History of Eswatini

Artifacts indicating human activity dating back to the early Stone Age have been found in the Kingdom of Eswatini. Prehistoric rock art paintings date from c. 25,000 B.C. and continuing up to the 19th century can be found in various places around the country. The earliest known inhabitants of the region were Khoisan hunter-gatherers. Later, the population became predominantly Nguni during and after the great Bantu migrations. People speaking languages ancestral to the current Sotho and Nguni languages began settling no later than the 11th century. The country now derives its name from a later king named Mswati II. "Ngwane", named for Ngwane III, is an alternative name for Swaziland the surname of whose royal house remains "Nkhosi Dlamini". "Nkhosi" literally means "king". Mswati II was the greatest of the fighting kings of Eswatini, and he greatly extended the area of the country to twice its current size. The people of Eswatini largely belong to a number of clans that can be categorized as "Emakhandzambili", "Bemdzabu", and "Emafikamuva", depending on when and how they settled in Eswatini.
Early settlements by Swazis (until 1700s).
The earliest known inhabitants of the region were Khoisan hunter-gatherers. They were largely replaced by the kashian hunter tribe during Bantu migrations who hailed from the Great Lakes regions of eastern and central Africa. Evidence of agriculture and iron use dates from about the 4th century and people speaking languages ancestral to current Sotho and Nguni languages began settling no later than the 11th century. The Swazi settlers, then known as "the Ngwane" (or "bakaNgwane"), before entering Swaziland had been settled on the banks of the Pongola River and prior to that in the area of the Tembe River near present-day Maputo. Continuing conflict with the Ndwandwe people pushed them further north, with Ngwane III establishing his capital at Shiselweni at the foot of the Mhlosheni hills. Under Sobhuza I, the Ngwane people eventually established their capital at Zombodze in the heartland of present-day Swaziland. In this process, they conquered and incorporated the long established clans of the country known to the Swazi as "Emakhandzambili".
The early Swazis ("bemdzabuko") lived around the present-day Tembe River near Maputo, Mozambique. Dlamini I was able to increase his followers by conquering many clans along the Lubombo after departure from Tembe.
As part of the Nguni expansion southwards, the Swazis crossed the Limpopo River and settled in southern Tongaland (today in southern Mozambique near Maputo) in the late fifteenth century. The Ngwane people are recorded as having entered the present territory of Swaziland around the year 1600.
Consolidation of the Swazi Nation (1740s–1868).
Thereafter during the leadership of Ngwane III Swazis settled present-day Swaziland.
These Swazis first settled north of the Pongola River. The Ngwane Kingdom was thus established during the rule of Ngwane III from around 1745
until 1780. The early Swazi people emigrated from the Lubombo mountains where Swazi rulers were established, to the banks of the Pongola River.
The leader, Ngwane III established the Swazi settlements here near the Ndwandwe Kingdom. Swazis were in constant conflict with their
neighbors, the Ndwandwes. The capital of Ngwane III was in Southern Swaziland in Shiselweni at the foot of the Mhlosheni Mountains near Nhlangano and Mahamba. Swazis established a polity based on Kingship accompanied by Queen Mothers and during the minority of a crown prince a Queen Regent. Thus when Ngwane died, LaYaka Ndwandwe became Queen Regent until Ndvungunye became the King. The kingship of Ndvungunye continued the order established by Ngwane III from 1780 until 1815 when he was killed by lightning. He was succeeded by Ngwane IV after the regency of Queen Regent Lomvula Mndzebele. Ngwane IV was also known as Sobhuza I and Somhlolo a revered king of Swaziland. Sobhuza continued to expand the territory of Swaziland.
The conflict of Swaziland and the Ndwandwe kingdom led Somhlolo (also known as Sobhuza I and Ngwane IV) to move his capital from Zombodze in Shiselweni to the centre of Swaziland at another kraal called Zombodze. Somhlolo who became king in 1815 consolidated the order of the Ngwane state by incorporating the "Emakhandzambili" clans into his kingdom adding to the "Bemdzabuko" or "true Swazi". Somhlolo was a strategic leader between 1815 and 1839 a period including the Mfecane period of Shaka Zulu a Zulu illegitimate child of Senzangakhona who created his kingdom from the
Mtetwa polity established by Dingiswayo. Sobhuza used his diplomatic skills to avoid conflict with Shaka by allying with him when it suited him. As a
result, Swaziland was left unaffected by the Mfecane wars. Somhlolo was succeeded in 1839 by his son Mswati II who is known as the greatest of the Swazi fighting kings.
Mswati inherited an area which extended as far as present-day Barberton in the north and included the Nomahasha district in the Portuguese territory of Mozambique. Mswati continued to expand Swazi territory and the clans added to the
nation were considered "Emafikamuva". During his reign, the territory of Swaziland was expanded northward and his capital was at Hhohho in the northern part of Swaziland. Mswati improved the military organisation of the regiments in Swaziland. His regiment was Inyatsi and he danced the sacred incwala at Hhohho instead of the common Ezulwini valley as his predecessors. Mswati was a powerful king who attacked other African tribes to acquire cattle and captives. Within Swaziland, his force was used to limit the power of the "Emakhandzambili" chiefs. Mswati made land grants in 1855 to the Lydenburg Republic though the wording of the sale is vague. The Boers at the time were fairly weak and could not act upon the land concession. Mswati continued to fight with other African tribes across the land and beyond in areas such as Zoutpansberg and Ohrigstad. His death in 1865 brought about an end to the conquest by the Swazi kings. Mswati was succeeded by Ludvonga, however, he died in his youth and as a result Mbandzeni was chosen by the Swazis National Council instead, and King Mbandzeni appointed Chief Manzini Mbokane as one of his leading tribal advisors. Chief Manzini Mbokane was a father of Ntengu Mbokane, and Chief Mbokane was the leader of the King's Advisory Council, which was later called Liqoqo.
Settlements and concessionaires (1868–1899).
The autonomy of the Emaswati was influenced by British and Dutch rule of Southern Africa in the 19th and early 20th centuries. In 1881 the British government signed a convention recognising Swazi independence. However, in 1894, a convention placed Swaziland under the South African Republic as a protectorate.
Swazi contact with European peoples began when Dutch Trekboers reached the western hinterland of Swaziland in the 1840s.
By 1845 about 300 Boer families had settled in Ohristad with more families in Lydenburg. Two deeds of sale dated 1846 and 1855 indicate the sale of Swazi territory to the Dutch republics for a sum of 170 cattle. These deeds at face value seemed to surrender the whole of the
Swazi territory to the Dutch. Following the death of King Mswati II in 1865, a period of regency followed with Queen Regent
Tsandzile Ndwandwe until 1875. The South African Republic in 1868 attempted to annex Swaziland by a proclamation. Mbandzeni, following the death of his half brother, the crown prince Ludvonga in 1872, was chosen by inkhosikati LaMgadlela Khumalo as her adopted son and hence a crown prince. However threats existed from prince Mbilini who had married one of Ntengu Mbokane's daughters, and Mbandzeni's half brother and one of the sons of Mswati who was a pretender to the throne and allied with the Zulu
King Cetshwayo. However, he never became successful. The British prevented any attacks from Cetshwayo, who had been crowned by Sir Theophilus Shepstone in 1873. In addition, the Transvaal Boers wanted to assert their authority over Swaziland by supporting Mbandzeni. Indeed, in Mbandzeni's coronation Rudolf, the Resident Magistrate of Ladysmith and former landdrost of Utrecht in the company of about 350 burghers and 70 wagons, attended the ceremony. During this period, Britain annexed the Transvaal (1877 to 1881). In 1879, the same year as the Zulu war, Mbandzeni aided the British who were now controlling the Transvaal to defeat Sekhukhune and to dismantle his kingdom. In return for his assistance, Swaziland's independence was to be guaranteed perpetually and Swaziland would be protected from Boer and Zulu encroachment.
In 1881 the Pretoria Convention established nominal British suzerainty over the re-established Transvaal State; article 24 guaranteed the independence of Swaziland, its boundary and Swazi people in their country as recognised by both Britain and the Transvaal. Under this convention, the Swazi territory was reduced in size, leaving Swazi people as residents of the Transvaal territory in present-day Mpumalanga province in South Africa. The London Convention of 1884's article XII continued to recognise Swaziland as an independent country with Mbandzeni as its King. However, in the years between 1885 and 1889, as more concessions were granted, the population of
Europeans in Swaziland increased. Unease with some concessionaires led to Mbandzeni to request British intervention. In addition to this, Boer encroachments, especially in 1887, increased the intensity of these requests. The situation in the country continued to deteriorate as some raids, cattle rustling and stealing of children from Swazi villages by Boers continued. Britain refused intervention on the grounds that there was presence of European residents not of British extraction and concessions held at the time by the South African Republic in areas such as tax collection, postal services which should be in the control of a State government.
On 18 December 1889 after Mbandzeni's death, the Swazi Government, represented by the Queen Regent Tibati Nkambule and the Swazi Council made a proclamation appointing Sir Theophilus Shepstone and two other officers representing the South African Republic and Britain and a provisional council to oversee administration of the country especially concession and affairs of European residents of the country. A concessions court was established to see which concessions were valid and which were dubious.
The organic proclamation was followed by the London convention of 1894 which settled the matter over Swaziland. The Swazi proclamation supporting this convention was resisted for a while since its proposal in 1893 and was signed by the Queen Regent and Swazi Council in December 1894. In this convention, the status of Swaziland, its people and the Kings were recognised as in the 1884 convention. However, for the administrative affairs of Swaziland it would be a protected state of the Transvaal republic with guarantees on the rights of Swazi people in their country and their system of governance. This administration, led by Krogh, went on until the Anglo Boer War started in 1899. Ngwane V who had been chosen as crown prince following Mbandzeni's death in 1889 was crowned in 1895 after the London Convention. In 1898 he was allegedly responsible for the death of his advisor Mbaba Nsibandze and two of his aides. In response, he was charged with the crime and during this time he fled to British Zululand, returning on guaranteed for his safety. On his return he was charged with a lesser crime of public disturbance and was fined 500 pounds. In addition, his judicial powers were reduced. The following year, in October 1899, the Anglo Boer War began. This led to the discontinuity of Transvaal administration of Swaziland's affairs. Ingwenyama Ngwane V, however, ruled until December of that year, when he died while dancing the sacred incwala.
Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902).
Swaziland was indirectly involved in the Second Boer War (1899–1902). The beginning of the conflict found it administrated by the South African Republic, with the colonial headquarters set at Bremersdorp. In September 1899, with war considered imminent, the colonists started evacuating the area. Ngwane V of Swaziland (Bhunu) was informed that the area would be left in his care during the absence of the white residents. The Swaziland Police under Sgt Opperman started practicing for war while issuing rifles and ammunition to remaining burghers. On 4 October 1899, Special Commissioner Krogh issued an official notice of evacuation for "all white inhabitants" with the exception of burghers eligible for active service. Most of the British subjects were escorted towards the border with Mozambique, women and other South African civilians were left heading for various destinations. People with dual nationality were still subject to the draft, though unwilling to fight against their own people. Several of them escaped towards Mozambique or the Colony of Natal.
It was not long before skirmishes involved the Swaziland forces. On 28 October 1899, the newly formed Swaziland Commando unit moved against a British police post at Kwaliweni. The South African unit counted about 200 burghers, while the outpost only had 20 men. Bhunu managed to warn the police post of the approaching attack. The police retreated towards Ingwavuma, the seat of a magistrate. The Commandos burned the abandoned post and a nearby shop to the ground. Then Joaquim Ferreira led them towards Ingwavuma. The village was not better guarded and had to also be evacuated. The Swaziland Commando burned it to the ground, while the magistrate and his people escaped to Nongoma.
Meanwhile, the Swazi people had been warned by Piet Joubert to remain calm and not involve themselves in the conflict. Bhunu instead found himself unrestricted from colonial authorities for the first time. He soon felt free to settle old scores with political enemies. News of the violent deaths of diplomat Mnkonkoni Kunene and several others in time reached the Boer forces involved in the Siege of Ladysmith. Several of the dead had close ties to the colonial authorities. Joubert had to assure worried commanders that Swaziland was not turning against them. Indeed, spies reported that Bhunu feared he had been bewitched. He was striking against whomever he suspected of the deed. On 10 December 1899, Bhunu died due to a serious illness. He had blamed it on sorcery, though contemporaries suspect it was alcohol-induced. His mother Labotsibeni Mdluli became regent. She set about eliminating the surviving advisors and favourites of Bhunu.
Swazi regiments were roaming the country during the internal conflicts. The South African authorities were worried that the violence could expand towards the south-western border of Swaziland, where Boer farms were cultivated by women and children. They had the farms evacuated and the population transferred to Piet Retief. The farmers from Piet Retief, Wakkerstroom and their vicinities had made a practice of trekking their ship into Swaziland for winter grazing. In January 1900, Francis William Reitz, the State Secretary of the South African Republic, started issuing orders discouraging any sheep-herders from entering Swaziland. On 18 April 1900, any such entry was forbidden. The Swaziland Commando were by that point far from their initial home base, fighting along the Tugela River.
The British had their own concerns about Swaziland. They suspected that supplies from Mozambique could be smuggled to the Boers through Swaziland. Queen-regent Labotsibeni was however attempting to maintain neutrality in the wider conflict, pre-occupied with securing the throne. Her grandson Sobhuza II of Swaziland was underage and there were other viable candidates for the throne among the House of Dlamini, in particular Prince Masumphe. Masumphe was a cousin of Bhunu and had been a rival candidate for the throne since 1889. His line of the family maintained close relations with the Boers, the Prince himself having been educated at Pretoria. By May, 1900, the Queen was worried that the Boers would intervene against her in case of a succession dispute. She opened communications with the restored magistrate of Ingwavuma, arranging to flee to his area if needed.
Her messages were passed to the government of Natal and from there to Cape Town, the capital of the Cape Colony. A reply by Johannes Smuts assured her that the British had not forgotten about the Swazi and British representatives would reliably return to Swaziland at an early date. The message might have reflected Smuts' own ambitions but his authority on such matters was rather questionable. But Frederick Roberts, Baron Roberts, a high-ranking military officer, was also convinced to start diplomatic contacts with the Queen. His representatives were to persuade the queen-regent of three things: first, the need to prevent the Boers from occupying the mountains of the area; secondly, the necessity of formally appealing for British protection; and third, to make clear that the indiscriminate murders in Swaziland would have to end.
The British contacts with the Swazi played a role in advance of their siege of Komatipoort, a nearby South African stronghold. In September 1900, once the town fell, the British were able to capture Barberton and its area. A number of Boers fled into Swaziland, only to have the Swazi disarm them and confiscate their cattle. The end of South African presence in the area left open the question of what to do with Swaziland. Smuts had been campaigning since May to convince the British authorities to place Swaziland under their administration. By September, Smuts had gained some support from civil authorities but not from military ones, since Roberts did not want to devote any of his forces to an invasion or occupation of the area. Nevertheless, Smuts attempted some diplomatic contacts with the Swazi, which were not particularly successful. The individual Smuts met for discussions refused to give any information on the internal affairs of Swaziland or Boer activities.
The fall of Komatipoort directly resulted in increased importance of Swaziland for the Boers. To maintain their communications with diplomatic and trade contacts in Lourenço Marques, Mozambique, the Boers had to send messengers through Swaziland. This was difficult since British forces were allowed to pass through certain Swazi areas. By November 1900, the Queen was able to assure both Roberts and Smuts that she "was doing her best to drive Boers out of her country." A few armed burghers and their African allies, hostile to her government, were still active at times.
On 29 November 1900, Roberts was relieved of his command. His replacement was Herbert Kitchener, Baron Kitchener of Khartoum. By late December, Smuts contacted the military secretary office of Kitchener concerning the Swaziland situation. Smuts had secured the position of Resident Commissioner of Swaziland, though the British had no actual authority over the area. He attempted to convince Kitchener it was time to establish a permanent military presence in Swaziland and put Smuts in charge of the area. Kitchener had a different view. Starting his own correspondence with Labotsibeni, Kitchener insisted on three points: first, the Swazi were still required to not take part in the war; second, no British forces would be sent into Swaziland unless the area faced a Boer invasion; and third, the Swazis were now directly under the authority of the British Crown, owing their loyalty to Victoria of the United Kingdom.
In December 1900 – January 1901, there were reports that retreating Boers were attempting to flee through Swaziland. Eight British columns were sent to either force the Boer commandos to surrender or flee to Swaziland. A certain column under Horace Smith-Dorrien proceeded all the way to the Swaziland border, managing to capture several Boer wagons and large numbers of cattle and sheep on 9 February 1901. Most of the captured Boers were sent to the concentration camp of Volksrust. On 11 February, another column under Edmund Allenby was positioned at the southern border of Swaziland. On 14 February, Smith-Dorrien's forces reached Amsterdam. There he was contacted by envoys of the Queen-regent, requesting aid in driving the Boers off her land. In response, the Imperial Light Horse and the Suffolk Regiment were sent into Swaziland.
Joined by armed Swazis, the two regiments were able to capture about 30 Boers in an initial skirmish. However heavy rains soon slowed their advance through the country. On 28 February 1901, 200 other men of the British mounted infantry entered Swaziland. Under Lt. Col. Henry, this force managed to locate and capture the transport convoy of the Piet Retief Commandos. About 65 Boers were captured in the operation. The remnants of the Commandos retreated towards the southern border of Swaziland, only to be captured by the British forces stationed there. By early March, Smith-Dorrien noted that the Swazis were pillaging Boer residences. By this time, Allenby had reached Mahamba and set up camp there, Henry was pursuing another Boer wagon convoy and Queen-regent Labotsibeni was ordering her Impis to clear their land from the Boers. Henry eventually managed to return to Derby with several prisoners, while Allenby and his forces reached the vicinity of Hlatikulu. The burghers had to limit themselves to "the hills of southwestern Swaziland".
Surviving accounts from the Devonshire Regiment indicate that the Swazis were acting as "a ninth column, commanded by the Queen of the Swazis." On 8 March 1901, remnants of the Piet Retief Commandos, accompanied by women and children, were attacked by forces supposedly under Chief Ntshingila Simelano. The latter consisted of about 40 men, including two riflemen. Thirteen Burghers and one African guide were killed, several wounded, and the others were scattered. Some of the survivors later surrendered to the 18th Hussars. Ntshingila later denied any involvement in the massacre. In any case, the incident terrified several other Boers. Between 8 and 11 March, about 70 burghers and various women and children chose to surrender to Allenby rather than face the Swazis. The British nevertheless warned Labotsibeni to cease further massacres.
On 11 April 1901, Louis Botha corresponded with Kitchener, complaining that British officers were inducing the Swazis to fight against the Boers. Claiming the result was the indiscriminate murders of Burghers, women and children by Swazi commandos. Allenby attributed the killings partly to Swazi anxiety to counter Boer incursions into their territory and partly to their fear of Boer reprisals. That is what the Boers would do when the British eventually left. Allenby himself refused to allow large numbers of armed Swazis to join his column, though he still used a few of them as guides. Smuts finally entered Swaziland during this month, though unable to establish his authority over any British forces.
The presence of regular British troops allowed the queen-regent to present to them her concerns over an irregular unit, "Steinaecker's Horse." Created early in the war as a unit of adventurers and mercenaries under British command, they were well known for looting Boer property. With the Boer increasingly impoverished, however, they had turned their attention to the cattle of the Swazi. Labotsibeni complained to both sides that this unit consisted of common robbers occupying Bremersdorp. Botha responded by sending a Commando unit against the Horse, with orders to avoid antagonizing the Swazi in any way. The Swazi National Council agreed to let them pass. Between 21 and 23 July 1901, the Ermelo Commandos succeeded in forcing most of the "Steinaecker's Horse" forces to retreat, capturing about 35 men, killing or wounding a few and burning Bremersdorp to the ground.
