Titus Quinctius Pennus Capitolinus Crispinus

Titus Quinctius Pennus Capitolinus Crispinus was a politician of the Roman Republic. In 361 BC he was a dictator of Rome and obtained a triumph following a successful battle against the Gauls. In 360 BC he was "magister equitum", and he continued campaigning against the Gauls, who had allied themselves with the Tiburtes. In 354 and 351 BC he was consul. During the latter of these consulships, he set out for war with the Falisci, but, upon meeting no resistance, burned and pillaged their land instead.
After his consulships, he may have gone into retirement to a villa near Tusculum, and henceforth may have been the Titus Quinctius who was recorded to have been coerced in 342 BC by a group of mutinying Roman soldiers to lead their rebellion. The identity of this Titus Quinctius however remains unclear, and may have instead been a similarly named contemporary.


Ambazonia Governing Council

The Ambazonia Governing Council (AGovC) is an Ambazonian political organization. The AGovC has been known as "hardline" compared to other major Ambazonian separatist movements, and unwilling to engage with federalists. Starting off with a complicated relationship with the larger Interim Government of Ambazonia (IG), following the 2019 Ambazonian leadership crisis, the AGovC officially allied itself to the faction of the IG loyal to the first President of Ambazonia, Sisiku Julius Ayuk Tabe.
Members of different Ambazonia freedom movements such as the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC), the Southern Cameroons Restoration Movement (SCARM), the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organization (SCAPO), and the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL), and civil, religious, and political actors established the Ambazonia Governing Council (AGovC) in 2013.
Considering its roots, the Ambazonia Governing Council is an embodiment of the Ambazonia national freedom and independence movement.
It is both the vanguard of the Ambazonia freedom from annexation by the Republic of Cameroun and the foundation builder of a ready and stable Ambazonia state from the day Ambazonia becomes sovereign.
References.
https://agovc.org/about/
External links.
https://agovc.org/


Bombing of French consulate in West Berlin

The bombing of the French consulate in West Berlin was a terrorist bomb attack targeting the Maison de France consulate on the Kurfürstendamm in West Berlin, West Germany on 25 August 1983. It killed one person and injured 23 others. The Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA) claimed responsibility in a telephone call and also took credit for a bomb at a French base in Beirut the same day, coming a month after the group's Orly Airport attack. The group commented "We will continue our struggle until the liberation of innocent Armenians from French jails." However the attack was actually orchestrated by Ilich Ramírez Sánchez, better known as Carlos the Jackal, who had relations with the ASALA's leadership. Carlos claimed responsibility in a letter written to the German Embassy in Saudi Arabia.
The bomb, containing 20 to 30 kg of explosives, was planted in a storage room on the building's fourth floor by Ahmed Mustafa El-Sibai, a Lebanese man and associate of Carlos. The blast tore the building's roof, destroyed the fourth floor and caused part of it to collapse, causing a total of 2.5 million marks in damage. The explosives were brought into East Berlin by Johannes Weinrich, another close aide to Carlos. Weinrich had brought the explosives in a year prior, they had been confiscated by the Stasi secret police, then returned just prior to the bombing by East German major (later lieutenant colonel/oberstleutnant) who passed the explosives back to Weinrich at the Syrian Embassy, which was Carlos's base in East Germany. Weinrich successfully transported the explosives from East to West Berlin via the Friedrichstraße before giving them to El-Sibai who planted it.
The fatal victim was 26-year-old Michael Haritz, a peace activist who was handing out leaflets at the consulate protesting France's nuclear weapons testing in the South Pacific, and died from asphyxiation.
Carlos previously bombed several targets in France, including the 1982 Capitole train bombing. He said the attacks in France and West Berlin were in revenge for French air strikes against a Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine training camp in Lebanon.
Aftermath and convictions.
The Maison de France is a French cultural centre featuring a French book shop, grocery store, cinema and restaurant. It was rebuilt after the attack and opened by Helmut Kohl and François Mitterrand in 1985.
On 26 March, 1991, approximately six months after the two Germanies officially reunified, Voigt fled to Greece. Voigt had heard in news broadcasts of the planned arrests of stasi employees who had supported terrorist actions in west Germany as part of their East-German stasi work. Voigt lived in the Greek port city of Volos under a false identity, but was found and arrested in 1991, when his wife visited him, carrying a tracking device that had been planted in her luggage by West German investigators, without her knowledge. Voigt was extradited, tried, and found guilty on 12 April 1994 for his role in the bombing, and was sentenced to four years in prison.
In 1995, after years of searching, Weinrich was detained in Yemen and flown back to Germany. In 2000, after a four year trial, Weinrich was found guilty and given a life sentence. Nabil Shritah, the Syrian diplomat who stored the explosives at the embassy, was given a two year sentence at this time.


Gildonic War

The Gildonic War () was a rebellion in the year 398 led by "Comes" Gildo against Roman emperor Honorius. The revolt was subdued by Stilicho, the "magister militum" of the Western Roman empire.
Background.
Revolt of Firmus.
Gildo was a Berber by birth, the son of the immensely rich and prestigious Moorish lord Nubel. Under the reign of Valentinian I, Nubel's death resulted in a succession dispute between his sons, and Gildo's brother Firmus emerged victorious, after assassinating his brother Zamma. But when the governor of Africa, the unpopular count Romanus, disputed Firmus' claim, the latter used his influence, and the effects of the public outrage at Romanus' maladministration, to raise the province into open revolt, and only the swift response of the Imperial court and the energetic conduct of the general Theodosius prevented the province from becoming an independent monarchy of Firmus. The tyrant was captured, and the rebellion suppressed; (373-374 A.D.) but the province remained unhappy. Romanus, whose exactions and corruption had given rise to the disorder, was not persecuted for his crimes, and the malversations in the government continued.
Gildo Governor of Africa.
Several years later (386 A.D.) The son of Theodosius, emperor Theodosius I., decided to pacify the province by appointing Firmus' brother, Gildo, who had fought loyally and courageously for the Romans during his brother's rebellion, with the rank of military Count to restore justice in the province. However, he ruled the province as a bloodthirsty, cruel tyrant throughout the twelve years of his command (386-398 A.D.). This province was, after the loss of Ancient Egypt to the Eastern Roman empire, designated as the granary of Rome. Gildo used Rome's dependence on this tribute to expand his authority, and the disorder in the Roman government after the death of Theodosius and the division of the Empire between his sons, Arcadius and Honorius I, into separate spheres of east and west, contributed to secure Gildo's impunity, and provoked him at last into flagrant abuse of his power. Gildo had failed to support Theodosius in the civil war of 394 against Eugenius, and consequently had awakened Theodosius' mistrust; the latter's death prevented retribution, but when the energetic Vandal minister Stilicho had succeeded to the management of Honorius' affairs, Gildo could only avoid punishment by subordinating himself to the eastern empire, directed by the feeble eunuch Eutropius. However, this constituted an act of treason against Honorius, who had officially received Africa as part of his portion. Stilicho, hoping to preempt the intervention of Eutropius, who might be expected to support Gildo's secession to the east, exploited the complaints of the inhabitants of Africa regarding Gildo's misrule to persuade the Senate to declare him "enemy of the State" and wrest Africa from him.
The war in Africa.
Stilicho sent the brother of Gildo, Mascezel, together with some 5,000 Gallic veterans, to North Africa. Gibbon reports the units that formed the expeditionary force consisted of men from units whose names carried long histories of service to Rome:
The loyalist army was countered by a force of some 70,000, consisting of the Roman legions already present in Africa, complemented with a huge cavalry of mercenaries from Gaetulia and Ethiopia.
As Mascezel approached with offers of peace, he first encountered the standard bearer of one of the African legions. When he refused to yield, Mascezel struck him on the arm with his sword. As a result, the standard-bearer lowered the standard, which was incorrectly perceived by the troops as a sign of submission. All other standard-bearers of the frontline followed the example, and the disaffected cohorts turned against Gildo and began shouting the name of their new commander. The Berber mercenaries were amazed at the disloyalty of their Roman allies and took to a tumultuous flight.
Aftermath.
The honour of an easy and almost bloodless victory fell to Mascezel, while Gildo tried to flee in a small boat, hoping to reach the friendly shores of the Eastern Roman empire. However, unfavourable winds drove the vessel back to the harbour of Tabraca, where the inhabitants were eager to display their new loyalty by throwing Gildo in the dungeons. To avoid the revenge of his brother (Gildo had the two sons of Mascezel murdered), Gildo committed suicide by hanging.
Mascezel died shortly after his brother. On his triumphant return to the Roman court in Milan, Stilicho received him with much ceremony and jealousy. He drowned when he, in the company of Stilicho, crossed a bridge and fell in the water, either by accident, or pushed on orders of Stilicho.


