Richard Smith (merchant)

Richard Smith (1707–1776) was an English merchant in the West Indies trade, and director of the East India Company.
Life.
Smith was born in Whitehaven, then in Cumberland, or Appleby, Westmorland. He was a merchant and slave owner in the West Indies. When he moved back from Barbados, where he was a plantation owner, to London, he brought five enslaved people with him.
Smith's business assets included a warehouse in Cheapside, and Lys Farm near Bramdean in Hampshire, once used for cattle-breeding. Having bought the farm in 1769, he began to transform it into a gentlemanly estate, Brockwood Park, building a country house; a wing was added to the house in 1774, and at the end of his life it was a family home. It is now the site of the Krishnamurti Centre, as Brockwood Park.
Smith died on 13 October 1776.
Legacy.
Smith's will left a number of enslaved persons, by name, to his grandchildren. The drafting of the will was intended to keep a substantial estate in trust for Smith's grandchildren; but the effect was otherwise. It was the subject of Chancery proceedings until 1813, when the estate was much diminished. This case has been suggested as one of the inspirations for Jarndyce and Jarndyce in Charles Dickens's "Bleak House".
Benjamin Smith, the younger son, bought sugar plantations in 1781, to provide income from the trust arising from the will. Covered by the will was the advowson for St Mary's Church, Islington, which Richard Smith had purchased in 1771.
Family.
With his first wife Elizabeth Crow, widow of Nathaniel Crow or Crowe of Barbados, Smith had three children:
Smith had a step-daughter Mary, from Elizabeth Crow's first marriage: she married John Robinson (1727–1802). After Elizabeth's death Smith married again in 1767, his wife being Lucy Towers, sister of Charlotte Turner's mother Anna.
Slave Compensation Act 1837.
The descendants of Richard II Smith (Rev. Richard Smith the elder), and the Berney branch of the family, retained connections with slave plantations in the West Indies, and feature in the compensation records made as a consequence of the Slave Compensation Act 1837. The following grandchildren are documented in this way:


Gaj massacre

Gaj massacre was a wartime massacre of the Polish population of Gaj, committed on 30 August 1943 by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army death squad aided by the Ukrainian peasants, in which 600 civilian Poles were killed, including a large number of children. The mass murder operation in Gaj was carried out during the province-wide Massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia. The (exclusively Polish) settlement (consisting of Nowy and Stary Gaj) founded in the 1920s was burned to the ground by OUN-UPA and no longer exists. When the Polish self-defence unit from nearby Rożyszcze arrived at the Gaj colony a few days later the bodies of victims were strewn everywhere. They identified and shot several Ukrainian collaborators and set their houses of fire in retaliation. The Gaj colony was located in the Kowel County ("powiat kowelski") of the Wołyń Voivodeship in the Second Polish Republic (now, part of the Kovel Raion, south-east of Kovel, Ukraine).
Account of the massacre.
One day before the massacre, on 29 August 1943, the same UPA unit led by Telemon Majdaniec murdered 40 Poles in the Polish town of Mielnica, and in the night relocated to the Ukrainian village of Janówka where a large group of peasants was assembled for the raid on Gaj. They entered the colony at dawn, when many Poles were still sleeping.
The Ukrainian sotnia led by "Wowka" (Wolf) rounded up the Poles and escorted them to the school building. Many Poles were killed directly on their farms and along the road, or in the bushes while trying to escape. Most victims were murdered in the school building, with automatic weapons and farm tools; their bodies thrown into the adjacent ditch. About 600 Poles (200 identified by name) were killed in total, and 150 farms were robbed and scorched afterwards, along with the Catholic church. A few days after the massacre, the Polish self-defence unit arrived at the Gaj colony from nearby Rożyszcze. The Poles were shocked by what they saw. The ditches and cellars were filled with dead bodies. In their vicinity lied the murder weapons: axes, pitchforks, hoes, saws and bars covered in blood. The self-defence identified and executed several Ukrainian collaborators and burned several Ukrainian houses. They then evacuated the few surviving Poles to Rożyszcze. In 2013 a group of archaeologists discovered one of the mass graves in the no longer existing village. They found the remains of 80 people, most of them were children. Other mass graves have already been destroyed in postwar years including during the construction of the local landfill.
See also.
Budy Ossowskie massacre also in "powiat kowelski"


Flamberge

Flamberge (also Floberge, Froberge, and other variations) is a medieval sword. Swung by a number of heroes of "chansons de geste" and romances, the name became a generic name for a large sword.
In earlier texts the name is usually given as "floberge" or "froberge", but the name developed under the influence of the word "flamber". Swords by that name are wielded by Renaud de Montauban (and his cousin Maugris) in "The Four Sons of Aymon" (12th c.); Antenor in the "Roman de Troie" (12th c.); Begon, the brother of the eponymous hero of "Garin le Loherain" (12th c.); and the hero of "Galien le Restoré" (15th c.). In early 20th-c works, swords of the name were wielded by Dom Manuel of James Branch Cabell's "Biography of the Life of Manuel" and by Prince Valiant.


Nini Haslund Gleditsch

Nini Haslund Gleditsch (28 June 1908 – 25 July 1996) was a Norwegian political activist and advocate for peace.
Personal life.
Nini (née Ingrid Margaret Haslund) was born in Moss as the daughter of deputy education officer Johannes Emmanuel Haslund and Aagot Mathilde Løken. She married fellow Mot Dag activist and geodesist Kristian Gleditsch in 1934. They were the parents of Nils Petter Gleditsch.
Nini Haslund Gleditsch died in Oslo in 1996.
Career.
Pre-war career.
While working as a joiner's mate in Copenhagen in the late 1920s she was part of the circle around the organization Clarté. She moved to Oslo as a student in 1930. In the early 1930s she joined the leftist organization Mot Dag. She worked full-time with publishing house Fram Forlag, and contributed to the development of the workers' encyclopaedia "Arbeidernes Leksikon". She participated in the Spanish Civil War from 1937 to 1939, by organizing international humanitarian aid.
World War II.
During World War II she participated in the flight of the Norwegian National Treasury to England in 1940, on the stage between Åndalsnes and Tromsø. She and her husband were responsible for the transport of two coffins of the "light luggage" (bank notes) by car from Åndalsnes to Molde. One third of the gold was sent with the British cruiser HMS "Galatea" from Åndalsnes to United Kingdom, while 24 trucks brought the rest to Molde. Nini followed the transport of four truckloads of gold by ships from Molde to Tromsø, first part with the coastal steamer , and later the ten tons of gold was distributed on smaller fishing vessels. During the transport "Driva" was attacked by German bombers, but managed to escape from the bombs. She then worked for Minister Anders Frihagen at the Ministry of Trade in Balsfjord. When Terje Wold took over the Ministry, Haslund Gleditsch started working for Trygve Lie at the Ministry of Supply. She followed the British cruiser from Tromsø to Greenock in Scotland, along with part of the Norwegian Government and the Norwegian Royal Family. From 1940 to 1945 she worked as a secretary with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at the Norwegian government-in-exile in London.
Post-war career.
In the 1950s, while a housewife with young children, she was active in feminist organizations, and also co-edited the magazine "Kvinnen og Tiden" from 1953 to 1955. Along with her husband she wrote the memoir book "Glimt fra kampårene", published in 1954. She worked with the Statistics Norway () from 1960 to 1978. She was a co-founder of the political publishing house Pax Forlag in 1964. In her older days she was active in the anti-nuclear organization Bestemødre mot atomvåpen (Grandmothers against nuclear weapons).


Fulke Rose

Fulke Rose (10 April 1644 – c. March 1694) was a British physician and early colonist of Jamaica. He was one of the principal buyers in Jamaica of slaves taken by the Royal African Company and had extensive land-holdings on the island. He continued to practice medicine in Jamaica and with Hans Sloane attended the former privateer Henry Morgan towards the end of Morgan's life.
Early life and family.
Fulke Rose was born 10 April 1644 in Mickleton, Gloucestershire, to the reverend Thomas Rose and his wife Francesse Rose née Fisher. He had brothers Thomas and Francis who were resident in Jamaica, John who was a merchant in London and William who was an apothecary who was one of the parties in "Rose v Royal College of Physicians" (1701–03). His will of 1693 also mentions sisters Elizabeth Milner and Martha Langley, and a brother Norgrove.
He married Elizabeth Langley, daughter of Alderman John Langley of Cornhill, at Port Royal, Jamaica, on 11 July 1678. Their children included daughters Elizabeth, Anne (Anne Isted), and Mary.
Career.
By 1670, Rose was in Jamaica and already owned 380 acres of land in Saint Catherine Parish. At this time, the island was making the transition from an economy based on piracy to one based on agriculture using slaves. In 1684 he was described in State Papers as "a surgeon bred, and a very discreet and virtuous man. His plantations render him over 4ooo£ per annum and his practice about 600£."
He was one of the principal buyers in Jamaica of slaves from the Royal African Company from which he bought 131 persons, of whom 42% came from the Bight of Benin and 32% from the Gold Coast (modern Ghana).
Among the estates and land he owned at the time he drew up his will in 1693 were the Mickleton, Knollis, and Sixteen Mile Walk estates, all in St Thomas in the Vale, the Angells, land at Maggatty called Warrens and Hipperslys, land and houses in the town of St Jago de Laviega (Spanish Town), lands "over the river at the Red Hills" in Saint Catherine Parish, and lands in the north of Jamaica in Saint Mary and Saint George parishes. In England he owned a farm in Oxney, near Deale in Kent, and Nonnington Farm near Canterbury.
Like other prominent colonists and land-owners in Jamaica, he was an officer in the militia. He was also returned, alongside George Nedham, as member for Saint Thomas in the Vale Parish for the House of Assembly of Jamaica in 1677 and was a member of the Legislative Council of Jamaica.
In early 1688, he and Hans Sloane attended the former privateer Henry Morgan for a swollen belly and other ailments that were attributed by his doctors to excessive alcohol and lack of exercise. According to Sloane's account they at first prescribed "Electuary of Cassia, Oil of Juniper, and Cremor. Tart." but that not being completely satisfactory they,
gave him all manner of Diuretics, and easie Purgers we could find in Jamaica, Linseed and Juniper-Berries infus'd in Rhenish-Wine, "Milleped". ppd. in Powder, Juniper-water, advis'd him to eat Juniper-Berries, us'd "Oil" of Scorpion, with "Ung. Dialth". outwardly, by which means he recovered again.
Morgan soon went back to his old ways, however, and relapsed. He consulted a number of other doctors who prescribed various treatments but he died in August 1688.
Death and legacy.
After the Jamaican earthquake of 1692, in which Port Royal was almost completely destroyed, Rose travelled to London. He died in 1694 and was buried at St Peter's church, Cornhill, on 29 March 1694. In 1695, his widow Elizabeth Langley Rose took as her second husband Sir Hans Sloane, meaning that her one-third share of the income from Rose's estates ultimately became available to Sloane who received regular shipments of hogsheads of sugar in the following years.