Both the British and the Boers continued to have access to Swaziland with occasional skirmishes occurring. On 8 November 1901, for example, the 13th Hussars captured 14 burghers near Mahamba. The skirmishes ended in February 1902 with the defeat of the final Boer unit in Swaziland.
In 1903, following the British victory in the Anglo-Boer war, Swaziland became a British protectorate. Much of its early administration (for example, postal services) being carried out from South Africa until 1906 when the Transvaal colony was granted self-government. Eswatini regained independence on 6 September 1968 and became the Kingdom of Swaziland. This was after brief period as a Protected State. Sobhuza II, the king at independence, became Ingwenyama in 1899 following the death of his father Ngwane V. His official coronation was in December 1921 after the regency of Labotsibeni after which he led an unsuccessful deputation to the Privy council in London in 1922 regarding the issue of land.
Swaziland Protectorate (1906–1968).
Throughout the protectorate period from 1906 to 1968, Swaziland was largely governed by a resident commissioner who ruled according to decrees issued by the British High Commissioner to South Africa. Such decrees were formulated in close consultation with the resident commissioners, who in turn took informal and formal advice from white settler interests and the Swazi king. In 1907, during the residency of Robert Coryndon, Swazi land was partitioned into a third for the Swazi nation, or reserves, and the remaining two-thirds as crown and commercial land, for European occupation. The partition was carried out in 1909, and Swazis living in European areas were given five years to vacate the land.
British Resident Commissioners in Swaziland.
In 1921, the British established Swaziland's first legislative body — a European Advisory Council (EAC) of elected white representatives with the task of advising the British Resident Commissioner on non-Swazi affairs. In 1944, the Commissioner reconstituted the basis and role of the EAC, and, over Swazi objections, issued a Native Authorities Proclamation constituting the paramount chief or Ingwenyama and King to the Swazis, as the British called the king, as the native authority for the territory to issue legally enforceable orders to the Swazis, subject to restrictions and directions from the resident commissioner. Under pressure from royal non-cooperation, this proclamation was revised in 1952 to grant the Swazi paramount chief a degree of autonomy unprecedented in British indirect rule in Africa. Also in 1921, after more than twenty years of the regency headed by Queen Regent Labotsibeni, Sobhuza II became "Ingwenyama" (lion) or head of the Swazi nation.
In the early years of indirect rule, the British expected that Swaziland would eventually be incorporated into South Africa. After the Second World War, however, South Africa's intensification of racial discrimination induced the United Kingdom to prepare Swaziland for complete independence. Political activity intensified in the early 1960s. Several political parties were formed and jostled for power and economic development. However, the parties were largely urban and had few ties to the rural areas, where most Swazis still lived. The traditional Swazi leaders, including King Sobhuza II and his Inner Council, formed the Imbokodvo National Movement (INM), a political group that capitalized on its close identification with the Swazi way of life. Responding to pressure for political change, the protectorate government scheduled an election in mid-1964 for the first legislative council in which the Swazis would participate. In the election, the INM and four other parties, most having more radical platforms, competed in the election. The INM won all 24 elective seats.
Swazi soldiers served in World War II (see Eswatini in World War II).
Independence (1968–1980s).
Leading up to independence, the INM had solidified its political base. Having done this, the INM incorporated many demands of the more radical parties, especially that of immediate independence. In 1966, the UK Government agreed to discuss a new constitution. A constitutional committee agreed on a constitutional monarchy for Swaziland, with self-government to follow parliamentary elections in 1967. Swaziland became independent on 6 September 1968. Swaziland's first post-independence elections were held in May 1972. The INM received close to 75% of the vote. The Ngwane National Liberatory Congress (NNLC) received slightly more than 20% of the vote which gained the party three seats in parliament.
In response to the NNLC's showing, King Sobhuza repealed the 1968 constitution on 12 April 1973 and dissolved parliament. He assumed all powers of government and prohibited all political activities and trade unions from operating. He justified his actions as having removed alien and divisive political practices incompatible with the Swazi way of life. In January 1979, a new parliament was convened, chosen partly through indirect elections and partly through direct appointment by the king.
King Sobhuza II died in August 1982, and Queen Regent Dzeliwe assumed the duties of the head of state. In 1984, an internal dispute led to the replacement of the prime minister and eventual replacement of Dzeliwe by a new Queen Regent Ntombi. Ntombi's only child, Prince Makhosetive, was named heir to the Swazi throne. Real power at this time was concentrated in the Liqoqo, a supreme traditional advisory body that claimed to give binding advice to the Queen Regent. In October 1985, Queen Regent Ntombi demonstrated her power by dismissing the leading figures of the Liqoqo. Prince Makhosetive returned from school in England to ascend to the throne and help end the continuing internal disputes. He was enthroned as Ingwenyama Mswati III on 25 April 1986. Shortly afterwards he abolished the Liqoqo. In November 1987, a new parliament was elected and a new cabinet appointed.
Recent history (1980s and 1990s).
Mswati III is the present monarch of Swaziland since his coronation in 1986, and rules together with Queen Mother Ntombi Tfwala. In 1986 Sotsha Dlamini was appointed Prime Minister, taking over from Prince Bhekimpi. In 1987, following a premature dissolution of parliament by the king, Swaziland held its third parliamentary election under the tinkhundla traditional system. In 1988 and 1989, an underground political party, the People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), criticized the king and his government, calling for 'democratic reforms'. In response to this political threat and to growing popular calls for greater accountability within government, the king and the prime minister initiated an ongoing national debate on the constitutional and political future of Swaziland. This debate produced a handful of political reforms, approved by the king, including direct and indirect voting, in the 1993 national elections. In this election, voters were registered, the constituencies were increased from 50 to 55 and the election was judged as free and fair.
The economy and the population of Swaziland continued to grow in the 1980s. The average economic growth being 3.3% annual growth between 1985 and 1993. Annual population growth was at approximately 3% during the same period. Swaziland's 1980s economy continued to be dependent on South Africa, with 90% of imports coming from South Africa and 37% of exports going to South Africa. Swaziland, along with Lesotho, Botswana and South Africa continued to be members of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU). State revenues were heavily dependent on the Customs Union's remittances which were between 48.3% and 67.1% between 1981 and 1987.
The 1990s saw a rise in student and labor protests pressuring the king to introduce reforms. Thus, progress toward constitutional reforms began, culminating with the introduction of the current Swaziland constitution in 2005. This happened despite objections by political activists. The current constitution does not clearly deal with the status of political parties. The first election under the new constitution, took place in 2008. Members of parliament were elected from 55 constituencies (also known as tinkhundla). These MPs served five-year terms which ended in 2013. In 2011, Swaziland suffered an economic crisis, due to reduced SACU receipts. This led to the government of Swaziland to request a loan from neighbouring South Africa. However, the Swazi government did not agree with the conditions of the loan, which included political reforms. During this period, there was increased pressure on the Swaziland government to carry out more reforms. Public protests by civic organizations and trade unions became more common. Improvements in SACU receipts from 2012 onwards, eased the fiscal pressure on the Swazi government. The new parliament, the second since promulgation of the constitution, was elected on 20 September 2013. This saw the reappointment of Sibusiso Dlamini, by the king, as prime minister for the third time.
In 1989, Sotja Dlamini was dismissed from his position as prime minister on 12 July 1989 and was replaced with a former Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions (SFTU) secretary-general, Obed Dlamini. He was to be the premier until 1993 and succeeded by Prince Mbilini. During the tenure of both Obed and Mbilini there was growing labor militancy which culminated in a major general strike in 1997 led by the SFTU. Following the labor action, Prince Mbilini was replaced as Prime Minister by Sibusiso Dlamini.
The constitution for independent Swaziland was promulgated by Britain in November 1963 under the terms of which legislative and executive councils were established. This development was opposed by the Swazi National Council (Liqoqo). Despite such opposition, elections took place and the first Legislative Council of Swaziland was constituted on 9 September 1964. Changes to the original constitution proposed by the Legislative Council were accepted by Britain and a new constitution providing for a House of Assembly and Senate was drawn up. Elections under this constitution were held in 1967. Following the elections of 1973, the constitution of Swaziland was suspended by King Sobhuza II who thereafter ruled the country by decree until his death in 1982. At this point Sobhuza II had ruled Eswatini for 83 years, making him the longest ruling monarch in history. A regency followed his death, with Queen Regent Dzeliwe Shongwe being head of state until 1984 when she was removed by Liqoqo and replaced by Queen Mother Ntombi Twala. Mswati III, the son of Ntombi, was crowned king on 25 April 1986 as King and "Ingwenyama" of Eswatini. In 2018, during the 50th independence day celebration, the king announced the official renaming of the country from the Anglicized Swaziland to its Siswati form "Eswatini". Following this, many governmental and non-governmental bodies, corporations and international organizations changed all mention of Swaziland to Eswatini.
On 19 April 2018, King Mswati III announced that the Kingdom of Swaziland had renamed itself the Kingdom of Eswatini to mark the 50th anniversary of Swazi independence. The new name, Eswatini, means "land of the Swazis" in the Swazi language, and was partially intended to prevent confusion with the similarly named Switzerland.