The Iraq Solidarity Campaign

The Iraq Solidarity Campaign was founded in 2003 and is led by British-born Iraqi writer Hussein Al-Alak. The group is active in protests against the Iraqi invasion and occupying in different locations throughout the world.
The reports of the Iraq Solidarity Campaign are regular features in the international media, with statements and articles having been published by various magazines including the UN Observer, Uruknet, the Global Research Institute, Palestine Chronicle, the London Progressive Journal and the Association of Muslim Scholars in Iraq.
They also run the "Iraqi Solidarity News" ("Al-Thawra"), which is the online magazine of the Campaign and is not connected to the Al-Thawra news agency of either the Syrian or Iraqi Baath Parties.
In 2007, Iraq Solidarity initiated "In Defence of Iraqs Palestinians", which was an almagmation of over eighteen international organisations, including Al-Awda: the Palestinian Right to Return Coalition. This was aimed at drawing international attention to the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in Iraq but also helped to provide aid to displaced Palestinians along the borders with Iraq.
In 2008, the ISC also participated in the US elections by endorsing the Party for Socialism and Liberation and their slate of candidates which included Gloria La Riva for President and Eugene Puryear for Vice President. The Campaign also helped other US candidates in the elections, who were standing on social justice tickets, including that of US soldier and anti-war campaigner Michael Prysner.
Prior to the 2003 invasion, the organisation operated as the Coalition Against Sanctions and War on Iraq (CASWI), which formed as a result of a fusion between organisations which included the Campaign Against Repression and for Democratic Rights in Iraq (CARDRI), CND, Pax Christi and some Iraqi Opposition organisations.
The Campaign Against Repression and for Democratic Rights in Iraq was founded in 1979 and obtained the support of organisations including the Iraqi Women's League, the Iraqi Communist Party and was chaired by the current Special Human Rights Envoy to Iraq, Ann Clwyd MP.
References.
http://iraq-solidarity.blogspot.co.uk/ Iraqi Solidarity News (Al-Thawra)


Xia dynasty

The Xia dynasty is the first dynasty in traditional Chinese historiography. According to tradition, the Xia dynasty was established by the legendary Yu the Great, after Shun, the last of the Five Emperors, gave the throne to him. In the traditional historiography, the Xia was later succeeded by the Shang dynasty.
There are no contemporaneous records of the Xia, and they are not mentioned in the oldest Chinese texts, since the earliest oracle bone inscriptions date from the late Shang period (13th century BC). The earliest mentions occur in the oldest chapters of the "Book of Documents", which report speeches from the early Western Zhou period, and are accepted by most scholars as dating from that time. These speeches justify the Zhou conquest of the Shang as the passing of the Mandate of Heaven, likening it to the succession of the Xia by the Shang. This political philosophy was promoted by the Confucian school in the Eastern Zhou period. The succession of dynasties was incorporated into the "Bamboo Annals" and the "Records of the Grand Historian", and became the official position of imperial historiography and ideology. Some scholars consider the Xia dynasty mythical, or at least unsubstantiated, while others identify it with the archaeological Erlitou culture.
According to the traditional chronology based upon calculations by Liu Xin, the Xia ruled between 2205 and 1766 BC; according to the chronology based upon the "Bamboo Annals", it ruled between 1989 and 1558 BC. The Xia–Shang–Zhou Chronology Project, commissioned by the Chinese government in 1996, concluded that the Xia existed between 2070 and 1600 BC.
Traditional accounts.
The Xia dynasty was described in classic texts such as the "Classic of History" ("Shujing"), the "Bamboo Annals", and the "Records of the Grand Historian" ("Shiji") by Sima Qian. According to tradition, the Huaxia were the ancestral people of the Han Chinese.
Origins and early development.
Traditional histories trace the development of the Xia to the legendary Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors. According to ancient Chinese texts, before the Xia dynasty was established, battles were frequent between the Xia tribe and Chi You's tribe. The Xia tribe slowly developed around the time of Zhuanxu, one of the Five Emperors. The Records of the Grand Historian and the Classic of Rites say that Yu the Great is the grandson of Zhuanxu, but there are also other records, like Ban Gu, that say Yu is the fifth generation of Zhuanxu. Based on this, tradition ascribes the ancestry of the Xia clan to Zhuanxu.
Gun's attempt to stop the flood.
Gun, the father of Yu the Great, is the earliest recorded member of the Xia clan. When the Yellow River flooded, many tribes united together to control and stop the flooding. Gun was appointed by Emperor Yao to stop the flooding. He ordered the construction of large blockades (levees) to block the path of the water. The attempt of Gun to stop the flooding lasted for nine years, but it was a failure because the floods became stronger. After nine years, Yao had already given his throne to Shun. Gun was ordered to be imprisoned for life to reform the Eastern Barbarians by Shun at Yushan (, "Feather Mountain"), a mountain located between modern Donghai County in Jiangsu Province and Linshu County in Shandong Province.
Yu the Great's attempt to stop the floods.
Yu was highly trusted by Shun, so Shun appointed him to finish his father's work, which was to stop the flooding. Yu's method was different from his father's: he organized people from different tribes and ordered them to help him build canals in all the major rivers that were flooding and lead the water out to the sea. Yu was dedicated to his work. People praised his perseverance and were inspired, so much so that other tribes joined in the work. Legend says that in the 13 years it took him to successfully complete the work to stop the floods, he never went back to his home village to stop and rest, even though he passed by his house three times.
Establishment.
Yu's success in stopping the flooding increased agricultural production (since the floods were destructive). The Xia tribe's power increased and Yu became the leader of the surrounding tribes. Soon afterwards Shun sent Yu to lead an army to suppress the Sanmiao tribe, which continuously abused the border tribes. After defeating them, he exiled them south to the Han River area. This victory strengthened the Xia tribe's power even more. As Shun aged, he thought of a successor and relinquished the throne to Yu, whom he deemed worthy. Yu's succession marks the start of the Xia dynasty. As Yu neared death he passed the throne to his son, Qi, instead of passing it to the most capable candidate, thus setting the precedent for dynastic rule or the Hereditary System. The Xia dynasty began a period of family or clan control. It is believed that Zhenxun (modern Gongyi) and Yangcheng (modern Gaocheng) were two of the capitals of the dynasty.
Overthrow.
Jie, the last king, was said to be corrupt. He was overthrown by Tang, the first king of the Shang dynasty.
Tang is said to have given the small state of Qi as a fief to the remnants of the Xia ruling family.
This practice was referred to as "the two crownings and the three respects".
Zengzi was a descendant of the Xia dynasty Kings through Shao Kang.
The Kings of the State of Yue claimed descent from the Xia dynasty Kings through Shao Kang.
Modern studies.
The time gap between the supposed time of the Xia and the first written references to it have meant that the historicity of the Xia dynasty itself and the traditional narrative of its history are at best uncertain. The Skeptical School of early Chinese history, started by Gu Jiegang in the 1920s, was the first group of scholars within China to systematically question the traditional story of its early history. By critically examining the development of the narrative of early Chinese history throughout history, Gu concluded "the later the time, the longer the legendary period of earlier history... early Chinese history is a tale told and retold for generations, during which new elements were added to the front end".
Some historians have suggested that the Zhou rulers invented the Xia as a pretext, to justify their conquest of the Shang, by noting that just as the Shang had supplanted the Xia, they had supplanted the Shang. The existence of the Xia remains unproven, despite efforts by Chinese archaeologists to link them with the Bronze Age Erlitou culture.
Among other points, Gu and other historians note certain parallels between the traditional narrative of Xia history and Shang history that would suggest probable Zhou-era fabrication or at least embellishment of Xia history. Yun Kuen Lee's criticism of nationalist sentiment in developing an explanation of Three Dynasties chronology focuses on the dichotomy of evidence provided by archaeological versus historical research, in particular, the claim that the archaeological Erlitou culture is also the historical Xia dynasty. "How to fuse the archaeological dates with historical dates is a challenge to all chronological studies of early civilization."
In "The Shape of the Turtle: Myth, Art, and Cosmos in Early China", Sarah Allan noted that many aspects of the Xia are simply the opposite of traits held to be emblematic of the Shang. The implied dualism of the Shang myth system, Allan argues, is that while the Shang represent the suns, sky, birds, east and life, the Xia represent the moons, watery underworld, dragons, west and death. Allan argues that this mythical Xia was re-interpreted by the Zhou as a ruling dynasty replaced by the Shang, a parallel with their own replacement of the Shang.
Other scholars also argue that Shang remnants still existed during the early Zhou dynasty; Zhou rulers could not simply justify their succession to pacify Shang remnants if it is entirely fabricated since they would not believe it in the first place. For example, the powerful Song kingdom during the Zhou dynasty was the direct descendants of Shang people. During the later Song dynasty (960–1279 AD), an ancient bronze artifact, "Shu Yi Zhong"(叔夷鐘), was unearthed with an inscription describing how the founder of the Shang dynasty, Tang, overthrew the Xia dynasty. The owner of this artifact, Shu Yi, a high officer of the Qi Kingdom during the Spring and Autumn period (c. 600 BC), was actually a direct descendant of the Song Kingdom's kings, which means he himself was a descendant of Shang people. This bronze artifact was used to memorialize his Shang ancestors. The inscription contradicts the hypothesis that the Zhou dynasty manufactured the existence of the Xia dynasty.
Although the Shang oracle bone inscriptions contain no mention of the Xia, some scholars have suggested that polities they mention might be remnants of the Xia.
Guo Moruo suggested that an enemy state called Tufang state mentioned in many inscriptions might be identified with the Xia.
The historian Shen Changyun pointed to four inscriptions mentioning Qi, the same name as the Zhou-era state of Qi, which according to traditional accounts was established by the defeated royal house of Xia.
Archaeological discoveries.
Archaeologists have uncovered urban sites, bronze implements, and tombs that point to the possible existence of the Xia dynasty at locations cited in ancient Chinese historical texts. There exists a debate as to whether or not the Erlitou culture was the site of the Xia dynasty. Radiocarbon dating places the site at c. 2100 to 1800 BC, providing physical evidence of the existence of a state contemporaneous with and possibly equivalent to the Xia dynasty as described in Chinese historical works. In 1959, a site located in the city of Yanshi was excavated containing large palaces that some archaeologists have attributed to capital of the Xia dynasty. Through the 1960s and 1970s, archaeologists have uncovered urban sites, bronze implements, and tombs in the same locations cited in ancient Chinese historical texts regarding Xia; at a minimum, the era traditionally denoted as the Xia dynasty marked an evolutionary stage between the late Neolithic cultures and the urban civilization of the Shang dynasty.
In 2011, Chinese archaeologists uncovered the remains of an imperial sized palace—dated to about 1700 BC—at Erlitou in Henan, further fueling the discussions about the existence of the dynasty.
Archaeological evidence of a large outburst flood that destroyed the Lajia site on the upper reaches of the Yellow River has been dated to about 1920 BC. This date is shortly before the rise of the Erlitou culture in the middle Yellow River valley and the Yueshi culture in Shandong, following the decline of the Longshan culture in the North China Plain. The authors suggest that this flood may have been the basis for the later myth, and contributed to the transition of cultures. They further argue that the timing is further evidence for the identification of the Xia with the Erlitou culture.
However, no evidence of contemporaneous widespread flooding in the North China Plain has yet been found.
Sovereigns of the Xia dynasty.
The following table lists the rulers of Xia according to Sima Qian's "Shiji". Unlike Sima's list of Shang dynasty kings, which is closely matched by inscriptions on oracle bones from late in that period, records of Xia rulers have not yet been found in archaeological excavations of contemporary sites, or records on later Shang dynasty oracle bones.
External links.