Portuguese escudo

The Portuguese escudo was the currency of Portugal prior to the introduction of the euro on 1 January 1999 and the removal of the escudo from circulation on 28 February 2002. The escudo was subdivided into 100 "centavos". The word "escudo" derives from the scutum shield.
Amounts in escudos were written as "escudos" $ "centavos" with the "cifrão" as the decimal separator (e.g. "25$00" means $25.00, "100$50" means $100.50). Because of the conversion rate of 1000 réis = $1, three decimal places were initially used ($1 = 1$000).
History.
Escudo gold coinage was initially introduced in 1722 with denominations including escudo, 2, 4, and 8 escudos, and were minted generally during the 18th century.
The escudo (gold) was again introduced on 22 May 1911, after the 1910 Republican revolution, to replace the real at the rate of 1,000 "réis" to 1 "escudo". The term "mil réis" (thousand "réis") remained a colloquial synonym of "escudo" up to the 1990s. One million "réis" was called one "conto de réis", or simply one "conto". This expression passed on to the escudo, meaning 1,000$.
The escudo's value was initially set at 675$00 = 1 kg of gold. After 1914, the value of the escudo fell, being fixed in 1928 at 108$25 to the Pound Sterling. This was altered to 110$00 to the Pound Sterling in 1931. A new rate of 27$50 escudos to the U.S. dollar was established in 1940, changing to 25$00 in 1940 and 28$75 in 1949.
During World War II, escudos were heavily sought after by Nazi Germany, through Swiss banks, as foreign currency to make purchases to Portugal and other neutral nations.
Inflation throughout the 20th century made centavos essentially worthless by its end, with fractional value coins with values such as 0$50 and 2$50 eventually withdrawn from circulation in the 1990s. With the entry of Portugal in the Eurozone, the conversion rate to the euro was set at 200$482 to €1.
Territorial usage.
The escudo was used in the Portuguese mainland, the Azores and Madeira, with no distinction of coins or banknotes. In Portugal's African colonies, the escudo was generally used up to independence, in the form of Banco Nacional Ultramarino and Banco de Angola banknotes (rather than those of the Bank of Portugal used in Portugal proper), with Portuguese and in some cases local coins circulating alongside:
Of the above, only Cape Verde continues to use the escudo.
In Macau, the currency during the colonial period was, as it is today, the Macanese pataca.
Timor-Leste adopted the Portuguese Timorese escudo whilst still a Portuguese colony, having earlier used the Portuguese Timor pataca.
Portuguese India adopted the Portuguese Indian escudo for a brief time between 1958 and 1961 before Goa became a part of India; prior to that, it used the Portuguese Indian rupia.
Coins.
The gold escudo mintage period for each denomination (introduced in 1722) was different: escudo through 1821, 2 escudos through 1789, and 4 escudos through 1799. The eight-escudo coin was only struck between 1722 and 1730.
Between 1912 and 1916, silver ten-, twenty- and fifty-centavo and one-escudo coins were issued. Bronze 1 and 2 centavos and cupro-nickel 4 centavos were issued between 1917 and 1922.
In 1920, bronze 5 centavos and cupro-nickel 10 and 20 centavos were introduced, followed, in 1924, by bronze 10 and 20 centavos and aluminium-bronze 50 centavos and 1 escudo. Aluminium bronze was replaced with cupro-nickel in 1927.
In 1932, silver coins were introduced for , 5 and 10 escudos. The and 5 escudos were minted until 1951, with the 10 escudos minted until 1955 with a reduced silver content. In 1963, cupro-nickel and 5 escudos were introduced, followed by aluminium 10 centavos, bronze 20 and 50 centavos and 1 escudo in 1969. Cupro-nickel 10 and 25 escudos were introduced in 1971 and 1977, respectively. In 1986, a new coinage was introduced which circulated until replacement by the euro. It consisted of nickel-brass 1, 5 and 10 escudos, cupro-nickel 20 and 50 escudos, with bimetallic 100 and 200 escudos introduced in 1989 and 1991.
Coins in circulation at the time of the changeover to the euro were:
Coins ceased to be exchangeable for euro on December 31, 2002.
Another name for the 50-centavo coin was "coroa" (crown). Long after the 50-centavo coins disappeared, people still called the 2$50 coins "cinco coroas" (five crowns).
Also, people still referred to escudos at the time of the changeover in multiples of the older currency "real" (plural "réis"). Many people called the 2$50 coins "dois e quinhentos" (two and five-hundreds), referring to the correspondence 2$50 = 2500 reis. "Tostão" (plural "tostões") is yet another multiple of "real", with 1 "tostão" = 10 "réis".
Banknotes.
The Casa da Moeda issued notes for 5, 10 and 20 centavos between 1917 and 1925 whilst, between 1913 and 1922, the Banco de Portugal introduced notes for 50 centavos, 1, , 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, 500 and 1,000 escudos. Fifty-centavo and 1-escudo notes ceased production in 1920, followed by , 5 and 10 escudos in 1925 and 1926. Five-thousand-escudo notes were introduced in 1942.
The last 20- and 50-escudo notes were printed dated 1978 and 1980, respectively, with 100-escudo notes being replaced by coins in 1989, the same year that the 10,000-escudo note was introduced.
Banknotes in circulation at the time of the changeover to the euro were:
The last series of escudo banknotes can be returned to the central bank Banco de Portugal and converted to euros until 28 February 2022.
Escudo banknotes celebrated notable figures from the history of Portugal. The final banknote series featured the Age of Discovery, with João de Barros, Pedro Álvares Cabral, Bartolomeu Dias, Vasco da Gama, and Henry the Navigator.
The last 100-escudo banknote represented Fernando Pessoa, the famous Portuguese writer and poet.
Colloquial expressions.
"Conto" was the unofficial multiple of the escudo: 1 "conto" meant 1,000$00, 2 "contos" meant 2,000$00 and so on. The original expression was "conto de réis", which means "one count of réis" and referred to one million réis. Since the escudo was worth 1,000 réis (the older currency), therefore one "conto" was the same as a thousand escudos. The expression remained in usage after the advent of the euro, albeit less often, meaning €5, roughly worth 1,000 escudos.
Occasionally "paus", literally meaning "sticks", was also used to refer to the escudo ("Tens mil paus?" – "Do you have 1,000 escudos/sticks?"). During the move from escudos to euros the Portuguese had a joke saying that they had lost three currencies: the "escudo", the "conto", and the "pau".


Edward Cooke (Roundhead)

Edward Cooke (died 1683) was an English politician who sat in the House of Commons in 1659.
Cooke was the son of Sir Robert Cooke. He was a colonel of horse in the Parliamentary army.
In 1659, Cooke was elected Member of Parliament for Tewkesbury in the Third Protectorate Parliament.
Cooke died in 1683 without issue.


Elections in Italy

National-level elections in Italy are called periodically to form a parliament consisting of two houses: the Chamber of Deputies ("Camera dei Deputati") with 630 members; and the Senate of the Republic ("Senato della Repubblica") with 315 elected members, plus a few appointed senators for life. Italy is a parliamentary republic: the President of the Republic is elected for a seven-year term by the two houses of Parliament in joint session, together with special electors appointed by the Regional Councils.
During its history, Italy has had many political parties, both national and regional, with different party systems.
The most recent Italian general election was held on 4 March 2018.
2018 election.
The last general election was held on 4 March 2018.
The centre-right alliance, in which Matteo Salvini's League emerged as the main political force, won a plurality of seats in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Senate of the Republic. The anti-establishment Five Star Movement led by Luigi Di Maio became the party with the largest number of votes, and the centre-left coalition, led by former Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, came third. However, no political group or party won an outright majority, resulting in a hung parliament.
After three months of negotiation, a coalition was finally formed on 1 June between the M5S and the League, whose leaders both became Deputy Prime Ministers in a government led by the M5S-linked independent Giuseppe Conte as Prime Minister.
Graph of general election results.
This graph shows the results of elections held in Italy from 1946 to today, with the percentages of consensus gathered by the various parties and movements displayed by color. Passing your mouse over the different colored sections will display the name
of the grouping and the percentage in the corresponding election. Clicking on a region will direct you to the article on the party or election selected.
Referendums.
The constitution of Italy provides for two kinds of binding referendums.
A legislative referendum can be called in order to abrogate a law totally or partially, if requested by 500,000 electors or five regional councils. This kind of referendum is valid only if at least a majority of electors goes to the polling station. It is forbidden to call a referendum regarding financial laws or laws relating to pardons or the ratification of international treaties.
A constitutional referendum can be called in order to approve a constitutional law or amendment only when it has been approved by the Houses (Chamber of Deputies and Senate of the Republic) with a majority of less than two thirds in both or either House, and only at the request of one fifth of the members of either House, or 500,000 electors or five Regional Councils. A constitutional referendum is valid no matter how many electors go to the polling station. Any citizen entitled to vote in an election to the Chamber of Deputies may participate in a referendum.