Koegas atrocities

The Koegas atrocities or Koegas affair (1878–80) was a notorious murder case in the Cape Colony, which led to deep political divisions and a follow up campaign, due to the perceived racial bias of the country's Attorney General. It culminated in libel suits, filed by the government against several liberal leaders and news outlets.
Background.
In 1878 the Cape Colony was going through a period of enormous strife and conflict, due mainly to the enforcement, by Britain, of a Confederation model onto the various states of southern Africa. This had involved the overthrow of the Cape's liberal first government, and the setting up of a pro-imperialist puppet-government under Prime Minister Gordon Sprigg. Under British direction, this new government had embarked on a series of expansionist frontier wars. There was a concurrent movement away from political and social inclusiveness and public feeling in the war environment became considerably more hostile to perceived "outsiders". The liberal remnants of the previous government were very much on the defensive.
Against this backdrop, a low-scale conflict was underway all along the Orange River. This involved war between two tribes, the Koranas and the Bastaards, but on a larger scale was directed by the Cape in order to secure its northern frontier.
The murder (1878).
The actual atrocities were inflicted in the Northern Cape, at Luisdraai near Koegas (roughly within the modern Siyathemba Local Municipality). In October 1878, a group of Korana and San rebels were savagely attacked by a military patrol and 46 of them were killed. It later arose that they were killed in cold blood, after having been disarmed and taken prisoner, and among the 46 were 11 women and children. The perpetrators were mounted militia, consisting of several white and Griqua farmers.
The trial for the Koegas murders (1879).
The trial of five members of the military patrol, for willful murder, took place the following year at the circuit court in Victoria West. The trial took place in a deeply conservative town, where many of the commandos had initially been raised. Therefore in September 1879, in spite of enormous evidence, the jury found all four of the white militiamen to be not-guilty, and only Zoutaar, the black militiaman, to be guilty (and then only of "assault"). The verdict was received with cheers from the local townsfolk, however an immediate uproar resulted across the Cape Colony as the trial was roundly accused of being a massive miscarriage of justice. The Judge himself (Justice Dwyer) angrily wrote to the powerful Cape Town MP and newspaper proprietor Saul Solomon, asking him to take up and publicise the matter.
Liberal reaction (1879).
It was widely believed that a racist jury had acquitted the accused simply because they were predominantly white. Indignation focused on the Cape's Attorney General (and Minister of Justice) Thomas Upington, for allowing the trial to take place in a racist and hostile environment. Present at the time, he had in fact been officially warned about the strong partisan feeling of the town and its local jury, before the verdict, but had refused to move the trial.
From early October 1879, a campaign began in Cape Town, led by Saul Solomon and Francis Joseph Dormer of the "Cape Argus", soon joined by Francis Statham and Patrick McLoughlin of the "Cape Post". Other vocal leaders of the campaign were the MP John X. Merriman and Rev D. P. Faure - who had even been present at the original trial, though just as an interpreter.
The campaign accused the Attorney General and his colleagues of allowing white juries to acquit whites who had killed blacks. Its leaders called for the Attorney General's resignation and for an all-round condemnation of the verdict. The campaign dominated the newspapers of the Cape, for the duration of this period, and deeply divided the country between liberal and reactionary.
The "Fiat Justitia" trial (1879-80).
Attorney General Upington fought back, when he sued Saul Solomon and Dormer for libel, relating to pieces written by Dormer, but under Solomon's aegis. In particular, the Argus had published a letter, attacking the trial, signed "Fiat Justitia" ("May there be justice"), which formed the main point of Upington's attack. ("Fiat Justitia" turned out to have been D.P. Faure himself, who had his career terminated as a result)
The libel trial (popularly known as the "Fiat Justitia trial") was held in Cape Town, before two judges - Sir Henry De Villiers and Sir Andries Stockenstrom. Enormous public attention focused on the trial, and a high level of public emotion resulted.
The judges publicly concluded that "the most gruesome atrocities had been committed against defenceless prisoners" and local prejudice had indeed caused the miscarriage of justice in the ensuing circuit court. The statement also concluded that the Attorney-General was indeed gravely at fault, and that it was undesirable for him to continue to hold political office.
However in their verdict on the specific crime of the trial, that of libel, they concluded that one of the articles had gone too far, and that attacks on the Attorney General were valid and permitted, but should be grounded in facts and not in blind emotion. Saul Solomon was therefore told to pay a symbolic fine (1 shilling).
The ruling concluded with a warning on the country's future direction if faults in its legal system were not addressed:
"It amounts then to this, that the pure streams of justice have been polluted at their fount, and the question we have now to ask is whether the country is content to drink longer of these unwholesome waters."
While the verdict was undoubtedly intended to heal a divide and appease both parties, it was nonetheless controversial and caused both parties to feel that the matter had not been resolved.


List of rulers of the Mossi state of Tenkodogo

This is a list of Rulers of the Mossi State of Tenkodogo. Comprising part of Burkina Faso, Tenkodogo is the "senior" Mossi State.
Naaba = "Ruler"


Sultanate of Dawe

The Afar Sultanate of Dawe is one of the existing Afar traditional authorities based in Zone 5 of the Afar Regional State in Ethiopia. It is a successor traditional authority of the former Kingdom of which was established in the Khora–Angar area of the present Republic of Djibouti at the end of the 9th century.
Location.
The present-day territory of the Afar Sultanate of Dawe extends from the Highland Plateau (Baate Mountain) Waytaale on the west to the Eastern base of the Ethiopian highlands. To the south it borders to the Somali Region and the Republic of Djibouti. To the east it borders to the Administrative Zone 3 of the Afar Region and to the north it shares borders with the Administrative Zone 1 of the Afar Regional State.
The traditional Territory of the Afar Sultanate of Dawe is currently divided into six administrative districts. They are:
Political System.
The Afar Sultanate of Dawe is the hereditary traditional political Authority of the Afar people of the Eastern Region of the Afar Regional State in Ethiopia. Its political system is based on an egalitarian, social democratic political system and a communal democracy principle. Its legitimacy is derived from an acknowledgment of respect, loyalty, sovereignty and wishes of the Afar people. The power and authority of the Afar Sultanate of Dawe is based on the people and on the Sultan. The Amoyta of Afar Sultanate of Dawe has had absolute power over his subject. His decision was final and no appeal. In the Sultanate of Dawe, each clan has a hierarchical order of clan chieftainship with the senior most linear chief or a head of clan as leader of the tribe among particular clan. This indicates that tribes and clan systems among the people of the Sultanate of Dawe have a broad-based confederacy system that similar to that of the Confederations Helvetica of Switzerland.
The citizens and people of the Sultanate of Dawe have enjoyed equal rights and freedom since its re-establishment at the end of the 16th century during Misli Hamad the Great's reign. The Afar people of the Eastern Afar Sultanate of Dawe have always practiced a form of pastoral democratic socialism based on a collective sharing and social solidarity principle. This form of social solidarity is unique. It is called, Tittâ luk Aalliyyá, which means having it together, sharing together or collective ownership. [2]
Legal System & Traditional Courts of the Eastern Afar Sultanate.
The legal system of the Afar Sultanate of Dawe is basically based on Afar Traditional Customarily Laws. Their Customary laws based on Convention, Precedent and Case Laws as an ancient Britain, Jewish, Malaysian and African societies. The laws are usually made by the Council of Elders with the presence of the Amoyta (Sultan) in the Council. It is administered by His Majesty’s Advisory Council of Elders at Haxa (at the Royal Court of Justice). Hara (Caxa) is the Royal Court of Justice of the Sultanate of Dawe that similar to the House of Lord of the Great Britain).
In the Sultanate of Dawe, Traditional Courts are still the Higher Courts of Appeal and Centre of daily political life and places where important decisions are made in the Eastern Afar Region of the Afar Regional State. The Afar Customary Law of the Sultanate of Dawe (Zone 5 of the Afar Regional State) is still the guiding principle of the communities, due to its flexibility and clarity of legal jurisdiction and justice delivery and conflict resolution and reconciliation management. It has been reported that, the First Mada’a or Law of the Sultanate of Dawe was adopted during the reign of "Bodoyta" with participation of the following clans:
This Law was passed in Cuuyle Faagil area in the District of Cayyu (Obock), part of today Djibouti, where the first Law Conference meeting took place.
The Second Law Amendment occurred during the reign of 'Aydam, the son of Bodoyta. Aydam was the second son of Bodoyta.
The Third Law Amendment occurred during the reign of Amoyta Macammad Camad (Qeysa Macammadih dabaana), at the beginning of 18th century. This meeting was called by Ali Dawwaani Mohamed, and it took place in Teqo area that is located in the District of QAD-DAQAR- Zone 1. Ali Dawwaani Mohamed was a Senior Chief of Hayis tribes of Bodoyta-Meela. Since the reign of Aydam, the Chief of Hayis tribes had been, and continues to be a chief of Justice of Bodoyta-Meela Customary Law. He is the Senior Leader of the Tribal Chiefs Council and of the Advisory Council of Elders. In the Sultanate of Dawe, Judicial function of (Bodoyta-Meela Madqa)Customary Law is customarily governed by the Chief of Hayis tribes.
The Fourth Law Amendment occurred in the 20th century, during the reign of the Grand Sultan Mohamed Bodaya - (Amoyta Boddayyi Macammad). [3]
The Customary Law of the Afar Sultanate of the Afar Regional State is a considerable part of the law of the Afar Regional State Legal Justice. Equally, the traditional Authority of the Sultanate of Dawe is also part of Customary Laws and Practice of the Afar Regional State, because it has been recognized it as an important legal source of the Afar Regional State legal system. In the Sultanate of Dawe, the law making authority is vested in the Council of Elders and tribes Chiefs Council with the presence of Afar clan leaders, religious institutions and Peer Group Organisations. The Peer group is representative of civil societies and their Organisations. In terms of law, their participation in lawmaking process is highly significant.
In the absence of the Sultan the Council of Elders and the Council of tribal Chiefs are in charge to judge cases, to pass laws, to resolve disputes and to maintain law and order in accordance with the Conventions and Precedents of the Sultanate of Dawe. The Councils of Elders and Chiefs are accountable and answerable to His Majesty the Sultan of Dawe for their actions and decisions. The law forcing power is collectively administered by the Council of Elders and the Council of Chiefs. All decisions taken whether in his presence or absence were announced as the Amoyta’s decision. The Prerogative power is solely vested on the Amoyta (Sultan).
Economic and Social Conditions of the Eastern Afar Region.
About 98% of the population leads a pastoral life by rearing camels, cattle, goats, sheep and donkeys. Agriculture is very limited. Pastoralism is the leading occupation of the people. The Eastern Afar Region is a well-known zone for its livestock resources from which 98% of the Eastern Afar people earn their livelihood. The Region is estimated to have about 8 million domestic animals out of which sheep and goats constitute 60%. Cattle are the second and Camels the third most important domestic animals and the fourth is Donkeys. However, for many years the Afar people of the Eastern Afar Sultanate region systematically experienced political, economic and social injustice and discrimination as a people by successive Ethiopian Governments. The Eastern Afar People have been threatened disproportionately and deliberately by political, cultural and linguistic assimilation into the Central State of Ethiopia.
The Eastern Afar Region “Zone 5” is one of the least developed and marginalized territory of the whole Afar Regional State in Ethiopia, in terms of economic and social development and basic infrastructure and nation building. In general, the Afar Region is one of the least developed Regions of Ethiopia, neglected by national development efforts. [4]
Development has usually taken the form of assimilation by the central Ethiopian State and partial annexation into Ethiopia’s highland economy.[5] Development Scheme in the Afar region, has historically reflected the priorities of central government or selects commercial and political interests, while the needs and aspiration of the Afar people have been chiefly disregarded".[6]


Ngalama

"Mulena Yomuhulu Mbumu wa Litunga" Ngalama was a High Chief of Lozi people in Barotseland Zambia, Africa.
Biography.
Ngalama was a son of Prince Ingulamwa, Chief of Mokola, who was a son of Queen Mbuymamwambwa.
He was adopted by his paternal uncle, Chief Inyambo, and he succeeded on the death of his other uncle, king Yeta I.
Ngalama had married a daughter of his uncle, Prince Mwanambinyi.
He died at Kwandu, having had sons who were kings: Yeta II Nalute and Ngombala.
His grandson was Prince Mbanga.