Emam Gholi Khan Haji Ilkhani

Emam Gholi Khan Haji Ilkhani (1825 Tehran - 1899 Ardal) was the great ilkhan of Bakhtiari tribe. He was second son of Jafar Gholi Khan Doraki and Bibi Shah Pasand. After killing his older brother, Hossein Gholi Khan ilkhani The great ilkhan of Bakhtiari tribe in isphahan He became The great ilkhan in Ardal, Iran. On 1899 The great ilkhan of Bakhtiari tribe death at Bakhtiari's government Center Ardal's Castle.


Yuwen Shu

Yuwen Shu (宇文述; died 616), courtesy name Botong (伯通), formally Duke Gong of Xu (許恭公), was an official and general of the Sui Dynasty of China. He was a confidant of Emperor Yang (Yang Guang) and was instrumental in Yang Guang's displacement of his brother Yang Yong as crown prince; therefore, after Yang Guang became emperor, Yuwen Shu became exceedingly powerful and was one of two generals who spearheaded Yangdi's efforts in the Goguryeo-Sui Wars. His son Yuwen Huaji later led a coup against Emperor Yang in 618 and, after killing Emperor Yang, briefly claimed imperial title in 619, but was soon captured and killed. Another son of Yuwen Shu, Yuwen Shiji, however, was a friend of Tang Dynasty's founder Li Yuan (Emperor Gaozu), and after Li Yuan established Tang remained an influential official.
Background.
Yuwen Shu's ancestors were originally named Poyetou (破野頭) and were ethnically Xianbei. As they became followers of the Yuwen branch of the Xianbei, their names were named to Yuwen. His great-great-grandfather Yuwen Juyudun (宇文侰與敦), great-grandfather Yuwen Changshou (宇文長壽), and grandfather Yuwen Gu (宇文孤) all served under Northern Wei as army officers at Woye Garrison (沃野, in modern Bayan Nur, Inner Mongolia). Yuwen Shu's father Yuwen Sheng (宇文盛) was a general under Northern Zhou and eventually served as the minister of imperial clan affairs, one of the six main ministers under Northern Zhou's six-department governmental structure.
It is not known when Yuwen Shu was born. When he was young, he became known for his skills at riding and archery. Because of his father's achievements, during the reign of Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou, he was made a mid-level governmental official. He was much favored by Emperor Wu's regent Yuwen Hu, and he became a commander of Yuwen Hu's personal guards. After Emperor Wu killed Yuwen Hu and personally took power in 572, he made Yuwen Shu the deputy minister of imperial clan affairs, and eventually, he was created the Duke of Boling, and then the Duke of Puyang.
In 580, after the death of Emperor Wu's son and successor Emperor Xuan, Emperor Xuan's father-in-law Yang Jian seized power as regent, and the general Yuchi Jiong, suspicious of Yang's intentions, rose against him at Xiang Province (相州, roughly modern Handan, Hebei). Yang sent the general Wei Xiaokuan against Yuchi, and Yuwen served under Wei. He defeated Yuchi's general Li Jun (李雋), and later, with other generals, defeated Yuchi's son Yuchi Dun (尉遲惇). Eventually, after Wei was victorious over Yuchi Jiong, forcing Yuchi Jiong to commit suicide, Yuwen's title was promoted to Duke of Bao.
During Emperor Wen's reign.
In 581, Yang Jian had Emperor Xuan's young son Emperor Jing yield the throne to him, ending Northern Zhou and starting Sui Dynasty as its Emperor Wen. Yuwen Shu served as a general for Sui. In winter 588, when Emperor Wen launched a major attack on rival Chen Dynasty, Yuwen Shu participated in the campaign, and after the generals Han Qinhu (韓擒虎) and Heruo Bi (賀若弼) crossed the Yangtze River to attack the Chen capital Jiankang, Yuwen advanced to the nearby fortress of Shitou to aid Han and Heruo. After Heruo and Han captured Jiankang and the Chen emperor Chen Shubao, the Chen generals Xiao Huan (蕭瓛) and Xiao Yan (蕭巖) were holding out in modern Zhejiang. Yuwen was sent, along with Yan Rong (燕榮), to attack Xiao Huan and Xiao Yan, and he defeated Xiao Huan and forced Xiao Yan to surrender. After the completion of the campaign, in recognition of his contributions, Emperor Wen gave his son Yuwen Huaji a mid-level governmental post, while making Yuwen Shu himself the commandant at An Province (安州, roughly modern Xiaogan, Hubei).
After the campaign against Chen, Emperor Wen's son Yang Guang the Prince of Jin, who was in overall command of the campaign against Chen, became the commandant at Yang Province (揚州, roughly modern Yangzhou, Jiangsu). Yuwen Shu was friendly with Yang Guang, and Yang Guang, whose ambitions included displacing his older brother Yang Yong the Crown Prince as his father's heir, therefore requested in 600 and received Emperor Wen's approval to have Yuwen's command post moved to Shou Province (壽州, roughly modern Lu'an, Anhui), closer to Yang Guang's post. At one point, Yang Guang consulted Yuwen Shu as to how he could displace his brother. Yuwen suggested entering an alliance with the powerful official Yang Su—and forming the relationship with Yang Su through Yang Su's brother and confidant Yang Yue (楊約). Yang Guang therefore gave Yuwen much treasure and had him go to the capital Chang'an to try to meet Yang Yue. Yuwen offered some of the treasures pillaged from Chen to Yang Yue, and then also intentionally lost to Yang Yue when the gambled. After he had become sufficiently familiar to Yang Yue, he revealed to Yang Yue that it was Yang Guang's intent to enter into an alliance with Yang Su—persuading Yang Yue that given that Yang Su did not have a warm relationship with Yang Yong, his family would be in danger if Yang Yong were to succeed Emperor Wen. Yang Yue, in turn, persuaded Yang Su, who subsequently persuaded Emperor Wen and Emperor Wen's wife Empress Dugu that Yang Yong should be deposed. Emperor Wen and Empress Dugu agreed, and in 600 Emperor Wen deposed Yang Yong and replaced him with Yang Guang. Yang Guang made Yuwen Shu a commander of his palace guards and gave his daughter, the Princess Nanyang, to Yuwen Shu's son Yuwen Shiji (宇文士及) in marriage.
In 604, while Emperor Wen was ill, Yuwen Shu was one of the guard commanders that Yang Guang summoned to guard Emperor Wen's vacation palace Renshou Palace (仁壽宮, in modern Baoji, Shaanxi). Emperor Wen soon died—a death that traditional historians, while admitting a lack of direct evidence, generally believed to be a murder ordered by Yang Guang. Yang Guang then took the throne as Emperor Yang, and he put Yang Yong to death.
During Emperor Yang's reign.
After Emperor Yang took the throne, Yuwen Shu, as one of his confidants, became more and more powerful, eventually becoming one of the most powerful individuals in the realm; Emperor Yang also elevated his title to Duke of Xu (許國公). In 607, Yuwen, in order to allow Yun Dingxing (雲定興), the father of Yang Yong's favorite concubine Consort Yun, to join Emperor Yang's regime, persuaded Yun that Yang Yong's sons needed to die, and then persuaded Emperor Yang of the same. Emperor Yang poisoned Yang Yong's oldest son (by Consort Yun), Yang Yan (楊儼) the former Prince of Changning, and exiled Yang Yong's other sons, but eventually had them all killed. It was only after the deaths of Yang Yong's sons that Yuwen was able to recommend Yun to Emperor Yang, who made Yun one of his chief engineers.
In 607, while Emperor Yang was conducting a tour of the northern border, he arrived at Yulin Commandery (榆林, roughly modern Yulin, Shaanxi). Yuwen Shu's sons Yuwen Huaji and Yuwen Zhiji (宇文智及), who were mid-level officials in Emperor Yang's government, secretly conducted forbidden trade with Tujue. Emperor Yang was incensed and ordered that they be executed, but at the last minute spared them, formally awarding them to their father as slaves.
In 608, the official Pei Ju persuaded Tiele to attack Tuyuhun, and after Tiele defeated Tuyuhun, Tuyuhun's Bujiabo Khan Murong Fuyun offered to surrender to Sui. Emperor Yang sent his cousin Yang Xiong (楊雄) the Prince of Ande and Yuwen to rendezvous with Murong Fuyun to accept his surrender, but once Yuwen arrived at Linqiang (臨羌, in modern Xining, Qinghai), Murong Fuyun, fearful of the strength of Yuwen's force, changed his mind and fled west, and Yuwen attacked Tuyuhun's trailing people instead, capturing thousands of Tuyuhun's people. Emperor Yang thus established four commanderies over the former Tuyuhun territory.
In 612, Yuwen Shu participated in Emperor Yang's first campaign against Goguryeo. Emperor Yang's main forces put Goguryeo's key northern city Liaodong (遼東, in modern Liaoyang, Liaoning) under siege (although he was ultimately unable to capture it), but sent Yuwen with a branch army to head deep south, across the Yalu River, heading directly toward the Goguryeo capital Pyongyang. However, on the way, his army ran out of food supplies and was forced to withdraw, and as it did, Goguryeo forces gave chase and crushed him. When Emperor Yang retreated as well, he put Yuwen under imprisonment, but still remembering his relationship with Yuwen, did not execute him, but reduced him to commoner rank. However, soon he had Yuwen's title restored.
In 613, Emperor Yang launched his second campaign against Goguryeo—and again, he himself headed for Liaodong while ordering Yuwen and Yang Yichen to head for Pyongyang. In the midst of the campaign, however, news arrived that Yang Su's son Yang Xuangan had rebelled near the eastern capital Luoyang. Emperor Yang was forced to abandon the campaign against Goguryeo, and he sent Yuwen and Qutu Tong (屈突通) ahead of himself, to reinforce the forces near Luoyang against Yang Xuangan. Yuwen, Qutu, and the generals defeated Yang Xuangan, and Yang Xuangan fled west, intending to attack Chang'an. Yuwen, Qutu, Wei Wensheng (衛文昇) and Lai Hu'er (來護兒) gave chase, catching up with Yang Xuangan at Hongnong (弘農, in modern Sanmenxia, Henan) and dealt him a final crushing blow. Yang Xuangan tried to flee further, but knowing that he could not escape, had his brother Yang Jishan (楊積善) kill him. Pursuant to Yuwen's suggestions, Emperor Yang had Yang Jishan and Yang Xuangan's strategist Wei Fusi (韋福嗣) put to death in cruel manner.
In 615, Yuwen was involved in a major massacre of a noble clan. While Yuwen was still Emperor Yang's guard commander when Emperor Yang was crown prince, Li Hun (李渾) the son of the senior noble Li Mu (李穆) the Duke of Shen, who had died in 586, had become angry at his nephew Li Yun (李筠), who had inherited the title of Duke of Shen, and he had Li Yun assassinated, while framing his cousin Li Jutan (李瞿曇) for the murder and had Li Jutan executed. He then bribed Yuwen, his brother-in-law, with a promise that if he were allowed to inherit the ducal title, he would give Yuwen half of the stipend received from the fief. Yuwen persuaded the Crown Prince to in turn persuade Emperor Wen to agree, so Li Hun inherited the title. However, after Li Hun received the title, he only paid the bribe for two years and then stopped. Yuwen, resentful of Li Hun's broken promise, planned his revenge. By 615, there had been rumors throughout Sui territory that the next emperor would be named Li. Emperor Yang therefore particularly became suspicious of Li Hun's nephew Li Min (李敏), the husband of his sister Yang Lihua's daughter Yuwen Eying (宇文娥英, who was also the daughter of Northern Zhou's Emperor Xuan, as the Yang Lihua, the Princess Leping, was Emperor Xuan's wife and empress), because Li Min's nickname was "Hong'er" (洪兒), meaning "son of a flood," and Emperor Wen had long ago dreamed that a flood would overflow the capital. Emperor Yang therefore tried to hint to Li Min that he should commit suicide, but Li Min did not. Yuwen Shu then had the official Pei Renji (裴仁基) falsely accuse Li Hun of plotting treason. Emperor Yang put Yuwen Shu in charge of the investigation, and Yuwen Shu manufactured evidence, particularly persuading Yuwen Eying that Emperor Yang would have the Lis executed anyway, and that she should save herself. Yuwen Eying thus wrote a confession implicating both Li Hun and Li Min. Li Hun, Li Min, and 32 of their clansmen were executed, and their other relatives were exiled. Several months later, Yuwen Eying was also poisoned.
In fall 615, Yuwen accompanied Emperor Yang on a tour of the northern frontier. The Eastern Turk leader Shibi Khan took the opportunity to launch a surprise attack against Yanmen Commandery in reprisal against various offenses by the emperor. His Chinese wife, the princess Yicheng, secretly sent a warning of the Turkish plans to Emperor Yang, who took refuge at the commandery seat in present-day Daixian, Shanxi. The Turks began their siege of the town on September 11. Yuwen suggested Emperor Yang select a few thousand elite cavalry soldiers to attempt a break out, but Su Wei and Fan Zigai (樊子蓋) persuaded Emperor Yang not to attempt this. Instead, at the suggestion of his brother-in-law Xiao Yu, the emperor sought more help from Princess Yicheng, who was one of his relatives but—according to Turkish custom—was in charge of managing military affairs at home in her husband's absence. She sent Shibi Khan a false report of a northern attack on the Khaganate; hearing this and learning of Chinese reinforcements on their way to the emperor's relief, the khan abandoned the siege and returned north. Su subsequently suggested to Emperor Yang that he return to Chang'an, but at Yuwen's suggestion, Emperor Yang went to Luoyang instead.
In fall 616, while Emperor Yang was inquiring about the status of agrarian rebellions (by this point, most of Sui territory was in fact engulfed in agrarian rebellions), Yuwen, in order to placate him, informed him that the rebellions had largely been suppressed. Su, however, truthfully informed Emperor Yang that the rebellions were causing major problems for Sui rule. Emperor Yang, not happy about the news, soon considered putting Su to death, but eventually only reduced Su to commoner rank.
Soon thereafter, seeing that Emperor Yang wanted to go back to Jiangdu, the capital of Yang Province, Yuwen formally suggested that he does so, and Emperor Yang agreed. Yuwen followed Emperor Yang there, and became ill at Jiangdu. He died in winter 616. Pursuant to his dying wishes, Emperor Yang pardoned Yuwen Huaji and Yuwen Zhiji, returning them to governmental service.


