaeology.
On 9th June 2020, the discovery of a 35-meter long triangular megalithic monument dated back to VI millennium BC which presumably dedicated to ritual practices was published in the journal Antiquity. Archaeological researchers from France, Saudi Arabia and Italy, headed by Olivia Munoz believe that these findings illuminate a pastoralist nomadic lifestyle and a ritual used in prehistoric Arabia.
Climate.
In Dumat Al-Jandal, there is a desert climate. Most rain falls in the winter. The Köppen-Geiger climate classification is BWh. The average annual temperature in Dumat Al-Jandal is . About of precipitation falls annually.


List of Jaffna monarchs

The following is a list of monarchs of the Jaffna kingdom from 1215 with the invasion of Kalinga Magha to the Portuguese conquest of Jaffna Kingdom under Cankili II 1619.


Arats

The Arats ( — labourer, folk) are a social ethnic community of Mongolian herdsmen. They reside in Mongolia and China. The Arats' main activity is cattle herding. Before the Revolution of 1921, the Arats composed 92.5% of Mongolia's population and possessed 50.5% of the nation's livestock. The Arats of China are considered a part of the population of Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang, and Qinghai provinces. Some peasants of the Tyva Republic in Russia are also called Arats.


Garo Mardirossian

Garo Mardirossian (born 1956) is a prominent Armenian-American lawyer practicing in Los Angeles. Mardirossian has had significant law cases involving personal injury, civil rights, complex litigation, product liability, and constitutional law. Several of the cases he has been involved in have brought national and international attention, including the Dole bridal shower and Thomas beating cases by different police agencies. The Dole Family case involved many victims, including the television celebrity female wrestler known as Mt. Fiji (Emily Dole), and resulted in the highest monetary jury award against a policing agency in U.S. history.


National Museum of Korean Contemporary History

The National Museum of Korean Contemporary History (대한민국역사박물관), which opened on December 26, 2012, is dedicated to researching, preserving, and exhibiting the modern and contemporary history of the Republic of Korea. The museum features four permanent exhibition halls which cover the period from the late 19th century to the present, with the themes of "Prelude to the Republic of Korea", "Foundation of the Republic of Korea", "Development of the Republic of Korea", and "Modernization and Korea's Vision of Future".
The museum includes a children’s museum and a special exhibition gallery which enables visitors to explore modern and contemporary Korean history through various themes and topics. It also offers education programs and cultural events.
The museum is located near Gyeongbok Palace in what was formerly the north building for USAID. Admission is free.


