Terrax

Terrax the Tamer is a fictional character appearing in American comic books published by Marvel Comics.
Publication history.
The character first appears in "Fantastic Four" #211 (Oct. 1979) and was created by Marv Wolfman and John Byrne.
Fictional character biography.
The Birth of a Herald.
The character first appears as a Birjan named Tyros, the ruler of the city-state of Lanlak on the planetoid Birj. The cosmic entity Galactus selects Tyros as his next Herald, but first wishes for the superhero team the Fantastic Four to humble him. In return the cosmic entity agrees to travel to Earth to aid the heroes against a new threat, the villain Sphinx. Tyros is defeated, and brought before Galactus, who changes the petty tyrant into "Terrax the Tamer". His minor control over stone was augmented to an incalculable degree. Now, he could affect all matter of rock and stone on nearly a planetary scale. His body was changed so that it would withstand the vacuum of space. Finally, Galactus gave Terrax a weapon called the cosmic axe capable of generating waves of cosmic force. Terrax travels with Galactus to Earth and, while his new master battles the Sphinx, attacks the Fantastic Four—still resenting the heroes for their role in his transformation. Terrax, however, is tricked and defeated by the Human Torch, and leaves with a victorious Galactus.
Rebellion.
As Galactus's new herald, Terrax found more worlds for his master than any of the previous heralds. Terrax likened the discovery of new planets to the feeling of conquest. On several occasions, Terrax annihilated large segments of the population himself using his cosmic powers. As Galactus had hoped, Terrax's lack of morality made him a successful herald. But whereas Galactus's other heralds had a sense of loyalty to their master, Terrax had none. Indeed, he served Galactus out of fear for his master's power, but even conquered that fear on several occasions to defy Galactus' wishes. Shortly after being transformed into Galactus' herald, Terrax fled from his master and overthrew the ruling body of a small-unnamed planet. He enslaved the entire population and set himself up as the planet's deity. Huge segments of that world's people died erecting temples and cities to glorify Terrax. Terrax planned to use the survivors of his reign as the first wave of a planned universe conquering army. But before Terrax could proceed any further, Galactus summoned his herald. Fearful of his master's wrath, Terrax hid in a black hole. Utilizing the powers of the Earth mutant Dazzler, Galactus freed Terrax and made him obedient to his will again.
Terrax reappears in the title "Rom", and after leading Galactus to the planet Galador, battles its champion, Rom, and his fellow Spaceknight, Terminator.
But Terrax's rebellious nature could not be totally stifled, and after a while, Terrax again fled his master. This time, he went to Earth. Utilizing his power, Terrax levitated the entire island of Manhattan into earth orbit and used the lives of its millions of inhabitants to bargain with the Fantastic Four. To spare Manhattan, Terrax demanded that they destroy Galactus by attacking his ship. Galactus had by now realized that his herald had become a liability to him, Returning Manhattan to Earth, Galactus stripped Terrax of his cosmic power and the transformed alien was sent hurtling from the top of the World Trade Center down to the street below. Although seriously injured, Terrax's alien physique enabled him to survive the fall. An unidentified passerby took Terrax's broken form, unknown to both the Fantastic Four and the Avengers, who were present at the site, to a nearby hospital. He remained there for several months in a semi comatose state.
Victor Von Doom, looking for a pawn to use in a plot against the Fantastic Four, discovered that Terrax had survived. Terrax was kidnapped from the hospital and brought back to Doom's kingdom of Latveria by a squad of robots dispatched by Doom. There, after six weeks of Doom's advanced treatments, Terrax recovered. But, having been stripped of cosmic power, Terrax had no memories of having been the herald of Galactus, and thus called himself Tyros once more. Doom had recently perfected a device that was capable of endowing an individual with limited cosmic power. Tyros readily agreed to be exposed to the device's energies, as he wished revenge against the Fantastic Four. Garbed in a special suit that would channel and regulate the cosmic energies in his body, Tyros set off for New York. Unknown to him, the power Doom gave him would consume Tyros's body within a matter of hours. Thus, Doom would not be faced with an adversary whose power was vaster than his own, once Tyros had served his purpose.
Tyros defeated the Fantastic Four at a shopping mall and, detesting the fact he was in the service of any master, he turned on Doom and immobilized the Latverian monarch in his armor. At Tyros's moment of seeming triumph, the Silver Surfer, the first of Galactus's heralds, arrived to save the lives of his friends. Tyros believed that his power level was equal to that of the Surfer's, but he soon learned that he was no match for someone who had received the Power Cosmic from Galactus himself. Tyros was forced to use his powers to their limit in order to combat the Surfer. This only served to hasten his inevitable deterioration. As the two former heralds of Galactus engaged in battle, Tyros was totally consumed by the Power Cosmic. When Tyros and Silver Surfer crash to the ground, they land on and obliterate the helpless Doctor Doom. Suddenly a shopper speaks arrogantly to an elderly woman, who turns out to be Spider-Man's Aunt May. Doctor Doom had, unknown to anybody, transferred his mind into the body of a shopper while leaving the shopper to die in Doctor Doom's body. It is left to the Beyonder to undo this confusing chain of events.