Digital Life Design

Digital Life Design (DLD) is a global conference network, organized by the Munich based DLD Media, a company of Burda Digital.
In 2005, Stephanie Czerny founded DLD as an annual conference scheme. Its main purpose is to connect business, creative and social leaders, opinion formers and investors for crossover conversation and inspiration. Since its first gathering, DLD hosted events in New York City, Beijing, San Francisco, London, Moscow, New Delhi, Rio de Janeiro, Hong Kong, Tel Aviv and Munich.(e.g. DLD Global Conference)
Moreover, DLD initiated a female themed conference DLDwomen (see "Events" below). The DLD Conference is referred to by the Economist as one of Europe's leading conferences on innovation.
Chaired by Hubert Burda and Yossi Vardi the DLD conference held in Munich hosts over 800 creative international leaders, disruptors and thinkers from digital and consumer markets, media, technology, design, science, politics, social, arts and culture from around the globe. The three-day event always takes place in late January before the WEF. At this time, DLD also offers live streaming and blogging.
Speakers present their ideas in thematically assembled panels or in key speeches.
Background.
Since 2005 the conference is held in Munich, Germany, where the DLD headquarters are located. Each year the slogan of the conference accordingly changes to the dominant theme.
The conference is an invitation-only event. DLD provides a limited number of free conference tickets for creative students, scientists and NGOs. The 2014 conference took place in Munich on 19–21 January.
Previous conference speakers have included Mark Zuckerberg, Arianna Huffington, and Viviane Reding.
Events.
DLDwomen (Conference).
The first DLDwomen Conference in 2010 launched under the slogan The Female Decade, has become an annual outlet conference, also held in Munich, Germany. It is chaired by Maria Furtwängler and is focusing on gender debate.
DLDwomen is a platform for discussions, case studies and lectures and brings together a group of over 100 international high-profile speakers and more than 800 opinion-forming participants. They are both women and men from business, media, technology, society, health, education, politics, and science.
DLD Global (Conference).
DLD Global is an irregular series of events. In 2011 these special gatherings took place in Beijing, China; in Palo Alto, United States of America and São Paulo, Brazil.
DLD Tel Aviv (Summit/Festival).
The summit took place the very first time on 1–3 November 2011 as part of the Tel Aviv Festival. It targets to bring together Israel's digital media representatives and industry figures.
Media coverage.
DLD is covered and attended every year by over 180 international journalists from opinion forming media such as "The New York Times, Economist, Guardian, Fast Company, Fortune, Financial Times, FAZ, FOCUS, Spiegel, CNBC, Wall Street Journal, Thomson Reuters, Getty, Deutsche Welle, AllThingsD, Huffington Post" and "TechCrunch".


Bharat Nirman

Bharat Nirman is an Indian business plan for creating basic rural infrastructure. It also comprises projects on irrigation, roads (Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana), housing (Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana), water supply (National Rural Drinking Water Programme), electrification (Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Vidyutikaran Yojana) and telecommunication connectivity.
Objectives.
Bharat Nirman is a business plan for rural infrastructure which was implemented by the Government of India in order to provide some basic amenities to the rural India.
Water Supply.
Bharat Nirman was launched by the Government of India in 2005. Providing rural areas with safe drinking water facilities was one of the key objectives of the plan. It got implemented during 2005-06 to 2008-09
. The plan aimed to cover 55,067 un-covered and 3.31 lakh under developed areas with safe drinking water facilities. It also aimed to improve the quality standard of drinking water of 2.17 lakh areas which had poor quality water supplies.
Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana.
The Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY) was launched on 25 December 2000. The primary objective of PMGSY is to provide good quality all-weather roads in all the rural areas where urban-rural road connectivity is found to be very weak. All unconnected habitations with a population of more than 500 persons has been provided connectivity by 2007.
Housing.
The main objective is to provide housing facilities to the rural areas of India. According to the plan the government of India will construct 60 lac houses for the rural areas by 2009. The scheme under this is named as Indira Awaas Yojana and is governed by the Ministry of Rural Development. It is mainly sponsored by the central government. The ratio of the sponsorship between the center and the state is 75:25.
Telecom.
This plan aims to supply telecommunication facilities to remote areas of rural areas. It aims in increasing the rural telecommunication facilities by 40%. It also aims to supply broadband and Bharat Nirman Seva Kendras in 2.5 lac Panchayats. According to this plan the government of India will connect each and every village by telecommunication facilities. The plan is taken care of by the Department of Telecom which fall under the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology. There are 66,822 villages which are still left to be covered.
Rural Teledensity (for the month of February 2011)