Nyi Kan-Kaung

Nyi Kan-Kaung (, or ညီဂံဂေါင်, ; 1352–1388/89) was a Hanthawaddy royal and governor of Dala–Twante from 1370/71 to 1388/89. A stepson of King Binnya U, the prince was an early supporter of his half-brother Binnya Nwe's successful rebellion against U in 1383–1384. However he was executed in 1388/89 by Nwe, now known as Razadarit, for suspicion of planning a rebellion.
Early life.
Ma Nyi Kan-Kaung was the youngest of three children of Prince Min Linka of Pegu (Bago) and his wife Mwei Daw. He hailed from Martaban and Sukhothai royal lines, and was a half-nephew of then king Binnya U of Martaban. The prince was born 1352, during his father's insurrection against the king. But the rebellion failed. In 1353, the entire family was brought to the capital Martaban (Mottama) where Binnya U had Linka executed, and raised Mwei Daw as his latest queen. The king did spare the three children due to the intervention of his chief queen Sanda Min Hla, who was also the children's maternal aunt.
Kan-Kaung grew up at the Martaban Palace until 1364. He found a reliable protector in Queen Sanda, who did not have any children and loved him like her own son. Then in early 1364, a palace coup drove the royal family to Donwun, a small town about north of Martaban where they stayed until 1369. He lost his protector Queen Sanda soon after their move to Donwun. According to the "Razadarit Ayedawbon" chronicle, her last request to Binnya U on her death bed was for U not to punish Kan-Kaung for his father's sins; she died after the king granted her wish.
Governor of Dala.
Appointment.
U kept his promise. In 1370/71, about a year after he had moved his capital to Pegu, the king appointed his nephew and stepson governor of Dala (modern Dala Township and Twante Township in Yangon Region). The appointment came after the previous governor Smin Zeik-Bye had died of natural causes. It was a key appointment to a strategically important region. Dala was about southwest of Pegu, and bordered the delta province where a serious rebellion by Gov. Laukpya of Myaungmya had been active since 1364. Indeed, when Kan-Kaung was appointed, Laukpya's forces were still raiding Dala and Syriam. But Kan-Kaung did not see much action as the king reached a truce with Laukpya, and Byattaba of Martaban 1371.
Binnya Nwe's rebellion.
Kan-Kaung ruled the district without incident until 1383. Then in May 1383, his 15-year-old maternal half-brother Prince Binnya Nwe came to Dagon (modern downtown Yangon) with a plan to raise a rebellion. The young prince had been deeply dissatisfied with his ailing father, as well as with his adoptive mother Princess Maha Dewi, the de facto power. As Dala was across the river from Dagon, Kan-Kaung was the first governor Nwe tried to recruit. Kan-Kaung himself had been concerned about the princess's rumored plan to put her lover Smim Maru on the throne, and told Nwe's emissaries that he would support Nwe.
His support was crucial for the nascent rebellion. He initially provided over 300 troops and war elephants before personally joining Nwe's camp at Dagon with additional men. When Nwe marched to Pegu in December 1383, Kan-Kaung stayed behind at Dala to guard the rear.
Final years.
Kan-Kaung remained a steadfast supporter when Nwe became king on 4 January 1384 with the title of Razadarit. No other major vassal rulers—including viceroys Laukpya, Byattaba and Sam Lek—acknowledged the 16-year-old boy-king. Razadarit considered all of them in revolt although he could not yet take any action. Kan-Kaung survived Razadarit's initial round of purges at Pegu that removed anyone with a claim to the throne. The new king promptly had his brother-in-law Maru executed, and ordered his paternal half-brother Baw Ngan-Mohn imprisoned. In contrast, Kan-Kaung was allowed to keep his post at Dala.
Chronicles are mum about Kan-Kaung's activities in the next four plus years. Although his name is not explicitly listed as a Hanthawaddy commander in the chronicles, he presumably led the defense of his district in 1385–1387 when the northern Ava forces invaded the southern country to oust Razadarit. Dala was part of the defense line that stopped numerically superior Ava forces from advancing to Pegu.
Despite the success, the embattled king was suspicious about his half-brother's historical ties with Laukpya. The viceroy of Myaungmya was the one that invited Ava to oust Razadarit. Then in 1388, after he had conquered the Martaban province (modern day Mon State and southern Kayin State), Razadarit received intelligence that Kan-Kaung had entered into a secret alliance with Laukpya. The king sent a senior official named Smin Eindazeik to confirm the story. When the story was confirmed, Razadarit attacked Dala (probably in late 1388 or early 1389). Kan-Kaung was arrested and executed and Razadarit appointed Kan-Kaung's son Baw Kyaw to succeed him as governor of Dala. Baw Kyaw was a loyal vassal to his uncle Razadarit; he also became a commander in the army and died in action in 1402.
Ancestry.
The prince was a grandson of King Saw Zein of Martaban, and a great grandson of King Loe Thai of Sukhothai. His maternal side hailed from a line of court ministers, ultimately from Senior Minister Bo Htu-Hpyet, who served at the court of King Wareru.


Broken Stone in Uji Bridge

 is the oldest stone inscription in Japan and the earliest example of Japanese calligraphy. This stone commemorated the construction of Uji Bridge, which was completed in 646. The inscription states that the bridge was built by a monk named Dōtō (道登). However, this is contradicted by the 8th-century Shoku Nihongi, which states that the bridge was built by another monk named Dōshō (道昭).