Syrians in Turkey

Syrians in Turkey includes Turkish citizens of Syrian origin, Syrian refugees, and other Syrian citizens resident in Turkey. Istanbul, the most populous city in Turkey, hosts the highest number of Syrians (approximately 495,000 registered people).
History.
Syrians in Turkey include migrants from Syria to Turkey, as well as their descendants. The number of Syrians in Turkey is estimated at over 3.6 million people as of March 2020, and consists mainly of refugees of the Syrian Civil War.
In 2017, Syrian citizens accounted for 24% of all work permits granted to foreign nationals, making Syrians the largest single group of foreign nationals with work permits.
Following the Turkish military intervention in the Afrin District in Northern Syria against the Kurdish YPG militia, some Turkish politicians have suggested that Syrian refugees in Turkey should be repatriated to Syria.
According to news releases in 2019; there is 405,521 Syrians born in Turkey since 2011, 79,820 Syrians who got Turkish citizenship, approximately 329,000 Syrians who returned to Syria, 31,185 Syrians who has working permit, and 15,159 companies which has at least one Syrian company member.
Ethnic groups.
Syrians living in Turkey are formed of various ethnic and religious groups. The majority are Arabs (including Palestinians), Syrian Turkmen and Syrian Kurds.
Assyrians.
Some Assyrians who have fled from ISIL have found temporary homes in the city of Midyat. A refugee center is located near Midyat, but due to there being a small Assyrian community in Midyat, many of the Assyrian refugees at the camp went to Midyat hoping for better conditions than what the refugee camp had. To their supine, many refugees were in fact given help and accommodations by the local Assyrian community there, perhaps wishing that the refugees stay, as the community in Midyat is in need of more members.
Turkmen.
By December 2016 the Turkish Foreign Ministry Undersecretary stated that Turkey opened its borders to 500,000 Syrian Turkmen.
In 2020 the "Voice of America" reported that 1,000,000 Syrian Turkmen (including descendants) who are living in Turkey are requesting to become Turkish citizens.


Scania Party

Skånepartiet ("the Scania party") is a separatist, right-wing populist, republican, anti-immigration political party in the Swedish province of Scania, established in 1979. The founder and leader of the party was Carl P. Herslow.
The original aims of the party were the abolition of the Swedish state's monopoly of the radio and television market, and self-government for Skåne. Originally it advocated full independence for Skåne as a republic, but later altered this to instead back devolution within the Swedish state. Recently however the party has again restated a desire for full sovereignty. It started criticizing Swedish immigration policy in the mid-1980s, and since the 2000s has focused heavily on an aggressive campaign against Islam. Its support has shrunk over recent years and it was until its dissolution not represented in any council, losing its last local seats in the 2006 election.
History.
The party was founded on 24 March 1979 in Lund. Based on the Scania Movement ("Skånerörelsen") founded in 1977, its initial main issues was to achieve regional autonomy for Scania, particularly regarding the mass media, alcohol, energy, tourism and education policy. It ran in the 1979 election on three main issues; a Scanian provincial government, an independent advertising-funded Scanian TV channel with broadcasting associations, and the free sale of beer, wine, and liquor in Scania. The election was however ultimately a failure for the party. It started local radio broadcasts in 1982. Although the party had put in much work for the 1982 election, it again failed to win any representation.
By 1984 the party reportedly had more than 4,000 members and had expanded its radio broadcasts. It had also become more radical, now demanding that Scania become an independent republic. The party also started to criticize the economic, social and cultural consequences of Swedish immigration policy. In the 1985 election the party finally broke through, and helped to remove the Social Democratic Party from power in Malmö for the first time in 66 years, winning five mandates. It also gained representation in a few other municipalities. In the 1988 election the party was reduced to three mandates in Malmö and lost its representation in all other municipalities except one. The party held municipal seats only in Malmö through the 1990s. In the late 2000s the party has failed to win any representation, and has been marginalized by the advancing Sweden Democrats in competition for votes. On June 30, 2020, in what was to be announced by Herslow as the final radio transmissions, it was revealed that both the party and the radio transmissions would be dissolved due to the lack of staff. However, on July 2 both the party and the radio transmissions was resumed.
Policies.
The party states on its website that its policy is based on the two main demands of "more restrictive immigration and refugee policies, and the elimination of Islam." It further promotes 12 key policies;
Election results.
Local representation.
1985 election: 5 seats in Malmö, 2 in Burlöv, 2 in Svedala, 1 in Staffanstorp and 1 in Vellinge.
1988 election: 3 seats in Malmö and 1 in Staffanstorp.
1991 election: 2 seats in Malmö.
1994 election: 3 seats in Malmö.
1998 election: 2 seats in Malmö.
2002 election: 2 seats in Malmö.
2006 election: 0 seats.
2010 election: 0 seats.
2014 election: 0 seats (0.33% share of the votes for the Skåne County Council and 0.6% share of the votes in municipal elections)
2018 election: 0 seats


Cavalier

Cavalier () was first used by Roundheads as a term of abuse for the wealthier Royalist supporters of King Charles I and his son Charles II of England during the English Civil War, the Interregnum, and the Restoration (1642 – ). It was later adopted by the Royalists themselves. Although it referred originally to political and social attitudes and behaviour, of which clothing was a very small part, it has subsequently become strongly identified with the fashionable clothing of the court at the time. Prince Rupert, commander of much of Charles I's cavalry, is often considered to be an archetypal Cavalier.
Etymology.
Cavalier derives from the same Latin root as the Italian word and the French word (as well as the Spanish word ), the Vulgar Latin word "caballarius", meaning 'horseman'. Shakespeare used the word "cavaleros" to describe an overbearing swashbuckler or swaggering gallant in Henry IV, Part 2 (c. 1596–1599), in which Shallow says "I'll drink to Master Bardolph, and to all the cavaleros about London". Shallow returns in "The Merry Wives of Windsor" (c. 1597), where he is called "Cavaleiro-justice" (knightly judge) and "bully-rook", a term meaning "blustering cheat".
English Civil War.
"Cavalier" is chiefly associated with the Royalist supporters of King Charles I in his struggle with Parliament in the English Civil War. It first appears as a term of reproach and contempt, applied to the followers of King Charles I in June 1642:
Charles, in the Answer to the Petition 13 June 1642, speaks of Cavaliers as a "word by what mistake soever it seemes much in disfavour". It was soon reappropriated as a title of honour by the king's party, who in return applied Roundhead to their opponents. At the Restoration, the court party preserved the name, which survived until the rise of the term Tory.
Social perceptions.
Cavalier was not understood at the time as primarily a term describing a style of dress, but a whole political and social attitude. However, in modern times the word has become more particularly associated with the court fashions of the period, which included long flowing hair in ringlets, brightly coloured clothing with elaborate trimmings and lace collars and cuffs, and plumed hats. This contrasted with the dress of at least the most extreme Roundhead supporters of Parliament, with their preference for shorter hair and plainer dress, although neither side conformed to the stereotypical images entirely.
Most Parliamentarian generals wore their hair at much the same length as their Royalist counterparts, though Cromwell was something of an exception. The best patrons in the nobility of Charles I's court painter Sir Anthony van Dyck, the archetypal recorder of the Cavalier image, all took the Parliamentary side in the Civil War. Probably the most famous image identified as of a "cavalier", Frans Hals' "Laughing Cavalier", shows a gentleman from the strongly Calvinist Dutch town of Haarlem, and is dated 1624. These derogatory terms (for at the time they were so intended) also showed what the typical Parliamentarian thought of the Royalist side – capricious men who cared more for vanity than the nation at large.
The chaplain to King Charles I, Edward Simmons described a Cavalier as
a Child of Honour, a Gentleman well borne and bred, that loves his king for conscience sake, of a clearer countenance, and bolder look than other men, because of a more loyal Heart.
There were many men in the Royalist armies who fit this description since most of the Royalist field officers were typically in their early thirties, married with rural estates which had to be managed.
Although they did not share the same outlook on how to worship God as the English Independents of the New Model Army, God was often central to their lives. This type of Cavalier was personified by Jacob Astley, 1st Baron Astley of Reading, whose prayer at the start of the Battle of Edgehill has become famous "O Lord, Thou knowest how busy I must be this day. If I forget Thee, do not forget me". At the end of the First Civil War, Astley gave his word that he would not take up arms again against Parliament and having given his word he felt duty bound to refuse to help the Royalist cause in the Second Civil War.
However, the word was coined by the Roundheads as a pejorative propaganda image of a licentious, hard drinking and frivolous man, who rarely, if ever, thought of God. It is this image which has survived and many Royalists, for example Henry Wilmot, 1st Earl of Rochester, fitted this description to a tee. Of another Cavalier, George Goring, Lord Goring, a general in the Royalist army, the principal advisor to Charles II, Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon, said:
This sense has developed into the modern English use of "cavalier" to describe a recklessly nonchalant attitude, although still with a suggestion of stylishness.
Cavalier remained in use as a description for members of the party that supported the monarchy up until the Exclusion Crisis of 1678–1681 when the term was superseded by "Tory" which was another term initially with pejorative connotations. Likewise, during Exclusion Bill crisis the term Roundhead was replaced with "Whig", a term introduced by the opponents of the Whigs and also was initially a pejorative term.
Cavaliers in the arts.
An example of the Cavalier style can be seen in the painting "Charles I, King of England, from Three Angles" by Anthony van Dyck.
References.
Attribution


Mariana Franko

Mariana Franko (d. after 1777), was a free colored in Curaçao in the Dutch West Indies. She is known as the central figure in a famous court case.
She was born a free black in Sint Eustatius, owned a couple of slaves herself, and worked at the plantation Zorgvliet as an employed secretary. In 1758, her lover, the slave Pedro Anthonij, was sentenced for theft and sold, while she was exiled in 1760, left for the Netherlands and had her property confiscated. In 1764, she sued and questioned the verdict to clear her name and prove that all free citizens regardless of color were equal to the law. In 1772, the Dutch state finally brought the colonial authorities on Curaçao to court, and in 1777, she won the case and her property was restored (however, the costs of the trial consumed it).