Pradhan Mantri Adarsh Gram Yojana

Pradhan Mantri Adarsh Gram Yojana (PMAGY) is a rural development programme launched by the central government in India in the financial year 2009–10 for the development of villages having a higher ratio (over 50%) of people belonging to the scheduled castes through convergence of central and state schemes and allocating financial funding on a per village basis.
The plan is considered ambitious as it aims to bring a number of development programs to the villages. Some of these programs are Bharat Nirman, Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY) for rural roads, water supply, housing, electrification and other big-ticket schemes like Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, Integrated Child Development Services, and sanitation. This program would be applicable to around 44,000 villages which had a scheduled castes population above 50% and so qualified for PMAGY.
Political background.
This Program was brought by the UPA coalition government supported by the left parties. The project was aimed at getting a larger political role in scheduled caste (dalit) politics and was thought of strengthening the votebank of UPA leaders in regions having a high dalit population. The program was considered beneficial by the Congress party as the scheme gave a direct role to Centre to develop dalits at the grassroots. Congress hoped to improve its election results in states such as Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Punjab and Haryana which will have a large number of beneficiary villages.
The plan.
The Plan aims to build an "Adarsh Gram" (Model village} which has adequate physical and institutional infrastructure, in which minimum needs of all sections of the society are fully met. The village which is progressive and dynamic and its residents live in harmony. All the facilities necessary for dignified living should be available and the residents are enabled to utilise their potential to the fullest.
Pradhanmantri Adarsh Gram Yojana was announced by the Finance Minister while presenting the Union Budget of India 2009–10. Pradhan Mantri Adarsh Gram Yojana (PMAGY) was formally launched in 18 B.B village in Sri Ganganagar district of Rajasthan on 23 July 2010. The scheme was launched by Union Social Justice and Empowerment Minister Mukul Wasnik with a reading of the Prime Minister's message emphasising that the scheme "aims at integrated development of 1,000 villages, where a majority of the population belongs to the Scheduled Castes." The Government press release had mentioned five states Bihar, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Himachal Pradesh (225 villages in each state) and Assam (100 villages) for the initial implementation of the program.
Pradhan Mantri Adarsh Gram Yojana(PMAGY) comes under the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment.
Funding.
In the launching phase the Centre had allocated a sum of to Assam, Bihar and Rajasthan. As a pilot project the program was implemented in 1,000 villages in Assam, Bihar, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu with an allocation of with each village to get per year.
In September 2011 the annual funding on the project was raised to per village and had been spent in these villages till then. In the 12 Five Year Plan the government plans to cover 44,000 villages with an allocation of to each villages.
Implementation.
The aim of the scheme is to integrated development of the selected villages so that they have all required physical and social infrastructure for an all round socio-economic development. Another objectives of the plan is elimination of disparity between SCs and other communities in terms of common socio-economic indicators such as literacy rate, completion rate of elementary education, infant mortality rate/maternal mortality rate and ownership of productive assets. To ensure the implementation two committees an advisory committee headed by the Deputy Chief Minister and a steering committee headed by the Chief Secretary have been formed.