The Struggle Pakistan

The Struggle () is a "Trotskyist", Leftist organization in Pakistan which was found in Netherlands by Lal Khan and other Pakistani activists. The group follows the ideology of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky.
Formation.
The seeds of the Marxist politics was planted in 1980 in Netherlands, when a number of leftist Pakistani activists who had fled Pakistan to escape Zia’s repression found themselves in Amsterdam in the cold November 1980. The country was ruled by the notorious General Zia. These leftist Pakistani activists were Farooq Tariq, Tanvir Gondal (now better known as Lal Khan), Muhammed Amjad and Ayub Gorya who Brainstormed ideas and strategies to oppose Zia while in exile and came up with the concept for a progressive organisation they dubbed the Struggle Group which would keep the flame of protest alive, even in exile.
In November 1980, the Struggle group decided to start a monthly Urdu magazine called Jidd-o-jehed or The Struggle۔ The Struggle magazine soon developed a cult status among the Pakistani diaspora, and poets like Habib Jalib, Ahmad Faraz and Faiz Ahmed Faiz started contributing to the magazine by writing revolutionary and anti-dictatorship Urdu poems for the magazine. In December 1984, the magazine published a poem Main Baaghi Hoon, written by Khalid Javaid Jan. The poem became a staple in popular culture due to its revolutionary tone and was used in underground protests as a weapon against Dictator Zia.
The Struggle group continued their activism in exile against military dictatorship in Pakistan and went on to organise a mass funeral for Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in front of the Pakistani embassy in Holland with nearly 500 participants. The charged environment also saw participants throw stones at the embassy’s windows and Farooq was briefly arrested by Dutch police. Arrests, activism and attempts by Pakistani authorities to get them arrested made them popular with leftist and progressive movements in Europe. They campaigned on worker issues, against racism, immigrant issues and anti-nuclearisation with local left parties. The group was also in contact with the Committee for a Workers International (CWI), a Trotskyist “international.”
Pakistan base.
In 1986, the Struggle group started working from Pakistani soil when Farooq Tariq and Lal Khan returned to Pakistan. The Struggle followed a strategy known as Entryism, a theory that small militant groups should join mainstream workers’ parties in order to pull them to the left. The strategy is employed in an attempt to expand influence and was advocated by Trotsky. The Struggle at this stage was the official section of CWI in Pakistan and thus worked within PPP.
In early 1990s, the Committee for a Workers International (CWI) split in two over the question of Entryism. Peter Taaffe, a prominent member of English section of the CWI advocated an “Open Turn,” implying the building of an independent organization and an end to “Entryism”. Whereas, another faction led by Ted Grant wanted to maintain its “entrist” strategy. The Struggle also suffered the split and Farooq Tariq, along with perhaps one dozen Struggle members, followed Peter Taaffe’s lead and went on to build an independent political party for workers in Pakistan. The other faction, led by Lal Khan, continued with its "entryism" inside the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP). According to this theory a small militant groups should join mainstream workers’ parties in order to pull them to the left. The strategy is employed in an attempt to expand influence and was advocated by Trotsky. In 2016 Lal Khan is expelled from International Marxist Tendency over differences on entryism inside the Pakistan People's Party.
Current Work.
Lal Khan continued to be the editor of the Struggle magazine and leader of the Struggle group. He also wrote articles regularly for the Daily Times and Dunya. Khan criticized the partition of India and advocated for Indian reunification through a common revolution, which he said would heal continuing wounds and solve the Kashmir conflict. His views are described his book published by The Struggle, "Crisis in the Indian Subcontinent, Partition: Can it be Undone?" in which Khan stated that "revolutionary transformation of the economies and societies is an essential prerequisite for the reunification of the subcontinent." After death of Mr Khan, they had their successful 38th annual Congress at Lahore and vowed to carry our revolutionary work.
The Struggle group has their own publication agency and has published numerous books and leaflets on topics including Marxist ideology, history of Marxist struggle in Pakistan, and various books covering history of Bolshevik revolution. Some of the books are: Partition – Can it be undone?, Pakistan's Other Story – The Revolution of 1968–69, and Kashmir, A revolutionary way out. Books in Urdu language include, whereas translated publications from other language into Urdu include. On centenary of Russian revolution; a 1,200-page translation of Leon Trotsky’s classic work, History of the Russian Revolution has been published into Urdu language by The Struggle group.
The Struggle's trade union front is known as Pakistan Trade Union Defence Campaign (PTUDC), and multiple other fronts working among Youth, including Unemployed Youth Movement. In 2015, youth and students fronts of the Struggle started a campaign to bring together prominent left-wing students and youth organizations from across the country on a single platform. It holds its regularly its congress which are held to analyse the performance of The Struggle and to formulate new strategies for social change and revolution. In March 2013, Malala Yousafzai sent solidarity message to The Struggle congress.
Recently, in 2018 Pakistani general election its prominent leader Ali Wazir has been elected as member of National Assembly of Pakistan.