Alfred Achebe

Nnaemeka Alfred Achebe "CFR", "mni" (born 14 May 1941) is a traditional ruler and the 21st Obi of Onitsha, in Anambra State, South-Eastern Nigeria. He is chancellor of Ahmadu Bello University since 2015, and was earlier chancellor of Kogi State University. Achebe also serves as the chairman of the board of Directors of Unilever Nigeria, and the Chairman of International Breweries (ABInBev) Nigeria. Before emerging as the Obi of Onitsha, in 2002, he had a long and distinguished career in the Royal Dutch Shell Group serving as Director in various companies in the group.
Early life and education.
He attended Government Secondary School Owerri. Achebe holds a Bachelor of Science degree in Chemistry from Stanford University in 1966 and a master's degree in Business Administration from Columbia University. In 1979, he attended the maiden Senior Executive Course of the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies in Kuru, near Jos.
Career.
After graduation from the university, Achebe worked briefly in the United States before he returned to Nigeria in 1972 after the Nigerian civil war and began work with Shell Petroleum Company. He is currently a trustee, National Traditional Rulers Council and its state Chairman in Anambra State.
Besides his long tenure as director of Shell Nigeria, Obi Achebe was also, during 1985 - 87, a director of several other Shell companies in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Ghana, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, the Gambia, Liberia and Angola.
Life in retirement.
Achebe retired from work in 1995 after reaching the retirement age. However, despite his retirement, he remained passively active within the company which saw him posted to Shell International in London, where he served as "ambassador at large" for Shell Nigeria He remained in this position until his emergence as Obi of Onitsha in May 2002.
Obi of Onitsha
Outside Shell, Obi Achebe has held positions on the governing councils of the Petroleum Training Institute, Effurun, and the Nigerian Employers' Consultative Association. In corporate life, Obi Achebe was chairman of Diamond Bank PLC and the Universal Insurance PLC and is currently the chairman of Unilever Nigeria PLC, Intafact Beverages Limited (SAB-Miller), and Omak Maritime Limited.
On two occasions, Obi Achebe has served the nation on panels of inquiry in the petroleum sector. In 1976, he was a member of the Administrative Panel of Enquiry on the Port Harcourt Refinery. In 2004, President Obasanjo called on him to be Chairman of the Presidential Enquiry into the February 2003 Fuel Shortage in the country.
In 2005, Obi Achebe was a delegate to the National Political Reform Conference representing the traditional rulers of South-Eastern States. He became Chairman of the Committee on Environment and Natural Resources Management Reforms and coordinated the traditional rulers' forum at the Conference.
Obi Achebe belongs to a string of social, professional and voluntary (non-profit) organisations in Nigeria and overseas, where he has made invaluable contributions in various capacities. He is a fellow of both the Nigerian Institute of Management and the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations. He is a Life Member of the Nigerian Economic Society and member of the Nigerian Institute of Personnel Management and Nigerian Environmental Society. He is a Vice-Patron of Island Club, Lagos; Vice-Patron of Lagos Country Club, and Member of the Metropolitan Club, Lagos.
On bilateral and multilateral relations, Obi Achebe has also represented Nigeria's interests on social, cultural and commercial matters. He has been a member of the Nigeria-Britain Association (NBA) and a life member of the counterpart Britain-Nigeria Association (BNA). He has served as a member of the Governing Board of the BNA, the Advisory Board of the Britain-Nigeria Business Council, and the Board of Trustees of the Africa Centre, all based in the United Kingdom. On becoming a traditional ruler, the Africa Centre, in recognition of his services, made him one of its five Patrons, with Nelson Mandela as the Grand Patron.
Obi Achebe has a strong passion for education as a fundamental factor in national development. In his firm belief that lack of funds should not prevent any child from acquiring a good education, he set up early in his reign a manpower development trust fund for his community. In 2007, he, along with His Majesty, Oba Okunade Sijuwade II, the late Ooni of Ife, and His Majesty, Alhaji Ado Bayero, the late Emir of Kano, were guests of the Director-General of UNESCO in Paris to share thoughts on the strategic role of monarchs in promoting the development of science and technology. In 2008 and 2010, he addressed the annual symposium of the Nigeria Higher Education Foundation in New York City to promote partnership between the US and Nigerian universities. He became Chancellor of Kogi State University in 2010.
In recognition of his varied services to the society, Obi Achebe was decorated with the National Honour* of Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (CFR) in 2004. He was appointed Chairman of the Anambra State Traditional Rulers Council in 2008; made an Honorary Fellow of the Nwafor Orizu College of Education in 2008; and awarded the degrees of Doctor of Laws (Ll D) Honoris Causa by the Anambra State University in 2008, and Doctor of Science (DSc) Honoris Causa by the Kogi State University in 2010.