2007 Georgian demonstrations

In 2007, a series of anti-government protests took place across Georgia. The demonstrations peaked on 2 November 2007, when 40,000-50,000 rallied in downtown Tbilisi, the capital of Georgia. People protested against the allegedly corrupt government of president Mikheil Saakashvili. Protests triggered by detention of Georgian politician Irakli Okruashvili on charges of extortion, money laundering, and abuse of office during his tenure as defense minister of the country were organized by the National Council, an ad hoc coalition of ten opposition parties, and financed by the media tycoon Badri Patarkatsishvili. Demonstrations occurred both in September and November 2007 and were initially largely peaceful. The protests went downhill by 6 November 2007, but turned violent the next day when the police, using heavy-handed tactics, including tear gas and water cannon, unblocked Rustaveli Avenue, Tbilisi's main boulevard, dislodged the protesters from the territory adjoining to the House of Parliament, and prevented the demonstrators from resuming the protests. The government accused the Russian secret services of being involved in an attempted coup d'état and declared a nationwide state of emergency later that day which lasted until late 16 November 2007.
On 8 November 2007, President Saakashvili announced a compromise solution to hold an early presidential election for 5 January 2008. He also proposed to hold a referendum in parallel to snap presidential elections about when to hold parliamentary polls – in spring as pushed for by the opposition parties, or in late 2008.
It is said to have been the worst political crisis in Georgia since the Rose Revolution in 2003 that brought Saakashvili's government to power in the first place.
Background.
Georgia in 2003 underwent a change of leadership that saw the coming to power of Mikheil Saakashvili in 2004. Saakashvili, a U.S. trained lawyer and staunch advocate for closer integration with NATO and the European Union, instituted reforms that saw the nation's GDP triple and corruption drop since taking office. In 2006, the World Bank named Georgia as the top reformer in the world. Despite the progress, a significant portion of Georgia's population still live below the poverty line and Georgia is one of the poorest countries in the CIS. Growing incomes are offset by rising inflation; radical economic reforms and a crackdown on the black market left thousands unemployed; and since the reforms, many Georgians are having to pay tax and utility bills in full. Although the Saakashvili government has declared war on corruption, its critics alleges corruption in Saakashvili's own team, including his uncle – the entrepreneur Temur Alasania – and several ministers. The opponents say the authorities use selective application of the law to sideline political opponents, and accuse Saakashvili of authoritarian rule. The government has also come under the fire of criticism due to the use of heavy-handed police against the 2006 prison riot, as well as due to the underinvestigated high-profile murder case involving police officers.
Saakashvili also inherited the issues of the Russian-backed unrecognized breakaway republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which seceded from Georgia in the early 1990s. As of the time of the demonstrations, they were de facto independent but de jure part of Georgia. Saakashvili had made it part of his agenda to reincorporate them through peaceful means. Others within Saakashvili's government, such as the defence minister Irakli Okruashvili had been pushing for a military solution for these de facto republics.
Saaskashvili reassigned the portfolio of Okruashvili from defence to Minister of the Economy in November 2006. It was believed that the reassignment came due to Okruashvili's aggressive stance on the secessionist conflicts. Okruashvili subsequently resigned his post.
On 25 September 2007, he announced the formation of the new opposition Movement for United Georgia and unleashed criticism on President Saakashvili, accusing him of corruption, incompetency and human rights violations. He also raised new concerns around Zurab Zhvania's death, challenging the official investigation point of view and personally accused the Georgian president of planning the murder of businessman Badri Patarkatsishvili.
Timeline.
28 September 2007 protests.
Protests started on 28 September 2007. There was no major trouble reported at the rally, except for some minor scuffles between protesters and police when the protesters spilled out onto Rustaveli Avenue, blocking Tbilisi's main thoroughfare in front of the parliament. Demonstrators were demanding early elections, more accountability and honesty in politics. The demonstration, held merely a day after Okruashvili's arrest, attracted an estimated 10–15 thousand protesters, making it, at the time, the largest demonstration since Rose Revolution. Some noted the peculiar skill and unusual quickness in how these protests were organized.
The rally was organized by an alliance of major opposition parties with the exception of the New Rights Party (NRP) which didn't participate in manifestation stating that it was "not the way from one temple to another, it is substitute of one leader with another."
Okruashvili's comments.
Previously, former Georgian Minister of Defense and long-time critic of Moscow's policy towards Georgia Irakly Okruashvili has lashed out at his former associate President Mikheil Saakashvili. Okruashvili had been sacked by the president, in November 2006, from his post of Defense Minister allegedly under pressure from the West in September 2006.
At the presentation of his party For United Georgia, he accused Saakashvili of corruption, lobbying the interests of his own family, weakness towards separatists in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and a lack of morals. Okruashvili also claimed that the Georgian government had intentionally obscured the true reasons behind the death of former Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania. Zhvania had died while Prime Minister in February 2005. Okruashvili said that Zhvania's corpse had been taken to the apartment where he was found dead.
Okruashvili retracted his statements and admitted to the charges raised against him on 8 October 2007 on television, but he later said he made the statements due to being "psychologically pressured".
Okruashvili left Georgia around 1 November 2007. He subsequently said he was forced into exile; the government said he left to seek medical treatment. The following April he was granted political asylum by the government of France. In September 2008, a French court rejected Georgia's extradition request. Okruashvili has been described as "a likely candidate to replace Saakashvili, if and when Georgian public opinion turns against the president."
Government's response.
Okruashvili's political comeback and his arrest coincided with Saakashvili's visit to New York City where he addressed the U.N. General Assembly and heavily criticized Russia's involvement in Georgia's breakaway territories. Meanwhile, Giga Bokeria, an influential member of the Parliament of Georgia from the ruling United National Movement party, said by voicing stunning, but groundless accusations Okruashvili wanted "to create some kind of immunity and untouchable status." On 29 September, President Saakashvili headed to Upper Abkhazia where he attended opening of a new road linking Georgian-controlled areas in breakaway Abkhazia with Georgia proper. He made his first remarks on Okruashvili's accusations:
2 November 2007 protests.
On 2 November 2007, tens of thousands of Georgians protested outside the parliament in the capital, Tbilisi, urging President Mikhail Saakashvili to step down. The crowd also called for early parliamentary elections. They accused Saakashvili of heading a corrupt, authoritarian government and wanted him to be ousted democratically.
The protests continued in the following days; a televised statement from Okruashvili was seen as a boost in support for the opposition.
Twenty-three law enforcement officers were injured and 21 people were arrested during the riots.
TV footage showed some protesters throwing stones at riot policemen. They were dispersed by police a second time.
Two pro-opposition independent TV stations have gone off the air after Badri Patarkatsishvili declared that "Nobody should doubt that all my efforts, my financial resources including the last tetri will be applied for freeing Georgia from Fascist regime": Imedi TV (that is co-owned by the media tycoon Badri Patarkatsishvili who sponsored the National Council recently set up by the ten opposition parties and has pledged to finance the rallies until the government is removed) and Kavkasia, located in the same building as Imedi TV. Police officers in masks and assault rifles were seen sealing off the Imedi office. Shortly afterwards, Mikheil Saakashvili declared a state of emergency Georgia-wide to last for 15 days. As a result, news programs at all the private television stations will be shut down for 15 days. The publicly funded Georgian Public Broadcaster (GPB) remained the only station allowed to provide news coverage.
On 8 November, a "small group of students" gathered at Batumi State University to rally against what they saw as the "police violence" that had occurred the previous day. According to eyewitnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch, "police attacked the group without warning, chasing and beating protesters trying to flee." Holly Cartner, Executive Director [of] Europe and Central Asia Division at Human Rights Watch condemned what she described as "police attacks on peaceful protesters".
Soon, Georgia's opposition announced the suspension of anti-government protests in Tbilisi. Most of the opposition parties hailed President Saakashvili's decision as the first step to end the political standoff, and agreed to the negotiations with Nino Burjanadze, the parliamentary chairperson.
By 9 November 2007, riot police and troops had been withdrawn from the main sites of 7 November unrest. On the same day, Ilia II, Catholicos-Patriarch of the Georgian Orthodox Church met separately with Nino Burjanadze and opposition leaders and said that he was ready to mediate between the opposition and the authorities.
Government's response.
Saakasvili commented the clashes by saying "We have been hearing for recent months that turmoil was expected in Georgia by autumn. We have been receiving this information from our intelligence" and that "alternative government has already been set up in Moscow".
Prime Minister Zurab Nogaideli said a coup attempt was made.
On 7 November, Georgia's Interior Ministry released taped audio and video material purporting to show some opposition leaders – Levan Berdzenishvili of the Republican Party, Giorgi Khaindrava of opposition group Equality Institute, Konstantine Gamsakhurdia, the leader of the Freedom Movement and Shalva Natelashvili, the leader of Labor Party – cooperating with the Russian counter-intelligence service during a meeting with three Russian diplomats.
Gigi Ugulava, Tbilisi's mayor, defended the action by police, saying: "I was listening to one of the opposition leaders who was saying proudly they planned to pitch tents and set up a tent town in Tbilisi. "What we did is stop this because it is the will of the people not to have a tent town in Tbilisi."
Criticism of government actions.
The opposition leaders, NGOs and the public defender of Georgia have harshly criticised the government actions. The police was accused of excessiveness, and it was alleged that groups of organized civilians were also engaged in the crackdown on the protesters. Illegal arrests, beatings and intimidations were reported. Concerns have been expressed about widespread practice of tapping private telephone conversations. The government has been accused of media control.
<onlyinclude>
In December 2008, Sozar Subari, Public Defender (Ombudsman) of Georgia, claimed he had evidence that then Georgia's Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili had ordered police to beat protesters, "mainly in the kidneys and the stomach." In his testimony before Georgian Parliament, Subari claimed that he possessed evidence that Defense Minister Davit Kezerashvili, Justice Minister Zurab Adeishvili and Davit Akhalaia (who had no official office then) had had a secret meeting at the office of Interior Ministry on 4 November 2007 where they had decided on the course of action for handling the demonstrations:
"The interior minister ordered that the demonstrators be hit mainly in the kidneys and the stomach, or in the face only when necessary. The interior minister also said at the meeting that not a single participant in the action must escape unbeaten in order to teach them a lesson for the future."
</onlyinclude>
25 November 2007 protests.
On 25 November 2007, thousands of protesters staged a three-hour peaceful demonstration demanding the re-opening of Imedi TV and radio stations. The protest, organized by a nine party opposition coalition, gathered in an area called the Rike in Tblisi and then moved to the front of the Parliament.
International reaction.
 – The United States welcomed the Georgian government's decision to hold early presidential elections, while urging to end the state of emergency and restore all media broadcasts.
On 13 November 2007, Matthew Bryza, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs and the top U.S. envoy to the Caucasus, told reporters that he would be very surprised if there had been a real threat from Russia to destabilize Georgia.
 – The Russian Foreign Ministry rejected Saakashvili's accusations of backing the opposition rally calling it an "irresponsible provocation" designed by Georgian authorities to distract attention from domestic problems and blame them on a foreign scapegoat. It later issued a statement heavily criticizing the Georgian government for police lawlessness, arrests of opposition leaders and human rights activists, ban on activities of the independent media and beating of foreign journalists.
 – Foreign minister Carl Bildt said that 7 November was a "very dark day for Georgia", but praised the decision to hold early presidential elections, adding that all parties now have to "return to the democratic path". "This is also a way to address the simplistic propaganda that is currently blazoned abroad by the big neighbor in the north (Russia)" /.../ "and to secure long-term stability in the country." Carl Bildt, who met with President Saakashvili in Tbilisi on 2 November, has repeatedly said that: "To support and help the young democracies (in Eastern Europe) /.../ is something we (Europe) must do."
 – Louise Arbour, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, rebuked Georgia for its "disproportionate use of force" against protesters and said it must uphold fundamental rights even under a state of emergency. In a statement, she also expressed support for Georgia's public defender, or human rights ombudsman, and voiced concern at the silencing of independent television stations in the former Soviet republic.
NATO – Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer in a statement on 8 November 2007 said that "The imposition of Emergency Rule, and the closure of media outlets in Georgia, a Partner with which the Alliance has an Intensified Dialogue, are of particular concern and not in line with Euro-Atlantic values"
 – The EU foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, urged restraint from both sides, saying "political differences should be resolved within the democratic institutions".
Human Rights Watch – On 20 December 2007, Human Rights Watch released a 102-page report, named "Crossing the Line: Georgia’s Violent Dispersal of Protestors and Raid on Imedi Television", criticising what it saw as the Government's "usage of excessive force" on protesters the police's raide on Imedi.
Aftermath.
Crisis recedes.
On 8 November 2007, Saakashvili announced he was planning snap presidential elections for 5 January 2008. He also proposed to hold a simultaneous plebiscite about when to hold parliamentary polls – in spring as pushed for by the opposition parties, or in late 2008. He also called for dialogue with the opposition parties which, he said, did not cooperate with the Russian intelligence, and promised to end the state of emergency within a few days.
The Georgian authorities charged Patarkatsishvili, who had earlier left for London, with plotting a coup. He died on 12 February 2008, in London.
On 9 November 2007, the Parliament of Georgia, in a complete absence of opposition lawmakers, backed the presidential decree imposing state of emergency and restrictions on media on the entire territory of Georgia to be in force until late 22 November.
On 10 November 2007, the talks regarding the election code resumed between the ruling and opposition parties.
The nationwide state of emergency was lifted at 7 pm local time on 16 November 2007, in accordance to the parliament's decree passed two days earlier. All media sources resumed broadcasting with the exception of Imedi TV which returned on air on 12 December.
Economic impact.
Robert Christiansen, the head of the IMF's Georgia mission, indicated that the turmoil and pre-election uncertainty has dented Georgia's image with investors, adding that recovery was possible. He added that "recent political developments add considerable uncertainty to the projected volume of inflows for the remainder of this year and 2008".
According to Prime Minister Lado Gurgenidze, during the November turmoils Georgian economy lost nearly half a billion dollars of potential investments.


Ruffenhofen Roman Park

Ruffenhofen Roman Park () is an archaeological park in der region of Hesselberg in the south of the county of Ansbach in the German state of Bavaria. Covering an area of about 40 hectares, the Roman fort of Ruffenhofen Castle as well as large elements of the associated civilian settlement have survived underground and have not been built over.
The "Roman Park" is situated within the municipalities of Gerolfingen, Weiltingen and Wittelshofen. In 2001, these villages founded the Ruffenhofen Roman Fort Special Purpose Association ("Zweckverband Römerkastell Ruffenhofen") in order to make the area accessible for tourism, to market it and to protect it in the long term. In addition, scientific research of the site is ensured. The ancient fortification lies around 2.2 km from the Upper Germanic-Rhaetian Limes. The "castellum" is a heritage site under the Bavarian Monument Conservation Act.


Member states of the International Labour Organization

The International Labour Organization (ILO), a specialized agency of the United Nations that sets international standards related to work, presently has 187 member states. Created in 1919 as a result of the Versailles Treaty, the ILO is the third oldest existing multilateral organization and the only remaining organization with direct links to the League of Nations.
At the founding of the ILO in 1919, there were 42 member states. 29 states which were signatories to the Versailles Treaty are considered "founder members", another 13 states, who were not signatories, were invited to be members and granted status as founder members.
Member states.
Founding members appear with a blue background; states invited to be founding members appear with a khaki background.
Member withdrawals.
According to the ILO's constitution, a member state may only withdraw after giving notice of two years and settling all outstanding financial dues; following withdrawal a former member state is still obliged to comply with the ILO conventions the country has ratified. Readmission of a former member state, that has remained a UN member, requires formal communication to the ILO Director-General of acceptance of the obligations of the ILO constitution. A former member state that is not a UN member can only be approved for readmission by a decision of the International Labour Conference. Since 1927, 22 member states have withdrawn from the ILO, all subsequently were readmitted.
Former non-sovereign state members.
The ILO constitution indicates that members must be sovereign states (initially, members of the League of Nations or, after 1945, members of the United Nations). This provision was affirmed on 26 August 1930 when the Permanent Court of International Justice ruled that Danzig, whose external relations were under Poland's control, was inadmissible to the ILO. Despite this ruling, three non-sovereign states, prior to achieving sovereign status, were for various periods admitted as members of the ILO.
Former members.
A blue background indicates an ILO founding member.