Jallianwala Bagh

Jallianwala Bagh is a historic garden and ‘memorial of national importance’ in Amritsar, India, preserved in the memory of those wounded and killed in the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre that occurred on the site on the festival of Baisakhi, 13 April 1919. It houses a museum, gallery and a number of memorial structures.
The garden site of the massacre is located in the vicinity of the Golden Temple complex, the holiest shrine of Sikhism and is managed by the Jallianwala Bagh National Memorial Trust, which was established as per the 'Jallianwala Bagh National Memorial Act, 1951'.
History.
Jallianwala Bagh or 'the garden of the Jallah-man', with its well, implies that it was once green and flowering. Over the years it had become popular as a recreation ground and an area of rest for those visiting the nearby Golden temple. In 1919, it was a dried out plot stretched to seven acres and was surrounded by tightly packed multi-occupancy buildings divided by some narrow gullies and holding only one narrow entrance and exit route. It was unoccupied and surrounded by a wall.
The place derives its name from that of the owner of this piece of land during the rule of the Sikh Empire. It was then the property of the family of Himmat Singh, who originally came from the village of Jalla district of the Punjab in India. The family were collectively known as "Jallewalle".
Background.
In 1919, in response to excluding Mahatma Gandhi from visiting Punjab, the secret deportation of Saifuddin Kitchlew and Satyapal on 10 April and the reactions to the Rowlatt Act, Punjab had witnessed attempts of Indians to gather and protest. On the morning of Vaisakhi, 13 April 1919, to the beat of military drums by the cities town criers, 19 locations around the city were read out Brigadier General R.E.H. Dyer's new rules. He had placed restrictions on leaving the city without a permit, banned all "processions of any kind" and any congregation of more than four people, and announced that "any person found in the streets after 8 pm will be shot". However, the announcements came on a background of noise and unusual heat, missing key locations around the city, meaning that the notice was not widely disseminated. Dyer was subsequently informed at 12.40 pm that day, that a political gathering was to be held at Jallianwala Bagh. One of the organisers was Hans Raj, who had accompanied Satyapal and Kitchlew just shy of their arrest and who later gave evidence in court as an approver.
By 3.30 pm, 15 000 people had gathered, a mix of speakers, listeners, picnic makers and of men, women and children of all ages, including Sikhs, Hindus, Muslims and Christians. Dyer went with ninety Sikh, Gurkha, Baloch, Rajput troops from 2-9th Gurkhas, the 54th Sikhs and the 59th Sind Rifles and ordered them to fire towards the crowds. More than 2500 were wounded or killed.
As a result, in 1920, a Trust was formed with the aim of creating a memorial at the massacre site. A number of the surrounding buildings were destroyed in the troubles of 1947. In 1951, the government of India established the site as a ‘memorial of national importance’.
The entrance.
The entrance to Jallianwala Bagh is via a narrow passage, the same passage that was the only entry and exit point at the time of the massacre and the same route that General Dyer and his troops took to reach the grounds. At the entrance is a statue of Udham Singh. Once entered, some old trees can be seen in the garden with some buildings at the back. With the words 'Vande Mataram', a flame titled 'Amar Jyoti' is seen burning to the right under a domed meditation area.
The portico pillars, just inside the garden, represent Dyer's soldiers.
Memorials.
During the massacre, there were no escape routes. The narrow passage was blocked by the army and people either ran towards the walls or jumped in the well.
The 'Martyrs Well' is surrounded by a large structure the Martyr's memorial, with a sign giving a figure of "120" as the number of bodies that were recovered from the well. It was designed by American architect Benjamin Polk and inaugurated in 1961.
A number of the bullet holes in the walls are preserved. One of the walls with a number of bullet holes has a plaque reading:
The wall has its own historic significance as it has thirty-six bullet marks which can be easily seen at present and these were fired into the crowd by the order of General Dyer. Moreover, no warning was given to disperse before Dyer opened fire which [sic] was gathered here against the Rowlatt Act. One Thousand Six Hundred and Fifty Rounds were fired
A number of other plaques are seen inside the garden, one of which reads:
This site is saturated with the blood of thousands of Indian patriots who were martyred in a nonviolent struggle to free India from British domination. General Dyer of the British army opened fire here on unarmed people. Jallianwala Bagh is thus an everlasting symbol of non-violent & peaceful struggle for the freedom of India
The Flame of Liberty is represented by a central pylon. It is white and shaped like a flame. Engraved are faces of 'martyrs' and below are given their names.
The Martyr's gallery and museum.
The Martyr's gallery contains a number of paintings including some of political leaders and a painting of the inside of Jallianwala Bagh, showing a number of people dead on the ground. The addition to the painting of the Gurkha's was painted in at a later date. A portrait of Udham Singh is on display in the gallery and his ashes are kept in the museum.
Using newspaper clippings and letters from Mahatma Gandhi, Rabindranath Tagore and others, 45 panels depicting the Amritsar massacre are displayed.
The Trust.
The initial Trustees of the Jallianwala Bagh National Memorial were named as
In November 2019, The Jallianwala Bagh National Memorial (Amendment) Bill was passed by Parliament in an attempt to seek the removal of the President of the Indian National Congress as a trustee.
Site visits.
Since the massacre, Jallianwala Bagh has been the site of a number of official and publicized visits. One of the earliest was during the public enquiry by the Indian Congress, when Jawaharlal Nehru visited the site in the immediate aftermath of the massacre. His investigation revealed 64 bullets in one part of the wall.
The site was visited by the Queen Elizabeth II in 1961, 1983 and 1997, and British Prime Minister David Cameron visited in 2013. During Prince William and Kate's official visit to India, Jallianwala Bagh was not on their itinerary. Others from Britain include Sadiq Khan, the Mayor of London in 2017, and Dominic Asquith and the Archbishop of Canterbury, Justin Welby in 2019.
India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the grounds in 2015 and politician Kiren Rijiju visited in 2016 as part of an Indo-Pak border visit. Proposed renovations to Jallianwala Bagh were presented to India’s vice president Venkaiah Naidu, the governor of Punjab V.P. Singh Badnore and other officials when they visited the site in April 2019 to attend a commemoration ceremony organised by the Ministry of Culture. Other visitors in 2019 included Rahul Gandhi.