Old Castile

Old Castile ( ) is a historic region of Spain, which had different definitions along the centuries. Its extension was formally defined in the 1833 territorial division of Spain as the sum of the following provinces: Santander (now Cantabria), Burgos, Logroño (now La Rioja), Soria, Segovia, Ávila, Valladolid and Palencia. As the rest of "regions" in that division, Old Castile never had any special administrative agency; only the individual provinces had their own management.
The name "Old Castile" reflects the fact that this territory corresponds very roughly to the extension of the Kingdom of Castile around the 11th century, before it expanded to the south. This kingdom had its origins in the 9th century in an area now comprising Cantabria, Álava, and Burgos province.
In the 18th century, Charles III of Spain assigned to Castilla la Vieja the provinces of Burgos, Soria, Segovia, Ávila, Valladolid, and Palencia.
The royal decree of 30 November 1833, the reform of Javier de Burgos ("see 1833 territorial division of Spain"), established the basis for the division of Spain into provinces which, with very few modifications, continues down to the present day.
Another royal decree, on 30 November 1855, divided Spain into 49 provinces, and assigned the provinces of Valladolid and Palencia to the Kingdom of León, leaving to Castilla la Vieja the provinces of Santander, Burgos, Logroño, Soria, Segovia, and Ávila. Although there were further reform efforts in the 19th century, this division is reflected in the encyclopedias, geographies, and textbooks from the mid-19th century until it was superseded in the second half of the 20th century. For example, early editions of "Enciclopedia Espasa", of the "Encyclopædia Britannica" and the popular student encyclopedia "Álvarez" all follow this division of provinces into "Castilla la Vieja" and the Region of León.
With the establishment of the autonomous communities in Spain in 1983, Old Castile disappeared as a legal entity: most of its provinces were integrated politically with the Region of León into a larger entity (Castile and León), and two of its provinces became autonomous communities in their own right (the province of Santander became Cantabria and the province of Logroño became La Rioja).
References.
This article draws on the in the Spanish Wikipedia, retrieved March 1, 2005.


Simone Brocard

Simone Brocard (1752 – d. "after" 1784), was a French slave trader of the French colony of Saint-Domingue. She has been referred to as the most well-documented free colored/ Mixed race woman in Cap-Francais of her generation.
Brocard was a member of the free colored class in Saint-Domingue. She had two daughters with a white man, and appears to have belonged to the group of wealthy colored business women of the colony who had been a lover by placage to a white man, who left her with capital to start her own business after the termination of their relationship. In 1772, Brocard is noted to be an independent and rich businesswoman of note in the colony, and her business transactions are preserved to a large degree and the object of research. She was foremost a slave trader, whose main line of business was to buy and sell slaves from and to clients of the free colored class, mainly women.
Brocard seemed to be involved not only in slave trade coming of incoming ships, but also of these born in the colony. The registries suggest that Brocard even sold slaves to free blacks living in Cap Français. There is little information on her family, although it seems that she had two daughters, her first daughter was born when Simone was fifteen or sixteen, and even when there is no mention of a possible father, both are described as "quadroons," daughters of a mulato woman and a white man.


John Peeke

John Peeke (died 1716) was the speaker of the House of Assembly of Jamaica in 1688 and 1706. He owned 173 slaves according to the 1708 return.