2009 Gabonese presidential election

Early presidential elections were held in Gabon on 30 August 2009. They took place due to the death of incumbent President Omar Bongo on 8 June, after more than 41 years as the sole president of Gabon. While the constitution stated that interim President Rose Francine Rogombé should organise elections within 30 to 45 days, the Constitutional Court accepted the government's request for a delay due to the circumstances.
A total of 23 candidates were approved to contest the elections, although six of them withdrew immediately before election day, reducing the field to 17 candidates. Despite the large number of candidates, three of them were considered the key contenders for the Presidency; Ali Bongo Ondimba, the son of Omar Bongo, who was the candidate of the long-ruling Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG); Pierre Mamboundou, a radical opposition leader who was backed by a coalition of parties; and André Mba Obame, a former PDG member who ran as an independent and won the backing of several other candidates.
According to official results announced on 3 September 2009, Bongo won the elections with a plurality of 41.7% of the vote, while Mba Obame and Mamboundou both trailed with about 25% each. Opposition supporters reacted violently to the results.
Background.
In the aftermath of Omar Bongo's death, reports suggested that, due to the need to update the voters' roll, the elections might not be held within the 45-day period. Rogombé said on 20 June that preparations for the elections would involve a "broad consultation with the active forces of the nation" and that her decisions would be made "under the triple seal of the constitution, consultations and consensus". In an interview on 22 June, Prime Minister Jean Eyeghé Ndong appeared to confirm this speculation, saying that "it seems certain that it will take us more than 45 days". Under the constitution, a delay beyond 45 days is legally permissible in a case of "force majeure". Eyeghé Ndong also said in the same interview that he would consider standing as a presidential candidate if he felt he had the necessary support. The news agency Agence France-Presse reported that sources variously expected that elections could be held in September 2009, in the last quarter of 2009, or as late as 2010.
Rogombé held talks regarding the organization of the elections with leaders of the Presidential Majority coalition on 23 June, and then with opposition party leaders on 24 June. One of the key opposition leaders, Zacharie Myboto of the Gabonese Union for Democracy and Development (UGDD), said that he thought it was "physically impossible" to hold the elections within the constitutional 45-day timeframe and spoke of instead holding elections in five to six months. Also on 23 June, opposition leader Pierre Mamboundou alleged that a coup was being prepared and denounced it. The Defense Ministry denied the existence of coup plot, and some suspected Mamboundou made the allegation in hopes of encouraging a delay in the elections.
On 6 July, the government requested that the Constitutional Court delay the elections beyond the 45-day deadline, although it did not specify how long of a delay it wanted. The Court, observing that time had been needed to organize Bongo's funeral in June, ruled on 8 July that a delay was acceptable due to "force majeure", but it said that the elections should still be held no later than 6 September.
UGDD President Myboto said in mid-July that he felt that the Constitutional Court's decision to allow a 45-day extension still did not allow enough time, but he also called for UGDD militants to register to vote.
It was reported on 15 July that the Autonomous and Permanent National Electoral Commission (CENAP) had proposed to the government that the elections be held on 30 August; candidates would submit their nominations from 17 July to 22 July, and campaigning would begin on 15 August. The government officially adopted those dates on 16 July.
After Eyeghé Ndong's resignation on 17 July, Rogombé promptly appointed Paul Biyoghé Mba, a PDG member who had been the Minister of Agriculture, as Prime Minister later on the same day.
The composition of Biyoghé Mba's government was announced on the evening of 22 July. It was composed of 44 members, slightly smaller than the previous government under Eyeghé Ndong. Six ministers were dismissed, including two party leaders (Mba Abessole and Pierre-André Kombila) and three presidential candidates (Mba Abessole, Oyé Mba, and Mba Obame). Kombila had chosen to support Mamboundou's candidacy. Two presidential candidates, Ali-Ben Bongo and Pierre-Claver Maganga Moussavou, were retained in their posts.
Laure Olga Gondjout, the Minister of Communication, defended the inclusion of two presidential candidates in the government, saying that there was no law against it. She said that Maganga Moussavou had been retained in the government as Minister of Technical Education because it was important for him to continue his work in the education sector while student exams took place. Mba Abessole criticized the two candidates' inclusion and called for them to leave the government. The UGDD expressed a similar sentiment, stating on 24 July that the inclusion of Bongo and Maganga Moussavou "calls into question the equal treatment of candidates and impartiality expected of the State during the election campaign". RNB President Kombila said that Biyoghé Mba was in office merely "to organize the victory of a candidate" and that he should resign along with his government; he also said that Rogombé should meet with the political class to discuss setting up a different structure to organize the elections.
On 27 July, eight candidates—Jules-Aristide Bourdes-Ogouliguende (the Congress for Democracy and Justice candidate), Mamboundou, Mba Abessole, Luc Bengono Nsi (the Movement for National Rectification candidate), Eyeghé Ndong, Mba Obame, Oyé Mba, and Anna Claudine Ayo Assayi—jointly called for the resignation of Bongo and Maganga Moussavou from the government. Bourdes-Ogouliguende, describing the situation as unacceptable, expressed particular concern about the power Bongo wielded as Minister of Defense, worrying that he could use that power to influence the outcome of the elections. PDG Secretary-General Boukoubi, echoing Gondjout's earlier statement, said on 29 July that the demands for the resignation of the two ministers were not based on any "legal premise".
Following the criticism, Maganga Moussavou said that he would resign from the government on 14 August, one day before the beginning of campaigning; he asked Bongo to do the same, concerned that Bongo's failure to do so could make opposition claims that he intended to use his post to give himself an advantage appear more credible. The Patriotic United Forces (FPU), an opposition group, announced on 29 July 2009 that it was supporting Oyé-Mba's candidacy. It described him as a "man of integrity, peace, and experience" and "the true candidate of consensus".
At its Fourth Extraordinary Congress, ADERE declined to endorse any candidate, with ADERE President Divungi Di Ndinge calling on party activists to vote according to their conscience at the conclusion of the congress on 2 August 2009. Also on 2 August, Eyeghé Ndong denied claims that he resigned to stand as an independent candidate because he was a "sore loser"; he said that in fact he did so "because it was time that I listened to my conscience".
Maganga Moussavou announced his resignation from the government on 6 August 2009.
On 7 August, violent demonstrations shook Libreville as protesters demanded that Bongo resign from the government; Gabonese authorities had previously banned the march, in which about 10,000 protesters reportedly participated. Protesters threw stones at police and police used tear gas against the protesters. Many presidential candidates were reportedly present at the march: Mamboundou, Mba Abessole, Myboto, Bourdes-Ogouliguende, Oyé Mba, Bengono Asi, Ayo Assayi, and Bruno Ben Moubamba.
Various candidates met with Interim President Rogombé in Libreville on 12 August to discuss issues related to the electoral process; Prime Minister Biyoghé Mba was also present at the meeting. At the meeting, candidates complained about problems in the electoral process, including the possibility that the electoral lists were unreliable. 11 candidates announced after the meeting that they wanted the elections to be delayed and would take the matter to the courts; according to one of the candidates, Bourdes-Ogouliguende, "in the current climate, the irregularities and disparities are too flagrant." Biyoghé Mba said that a delay was not necessary and that the electoral lists were being properly scrutinized; according to Biyoghé Mba, 120,000 duplicate names had been detected on the electoral lists by that point. Also on 12 August, Biyoghé Mba reiterated that no law required Bongo to resign from the government and that if Bongo decided his ministerial position was incompatible with his candidacy, then he would have to make an individual decision to resign.
On 14 August 2009, the former minister Jean Rémy Pendy Bouyiki, who was a member of the PDG Political Bureau, announced that he was leaving the PDG and creating a new party, the Democratic Party for Action and Freedom. The new party was part of the Presidential Majority, and Pendy Bouyiki planned for it to work to defend Ali-Ben Bongo and the PDG against the "very offensive" opposition.
Candidates.
The period for the submission of candidate applications ended on the evening of 22 July. By that time CENAP had reportedly received about 30 applications; this was higher than the number of people who had publicly announced intentions to run. The period for voter enrollment was also intended to conclude at the same time; it had been extended by 24 hours, but the UPG and the PSG opposition parties sought a further one-week extension to facilitate full enrollment of everyone who wanted to vote. On 23 July CENAP released the list of the 18 candidates allowed to run for president. Ayo Assayi, Eyeghé Ndong, Duboze Lasseni, Mba Abessole, and Mehdi Teale all withdrew in favor of André Mba Obame on 28 August, two days before the elections. Casimir Oyé-Mba withdrew on 30 August, the day of the elections, thereby reducing the list to 17 candidates.
PDG.
Daniel Ona Ondo, the First Vice-President of the National Assembly, said on Radio France International on 25 June that he intended to seek the PDG's nomination as its presidential candidate. He was the first person to confirm that he intended to seek the ruling party's nomination, although Eyeghé Ndong and long-time minister Casimir Oyé-Mba had previously signalled that they might do so. Although Ona Ondo said that he intended to only run if he won the PDG nomination, it was noted that he made the announcement publicly without adhering to party guidelines intended to ensure unity and discipline. Eyeghé Ndong had already expressed concerns that Bongo's death could lead to a dangerous weakening of party unity if PDG members announced their candidacies without internal party consultations. The Regional Director of Health in the north, Sany Megwazeb, also stated early on that he would seek the PDG nomination.
The deadline for applications for the PDG's nomination was midnight on 4 July. The PDG subsequently announced that ten individuals had applied for the party's presidential nomination. The four key contenders for the nomination were Bongo's son, Ali-Ben Bongo, who was Minister of Defense and a Vice-President of the PDG, Prime Minister Eyeghé Ndong, who was also a Vice-President of the PDG, Casimir Oyé-Mba, who was Minister of State for Mines and Oil and a member of the PDG Political Bureau, and Daniel Ona Ondo, who was First Vice-President of the National Assembly. The other candidates for the nomination were former minister Christiane Bitougah, gynecologist Stéphane Iloko Boussiégui, journalist Thiery Kombila d'Argendieu, National Assembly Deputy Santurel Mandoungou, banker Christian Raphael Gondjout, and Regional Director of Health Sany Megwazeb.
Nine of the ten contenders for the PDG nomination were present for hearings before the Standing Committee of the PDG Political Bureau on 6 July; Christian Raphael Gondjout was absent. PDG Secretary-General Faustin Boukoubi announced on 7 July that the party's chosen candidate would not be made known on 8 July as previously planned; this was due to Gondjout's absence as well as the fact that the 30-day mourning period for Bongo ended on that date.
Bongo was officially designated as the PDG candidate at an extraordinary party congress on 19 July. Stressing the importance of national unity, he vowed to battle corruption and "redistribute the proceeds of economic growth". PDG Secretary-General Boukoubi described Bongo as the "most dynamic candidate, one who is the most likely to make the necessary changes."
PDG Deputy Secretary-General Angel Ondo announced on 16 July that the party leadership had chosen Ali-Ben Bongo by consensus as the PDG candidate, although this decision still needed to be formally confirmed at a party congress.
Other parties.
The Rally for Gabon (RPG), which was part of the Presidential Majority coalition (and formerly an opposition party), held its 11th Extraordinary Congress in Libreville on 12 July 2009 and unanimously chose its President, Deputy Prime Minister Paul Mba Abessole, as its candidate. He was immediately backed by three other parties: the Movement for National Rectification (MORENA) and the National Rally of Woodcutters (RNB), both part of the Presidential Majority, as well as the Party of Equal Opportunity (PEC), an opposition party. The RPG stressed that it had no intentions of leaving the Presidential Majority, but also that Mba Abessole would not withdraw in favor of the PDG candidate prior to the elections. On 12 July, another Presidential Majority party, the Social Democratic Party (PSD), nominated its leader, the government minister Pierre-Claver Maganga Moussavou, as its candidate for the election.
On 19 July, opposition leader Pierre Mamboundou—who placed second in the 1998 presidential elections and the 2005 presidential elections—was designated as the candidate of the Alliance for Change and Restoration coalition. Aside from Mamboundou's own party, the Union of the Gabonese People (UPG), this coalition included the National Alliance of Builders (ANB), the Union for the New Republic (UPRN), the National Rally of Woodcutters (RNB), and the Gabonese Socialist Party (PSG).
UGDD President Myboto announced on 20 July that he would stand as a candidate "for a transition" and that he intended to serve only one term if elected. Didjob Divungi Di Ndinge, the Vice-President of Gabon and the President of the Democratic and Republican Alliance (ADERE), said on 21 July that he would not be a candidate.
Independents.
Former PDG Senator Victoire Lasseni Duboze announced on 7 July that she would stand as an independent candidate.
Having failed to win the PDG nomination, Eyeghé Ndong announced on 17 July that he was resigning as Prime Minister and would stand as an independent candidate. Eyeghé Ndong said that he made his decision because there had not truly been a consensus in favor of Bongo, and that therefore the proper procedure was not respected.
On 17 July, Andre Mba Obame, the Minister of Government Coordination, announced in Barcelona that he would stand as a presidential candidate. According to Mba Obame, he was ready to be President "after twenty-five years of learning and working closely alongside the late President Omar Bongo".
Casimir Oyé-Mba—who had failed in his bid to win the PDG nomination—announced on 21 July that he would stand as an independent candidate; he questioned the circumstances of Bongo's selection and said that he wanted to be "the true candidate of consensus".