Ali Bahadur I

Ali Bahadur (1758–1802), also known as Krishna Sinh, was a Nawab of the dominion of Banda (present day Uttar Pradesh) in northern India, a vassal of the Maratha Empire. He was the son of Shamsher Bahadur I and the grandson of Peshwa Bajirao I.
Under the auspices of the powerful Maratha nobles, Ali Bahadur established his authority over large parts of Bundelkhand and became the Peshwa's Subedar of Banda. His son and successor Shamsher Bahadur II held allegiance towards the Maratha polity and fought the English in the Anglo-Maratha War of 1803.


Hassan V of the Maldives

Sultan Hassan V Sri raadha Aanandha Maha Radhun was the sultan of the sultanate of Maldives. He ascended to the lion throne of Maldives after the death of his father, Sultan Omar of the Maldives in 1484. His rule was short and ended upon his death in 1485.


Erzurum Vilayet

The Vilayet of Erzurum () was a first-level administrative division (vilayet) of the Ottoman Empire.
The vilayet of Erzurum shared borders with the Persian and Russian empires in the east and north-east, in the north with the Trebizond Vilayet, in the west with the vilayet of Sivas, and in the south with the vilayets of Bitlis, Mamuret-ül Aziz and Van.
At the beginning of the 20th century, Erzurum Vilayet reportedly had an area of , while the preliminary results of the first Ottoman census of 1885 (published in 1908) gave the population as 645,702. The accuracy of the population figures ranges from "approximate" to "merely conjectural" depending on the region from which they were gathered. It was one of the six Armenian vilayets in the eastern part of Anatolia, and, prior to World War I, many Armenians lived there as did Georgians, Pontic Greeks and Caucasus Greeks, and other ethnic groups, both Muslim and Christian [mainly Greek Orthodox and Armenian Apostolic (Orthodox/Gregorian)].
History.
The Erzurum Eyalet was one of the first Ottoman provinces to become a vilayet after an administrative reform in 1865, and by 1867 it had been reformed into the Erzurum Vilayet.
In 1875 it was divided in six vilayets: Erzurum, Van, Hakkari, Bitlis, Hozat (Dersim) and Kars-Çildir. In 1888 by an imperial order Hakkari was joined to the vilayet of Van, and Hozat to Mamuret ul-Aziz.
The Kars and Çildir regions were lost in the Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878) and ceded to the Russian Empire, which administered it as the Kars Oblast until 1917.
Administrative divisions.
Sanjaks of the vilayet:
Demographics.
In 1893, there were in total 19 Kaza (districts). In all kaza's Muslims (Sunni and Alevi) were the majority. Lowest percentage of Muslims (64%) was in the kaza of Hınıs. Most of the Protestants and Catholics were Armenian.