Battle of Ryesgade

The Battle of Ryesgade was a nine-day series of street fights in mid-September 1986, in the Copenhagen street Ryesgade. It was the most violent event in a long-standing conflict between the Copenhagen city council and the city's community of squatters. Faced with an ultimatum to leave their illegally occupied housing or face eviction, the squatters instead fortified the streets around their building so strongly that it became a cop-free zone. They took advantage of this lack of control by burning down a building belonging to the Sperry Corporation. For nine days, massed police unsuccessfully attempted to evict the squatters. The civil disorder was of a magnitude never before seen in Denmark. After communicating a manifesto through the media, the defenders finally abandoned the squat and dispersed without being apprehended.
Background.
Throughout the 1980s, the Copenhagen city council and property owners came into conflict, both violent and ideological, with squatters. At this time, the squatters in Denmark had organized into an active and well-funded movement with left-wing overtones. It started in Copenhagen, where a group of young people began to take over empty buildings, using them for free housing and as alternative cultural and community centers. The youngsters were made up of a mixture of punks, left-wing activists, and unemployed teenagers, mostly from the working-class area of Nørrebro.
The economic situation in Denmark was one of high unemployment and poor housing, especially in Copenhagen. In the 1970s, the Copenhagen City Council, led by a social democratic mayor, Egon Weidekamp, had begun a process of rehousing for people living in the poor areas of Copenhagen. The process involved the demolition of large parts of the old boroughs surrounding the city center. Although the intent was to raise the standard of living for working-class people, the consequence was that the new houses often became too expensive for those very people to live in. Many found themselves temporarily relocated to elsewhere in the city, and when they wanted to return to their old homes, they found the rent to be too high for them to pay. This gave rise to a growing anger towards the city council and a feeling amongst the poor people of Copenhagen that decisions concerning their lives were being made without them having anything to say about it. The city's plans also left many old and worn, but still useful, buildings empty. At the same time, a lot of young people were unemployed and without homes. All these factors opened the door to widespread squatting.
Copenhagen Squatters Movement.
The Copenhagen Squatters Movement first appeared as a political force when a group of young people moved in and took over an abandoned bread factory in Nørrebro. They demanded that the city council give them a house where the young people of Copenhagen could gather without charge. Furthermore, the house had to be completely self-organized and under the control of the youths, without the city council having any influence on the day-to-day running of the house. The action lasted only two hours before the police moved in and cleared the factory.
Over the next year or so the squatters multiplied, as did the tensions between them and the authorities. On March 6, 1982 the first seriously violent confrontation between squatters and police took place. Earlier that day, about 90 people had illegally occupied an old building. When the police moved in for the eviction, several of the squatters were wearing bandannas and ski masks to hide their faces. The police tried to break down the door, but their first assault was forced back by a bombardment of bricks and other building materials. They regrouped and brought in an armored car and industrial saw. When they did manage to get inside the building, they severely beat several of their opponents.
This event marked a turning point in the conflict. Where the evictions of other squats had been relatively peaceful, this was the first time that the squatters had actually attacked the police. During the first attack a toilet was thrown at the police. This act later became famous as a symbol of the end of the squatters' peaceful resistance against evictions.
After the confrontation in March, the squatters gained significant advances. They established many new squats in the spring and summer of 1982. The squats were mostly located in Nørrebro, and unlike before, the police did not move in and evict the squatters right away. This allowed the squatters to establish collectives. The houses included such now-infamous sites as Allotria, Bazooka, Den Lille Fjer ("The Little Feather"), Garternergade 14 ("Gardener Street 14"), Snehvide ("Snow White"), Safari, and many more. Allotria in particular became a popular place for alternative music. In Bazooka, the squatters even set up a housing service with records of empty houses and flats in the area. Those in need of a place to live could come to Bazooka. They were shown an empty house and offered a crowbar with which to break down the door.
As these types of activities grew, they drew more and more people into squatting. At this time, the squatters experienced great support from the people in the local community, many of whom saw the squatters as fighting for a noble cause. The squatters also took a harder line in their attitude toward the authorities. In the fall of 1982, a series of confrontations took place. Most famous of these was Endagskrigen ("The One-Day War") where the squatters violently resisted an eviction. This confrontation was the most violent street fight yet. The squatters set up improvised barricades in the streets and pelted police with building materials taken from nearby construction sites, Molotov cocktails, and stones.
In October 1982, the council caved to the squatters' original demands and handed over an old building for their use. The building was named Ungdomshuset ("The Youth House") and was located on Jagtvej 69 in Nørrebro. (The house was finally evicted on March 1, 2007, after the city council sold the building to a Christian sect.) With this gesture, the city council hoped that the squatters would abandon the other squatted houses and settle for the new building on Jagtvej 69. This did not happen. As a result, the city council and the mayor launched a wave of evictions against the squatters.
In January 1983 the police evicted Allotria. A force of about 1500 policemen had been mobilized, and the squatters realized that they stood no chance against such numbers. When the police entered the house, the squatters had already escaped through a tunnel dug under the street. The tunnel was seen by the media and the public as a creative stroke of genius. The police were ridiculed in the papers, and the general public saw it as victory for the squatters. The squatters didn't see it that way. To them, the loss of their homes was at best bittersweet. Over the next couple of days the massive police force evicted the rest of the squats in Nørrebro. Bulldozers then moved in and demolished the houses.
Ryesgade 58.
In 1983, a group of squatters moved in and took control of an empty house in Ryesgade 58. The squatters, many of them very experienced, moved in slowly and in small groups to avoid detection. The plan succeeded, and after a couple of months, they had established a well-organized squat. It was designed so that every floor was an independent collective charged with maintaining its part of the house. They improved the living conditions in the house, and Ryesgade 58 soon became the unofficial headquarters of the squatters movement. It was the center for political activities and was usually the place where foreign squatters lived when visiting Copenhagen. Soon after the squatting of Ryesgade 58, other new squats were established around Copenhagen. These squats included Kapaw in Østerbro, Baldersgade 20 ("Baldurs Street 20"), Bauhaus, and the infamous Sorte Hest ("Black Horse").
Conflict with the owners and the city council.
In 1984 the squatters began negotiating with UNGBO, the owner of the Ryesgade house. UNGBO was originally created by the National Association of City Councils to tackle the problems with youth housing in the major cities of Denmark. The squatters demanded that UNGBO and the city council gave Rysegade 58 the status of autonomous housing. This involved the city council allowing the house to remain under the control of the occupants and that the squatters would be free to organize without interference. After nearly two years of negotiation, a compromise was reached that would have given the residents full control over the house as an officially recognized social experiment.
However, since UNGBO was under the control of the city council, the agreement between the squatters and UNGBO required its approval. In June 1986, the council and Egon Weidekamp rejected the agreement and told UNGBO that they would have to call on the police to evict Ryesgade 58. UNGBO complied, and the squatters were told that they had until September 14 to leave the house. This angered the squatters who replied to UNGBO that they and the city council could "stick it up their ass". The squatters then started to prepare the defense of Ryesgade 58. The stage was now set for what would be the biggest confrontation ever fought between the squatters and the police.
September 14 demonstration.
The police plan was to move in at midnight on September 14 and evict the house while the squatters were still in their beds. In past evictions, the police did not assault a house until long after the moment of the deadline, and the hope was to take the squatters by surprise and minimize the time available for them to prepare their defense. A couple of days before the eviction was to take place, posters were hung up all over the city. The posters invited people to come to a demonstration in support of the house. The poster showed a large image of a burning car and the text said that it was a good idea to show up with your face masked. This did raise some eyebrows at police headquarters, but in the end the police estimated that it was just a coincidence and that nothing big was underway. The police also thought that since the demonstration was held at 10:00 pm on a Sunday, not many people would attend.
However, as the demonstration began at Rådhuspladsen, it was attended by well over 2000 masked demonstrators. They were very determined and aggressive and the police soon found themselves outmatched. As the demonstration moved towards Nørrebro, every police officer that could be spared was rushed to the demonstration. When the demonstrators reached Nørrebro, fireworks were fired into the air, and the demonstration suddenly changed direction and started to move towards Ryesgade. By this time, more people had joined the demonstration. Squatters present in the demonstration handed out flyers with the text "The fight is on." The police found themselves unable to control the demonstration and had to watch as the demonstration moved towards Ryesgade 58. When the demonstration was within a few hundred yards of Ryesgade, people started to run. The demonstration broke through the remaining police lines, and within a couple of minutes they had entered Ryesgade. While the police had been busy handling the demonstrators, the squatters in Ryesgade 58 had moved into the street and started to set up barbed-wire barricades. The obstacles had been prepared in advance, built over the summer in the courtyard behind the house, and they were not the only preparations the squatters had made. Most of them were wearing blue overall work suits, ski masks, and combat boots. Many of them were also wearing motorcycle helmets and carrying clubs and iron bars for close-quarters fighting with the police, and several were equipped with powerful slingshots. On top of that, several hundred Molotov cocktails were now being carried to the barricades. A large banner had been hung from the squat, reading "Rather die standing up, then living life on your knees!"
Under the supervision of the squatters, demonstrators expanded the barricades. They stole trailers and building materials from a nearby construction site to build more barricades. Soon the obstacles covered several streets, in places four or five layers deep. Cobblestones from the streets were broken up and distributed for use as missiles. Soon, the whole street had been turned into something like a fortress. After an hour, the police attacked with 50 men. They were quickly turned back by a hail of stones and iron pellets fired from slingshots. Several police officers were injured. The police then retreated, and both sides regrouped. Around 600 people, primarily youths, had chosen to remain behind the barricades and help the squatters defend the house.
Second day.
As the squatters awoke on the second day, they found themselves surrounded by an army of police. During the night, the Copenhagen police force had mustered over 400 men in riot gear. But at the same time, hundreds of citizens and many news reporters had also made their way to Ryesgade. The police had been planning to storm the barricades at dawn, but the presence of so many noncombatants people in the area, many of whom had made their way right up to the barricades and were now talking with the squatters, made their plans impossible. It was decided that the attack would have to be called off until the area just outside the obstacles was under firm police control and could be evacuated of all those not actively resisting.
While the police were busy trying to control the crowds, some of the reporters warned the squatters that the police were planning something big, and the squatters quickly organized a plan to counter the upcoming attack. The 700 defenders were organized in six groups. Each of the groups were charged with different parts of the defense. The barricades were divided into four sections, each with a group of defenders attached to it. These four groups were the biggest of the six groups (about 130 people strong) and were named "the standing units". The two other groups were named "the mobile unit" and "the house unit". The house unit was charged with defending the back entrance of the house and manning a lookout post on the roof. It was their responsibility to warn the others in case of an attack and to oversee many of the logistic tasks such as the making of more Molotov cocktails. They also had to prepare a final defense of the house in case the police broke through. The role of the mobile unit was as a reserve to support the standing units at the barricades. It was not attached to any particular barricade, but was free to move from place to place and assist if the defenders were in danger of being overwhelmed. Many people in this unit were given helmets and clubs for hand-to-hand fighting.
At about 1:30 am, the police attacked. A wave of about 150 of them in riot gear charged the western part of the barricades in a solid shield wall. Due to an early warning from the lookout post on top of the squat, the defenders were prepared. They bombarded the police with stones and petrol bombs, forcing them to retreat after about 10 minutes. Of the 150 police officers involved in the charge, only about 14 made it near the barricades, and about 40 police officers were injured in the attack.
The attackers then went to their backup plan, sending several squads of police in through the alleys and back houses surrounding Ryesgade. These squads would then go through an old shop and emerge well behind the barricades. The police were hoping that this would create a gap through which more police could flow, eventually establishing a bridgehead within Ryesgade. At 4:30, they sent the first squads in. The plan failed when local residents who had spotted the police moving through the back alleys warned the squatters.
The police broke down the door to the shop, only to find large, armed group of defenders waiting for them. The squatters started hurling stones through the shop window, and the police officers at the front soon found themselves trapped between the attacking squatters and the rush of police coming in from behind. Instead of retreating, the police commanders ordered their men to form a shield wall and tried to push their way into the street. The squatters responded by attempting to burn down the shop with the police inside, but the police had brought fire extinguishers with them and were able to put out the flames of the Molotov cocktail.
For a moment it looked as if the police would manage to push home their attack, but some of the squatters were armed with tear-gas grenades and threw three of them into the shop. The police were carrying gas masks but it was impossible to don them without breaking their shield wall and thus exposing themselves to the incoming stones. The police attack broke. Fifteen officers were injured, and another 20-30 had to be taken to hospital to have their eyes flushed because of the tear gas. After this, the police gave up trying to storm the barricades. The order was given that nobody was to try to enter the area. The police now focused on keeping the squatters inside the barricaded area. The police commanders feared that the squatters would try to expand the barricades to cut several main roads around the house.
The rest of the day saw a series of skirmishes between the police and the squatters. Normally these were just small incidents without any injuries to either side. The police now started to play the waiting game. This they hoped would give them time to re-organize and for extra forces from the rest of Denmark to arrive.
End of siege.
The next day, the situation in Ryesgade had become the talk of the nation. The national news broadcasters canceled shows in order to transmit live updates on the situation. Most elements of the press were very critical and hateful towards the squatters and their supporters. Headlines calling the squatters "a bunch of terrorists" and "masked maniacs" were common. The squatters found themselves facing a horde of journalists, all shouting questions and demanding answers from the defenders. The tone of the coverage angered the squatters, and they at first refused to talk to the press. But when the squatters found that they might be facing a prolonged siege, they eventually decided to address the media.
The press were invited behind the barricades for a press conference. Though the police had warned people of going near the barricaded area, dozens of reporters from all the large media outlets made their way to the barricades. Here they were met by representatives of the squatters. The squatters had prepared a manifesto explaining why they had acted as they had and listing their demands were. In the manifesto, the squatters attacked the city council and the mayor, calling them "a bunch of arrogant bureaucrats," and furthermore stated that they would not leave the barricades until the negotiations were re-opened or another acceptable solution had been found.
The statement ended with these words: "We are not doing this because we want to fight. We are not doing this because we think that is funny to see what the inside of a jail cell looks like, nor because we like the sound of riot police in the streets or the taste of teargas. We are doing this because any other alternative would mean bowing down to the pigs who hide behind their desks and try to control ours and other peoples lives!"
Over the next couple of days the situation tensed. Several compromises were suggested from various parts but they were all rejected by the city council. At the same time the police were beginning to prepare for a final assault against the defenders. This plan involved breaking through the barricades with armoured bulldozers acquired from the military. Several units of police were then going to charge the squat, some of them armed with submachine guns. About 1500 police had been drafted in for the assault. The police commanders stated that this assault would most likely result in the death of several people.
Faced with an unyielding city council and the prospect of an eviction that would end in a bloodbath, the squatters decided to leave the barricades.
The squatters called another press conference for the morning of September 23, but reporters arrived to find the contested buildings empty. Over night the squatters had filtered out. This was done in small groups and without discovery from the police.
The squatters had left behind a final manifesto. It read "We have decided to leave the barricades and our home behind. We have been faced with politicians who have proven themselves to be more cynical than we could ever have imagined. We refuse to sit like a trapped bear waiting for the hunters to come. We refuse to be a part of your sick game. You might think that you have won now, but you are mistaken. You have not broken us. You have shown us what we have the strength to do. The experience we have gained and most of all the solidarity and support that the ordinary people of Copenhagen have shown us is something you can never take from us. We chose to live and fight another day. You have not broken us nor have you destroyed us. We are still here! The struggle continues!"