European-Atlantic Group

The European-Atlantic Group was founded in London in 1954 by Michael John Layton, 2nd Baron Layton (1912–1989) (then a Vice-President of the Council of Europe), together with other members of both Houses of Parliament, Industrialists, Bankers, Economists, and Journalists and Elma Dangerfield. Its main object was to promote closer relations between the European and Atlantic countries by providing a regular forum in Britain for informed discussion of their problems and possibilities for better economic and political co-operation.
The Founders stated that their purpose was to disseminate authoritative information concerning the work of International Organizations such as the Council of Europe, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, the Western European Union, the European Coal and Steel Community, Euratom, the European Economic Community, as well as the European Free Trade Association, the Association for General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs, and the Economic Commission for Europe.
In addition to holding monthly dinners and meetings in London, the group sent many delegations abroad to study at first hand the European and NATO institutions in Brussels, Paris, and Luxembourg, as well as visiting Germany, Italy, Turkey, and Greece, as the guests of governments and International Organizations. Group representatives have also visited the United States, the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc with the object of improving relations between West and East.
The Group has also held Discussions on European-Atlantic relations with the rest of the world, including the Middle East, Far East, Africa, Afghanistan, and Latin American countries.
The Group's London office was originally at 6 Gertrude Street, Chelsea. The President was the Earl of Bessborough, D.L. (a founder), and there was an impressive list of Vice-Presidents, including the Marquess of Lansdowne, the Earl of Limerick, the Earl Jellicoe, The Lord Carrington, The Lord Chalfont, The Lord Shawcross, The Lord Granchester. Sir Nicholas Henderson, Sir Frederic Bennett, Sir Fitzroy Maclean, Bt., General Sir Harry Tuzo, and Douglas Fairbanks junior. The Chairman was Geoffrey Rippon, Lord Rippon of Hexham, Q.C., Vice-Chairmen were Sir Antony Buck, Q.C., M.P., and Sir W. Hugh-Jones. Director was Elma Dangerfield, O.B.E.who co-founded the Group in 1954 and remained active in it in her nineties. Until her decease in January 2006 her co-Director was Justin Glass, who became Finance Director in 1987 and Director in 1992, retiring from the Group in 2012. He was succeeded as Director by Anthony Westnedge, OBE.
Other E-AG Presidents have included The Lord Layton CH CBE, the Earl of Listowel, Sir Geoffrey de Freitas KCMG MP and, since the 1990s, The Earl of Bessborough DL, Sir Frank Roberts GCMG GCVO, Lord Rippon of Hexham QC, The Lord Dahrendorf, Lord Judd, The Earl of Limerick KBE, The Viscount Montgomery of Alamein CMG CBE, Sir Michael Burton KCVO CMG, The Baroness Hooper CMG, Lord Dykes and Baroness Symons of Vernam Dean.
The E-AG hosted Anniversary celebration banquets for the founding of NATO every decade. In 1989, the 40th Anniversary, the Duke of Edinburgh was the main Speaker at Guildhall and General John Galvin, US Army, Supreme Allied Commander in Europe also spoke. In 1999 the 50th Anniversary celebration was at Guildhall with the Duke of York, the Secretary-General of NATO Herr Manfred Worner, the Foreign Minister of Poland and 525 influential delegates. In 2009 the 60th Anniversary was held at St James's Palace with 27 Ambassadors among the delegates and the main speaker again was the Duke of York.
The monthly events of the E-AG were addressed by figures as diverse as President Nyerere of Tanzania, King Hussain of Jordan and his brother Prince Hassan, Ian Duncan-Smith, Michael Howard, David Blunkett, and more recently by Former Presidents - Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, Tan Mahathir of Malaysia and Vytautis Landsbergis of Lithuania. Elma Dangerfield was appointed CBE for her work with the Group.
What is now considered an annual event is when two ex-Congressmen representing the Democrat and Republican parties are guests at a Meeting, usually held in November, that concentrates on American Politics both Home and Abroad.
The European-Atlantic Group, a non-aligned, all party, registered charity, is a wide-ranging Westminster based group in the field of international relations. Most of the EAG's recent meetings [2018] have been held at Westminster in House of Commons Committee Rooms, but when Parliament is not sitting meetings may be held in the City or elsewhere in London.
Few matters of importance in Europe or America can remain untouched by wider world affairs, so countries such as Afghanistan and South Sudan as well as Lithuania and Ukraine, and many others around the world, have been the subjects of expert discussion and analysis. EAG speakers have included royalty and presidents, the ambassadors of America, China and Russia, ministers, shadow ministers, the head of MI5, and the chiefs of the British armed forces.
The Trustees of the EAG were Lord Hamilton of Epsom and Mr Christopher Arkell until July 2018, when new Trustees were appointed.
The EAG aims to strengthen trans-Atlantic links. The future of the EAG depends on the support of those who care about issues such as defence and security, the UK relationship with America, NATO, and other important international challenges. The EAG is a non-party organisation and is classified as educational by the Charity Commission.
The Director between 2014 and July 2018 was Charles Bennett. Meetings held during this period:
2014 - ‘US Politics after the Mid-Term Elections: Congress, the President, and the issues’ - Mary Bono (Republican, CA) & Brian Baird (Democrat, WA).
2015 - ‘High Command – British Military Leadership in the Iraq and Afghanistan Wars’. Major-General Christopher Elliott, C.B., M.B.E.
2015 - ‘Ukraine, Russia, and Eastern Europe’ - Edward Lucas and James Sherr.
2015 - ‘The future of the Euro and the prospects of ‘Brexit’ - Professor Patrick Minford. Held in the City of London, sponsored by Xchanging.
2015 - ‘The EU – Russia relationship with special reference to the security of the Baltic States’. The Former President of Lithuania, Professor Vytautas Landsbergis.
2015 - ‘South Sudan: ‘Oil and Blood’ - Civil War continues to undermine the new state’. James Copnall, BBC's Sudan Correspondent, author of: ‘A Poisonous Thorn in Our Hearts – Sudan and South Sudan’s Bitter and Incomplete Divorce’, and: Alex Perry, correspondent, contributing editor at 'Newsweek' and author of: 'The Rift – A New Africa Emerges'.
2015 - ‘Greece – the way forward?’ Prof. Kalypso Nicolaidis, Professor of International Relations, Oxford University; Vicky Pryce, Chief Economic Adviser, Chief Economic Adviser at the Centre for Economics & Business Research; Dr Othon Anastasakis, Director, S. E. European Studies, European Studies Centre, University of Oxford - Held in the City of London, sponsored by Xchanging.
2015 - ‘Kurdistan – Its fight against Daesh/ISIS, and its future'. Karwan Jamal Tahir – The Kurdistan Regional Government’s High Representative to the UK. Mithal Al Alusi – Founder, Democratic Nation Party of Iraq & Gary Kent – Director of the All Party Parliamentary Group on Kurdistan.
2015 - ‘Security and Secrecy, Privacy and Liberty Electronic Surveillance in the wake of the Anderson Report’ - Eric King, Deputy Director at Privacy International and Edward Lucas, Senior Editor at ‘The Economist’, an expert in Intelligence and Cyber-Security issues and author of: ‘The Snowden Operation – Inside the West’s Greatest Intelligence Disaster’.
2015 - ‘The EU and the Migration Crisis’ - The Hungarian Ambassador, Péter Szabadhegy.
2015 - ‘Congress, the President, the Issues one year from Election Day’ - Tom Petri (Republican - Wisconsin) and Jim Moran (Democrat - Virginia).
2016 - ‘The European Union and the Referendum’ -Suzanne Evans – Deputy Chairman of the United Kingdom Independence Party and Sir Nicholas Soames MP.
2016 - ‘The Future of Iraq and British policy in the Middle East’ - Mithal Al Alusi, Democratic Party of the Iraqi Nation, former member of the Commission for De-Ba’athification, the Iraqi Parliament's Foreign Relations Committee, & the Supreme Iraqi Reconciliation Commission.
2016 - ‘The Political and Military Significance of Gibraltar’ - Lieutenant General (Retd) Sir James Dutton KCB CBE, Governor and Commander-in-Chief Gibraltar 2013-15, Commandant General Royal Marines & Commander UK Amphibious Forces 2004-06, Deputy Commander ISAF (Afghanistan) 2008-09.
2016 - ‘Yemen: the war drags on - for what?’ - Dr Elisabeth Kendall, Fellow of Pembroke College, Oxford; an expert on Yemen the Middle East, Arabic language and culture, and Al Qaeda.
2016 - ‘Islam in Britain’ - Innes Bowen, BBC, author of 'Medina in Birmingham, Najaf in Brent - Inside British Islam', & Dean, a former member of al-Qaeda, who changed sides and became a spy for Britain's security & intelligence services spent years working in Afghanistan & London as one of the West's most valuable assets in the fight against militant Islam.
2016 - ‘Pakistan, its Past, Present, and Future’ - Dr Faisal Devji, St Antony's College Oxford, University Reader in Indian & Modern South Asian History.
2016 - US Politics: 'Congress, the President, the Issues after Election Day’ - Martin Frost, Democrat, Texas, and Phil Gingrey, Republican, Georgia.
2017 - ‘Somaliland – the case for recognition’ - Dr Saad Shire, Somaliland Minister of Foreign Affairs.
2017 - ‘Zimbabwe: Will Mugabe & ZANU (PF) hold onto power in 2018?’ - Tendai Biti, a leading Zimbabwean opposition figure, a founder of the Movement for Democratic Change and Finance Minister in the Government of National Unity 2009-13; founder of the People's Democratic Party.
2017 - ‘Poland and the United Kingdom: Post-Brexit Relations’ - Arkady Józef Rzegocki, Ambassador of the Republic of Poland.
2017 - 'Brexit & British-Irish Relations' - Ambassador Dan Mulhall, Ambassador to the UK, Ambassador designate to the U.S.A. Held in the City of London, sponsored by Xchanging.
2017 - ‘The Kurdistan Independence Referendum’ - Karwan Jamal Tahir, High Representative of the Kurdistan Regional Government to the United Kingdom.
2017 - ‘Europe's Forgotten War in Eastern Ukraine’ - Major-General Borys Kremenetskyi, Defence Attaché, Ukrainian Embassy.
2017 - ‘US Politics One Year On from the Presidential Election’ - Sam Farr (D-CA) and Dan Benishek (R-MI).
2017 - ‘Lithuania and the Defence of the Baltic States’ - Renatas Norkus, Ambassador of Lithuania to the United Kingdom.
2018 - Strengthening Joint Euro-Atlantic Security Space - A Perspective From Latvia. Ms Baiba Braže, Ambassador of the Republic of Latvia to the U.K.
2018 - Irish Republican Terrorism past, present, & future - Have the IRA Gone Away? Dr William R. Matchett, formerly Royal Ulster Constabulary Special Branch.
2018 - 'How ordinary democratic process, not violence, got British women the vote’ -Belinda Brown.
The EAG welcomes all who can contribute to and help with its work. See website at: www.eag.org.uk .