In an "Avengers" annual Terrax is temporarily resurrected to become a member of the second Legion of the Unliving by the Elder of the Universe the Grandmaster.
Tyros reforms his physical form as Terrax in the title "New Warriors", and battles the fledgling superhero team. Terrax is defeated when the heroes, deducing that his form is unstable and that constant contact with earth is required, separate him and thereby his form. Terrax reappears when reformed once again by a rogue scientist attempting to steal his power. He uses the scientist as a host body and again battles the New Warriors and Fantastic Four. The Silver Surfer intervenes and maroons Terrax on the deserted planet Pluraris IV.
Terrax features in the third volume of the "Silver Surfer" when asked to join his fellow Heralds against the threat of Galactus' latest Herald, Morg. After Morg's defeat, Terrax claims the character's axe. Morg eventually wishes to retrieve his weapon and battles Terrax until both are briefly captured—together with several other extraterrestrial characters Gladiator and Beta Ray Bill—by the entity Tyrant. Terrax guest stars in the limited series "Cosmic Powers", in which Tyrant is confronted and thwarted by the Titan Thanos.
After a battle with fellow Heralds the Surfer and Nova (actually the demon Mephisto in disguise) in the title "Silver Surfer", the character goes into hiding until he featured in the second "Sentry" limited series. During the "GLX-Mas Special", Terrax is confronted and defeated by Squirrel Girl. Terrax appears in the "Annihilation" storyline, being initially captured by the forces of Annihilus before escaping with the Alien Skrull Paibok. Terrax later finds a world ruled by the Space Parasite, whom he eventually kills. On discovering that the inhabitants are content to live in subservience, he flies into a rage and destroys the planet.
In the title "Hulk", Terrax is plucked from continuity by the Elder of the Universe the Grandmaster to be part of a team called the Offenders in a bid to thwart the Hulk.
Death.
Terrax later returns to his birth planet Birj where he's approached by one member of the Nova Corps, who had come to give a warning to Terrax and is helping in the evacuation of the planet. Terrax briefly fights him and refuses to evacuate the planet. Nova runs away as the threat he warned Terrax about arrives. As Nova leaves the planet, he sees the Phoenix Force completely consuming the planet Birj on its way through the universe, taking Terrax and all its population with it.
Resurrection.
While he was killed by the Phoenix Force, Tyros was eventually resurrected at some point and was found by Drax the Destroyer when the later crash landed on an unnamed planet. The events that led to his resurrection are unknown even for Tyros, but he suspects that the Phoenix's energy that killed him also might have restored him back to life. He later acquired a Phoenix Egg, under unknown circumstances, and stored it on his warship. Thane eventually learned about this, and deceived his allies (the Champion, Starfox and Nebula) into helping him invade Terrax's warship to steal the egg.
Terrax later lands in San Francisco, California, where he battles the Superior Spider-Man. During the battle, Terrax nearly kills Superior Spider-Man, until the Night Shift shows up and drops a device which Spider-Man uses to absorb some of his cosmic powers. Despite being slightly depowered, Terrax still proves to be a match for Spider-Man but is eventually defeated.
Powers and abilities.
Tyros is an alien with a genetic mutation that gives him a limited mental ability to manipulate the molecules of rock and earth. After being transformed by the Power Cosmic of Galactus, the character can perform feats as fine as manipulating sand and as grand as causing volcanic eruptions and moving asteroids, meteors, and planetary masses from space at high speeds; shift tectonic plates to cause earthquakes and create chasms; and levitate large land masses miles into the air. Like all Heralds, Terrax possesses superhuman strength, stamina, reflexes and durability; energy projection; force fields; warp speed and is immune to the rigors of space. The character further possesses a cosmic scythe which he sometimes directs his energy attacks through.
Other versions.
MC2.
A future version of Terrax appears in alternate universe the MC2 title, "Fantastic Five".
Terrax the Truly Enlightened.
In "Earth-TRN267," Terrax was also a herald of Galaktus and called himself "Terrax the Truly Enlightened". When this Earth started to collide with Earth-616 due to an Incursion, the Illuminati traveled to that reality to see if they could save the people there before destroying the world. They found that Terrax had already guided Galaktus of that universe to destroy it in order to save his universe. Terrax demanded the Illuminati retreat to their home reality, but they refused, and Terrax attacked them. Terrax was eventually defeated and captured but not in time to stop Galactus, who consumed the Earth-TRN267, averting in the process the Earth-616's destruction.
Terrax was taken to Earth-616 and was imprisoned in the Necropolis of Wakanda in a cell next to Black Swan's, where she later suggested that he would soon have an interest in teaming up with her. Terrax joins the New Cabal to destroy Earths that are colliding with Earth-616.