Elections in Poland

Elections in Poland refers to the election process as well as the election results in Poland. Poland has a multi-party political system. On the national level, Poland elects the head of state – the president – and a legislature. There are also various local elections, referendums and elections to the European Parliament.
Poland has a long history of public elections dating back several centuries, beginning with the elections to Sejm in Łęczyca (known as the First Sejm) in 1182. Notably, since the Sejm of 1493, Polish kings were obliged to call regular Sejms and regional elections (sejmiks) every two years. From 1573 until 1795 the state system of elective monarchy in Poland required the royal elections of monarchs as well during the Sejm proceedings.
The first modern and free elections in 20th-century Poland were held in 1919, two months after the country regained independence in 1918 after over a century of partition and occupation by foreign powers. After the Second World War, Poland fell into the Soviet sphere of influence as a satellite state and became controlled by the communists, who rigged the elections of 1947 to ensure they controlled the entire Polish government. There were regular elections in Poland from that time on; however, no elections until the groundbreaking elections of 1989, marking the fall of communism, were free. The Polish communists secured a majority of the lower house seats in 1989, but allowed opposition parties to take up seats.
History.
The first Polish Sejm was called in 1182. Since the Sejm of 1493, called by king John I Olbracht in 1493, Sejms were to be held every 2 years. There were also special Sejms when needed, for example the coronation sejms.
The most famous Sejms included the Sejm Niemy or the Silent Sejm of 1717 which marked the beginning of Russian control over Polish internal affairs; the subsequent Repnin Sejm or the Sejm of 1767/1768, whose terms were dictated by the Russian ambassador Repnin; the Great Sejm – or the Four-Years Sejm of 1798–1792, which voted for the May Constitution of Poland; and the Grodno Sejm – last Sejm of the First Republic.
Since the death of Sigismund II Augustus, last of the Jagiellonian dynasty, and following a brief period of interregnum, the entire nobility (szlachta) of the Commonwealth (10% of the population) could take part in the elections of the monarchs. Last elected king was Stanisław August Poniatowski in 1764. He abdicated in 1795 after the partitions of Poland ended the existence of sovereign state of Poland for 123 years.
It is disputed how free were elections held after 1926; in particular, the 1930 elections are often considered to have been non-free . Polish presidents were elected by the Sejm and Senate (Zgromadzenie Narodowe), not in a popular vote. Before 1922, the Polish Chief of State was called "Naczelnik Państwa".
Only the 1947 and 1989 elections can be considered as partially free. All others were controlled. There were no presidential elections during the rest of this period, with President Bolesław Bierut's nomination by the Sejm and the abolition of the office by the 1952 constitution.
Post-Communist Poland.
Since 1991, Polish elections operate according to a typical representative democracy.
Poland has a multi-party political system, with numerous parties in which no party often has any chance of gaining power by itself, and parties must work with each other to form coalition governments.
Poland elects on national level a head of state – the president – and a legislature. The president is elected for a five-year term by the people. The National Assembly has two chambers. The parliament ("Sejm") has 460 members, elected for a four-year term by party lists in multi-seat constituencies with a 5% threshold for single parties and 8% threshold for coalitions, (requirement waived for national minorities). The "Senate" ("Senat") has 100 members elected for a four-year term via the first past-the-post system, with 100 single member constituencies. Prior to the 2011 parliamentary elections, elections to the Senate were conducted through plurality bloc voting in 40 multi-seat constituencies. Since 1991, elections have been supervised by National Electoral Commission ("Państwowa Komisja Wyborcza"), whose administrative division is called the National Electoral Office ("Krajowe Biuro Wyborcze"
End of Communist rule.
1989 parliamentary elections.
1989 Parliamentary Elections: the Polish Round Table Agreement produced a partly open parliamentary elections. The June election produced a Sejm (lower house), in which one-third of the seats went to communists and one-third went to the two parties which had hitherto been their coalition partners. The remaining one-third of the seats in the Sejm and all those in the Senate were freely contested; the majority of these were by candidates supported by Solidarity. Jaruzelski was elected by the Sejm as President of Poland.
The May 1990 local elections were entirely free. Candidates supported by Solidarity's Citizens' Committees won most of the elections they contested, although voter turnout was only a little over 40%. The cabinet was reshuffled in July 1990; the national defence and interior affairs ministers (hold-overs from the previous communist government) were among those replaced.
1990 presidential elections.
In October 1990, the constitution was amended to curtail the term of President Jaruzelski. In December, Lech Wałęsa became the first popularly elected President of Poland.
1991 parliamentary elections.
Poland's first free parliamentary elections were held in 1991. More than 100 parties participated, representing the full spectrum of political views. No single party received more than 13% of the total vote.
1993 parliamentary elections.
After a rough start, the second group of elections were held in 1993, and the first parliament to serve a full term. The Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) received the largest share of votes.
After the election, the SLD and Polish People's Party (PSL) formed a governing coalition. Waldemar Pawlak, leader of the junior partner PSL, became Prime Minister, later replaced by SLD's leader Józef Oleksy.
1995 presidential elections.
In November 1995, Poland held its second post-war free presidential election. SLD leader Aleksander Kwaśniewski defeated Wałęsa by a narrow margin—51.7% to 48.3%.
1997 parliamentary elections.
In 1997 parliamentary elections two parties with roots in the Solidarity movement – Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS) and the Freedom Union (UW) – won 261 of the 460 seats in the Sejm and formed a coalition government. Jerzy Buzek of the AWS became Prime Minister. The AWS and the Democratic Left Allianc (SLD) held the majority of the seats in the Sejm. Marian Krzaklewski was the leader of the AWS, and Leszek Miller led the SLD. In June 2000, UW withdrew from the governing coalition, leaving AWS at the helm of a minority government.
Post-2000 elections.
2000 presidential election.
In the presidential election of 2000, Aleksander Kwaśniewski, the incumbent former leader of the post-communist Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), was re-elected in the first round of voting, with 53.9% of the popular vote. Second place, with only 17.3%, went to Andrzej Olechowski. It is thought that the opposition campaign was hindered by their inability to put forward a charismatic (or even a single major) candidate, as well as falling support for the centre-right Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS) government. This was related to internal friction in the ruling parliamentary coalition.
2001 parliamentary elections.
The 1997 Constitution and the changed administrative divisions of 1999 required a revision of the electoral system, which was passed in April 2001. The most important changes included:
In the September 2001 parliamentary elections, the SLD won on the back of voter disillusionment with the AWS government and internal bickering within that bloc. So much so that this former ruling party did not enter parliament, falling below the 8% threshold for coalitions (they had failed to form a formal political party, which has only a 5% threshold, and formally remained a "coalition" of parties).
The SLD formed a coalition with the agrarian Polish Peasant Party and leftist Labour Union (UP), with Leszek Miller as Prime Minister.
2005 presidential and parliament elections.
In the autumn of 2005 Poles voted in both parliamentary and presidential elections. September's parliamentary poll was expected to produce a coalition of two centre-right parties, Law and Justice ("Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS") and Civic Platform ("Platforma Obywatelska, PO"). PiS eventually gained 27% of votes cast and became the largest party in the sejm ahead of PO on 24%. The out-going ruling party, the left-wing Democratic Left Alliance ("Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD"), achieved just 11%. Presidential elections in October followed a similar script. The early favourite, Donald Tusk, leader of the PO, saw his opinion poll lead slip away and was beaten 54% to 46% in the second round by the PiS candidate Lech Kaczyński (one of the twins, founders of the party). Both elections were blighted by low turn-outs—only 51% in the second and deciding round of the presidential election, and just over 40% in the parliamentary election. The suggested cause of the low turnout is popular disillusionment with politicians.
2007 parliamentary election.
In the October parliamentary elections, the Civic Platform (PO) won a stunning victory, the largest opposition party, which gained more than 41% of the popular vote. PiS's vote increased, from 2005, but insufficiently to gain reelection, whilst both Samoobrona and LPR were wiped out, losing all representation, each having gained only a little over 1% of the vote. PO proceeded to form a majority governing coalition with the agrarian Polish People's Party (PSL), with PO leader, Donald Tusk, taking over the prime ministerial office in November, 2007.
2010 presidential election.
On 10 April 2010, many members of the political elite were killed in the Smolensk air crash, including Lech Kaczyński, acting President of Poland.
At the presidential election in 2010, Donald Tusk decided not to present his candidature, considered easily winning over PiS leader Jarosław Kaczyński. At PO primary elections, Bronisław Komorowski defeated the Oxford-educated, PiS turncoat Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski. At the polls, Komorowski defeated Jarosław Kaczyński, ensuring a PO dominance on all Polish political landscape.
In November 2010, local elections granted about 31 percent of the votes and PiS at 23 percent, an increase for the former and a drop for the latter compared to the 2006 elections. PO succeeded in winning four consecutive elections a record in post-communist Poland.
2011 parliamentary election.
The parliamentary election to both the Sejm and the Senate was held on 9 October 2011. The previous election, in 2007, resulted in a Civic Platform–Polish People's Party (PSL) government. All seats of both houses were up for re-election.
Civic Platform (PO), led by Prime Minister Donald Tusk, was aiming for re-election: a feat that hadn't been achieved since Poland became a democracy. The PSL was previously the smaller partner to the Civic Platform in the governing coalition, and had said that it wished to continue this relationship after the election.
2015 parliamentary election.
The parliamentary election to both the Sejm and the Senate was held in October 2015. The previous election, in 2011, resulted in a Civic Platform–Polish People's Party (PSL) government. All seats of both houses are up for re-election.
The process of election for the Sejm is through party-list proportional representation via the D'Hondt method in multi-seat constituencies, with a 5% threshold for single parties and 8% threshold for coalitions (requirements waived for national minorities).
The following coalition has been signed already: Law and Justice (PiS) between United Poland (SP) and Polska Razem (PR).
2019 parliamentary election.
The 2019 Polish parliamentary elections were held on 13 October 2019. All 460 members of the Sejm and 100 senators of the Senate were elected. The ruling Law and Justice (PiS) retained its majority in the Sejm, but lost its majority in the Senate to the opposition. With 43.6% of the popular vote, Law and Justice received the highest vote share by any party since Poland returned to democracy in 1989. The turnout was the highest for a parliamentary election since the first free elections after the fall of communism in 1989. For the first time after 1989, the ruling party controls one house (Sejm) and opposition controls second (Senate).
2020 presidential election.
The 2020 Polish presidential elections first round was held on 28 June 2020 and was completed with a second round of voting on 12 July 2020.


Angelina Valentijn

Angelina Catharina Valentijn, also Anjelina van Batavia, (1768-1817) was born a slave in Batavia, Dutch East Indies, who after she was freed, accumulated remarkable financial and territorial wealth through her marriages.
The name and origin of her family and her parents' identity are unknown. However, baptized a Catholic at the age of three, she was raised in the household of Margaretha Catharina van Wargaren, wife of notary Wiggert Wargaren and probably her godmother. As Mrs. Wargaren provided her with a European upbringing, Angelina became accustomed to and introduced into the culture, manners and habits of the wealthy bourgeoisie class of Batavia, where she would also have made the acquaintances and personal contacts that led to her future marriages.
Marriages.
She would - remarkably for an indigenous woman and born a slave - eventually marry three European men, that she had met among the influential circles of government and business of Batavia. Her first marriage to a German lieutenant, named Johann Samuel Heinrich Wüstenberg (1765 - 1803), brought her into possession of the "Tjitrap Estate" on Bali island and a share of another property in Soekaradja (southern Sumatra), which her husband had acquired around 1800. Wüstenberg died in 1803.
Her second marriage to Johannes Loetzrich took place a few months later in 1803. A third marriage at an unknown time and place to marine captain Adriaan Maarschalk from Zoutelande suggests that she also had survived her second husband. Angelina has experienced a phenomenal social increase in her life. From her origin as an orphan and slave she became owner of the colonial "Estate at Tjitrap" and at "Sukkah Raja", she amassed a vast financial fortune and was respected among the top colonial elite of early nineteenth-century Batavia. Upon her death in 1817 at Batavia, the "Tjitrap Estate" was sold for the sum of 91,000 guilders.