Rejected candidates.
CENAP received 28 applications in total, but it rejected five of them (all independent candidates: Ela Martin Edzodzomo, Daniel Mengara, Ignace Totapen Myogo, Arlette Ngombomoye, and Joseph Nkorouna) upon examination on 23 July; all of the rejections were either partially or wholly related to non-payment of the bond necessary to stand in the elections.
Campaign.
In a message to the nation on 14 August, immediately prior to the beginning of the campaign period, Rogombé urged calm and called for the candidates to be "worthy" of the votes they would receive. She also said that the two candidates still serving in the government would be replaced so that all candidates would be on an equal footing for the elections, thereby fulfilling a key opposition demand. In a minor reshuffle of the government on 15 August, Biyoghé Mba announced that Interior Minister Jean-François Ndongou was taking over from Bongo as Minister of Defense in an interim capacity, while the Minister of Urban and Regional Planning and the Craft Industry, Norbert Diramba, was taking over from Maganga Moussavou as Minister of Technical Education in an interim capacity.
The Alliance for Change and Restoration opposition coalition, which had nominated Mamboundou as its candidate, declared at the beginning of its campaign that other candidates were welcome to join the coalition and that it was not too late. On 15 August, four minor candidates—Mauro Nguema, Jean Ntoutoume Ngoua, Claudine Ayo Assayi, and Marcel Ntchoreret—announced that they would be willing to withdraw in favor of a single opposition candidate. Meanwhile, the independent candidate Bruno Ben Moubamba started a hunger strike to demand that the elections be postponed.
Mamboundou said on 20 August that Gabon did not need a Senate and that he would seek the abolition of the Senate through referendum if he were elected. Speaking in Port-Gentil on 21 August, Bongo condemned criticism of his father's presidency, saying that the critics had lived well for years under his father, but after his death they claimed "with Bongo I had nothing, I didn't eat, there was nothing..." He thus alleged that the critics were "ungrateful ... traitors" who were "telling lots of lies".
Continuing in his hunger strike in front of the National Assembly to press his demands for the resignation of the government and a delay in the elections, Moubamba's condition had sufficiently deteriorated by 22 August that he fainted and was involuntarily hospitalized by his campaign workers.
In an interview with Radio France Internationale on 24 August 2009, Myboto reiterated his "solemn commitment" to serving only one term of seven years if he won the elections; he said that he would use that time to "put Gabon on track" and then "pass the baton" to a "properly elected and credible" successor. Pointing to his resignation from the government in 2001, he stressed that in order to discourage the tendency of politicians to try to remain in office "forever", it was necessary to lead by example. Myboto also said that he would reform the constitution to restore the presidential two-term limit and "end the life presidency in Gabon". In the same interview, Myboto expressed grave doubts about the fairness of the elections, saying that the electoral list was seriously inflated and fraudulent; nevertheless, he said it was still worthwhile to participate in the elections so as to do "everything possible" to prevent "monarchy".
During campaigning, the major candidates, including Bongo and the key opposition candidates, tended to stress the importance of better management of the country's wealth, including wealth redistribution. Oyé-Mba criticized the uneven distribution of wealth in Gabon: "60 percent of Gabonese live below the vital minimum income threshold ... and only two percent of the population really benefits from the wealth of our country". Eyeghé Ndong sharply criticized "the Bongo system", declaring that the people wanted "new governance" and an end to the "embezzling of public funds and illicit enrichment". Nevertheless, despite widespread criticism of the way Omar Bongo had maintained support through handouts of money, it was observed that this practice was deeply ingrained in Gabonese society, and some believed it would be a difficult habit to break.
Agence France-Presse described Bongo as "the overwhelming favorite" because he was the candidate of the most powerful and established political party in Gabon and because he had massive campaign resources at his disposal. During the campaign, his image was described as ubiquitous in Libreville. The opposition adopted the slogan "anyone but Ali". On 25 August 2009, Eyeghé Ndong called for the opposition candidates to join together in support of a single candidate to face Bongo. The opposition candidates gathered for negotiations at a meeting chaired by Eyeghé Ndong and held a secret ballot to choose a joint candidate. The vote concluded early on 28 August and André Mba Obame was declared the victor. A statement was then sent to the press announcing that 11 candidates were withdrawing from the elections and rallying behind Mba Obame's candidacy. However, several of the candidates—Oyé-Mba, Bourdes-Ogouliguende, Victoire Lasseni Duboze, and Ben Moubamba—promptly denied this, saying that they were still running and did not support Mba Obame.
After a brief period of confusion, five candidates publicly rallied behind Mba Obame, withdrawing their own candidacies: Mba Abessole, Eyeghé Ndong, Mehdi Teale, Claudine Ayo Assayi, and Jean Ntoutoume Ngoua. Praising the withdrawing candidates, Mba Obame called them a "dream team" and declared that with their support he could not lose. A representative of Eyeghé Ndong said that the withdrawing candidates were putting the call of the people ahead of their own egos. Gondjout, the Minister of Communication, initially said that the withdrawing candidates would have to remain on the ballot, but CENAP subsequently said that their names would be removed. Meanwhile, speaking to the press at his last campaign rally, Bongo expressed confidence and satisfaction.
Conduct.
Voting on 30 August proceeded in a generally peaceful atmosphere with high voter turnout. Some isolated violence was reported. Oyé-Mba withdrew his candidacy on election day, citing his concerns about the possibility of violence.
Results.
Following the vote on 30 August, Mamboundou's campaign promptly declared that he was "ahead by a long way", holding the lead in eight of Gabon's nine provinces; Mamboundou discussed his economic plans as if victory were a foregone conclusion. Mba Obame was also quick to predict his own victory, saying that "it will take a miracle to stop us"; he claimed to have the lead in four provinces, while saying that Mamboundou was ahead in three provinces and Bongo was ahead in two. Mba Obame's television channel, TV+, was prevented from broadcasting; the opposition alleged that this was done for political reasons. Mamboundou claimed to have won the elections with 39.13% of the vote (as the elections were to be decided on a first past the post basis, a plurality was sufficient for victory), while Mba Obame claimed to have won a simple majority, 50.1%.
Bongo, speaking on 31 August, then announced that "information received from various constituencies across Gabon and abroad make me easily the winner"; he dismissed the other candidates' claims, saying that it was predictable that they would claim victory. He also said that he hoped to meet his target of obtaining 50% of the votes, while PDG Secretary-General Boukoubi predicted "a victory, a big victory". Also on 31 August, Myboto claimed that in 75% of the country the people had "voted overwhelmingly for change", and he called on state institutions, including CENAP and the Constitutional Court, to "respect the Constitution and the will of the people".
Réné Aboghé Ella, the President of CENAP, said on 31 August that official results might not be announced until 2 September. He also criticized the candidates for prematurely declaring victory. Both Mamboundou and Mba Obame expressed concern that CENAP and the Interior Ministry could produce fraudulent results in Bongo's favor. Mamboundou supporters gathered at the UPG headquarters in Awendje, Libreville, determined to protect the party's polling station reports, while Mba Obame supporters similarly gathered around his home. Late on 2 September, Mamboundou denounced the conduct of the elections; "It's not just a possibility of fraud. It's fraud pure and simple. The Gabonese people do not want a dynasty. Forty-two years of President Bongo is enough."
Official results announced by Interior Minister Ndongou on 3 September 2009 gave Bongo 41.7%, Mba Obame 25.8% and Mamboundou 25.2%. This announcement sparked immediate unrest; the French consulate in Port-Gentil was burned, and offices belonging to the French oil industry companies Total and Schlumberger were also attacked by angry protesters, as was a prison. Much of the protesters' anger was directed at France due to that country's historically warm relationship with the Bongo regime and a belief that it had assisted in rigging the elections; chants of "death to the whites" were reported, and the French government said that French citizens living in Gabon should stay indoors. The results announced by Ndongou were promptly confirmed by the Constitutional Court on 4 September and Bongo was designated as President-elect with 41.73% of the vote. Turnout was officially placed at 44.24%. Only Bongo, Mba Obame, and Mamboundou won significant shares of the vote; with the exception of Zacharie Myboto, who placed fourth with 3.94%, all of the other candidates received less than 1% each. On 4 September, 17 candidates—every candidate except Ali Bongo—presented a united front by issuing a joint statement denouncing the election results.
The Constitutional Court announced the results of the recount on 12 October 2009. It again declared Ali Bongo the winner, although the percentages of votes changed slightly as a result of the recount: Bongo was credited with 41.79% of the vote, a slight increase, while Mamboundou moved up to second place with 25.64% and Mba Obame fell to third place with 25.33%. Boukoubi expressed "full satisfaction", saying that "right and the law have prevailed" and that Bongo would "get down to all the problems of the Gabonese people and make Gabon into an emerging country". Yvette Rekangalt, a minor opposition candidate, dismissed the ruling, saying that the Constitutional Court was "like the Leaning Tower of Pisa—always tilted in one direction." Eyeghé Ndong, speaking on behalf of an opposition coalition that included four of the candidates, denounced the recount results and declared that no one would believe that the Court made its decision in good faith. He urged "the Gabonese people to fight injustice and other moves aimed at muzzling democracy and undermining its sovereignty", although he did not specify what form that resistance should take. Furthermore, he requested the assistance of "the African Union and other international institutions to revive a terminally ailing Gabon".
Aftermath.
Despite a curfew imposed by the government, violence and looting continued in Port-Gentil in the days after the announcement of results. By 5 September, two people were reported killed there and Total evacuated most of its foreign employees to Libreville. Also on 5 September, Bongo attended a Cameroon–Gabon football match at the Omar Bongo Stadium in Libreville and then spoke to Radio France Internationale, stressing the importance of calm and saying that his opponents should pursue legal avenues if they had complaints. Meanwhile, Mba Obame and Myboto emerged from hiding to attend an opposition meeting, although Mamboundou did not. According to Mamboundou ally Louis-Gaston Mayila, Mamboundou suffered an arm injury at a demonstration in Libreville, during which the police fired tear gas, and then went into hiding. Communications Minister Gondjout said that Mamboundou was unharmed, however. Although protesters burned cars and set up barricades in Libreville, security forces were in clear control of the streets by the end of the day. Additional violence was reported in Nkembo, located east of Libreville. Meanwhile, Gabonese students in Dakar set fire to Gabon's embassy in Senegal.
In mid-September, opposition leaders called for the people to stay home and observe a three-day general strike, while Interim President Rogombé urged the people to ignore the opposition leaders and continue with their lives as normal. The strike was largely ignored and business proceeded as usual in Libreville and Port-Gentil. The French news agency AFP reported that people—even those who were supportive of the opposition—appeared unwilling to participate in the strike due to personal economic concerns.
11 requests for the results to be annulled were received by the Constitutional Court, and on 26 September 2009 it was announced that the Constitutional Court would conduct a recount beginning on 29 September by reviewing each polling station's official report. According to Constitutional Court President Marie-Madeleine Mborantsuo, it would do so "in the presence of bailiffs appointed by the plaintiffs". Boukoubi, the PDG Secretary-General, maintained that "the election took place openly" and that "whether you recount once or 100 times, it doesn't change the results". Mborantsuo said that each party would have one representative who would act as both its envoy and its bailiff, but the opposition parties objected, saying that they wanted two representatives each, and boycotted the recount as a result. Since opposition representatives would not be present, the PDG was also barred by the Constitutional Court from having a representative, and the recount began on 30 September. It was announced on 3 October that there would be no preliminary results from the recount and that the outcome would therefore not be publicized until final results were released, which was expected to occur in mid-October.
Bongo said that he was and would "always be the president of all the people of Gabon... I am and I will always be at the service of all, without exclusion". Mba Obame continued to claim victory and denounced the results as "an electoral "coup d'état"". He was sworn in as President at a ceremony on 16 October; various African presidents were present for the occasion. Bongo expressed a commitment to justice and the fight against corruption at the ceremony and said that fast action was needed to "give back confidence and promote the emergence of new hope". He also alluded to his father's governing philosophy of preserving stability through regional, tribal, and political balance in the allocation of power, while also stressing that "excellence, competence and work" were even more important than "geographical and political considerations". Later in the day, he announced the reappointment of Biyoghé Mba as Prime Minister; he made the announcement personally "to underline the importance of this moment". According to Bongo, Biyoghé Mba had the necessary experience and managerial competence "to lead us through the next stage", and he said work would start "immediately".
The composition of Biyoghé Mba's new government was announced on 17 October; it was reduced to only 30 ministers, thus fulfilling Bongo's campaign promise to reduce the size of the government and thereby reduce expenses. The government was also mostly composed of new faces, including many technocrats, although a few key ministers, such as Paul Toungui (Foreign Minister), Jean-François Ndongou (Interior Minister), and Laure Olga Gondjout (Communications Minister), retained their posts.