New York City Police riot

The New York City Police Riot of 1857, known at the time as the Great Police Riot, was a conflict which occurred in front of New York City Hall between the recently dissolved New York Municipal Police and the newly formed Metropolitan Police on June 16, 1857. Arising over New York City Mayor Fernando Wood's appointment of Charles Devlin over Daniel Conover for the position of city street commissioner, amid rumors that Devlin purchased the office for $50,000 from Wood, Municipal police battled Metropolitan officers attempting to arrest Mayor Wood.
Two arrest warrants had been issued against the mayor following an altercation between him and Conover when arriving at City Hall to assume his office. The situation was resolved only with the intervention of the New York State Militia under Major General Charles W. Sandford.
Background.
Massive police corruption, under Mayor Fernando Wood, prompted the New York State Legislature to relieve him of control over the city's police. Several related bills were passed during the spring of 1857; the most important of these abolished the Municipal Police and Police Board that had been formed under an act of 1853. The bill replaced them with a Metropolitan Police District that would fall under the jurisdiction of Manhattan, Brooklyn, Staten Island and the other boroughs of present-day New York City. This new police force was to be controlled by five commissioners appointed by the Governor of New York: Simeon Draper, James Bowen, James W. Nye, Jacob Cholwell and James S.T. Stranahan. The head of the commission was Frederick Augustus Tallmadge, noted reformer and Recorder of New York City during the Astor Place Riots of 1849, who accepted the position of Superintendent of Police after several others had declined.
The new commission ordered Mayor Wood to disband the Municipal police and turn over its property to the Metropolitans. Wood refused, however, even after the State Supreme Court upheld, in May 1857, the law establishing the commission. Wood called upon the Municipals to support him; when this was put to a vote, 15 police captains and 800 patrolmen under Police Superintendent George Washington Matsell chose to support the mayor. The remaining members, among them Captain George W. Walling, chose to comply with the state law and joined the Metropolitans. While the Metropolitans were setting up their new headquarters on White Street, Mayor Wood quickly filled the Municipal positions left vacant.
Events.
In June 1857, after the sudden death of Street Commissioner Joseph S. Taylor, Mayor Wood and Governor John King argued over a successor, and Daniel D. Conover was eventually selected. Arriving at New York City Hall to assume the office on June 16, Conover was informed that Mayor Wood had instead appointed Charles Devlin to the position. Wood had Conover forcibly removed from the building by Municipal police officers, and Conover obtained two warrants for the arrest of the mayor. One was for inciting a riot and the other was for "violence against Conover's person". (It was widely speculated afterward that Wood had received $50,000 from Devlin ($1.4m in 2014) to secure the position.)
Captain George Walling of the Metropolitans was assigned to carry out one of the warrants. He arrived at City Hall by himself and was allowed to speak with Mayor Wood in his private office. Learning the purpose of his visit, Wood refused to accompany Walling, who then attempted to take him out of the building by force. Over 300 Municipal officers were stationed at City Hall, and Walling was stopped and thrown out into the street. He attempted several times to re-enter, arguing with Captain Abraham Ackerman, until the arrival of Captains Jacob Sebring and Coroner Perry, leading fifty Metropolitans, to serve the second warrant.
The Municipals charged out of the building, and for over a half-hour, the rival forces fought on the steps and in the corridors of City Hall. The Metropolitans were eventually forced from the building in a disorganized retreat. During the riot, 53 men were injured, including one officer from the Seventeenth Precinct, Patrolman Crofut, whose injuries resulted in his becoming an invalid. The wounded Metropolitans were brought to the office of Recorder James M. Smith and treated, while Mayor Wood and his supporters celebrated their victory in his private office.
During the fight, Conover and his attorney visited Sheriff Jacob Westervelt to request that he serve the warrants. Westervelt was advised by his representatives that it was his legal responsibility to do so, and he left with two men for City Hall. Upon his arrival, Wood again refused to leave his office. Soon after, members of the Metropolitan Police Board met with Major General Charles W. Sandford, who was about to leave with the Seventh Regiment for Boston. Sandford agreed to assist, and he led the regiment to City Hall. His men surrounded the building, and he entered City Hall to confront Mayor Wood. Realizing his situation, Wood agreed to submit and was placed under arrest.
Aftermath.
Within an hour of his arrest, Wood was released on bail. He was apparently never brought to trial, as records seem to indicate, and civil courts later supported that the governor had no legal right to interfere in mayoral appointments of city officials. Several months following the riot, policemen who had been injured at City Hall sued Mayor Wood and received $250 each. Wood ignored the ruling, and the officers were later paid, including legal bills, by the city.
Tensions remained high between the Municipal and Metropolitan police, especially during the next several months, and their feud continued throughout the summer. It was a common occurrence for Municipal officers to interfere in arrests by Metropolitan patrolmen. Criminals were often either released by Municipal officers or, when brought to a precinct, let go upon their own recognizance. This rivalry encouraged the criminal underworld to go on a crime spree and was partially responsible for the Dead Rabbits Riot in July 1857. By the fall of 1857, the Court of Appeals ruled in favor of the Supreme Court's decision and Mayor Wood quietly agreed to disband the Municipal police force.


45th G7 summit

The 45th G7 summit was held on 24–26 August 2019, in Biarritz, France. In March 2014, the G7 declared that a meaningful discussion was currently not possible with Russia in the context of the G8. Since then, meetings have continued within the G7 process. However, according to a senior Trump administration official, Donald Trump and Emmanuel Macron had agreed that Russia should be invited to the next G7 Summit to be held in 2020.
Concluding communique.
Five points were agreed at the issue of the summit, about:
Final press conference.
In the final press conference, UK Prime Minister Johnson said "Iran should never be allowed to get a nuclear weapon", and US President Trump spoke about Iran in a joint news conference with French President Macron. Whereas the European powers sought to appease Iran, Trump said in apparent reference to combative rhetoric by the Iranian government about its ability to attack US interests:
Host.
France, as the host of the 2019 G7 summit, held it at the Hôtel du Palais in Biarritz.
Leaders at the summit.
Attendees included leaders of the G7 member states plus representatives of the European Union. The President of the European Commission has been a permanently participant at all meetings since 1981, but current President Jean-Claude Juncker did not attend due to medical problems. The President of the European Council has been the EU's co-representative since the 36th G8 summit hosted by Canada in 2010.
The 45th G7 summit was the first summit for British Prime Minister Boris Johnson and the last summit for European Council President Donald Tusk. It was also the last summit for Japanese Prime Minister Shinzō Abe, U.S. President Donald Trump and Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte, as the planned 46th G7 summit was cancelled due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Abe and Trump handed over the power to Yoshihide Suga on September 16, 2020 and Joe Biden on January 20, 2021, respectively.
For this summit, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzō Abe had prepared to discuss about the situation in Hong Kong, where China is imposing a new security law.
The President of France, Emmanuel Macron, invited the Prime Minister of Australia Scott Morrison, the Prime Minister of Spain Pedro Sánchez, and the Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi to attend the outreach session of the summit as special invitees.
Gallery of participating leaders.
Invited guests.
Presidents and Heads of government.
The following leaders were invited to the Outreach Session of the G7 Summit.
Participation.
The Prime Ministers of Italy and Spain, Conte and Sanchez, are taking part in the summit as caretaker Prime Ministers. Jean-Claude Juncker of the European Commission did not attend due to bad health.
In a surprise move, Emmanuel Macron invited to attend on the margins Javad Zarif, who flew in on an Iranian government plane. Macron, who "attempted a high-risk diplomatic gambit", thought that the Foreign Minister of Iran might be able to defuse the tense situation over the Iranian nuclear programme in spite of the recent uptick in tensions between the Islamic Republic and the United States and Britain. A highly placed French political source said that
Topics.
Topics discussed included global trade, global warming, and taxing technology companies. European Council President Donald Tusk said leaders at the summit should discuss the Iran nuclear deal, which was at risk due to the U.S. government's decision to pull out.
On August 23, President Emmanuel Macron urged the G7 to lead the summit discussions with the 2019 Amazon wildfires, which he described as an "international crisis". He said, "Our house is burning. Literally.", adding that the Amazon rainforest produces 20% of the world's oxygen. U.S. President Donald Trump offered to take the position of the Brazilian government to the meeting, and said that the U.S. government did not agree to discuss the issue without Brazil's presence. The United Kingdom, Italy, Japan, Spain and Chile also support Brazil. During the meeting, it was reported that there were "sharp differences" among the participants.
On a request from the President Emmanuel Macron, François-Henri Pinault, Chairman and CEO of the luxury group Kering, presented the Fashion Pact during the summit, an initiative signed by 32 fashion firms committing to concrete measures to reduce their environmental impact. By 2020, 60 firms had joined the Fashion Pact.
Protests and counter-summit.
More than 13000 policemen are required for security. The French government wishes to avoid anti-globalization movements. The protesters of the Summit had several motivations, such as anti extractivism and anti-globalization. Protesters included human rights groups and climate change activists.
A number of small French and Basque organizations joined to organize a "Contre G7" summit, over the same days as the G7, in the south of the French Basque country.