Ligurian Independentist Movement

The Ligurian Independentist Movement () was a regional political party in Italy.
It was founded in Genoa on 14 January 2001 by a group of citizens, some of them from the Ligurian Lega Nord, belonging to different social classes. Their intent is to recognize the rights to independence from Italian Republic of the populations living in the territory of the former Republic of Genoa. Such Republic became the Ligurian Republic in 1797, it was incorporated in French Empire by Napoleon Bonaparte in 1805, and finally it was annexed to the Kingdom of Sardinia after Congress of Vienna in 1815.
The movement considers that the annexation of the Republic (reconstituted for a brief period in the 1815) to the Kingdom of Sardinia is illegal.
In fact, such cancellation would be made without any ratification by the lawful outgoing government, and the following annexation would occur in the absence of any pronouncement of the population, unlike the subsequent annexations of territories that led to the formation of the Kingdom of Italy, sanctioned by popular vote.
Characteristics and purposes of the movement.
The movement declared itself cross-party because it considered independence a value of all the people, without care of the party in which everyone can identify.
The movement did not define itself secessionist, because it did not recognize the legitimacy of the annexation to the Kingdom of Sardinia before, and Kingdom of Italy. According to this assumption, Liguria would keep the right to its independence. The claim is based on the principle that the rights of peoples are inalienable and on the following reasons:
"Independent Liguria" suggested by the movement should be a Federal Republic, which would ensure the maximum autonomy to all Ligurian communities, on the model of the Swiss Confederation.
The area concerned to the independence instance is the territory of the former Republic of Genoa, which includes the current Liguria and the lands, called "Oltregiogo Ligure" that have been assigned to the Province of Alessandria and Piedmont by Rattazzi Law in 1859 and the "island of Capraia" assigned to the Province of Livorno as a result of the Royal Decree No. 2111 dated 15 November 1925.
Ligurian people is intended as consisting not on ethnic or birth base, but by all people who choose to live in the lands of Liguria.
The four core values that the movement aims to support are: democracy, non-violence, pacifism, solidarity. Additional values inspiring the movement are:
Activities.
The main activity of the movement was the promotion of traditions, especially cultural and historical, of the Ligurian territory and exploitation of specific features, particularly language, of its community.
Furthermore, movement was working with local institutions (Region, Provinces, Municipalities) for their recognition of "inalienable Liguria's rights", and for issues related to daily battles and about the territory.
The movement uses various means to show its activities and achievements, such as leaflets, mailing list and propaganda activities by different groups of volunteers.
Among the results: the naming of a square of Genoa dedicated to the former Republic of Genoa, and the posting of a plaque on the monument to Vittorio Emanuele II, which explains the role that the king had during the Revolt of Genoa in 1849.


2007 Danish general election

General elections were held in Denmark on 13 November 2007. The elections allowed prime minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen to continue for a third term in a coalition government consisting of Venstre and the Conservative People's Party with parliamentary support from the Danish People's Party. They were the first elections held using the current constituencies.
Contesting parties.
Coalitions.
According to the Constitution of Denmark, Denmark is governed according to the principle of negative parliamentarism, meaning that while a government doesn't need the majority of seats in parliament, it must never have a majority of seats against it in a vote of no confidence. Before the ongoing elections, this was relevant since the government, consisting of the Conservative People's Party and the Liberals did not have a majority of seats, but depended on the support of the Danish People's Party. Early opinion polls showed that neither a right-wing or a left-wing government could gather enough seats to be in government without the support of the newly established New Alliance. This caused a lot of interest, since New Alliance had stated that they would first give the government the opportunity to propose a programme for government, but that they would not definitely support a right-wing government prior to seeing how many of their political agendas they could work together on. Many people were unsure how this would be possible, since New Alliance was originally formed to limit the influence of the Danish People's Party, without whom a right-wing government did not seem possible in opinion polls. After the elections, however, it was clear that New Alliance did not get enough seats in parliament to break the previous right-wing majority.
The opposition.
Shortly after the elections were called, the Social Liberal Party stated that they supported a government led by the Social Democrats. The Red-Green Alliance support a left-wing government almost by default. The Socialist People's Party also support a left-wing government, and have stated that they wish to not only support such a government but to be a part of it. In spite of a dramatic increase in support of the Socialist People's Party in opinion polls, these four parties never stood to get enough seats in parliament to head a government. Consequently, prior to the election, Helle Thorning-Schmidt (the leader of the Social Democrats) invited both New Alliance and the Conservative People's Party to participate in a centre-left government, but both parties refused.
Early election.
Danish prime minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen announced this election date on 24 October 2007. The election was held ahead of time in the sense that by law, the election needed to be held before 8 February 2009, four years after the previous election.
Anders Fogh Rasmussen explained that the elections were called early in order to allow the parliament to work on important upcoming topics without being distracted by a future election. Referring specifically to welfare reform, he said rival parties would then try to outdo each other with expensive reforms which would damage the Danish economy.
Parties that had previously declared their intention to run.
The Centre Democrats lacked about 2,000 - 3,000 of the required 20,000 signatures in order to run in the 2007 election when Anders Fogh Rasmussen called it on 24 October, meaning that they won't be able to run. The Liberalists had reached 5,000 signatures. The Danish Ministry of Welfare has registered more than 70 parties that had not handed in the required number of signatures.
Campaign.
Several topics have been mentioned as central to the election. These include welfare, taxes, immigration, and the health system. The election also clears the Rasmussen government from having a potentially unpopular parliamentary debate on the European Union Treaty of Lisbon, as it will become a topic in the election instead.
Results.
The Socialist People's Party had the election's largest gain, securing 23 seats in the new parliament compared to 11 in the 2005 elections. The Danish People's Party gained one additional seat, leaving it at 25. The New Alliance secured five seats in its first election, a result lower than projected in earlier opinion polls.
The biggest setback was suffered by the Danish Social Liberal Party which was reduced from 17 seats to 9. The Liberals lost six seats leaving it at 46, and the party remains the biggest party for the third consecutive election. The Social Democrats lost two seats, leaving it at 45. The Red-Green Alliance lost two seats leaving it at four seats, just above the 2% threshold.
The Conservative People's Party ensured marginal gains, but no additional seats, leaving it at 18 seats. The Christian Democrats did not ensure representation.
Greenland's vote resulted in one seat for Siumut and one for Inuit Ataqatigiit. The Faroe Islands returned Høgni Hoydal representing the Republican Party, its second seat went to the Union Party, a seat gained from the People's Party which did not achieve representation.
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Aftermath.
The ruling Liberal-Conservative coalition secured 64 seats. The support of the Danish People's Party (DPP), with 25 seats, left the coalition needing one more seat. Finally, the coalition-friendly Union Party of former Faroese prime minister Edmund Joensen won the needed seat in the Faroese elections.
Parties backing Helle Thorning-Schmidt, in opposition, won 84 seats. (This includes remaining three seats of the overseas territories.)
The New Alliance won the remaining five seats.
Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen announced that the party composition of cabinet would remain as before, but that parties not in cabinet that support his premiership will have influence over policy. This statement apparently was aimed at the New Alliance. Rasmussen's capacity to accommodate both the New Alliance and the Danish People's Party going forward is not assured – the New Alliance was established, in part, to limit the Danish Peoples's Party's influence. With the DPP in coalition, Rasmussen is able to govern: a New Alliance-supported opposition would be short of a majority by one vote. Edmund Joensen's pledge to abstain on matters related to internal affairs of Denmark and would alter this, giving the New Alliance the balance of power and risking conflict with the DPP, but Joensen has also pledged that if doing so would risk giving the opposition a majority, he would not abstain, but instead vote with the government.
As after the last election, where Rasmussen also secured continuing power, there were some shuffling of minister posts in the cabinet. The resulting Cabinet of Anders Fogh Rasmussen III was presented a few days after the election.


Lastigi

Lastigi was an ancient Tartessian city in southern Spain, settled by the Romans in the 2nd century BC. It is mentioned by Pliny the Elder in his "Natural History" as lying on the Menoba River (Guadiamar) near the towns of Laelia and Olontigi. He mentions it again as a town in the Celtic region, whose boundaries are not clear, but may extend from Málaga to the Guadiana. Its exact location has been debated by historians since the 19th century. The following sites have been proposed, in chronological order:
The idea that Pliny might have referred to two towns with the same name is generally rejected. Numismatic evidence places Lastigi near Laelia and Olontigi and rejects the hypotheses of Zahara and Castuera. The ore-rich area around Aznalcóllar and the navigability of the Guadiamar support the notion that these cities lie in this region along the river.


List of constituencies in Slovenia

Slovenia is divided in eight national constituencies and two special constituencies for elections of representatives of national minorities (Italian and Hungarian). Each of the eight constituencies has approximately 200,000 voters. Each constituency consists of eleven electoral districts and eleven MPs are elected from each constituency, although not necessary one in each of the electoral districts.


Joseph Warner (surgeon)

 Joseph Warner (1717–1801) was a British surgeon and plantation owner in Dominica. He was the first to tie the common carotid artery, an operation he performed in 1775.
Life.
He was the eldest son of Ashton Warner (1691–1752) of Antigua. He was sent to England young, and was educated for six or seven years at Westminster School.
Warner was apprenticed for seven years to Samuel Sharp, surgeon to Guy's Hospital, on 3 December 1734. He passed his examination for the great diploma of the Barber-Surgeons' Company on 1 December 1741; and on 2 March 1742 he paid the fee of £10 and took the livery of the company.
At this period Warner was acting with Sharp as joint lecturer on anatomy at Guy's Hospital. He volunteered to accompany the Duke of Cumberland in suppressing the 1745 Jacobite rebellion; and he was elected surgeon to Guy's Hospital, in succession to Pierce, on 22 February 1746, a post he resigned on 30 June 1780. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society on 6 December 1750, and on 5 April 1764 he was chosen a member of the court of assistants of the Corporation of Surgeons. He became a member of its court of examiners on 6 August 1771, and he served as its master in 1780 and in 1784.
When the Royal College of Surgeons was created in 1800 Warner became its first member. He was one of very few surgeons who had belonged to each of the three English corporate bodies of surgeons: Barber-Surgeons' Company, Corporation of Surgeons and Royal College.
Warner died at his house in Hatton Street, London on 24 July 1801. With William Bromfeild, Sir Cæsar Hawkins and Sharp he made up the group dominating civil surgical practice in London, and with whom John Hunter had to compete. A dispute with Hunter led Warner to write an account of teaching at Guy's.
Works.
Warner's writings on surgery were of their time. His major work was "Cases on Surgery … to which is added an Account of the Preparation and Effects of the Agaric of the Oak in Stopping of Bleedings after some of the most capital Operations", London, 1754; 2nd edit. 1754, 3rd edit. 1760, 4th edit. 1784; translated into French, Paris, 1757. It was a concise, wide-ranging survey. He wrote also:
Family.
Warner married Elizabeth Saunders. William Warner of Dominica (died 1793) was their son; and Joseph Warner of St Vincent (1756–1833) has been identified tentatively as their second son.
Warner had brothers including William Warner of Antigua (died 1771), the merchant Edward Warner of Austin Friars (died 1772), Daniel Warner and Samuel Henry Warner.