Ernest Keeley

Ernest James Keeley (26 May 1890 – 23 July 1918) was a South African sports shooter. He competed in four events at the 1912 Summer Olympics.
He was killed in action in Belgium during World War I while serving as a Second Lieutenant in the 4th Regiment of South African Infantry, and, having no known grave, is commemorated on the Commonwealth Ploegsteert Memorial.


Sanda Wuduroma of Borno

Sanda Wuduroma, or Abu Sanda bin Buqar al-Kanemi, (?-1894) was "Shehu" of Borno in 1894.
Reign.
At the death of his brother and predecessor Shehu Kyari, Sanda Wuduroma (also known as Abba Sanda Limannambe) became "Shehu" of Borno in 1893 when the country was invaded by Rabih az-Zubayr. His reign was short-lived as he was captured and killed by one of Rabih's soldiers called Gadum in 1894. His name "Wuduroma" comes from the place of his assassination, Wuduro.


Jean Paelinck (administrator)

Jean Paelinck (1906–1961) was a Belgian colonial administrator. In the Belgian Congo he was appointed governor of Kasaï Province in 1955, then Katanga Province in 1956.
Early years.
Jean Henri Paelinck was born in Hasselt in 1906.
His parents were Henri Paelinck, an accountant, and Irène Dumoulin, a seamstress.
He was the first child and only boy, but had three sisters.
He studied at the Royal Athenaeum and then at the Koloniale Hogeschool in Antwerp, graduating in 1928.
He married Elvira Alexina Coopman on 30 July 1928.
Colonial career.
Paelinck left for the Congo in September 1928.
He moved through the ranks.
In 1949 he was appointed district commissioner of Lusambo.
In 1950 he was transferred to Kabinda District.
He was made secretary in Lusambo and Jadotstad in 1951, and in Elisabethville in 1953.
In 1954 Paelinck was appointed provincial commissioner in Elisabethville.
Paelinck succeeded Roger Le Bussy as governor of Kasaï Province on 20 April 1955.
He left office on 27 September 1955, and was succeeded by Antoine Lamborelle.
In January 1956 he succeeded René Wauthion as governor of Katanga Province.
He held office until September 1958, when he was succeeded by André Schöller.
Last years.
Paelinck returned to Belgium in 1958.
He settled in Brussels, where he died in 1961.


Chindio

Chindio is a village on the north bank of the Zambezi River in Mozambique, downstream of its junction with the Shire River. Chindio is not the same place as Chinde, although they are both on the Zambezi and in Mozambique.
Between 1908 and 1914, riverboat services ran from the terminus of the Shire Highlands Railway at Port Herald in Nyasaland, now Malawi to the British concession of Chinde at the mouth of the Zambezi in Mozambique, where passengers and goods were transferred to seagoing ships. This was the main route for goods and passengers to and from Nyasaland. However, as the Shire River was difficult to navigate in the dry season when water levels were low, the British South Africa Company built the Central African Railway, 61 miles long, from Port Herald to Chindio on the north bank of the Zambezi. This line was opened in 1914. Between 1914 and 1922, the African Lakes Corporation and British Central Africa Company both ran steamer services from Chindio to Chinde in the dry season, but from Port Herald to Chinde when water levels were sufficient. In 1922, the Trans-Zambezia Railway Ltd completed its line from Murraça, on the south bank of the Zambezi opposite Chindio to Beira, and cross-river ferries ran between the Chindio and Murraça.
For two months in the dry season the capacity of the ferry was limited and wet-season floods often washed parts of the railway track away. In 1937, a Zambezi Bridge, the Dona Ana Bridge was opened at Mutarara near Sena, 25 miles upriver from Chindio. The line on the north bank of the Zambezi between Chindio and Murraça was abandoned, as the new line from Mutarara to Murraça was in the south bank.


United Gold Coast Convention

The United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) was a political party founded in 1947 whose aim was to bring about Ghanaian independence from their British colonial masters after the Second World War. The United Gold Coast Convention appointed its leaders to include Kwame Nkrumah, who was the Secretary General. However, upon an allegation for plans against Nkrumah's leadership, he was arrested and jailed. The UGCC leadership broke up and Kwame Nkrumah went on a separate way to set up the Convention People's Party (CPP) for the purpose of self-governance.<ref name="10.2307/j.ctvk3gm60.9"></ref>
History.
In the 1940s, African merchants, such as George Alfred Grant ("Paa Grant"), were ready to finance the organization of a political movement to assure their commercial interests in the face of unfair colonial practices. The party was founded by J. B. Danquah on 4 August 1947 by a combination of chiefs, academics and lawyers, including R. A. Awoonor-Williams, Robert Samuel Blay, Edward Akufo-Addo, and Emmanuel Obetsebi-Lamptey.
On 10 December 1947, Kwame Nkrumah returned to the Gold Coast, accepting Danquah's invitation to become the UGCC General Secretary. Big Six member Ebenezer Ako-Adjei recommended inviting Nkrumah, whom he had met at Lincoln University. Nkrumah was offered a salary of £250, and Paa Grant paid the boat fare from Liverpool in England to the Gold Coast. Danquah and Nkrumah subsequently disagreed over the direction of the independence movement and parted ways after two years.<ref name="10.1628/978-3-16-158695-8"></ref> Nkrumah went on to form the Convention People's Party (CPP) in 1949 and eventually became the first president of independent Ghana. There was a meeting between Nkrumah and members of the party which occurred in Saltpond, a town in Central region. It was said Nkrumah rejected a proposal for the promotion of fundamental human rights.
The UGCC performed poorly in the 1951 elections, winning only three seats. The following year, it merged with the National Democratic Party and disaffected members of the CPP, to form the Ghana Congress Party.


Folagbade Olateru Olagbegi III

Folagbade Olateru Olagbegi III, CFR, SAN (June 26, 1941 – April 17, 2019) was the traditional ruler of Owo (Olowo of Owo), Ondo State, Nigeria. He was the eldest son of the late Olowo of Owo, Sir Olateru Olagbegi (1910–1998). He succeeded his father as the Olowo of Owo in 1999 but was given the staff of office as the Olowo of Owo on December 11, 2003 by late Olusegun Agagu, former executive governor of Ondo State. He celebrated his 15th coronation anniversary in 2014
Background and education.
Oba Folagbade Olateru-Olagbegi was born into the ruling family in Owo. He was the eldest son of the late Olowo of Owo, Sir Titus Olateru Olagbegi II. He received his first degree in law from London, UK and attended Nigeria Law school, in 1968. Whilst he was working at the law school he married the late Bisi Cole and they would have four children. He rose to the peak of his career as a Senior Advocate of Nigeria.
He was married to Ololade Olateru-Olagbegi, a barrister and law lecturer at Ondo State University, and they were blessed with children.
Career.
Oba Folagbade obtained a bachelor's degree in Law from London, UK. He later returned to Nigeria to practice Law under the late Fatai Williams. He was a lecturer in the Nigerian Law School, where he retired as a reader in 1999 and a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). He was appointed as Chancellor of University of Benin (Nigeria) in 2005 and later University of Abuja. He was Chancellor of the University of Jos, a federal university in Nigeria. Folagbade was the former chairman of the Ondo State Council of Oba (King)
Oba Olateru-Olagbegi died on April 16, 2019 at the age of 77.


Henry Blackall

Sir Henry William Butler Blackall QC (19 June 1889 – 1 November 1981) was an Irish lawyer and judge. He served as Attorney General of two British colonies in the mid 20th Century and served as Chief Justice of Trinidad and Tobago and Chief Justice of Hong Kong. His last position before retirement was as President of the West African Court of Appeal.
Early life.
Blackall was born in Limerick, the son of Henry Blackall of Garden Hill, County Limerick, and Isabella Emily Butler. His father was a solicitor and member of the Council of the Incorporated Law Society of Ireland. On his mother's side, he was a member of the Dunboyne family.
Blackall was educated at Stonyhurst College. He obtained his Bachelor of Arts degree and Bachelor of Laws (1st place) from Trinity College, Dublin. He was called to the Irish Bar in 1912. He served in World War I from 1914 to 1918.
Legal appointments.
In 1919, Blackall was appointed Crown Counsel in Kenya and a member of the Legislative Council in 1920.
In 1923, he was appointed Crown Counsel in Nigeria. He served in Nigeria until 1931 and acted as solicitor general for various periods. He then served as Attorney General in Cyprus from 1932 to 1936 and then in the Gold Coast from 1936 to 1943. He was made a Queen's Counsel while serving in Cyprus.
In 1943 he was appointed Chief Justice of Trinidad and Tobago and President of the West Indian Court of Appeal.
At the end of World War II, in 1946, he was appointed Chief Justice of Hong Kong replacing Sir Atholl MacGregor. In 1948, he was appointed President of the West African Court of Appeal.
Retirement.
Blackall retired in 1951 and pursued his interest in genealogy, writing at least two books on the subject: "The Butlers of County Clare" and "The Galweys & Gallweys of Munster". In 1976 was living in Cyprus.
He was conferred an Honorary LLD by Dublin University.
He died in 1981 in Nicosia, Cyprus.


Christoph Staewen

Dr. Christoph Staewen (14 July 1926 – 24 April 2002) was a German medical doctor, specialist of psychiatry, neurology and psychotherapy. In 1963 and early 1964 he visited parts of west and central Africa, amongst others the Tibesti region. In 1964, amongst the people of Yoruba, he began to study in Western Nigeria the conditions of uprooting of these people caused by the increasing confrontation with the technical civilisation of the "First World", and provoking more and more reactions of anxiety and deformations of behaviour. In Nigeria he received texts of the famous, secret Ifa-oracle. Later he worked for more than six years as all-round-doctor in Niger, Congo-Brazzaville and Chad, where he continued his research on African psychology.
On 21 April 1974, he and two other Europeans were taken hostage by Hissène Habré, the later leader of Chad from 1982 until 1990. The other captives were two French citizens, Françoise Claustre, an archeologist, and Marc Combe, a development worker. Marc Combe escaped in 1975 but, despite the intervention of the French Government, Madame Claustre (whose husband was a senior French government official) was not released until 1 February 1977. Staewen (whose wife Elfriede was killed in the attack of capture) on the other hand was released after payments of West German officials on 11 June 1974.


Asaf Bimro

Asaf Bimro (, born 1 January 1969) is a retired Israeli long-distance runner who specialized in the marathon.
He was an Ethiopian citizen until 1984 when he emigrated to Israel. His best finishes at the European or World Championships has been a 20th place at the 2002 European Championships, an 18th place at the 2001 World Championships and a 25th place at the 2006 European Championships. He also competed at the 1995 World Championships (without finishing the race), the 1997 World Championships, the 2003 World Championships, the 2004 Olympic Games, the 2005 World Championships, the 2005 World Half Marathon Championships and the 2007 World Championships.
His personal best times are 29:49.85 minutes in the 10,000 metres, achieved in May 1992 in Tel Aviv; 1:04:47 hours in the half marathon, achieved in March 1997 in Tel Aviv; and 2:14:52 hours in the marathon, achieved at the 2003 World Championships in Paris.


List of rulers of Ngwato (Mangwato)

List of Rulers of the Bangwato (bamaNgwato).
Territory located in present-day Botswana.
Kgôsikgolo = "Paramount Chief"
Note
Ian Khama, the fourth president of Botswana, son of Seretse Khama (first president of Botswana after independence in 1966), though the rightful heir of the Bamangwato tribe in Serowe, has never shown interest in taking the chieftaincy and is not expected to, even though most of the people from the tribe regard him as their king.