United Nations Security Council Resolution 789

United Nations Security Council resolution 789, adopted unanimously on 25 November 1992, after reaffirming resolutions on Cyprus including 365 (1974), 367 (1975), 541 (1983), 550 (1984) and 774 (1992) and noting a report by the Secretary-General, the Council urged all concerned to implement a set of confidence-building measures.
The Council reaffirmed its endorsement of the "Set of Ideas" and that the current status quo is not acceptable. It also called on the Turkish side, to which it had attributed the failure of the discussions, to adopt positions that are consistent with the Set of Ideas.
After welcoming the statements by both parties that they would meet again in March 1993, the Council introduced a set of measures designed to promote mutual confidence. The proposals included:
It then requested the Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali to follow up on the implementation of the above measures, including proposals to make the negotiating process more effective and to maintain contact with the Security Council on the matter. At the conclusion of the March 1993 meetings, the resolution required Boutros-Ghali to submit a report on the joint meetings.


Abdullah CD

Abdullah CD (real name Cik Dat bin Anjang Abdullah; born 2 October 1923) is a Malaysian former politician who served as Chairman and General Secretary of the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM).
Biography.
Abdullah was born in 2 October 1923, in Parit, Perak to Minangkabau parents. His involvement in politics was sparked by interests in the Maharajalela Wars against the British. As a young man, he joined the Kesatuan Melayu Muda (KMM), and became the secretary of the KMM in the Lambor district in Perak during the early stages of the Japanese Occupation. Abdullah CD eventually joined the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) to combat the Japanese.
After World War II, Abdullah CD was involved in the setting up of the Malay Nationalist Party (or in Malay, the Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Muda / PKMM) in October 1945 with other early leftist Malay leaders such as Mokhtaruddin Lasso, Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy, Ahmad Boestamam, Ishak Haji Muhammad, amongst others. He was also responsible for organising the Malay labour movement, and was elected as the Vice-President of the Pan-Malayan Federation of Trade Unions (PMFTU).
Not long before the declaration of emergency in Malaya in June 1948 by the British colonial government, Abdullah CD, Dr. Burhanuddin Helmi and Ahmad Boestamam conducted a meeting to discuss the conditions and steps to be taken in the struggle for Malayan independence. When the British declared an emergency, Abdullah led many members from the CPM, PKMM, API (Angkatan Pemuda Insaf), AWAS and PETA into an anti-British guerrilla revolution in the jungles of Malaya. In July 1948, he was captured in north Pahang, but he managed to escape.
On 12 May 1949, Abdullah started the 10th Regiment of the CPM in Temerloh, Pahang, and continued to be its leader until peace was achieved in 1989. On 2 December 1989, he was one of the signatories of the peace agreement between the CPM and the government of Malaysia, finally ending the period of armed struggle.
Abdullah was involved in many armed battles against the British, and suffered serious injuries from a hand grenade explosion. He was married to Suriani Abdullah (née Eng Ming Ching), also a leader of the CPM and have been married since February 1955. They remained married in Sukhirin, Thailand until Suriani's death in 2013.


Makwanpur District

Makwanpur District(, a part of Bagmati Province, earlier a part of Narayani Zone, is one of the seventy-seven districts of Nepal. The district, with Hetauda as its district headquarter, as well as pradesh headquarter covers an area of and had a population of 392,604 in 2001 and 420,477 in 2011.
History.
During Rana regime, the district was named Chisapani District and the headquarter of the district was situated in Chisapanigadhi. The district renamed as Makwanpur on the name of Makwanpurgadhi and the headquarter moved to Hetauda in 1982.
Demographics.
At the time of the 2011 Nepal census, Makwanpur District had a population of 420,477. Of these, 45.3% spoke Tamang, 41.9% Nepali, 4.0% Newari, 3.8% Chepang, 1.3% Magar, 1.0% Bhojpuri, 0.7% Maithili and 0.5% Rai as their first language.
54.0% of the population in the district spoke Nepali as their second language.
Administration.
The district consists of 10 Municipalities, out of which one is a sub-metropolitan city, one is an urban municipality and eight are rural municipalities. These are as follows:


Saw Thanda

Saw Thanda Dewi ( ) was queen consort to four consecutive of kings of Arakan. She was the chief queen of King Dikkha (r. 1554–56). She later became queen to King Saw Hla (r. 1556–64) and King Sekkya (1564–72), both of whom were her step-sons, and later to King Phalaung (r. 1572–93).