Consulado de mercaderes

The Consulado de mercaderes was the merchant guild of Seville founded in 1543; the Consulado enjoyed virtual monopoly rights over goods shipped to America, in a regular and closely controlled West Indies Fleet, and handled much of the silver this trade generated.
A "consulado" was founded in Mexico City in 1594, controlled by peninsular wholesale merchants who dealt in long-distance trade and often married into local elite families with commercial ties. Their assets had to amount to at least 28,000 pesos. Although they were not supposed to deal in local retail trade, they often did some indirectly. They mainly lived in Mexico City and had positions on the city council or "cabildo". A number of them were connected to the crown mint in the capital. They diversified the assets locally, investing in urban real estate. In the 18th century, as New Spain's economy boomed, "consulados" were established in the port of Veracruz and in Guadalajara Mexico, indicating increased trade and the expansion of the merchant elite. The "consulado" in late colonial Mexico had approximately 200 members, who divided themselves into two factions, the Basque and Montañés, even though some were from neither of these Iberian regions. American-born merchants came to be part of the "consulado" in the later colonial period, but a small number of peninsular merchants dominated. Goods were shipped from the Spanish port of Cádiz to Veracruz, but many of the goods were produced elsewhere in Europe.
Importance of the "Consulado".
In the mid-16th century, all American trade from Spain was funneled through the city of Seville, and later, the nearby port of Cádiz. The "Casa de Contratación", which translated into English means "Board of Trade", registered ships and passengers, kept charts, collected taxes, and in general controlled the Indies trade. In order to survive and maintain an effective business, the "Casa de Contratación" worked in conjunction with the merchant guild "Consulado", which in turn controlled goods shipped to America and was paid vast amounts of silver in return for its cooperation.
Effects of the "Consulado's" control.
Since it controlled most of the trade in the Spanish colonies, and since the "Consulado" was linked to the branches in Mexico City and Lima (and in the 18th century, other ports as well), it was able to maintain its monopoly of Spanish trade and keep prices high in all the colonies, and even played a hand in royal politics. The "Consulado" effectively manipulated the government and the citizenry of both Spain and the Indies colonies, and grew richer and more powerful every day because of it.


Irree Magh

Irree Magh () was a militant Manx nationalist group. In 1975 it distributed leaflets calling for the expulsion of "come-overs" (Manx term for immigrants) and Manx Independence. The group called for "open rebellion in order to preserve our nation, heritage and country (or what's left of it)".


2002 Montenegrin parliamentary election

Parliamentary elections were held in Montenegro on 20 October 2002. The result was a victory for the For a European Montenegro alliance formed by the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP), which won 39 of the 75 seats. It was the last parliamentary election held in Montenegro prior to independence referendum in 2006.
Electoral system.
Of the 75 seats in Parliament, 73 were elected by proportional representation in a nationwide constituency and two were elected in a special constituency for the Albanian minority. The electoral threshold was set at 3% and seats allocated using the d'Hondt method. Closed lists were used with a single list for both constituencies, although parties only had to award half their seats according to the order of the list, with the remaining half free for them to allocate.


Historic composition of the Senate of the Netherlands

The historic composition of the Senate of the Netherlands gives an overview of the composition of the upper house of the Dutch parliament (in Dutch: Eerste Kamer, "First Chamber"). It shows the composition after the indirect elections by the States-Provincial.


James Fitz Edmond Cotter

Sir James Fitz Edmond Cotter ( or "Séamus Mac Éamonn Mhic Coitir"; c.1630–1705) was a soldier, a colonial governor and the commander-in-chief of King James's forces, in the Irish Counties of Cork, Limerick, Tipperary and Kerry. He was a prominent political figure in the south of Ireland and was of Royalist and Jacobite sympathies. He was also a member of the Irish Cotter family of Norse-Gaelic origins. He was born around 1630, the second son of Edmond Fitz Garrett Cotter of Anngrove and Elizabeth Connell of Barryscourt, was knighted in 1685–1686, and died in 1705.
Career.
Agent of the Crown.
James Cotter attached himself to the Royalist cause in the Civil Wars, and family tradition has him fighting for Charles II at the Battle of Worcester in 1651. Cotter was probably part of King Charles' military entourage when in exile and on his restoration to the throne in 1660 was a lieutenant in a foot (infantry) regiment. Exempted from the general pardon of persons who had taken arms against the monarchy in the recent wars were the "regicides" – those who had been instrumental in the trial and execution of Charles I. A number of the regicides fled the country to escape trial and were declared traitors and outlaws. James Cotter founded his career in royal service by organising and carrying out the assassination of one of the regicides, John Lisle, in Switzerland (at Lausanne, 14 September 1664). Another regicide, Edmund Ludlow, was also targeted but escaped assassination. The Dictionary of National Biography, amongst other sources, states that Cotter carried out the killing under the pseudonym Thomas Macdonnell. However, in his biographical essay Ó Cuív dismisses this, stating that Cotter and his accomplices, Miles Crowley and John Rierdan (both Irish gentlemen fallen on hard times), were quite open about the incident. They were, indeed, carrying out a royal and judicial warrant and were acting entirely within English law. They were all rewarded by the English crown on their return and their rewards were officially recorded. Crowley fired the shot that killed Lisle, who was attacked in a churchyard, whilst Cotter and Rierdan fought off Lisle's guards.
Colonial service.
Following this incident Cotter was made a captain, and in 1666 went to the West Indies commanding a company in a newly-raised regiment of foot. In 1667 he commanded 700 men in an unsuccessful attack on the island of St Christopher, which resulted in his capture by the French. In 1680 he was promoted to colonel and appointed Deputy-Governor of the island of Montserrat; in 1681 he was made the island's Governor. With a royal pension and the profits from his West Indian governorship James Cotter became very wealthy and he bought out the interests of most of his immediate family in his father's former lands. He further extended his holdings in the Cork area by new purchases of land.
James II and the Williamite War in Ireland.
It is likely that James Cotter was an intimate of James II and may have served at sea with the king when the king was Duke of York, and an admiral, in the war against the Dutch of 1665. King James is reported to have familiarly referred to Cotter as "Shaymus Bwee," "Séamus Buidhe" in Irish. In June 1685 Cotter is recorded as a Lt. Colonel serving in Sir William Clifton's Regiment of Foot. James Cotter is believed to have been knighted by King James in 1685 following the Battle of Sedgemoor. The earliest official reference to Cotter as a knight occurs in 1686, which supports this timing; the records of the occasion of the dubbing are no longer extant.
James II had converted to Roman Catholicism before he succeeded to the throne, the birth to him of a son and heir who would be raised a Catholic precipitated the Glorious Revolution of 1688, and James fled England; where his Protestant daughter Mary, and son-in-law William III, came to power. In order to retrieve his fortunes King James landed in Ireland in March 1689 with French troops, initiating the Williamite War in Ireland. At this time Sir James Cotter, a Catholic like his king, was made commander of the Jacobite forces in Cork, and he was also returned as the first member of the Irish Parliament for the city of Cork. Cotter is said to have entertained King James at his house in Anngrove in 1689 and was reputedly promised an elevation to the peerage as a marquis. Cotter commanded "Clare's Dragoons," described as one of the finest of the Jacobite cavalry regiments, and was involved in a skirmish at Lisnaskea, where his force was ambushed. On 11 February 1690 Cotter was appointed Governor of the City of Cork, and in April was empowered to collect taxes from the whole of County Cork. Following King James' defeat at the Battle of the Boyne, at the start of the campaign of 1691, Sir James Cotter was made Brigadier General in command of all the Jacobite forces in counties Cork, Kerry, Limerick and Tipperary. Cotter won two clashes with the Williamite forces but was ultimately defeated in the Battle of Bottlehill, at Ballymagooly near Mallow, on 29 April 1691. During the time of his military and civil authority Sir James Cotter treated the Protestant landowners well, not allowing his troops to despoil their property or for acts of reprisal to occur. He was rewarded for his moderation when, following the surrender of the Jacobite forces under the Treaty of Limerick, the support of his Protestant neighbours allowed him to retain his property and lands in full, despite legal attempts to force his forfeiture.
Later life.
In the last years of his life he was regarded as the natural leader of the Catholic community of Cork; he devoted time and resources to patronising Irish literature and protecting Roman Catholic clergy, including John Sleyne Bishop of Cork and Cloyne, from the authorities. Following his death in 1705 he was buried in his family's burial vault at Carrigtwohill, a vault he had built to hold his father's remains.
Cultural significance.
Sir James Cotter was, in the style of previous generations of Irish chieftains, a great patron of poetry and other writings in the Irish language, with many poems about, or dedicated to, the Cotters by poets such as Dáibhí Ó Bruadair, Uilliam Mac Cairteáin, Uilliam Ruadh Mac Coitir (a fellow Cotter), Seán Clárach Mac Domhnaill and Éamonn do Vál surviving. Domhnall Ó Colmáin included much biographical material concerning Sir James Cotter in his tract "Párliament na mBan."
Family.
Sir James Cotter married twice. His first marriage, to Mary daughter of Sir William Stapleton, was without issue; his second wife was Ellen Plunkett daughter of Matthew, 7th Lord Louth. His eldest son, James, inherited his wealth and patronage of the Catholic population of Cork, but not his moderation or astute political instinct and ended his life on the gallows. His other children were: Laurence, Mary, Alice and Monica. He is the patrilinear ancestor of the Cotter baronets of Rockforest in County Cork.