20th G7 summit

The 20th G7 Summit was held in Naples, Italy, on July 8–10, 1994. The venue for the summit meetings was the former Royal Palace in Naples.
The Group of Seven (G7) was an unofficial forum which brought together the heads of the richest industrialized countries: France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada (since 1976) and the President of the European Commission (starting officially in 1981). The summits were not meant to be linked formally with wider international institutions; and in fact, a mild rebellion against the stiff formality of other international meetings was a part of the genesis of cooperation between France's President Giscard d'Estaing and West Germany's Chancellor Helmut Schmidt as they conceived the first Group of Six (G6) summit in 1975.
Leaders at the summit.
The G7 is an unofficial annual forum for the leaders of Canada, the European Commission, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States.
The 20th G7 summit was the first summit for Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi and Japanese Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama. It was also the last summit for French President François Mitterrand.
Participants.
These summit participants are the current "core members" of the international forum:
Agenda.
The first night of the summit included a working dinner for the international leaders. The event was organized in the dramatic setting of Castel dell'Ovo at the waters' edge of the Bay of Naples.
Issues.
The summit was intended as a venue for resolving differences among its members. As a practical matter, the summit was also conceived as an opportunity for its members to give each other mutual encouragement in the face of difficult economic decisions. Issues which were discussed at this summit included:


Turkish consulate attack in Paris

The Turkish consulate attack (also known as Van Operation, ) was an attack on the Turkish consulate in Paris, France on 24–25 September 1981. According to a statement issued by Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia, army's militants demanded to release political prisoners in Turkey including two Armenian clergymen Father Manuel Yergatian and Pastor Hrant Guzelian and 10 non-Armenians.
Takeover.
The attack began about 11:30 a.m. when four members of Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia, calling themselves a "Yeghia Keshishian Suicide Commando", took over the consulate, killing a Turkish guard, wounding the Turkish Consul, and taking 56 people hostage.
The consulate, a nine-story building on the Boulevard Haussmann, not far from the Arc de Triomphe, was surrounded by dozens of French policemen a few minutes after it was seized. Sharpshooters took up positions on buildings opposite the consulate, and the area was cordoned off by riot policemen, causing huge traffic jams. Several buildings adjoining the consulate were evacuated.
The gunmen, who said they were members of an organization called the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA), threatened to blow up the consulate building and everyone inside if the French police tried to intervene. According to The Sydney Morning Herald, "the guerillas sent out a Turkish official from the consulate" to hand over a paper containing their demands to police. At the same time, in a statement issued and delivered to the Reuters Beirut office during the siege, ASALA's "Suicide Commandos of Yeghia Kechichian" threatened that if Turkey did not release certain "Armenian political prisoners," and if French authorities intervened in the consulate takeover, all of the hostages would be executed." The Turkish prisoners whose release the militants demanded were said to include two clergymen and five Turkish and five Kurdish "revolutionary fighters."
The French and Turks knew from experience that they should take the Armenians seriously. Based in Beirut, the Secret Army had claimed at least 136 attacks against Turks in the previous six years, including sixteen killings and scores of bombings in cities including Sydney, Zurich and Los Angeles. The radicals had killed six Turkish officials in Paris alone, starting with Ambassador İsmail Erez and his chauffeur in 1975. The Armenian group sought to avenge the genocide of their people by Turks during World War I.
Turkey's ambassador to France, Adnan Bulak, refused to negotiate, saying that Turkey holds no Armenian political prisoners. "We will not negotiate with terrorists. That is Turkish Government policy. We perhaps have some Turkish political prisoners of Armenian origin, but there are no Armenian political prisoners." The French Government started talks by telephone and through the consulate's windows. The Turkish guard Cemal Ozen was released about six hours later to a police medical team, but he died shortly afterwards in a Paris hospital.
Again and again, a militant appeared at a window to shout demands, holding a grenade in his left-hand, a pistol in his right hand—and shielding himself with a terrified hostage. Eventually, one of the injured militants emerged, flashing a V sign and shouting, "I demand political refugee status."
Shortly after midnight, the militants' leader started the negotiations that led to the end of the ordeal at about 2 a.m. He was promised by French authorities that the four militants would receive political asylum. "If we had refused asylum," explained Interior Minister Gaston Defferre, "they would have become desperate men." The next day, however, the French Government issued a statement saying that the men would have to stand trial on charges growing out of the assault, including the death of a Turkish guard.
"However sorrowful the historical events that the perpetrators of this act invoked," the French statement said, the takeover "was an inadmissible assault on elementary human rights and becomes even more intolerable because once again Turkish diplomats assigned to France have been attacked."
Coverage of takeover received one of the highest television ratings in France in 1981.
Charges and trial.
The four militants were charged with the murder of a security guard and the attempted murder of the vice-consul. The men were also charged with the illegal detention of the 56 hostages and breaking arms laws. During the trial, demonstrations took place in Paris, in support of the defendants. They also received strong support from Henri Verneuil, Mélinée Manouchian, the widow of the French resistance hero, Missak Manouchian, and singer Liz Sarian. Charles Aznavour sent a letter to the court. Entering the court smiling, the handcuffed defendants all made the victory "V" sign with their hands. Defendant Kevork Guzelian told the court: "Whatever your verdict, our action is already a victory."
Patrick Devedjian withdrew from the mayoral election in Antony, to defend the four young Armenians in court. Devedjian and his team have ensured that the chairman of the court banned the participants of the hearings from calling the defendants "terrorists" instead demanding to use the term "combatant" (fighters).
The four militants – Vasken Sako Sislian, Kevork Abraham Guzelian, Aram Avedis Basmajian and Hagop Abraham Dzhulfayan – were convicted on 31 January 1984 to 7 years in prison (including the years of their stay in detention pending trial). During the reading of the verdict, the majority of the participants (mostly Armenians) also got up upon hearing the words “accused, stand up”. Singer Rosy Armen sang “Wake Up, Lao”, and she was joined by the many voices of those present. The verdict received large resentment in Turkey.
The international press alleged that the light sentences to four ASALA members charged with the takeover of the Turkish consulate in Paris were a part of a secret deal that French Socialist government struck with ASALA in January 1982. In exchange, ASALA undertook to conduct no further attacks on French soil, while the French government also granted ASALA the unrestricted use of French airports. Belief in this suspected agreement was further bolstered after Interior Minister Gaston Defferre called ASALA's cause "just".
Sislyan, Guzelian and Dzhulfayan were released from the Fleury-Mérogis prison in France on August 5, 1986. The fourth convict – Aram Basmajian – committed suicide a year earlier and was buried at the Père Lachaise Cemetery.
The Armenians called their attack on the consulate "Operation Van," after the city which they traditionally regard as the symbol of resistance to the Turks.
According to Monte Melkonian, at that time a member of ASALA who helped to plan and train commandos for the "Van Operation", this so-called "Van Operation" by the "Yeghia Keshishian Suicidal Commando" marked "ASALA's historic peak. It became the greatest single military/propaganda success ever achieved in the history of the diaspora...


Theban phalanx


The Food Commission

The Food Commission is an independent food watchdog campaigning for safer, healthier food in the UK. The commission is primarily funded by public subscriptions to their campaign journal, the "Food Magazine".


Pennsylvania Leadership Conference

Pennsylvania Leadership Conference is an annual two-day conference organized by the Pennsylvania Leadership Council of Pennsylvania conservative activists in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Due to coronavirus pandemic, 2020's conference will proceed as a virtual one.
History.
The Pennsylvania Leadership Conference was founded in 1989 by a group of conservative activists, including Charlie Gerow, Susan Staub, Jim Panyard, Don Eberly, and John Fluharty, seeking to strengthen the conservative "grassroots lobby" in Pennsylvania. The first conference attracted 300 attendees and featured speakers including Congressmen Robert Smith Walker and Newt Gingrich and State Representatives Joseph R. Pitts and Howard L. Fargo. The "Philadelphia Inquirer" described it as an "anti-left nirvana." The conference was scheduled during the Republican State Committee of Pennsylvania meeting in Erie, leading commentators to speculate that it was intended to drain support from eventual Republican nominee for Pennsylvania Governor Barbara Hafer because of her pro-choice stance. However, conference organizers denied such an ulterior motive.
Conference presidents and speakers.
Following the first meeting, the Pennsylvania Leadership Council was founded to coordinate the conference's annual organization, with Lowman S. Henry serving as president. Later presidents included Sean Duffy and Gorden Blain. Speakers at the Pennsylvania Leadership Conference have included M. Stanton Evans, Bill Bennett, Robert Novak, Alan Keyes, Lynne Cheney, Armstrong Williams, Walter Williams, John Gizzi, and David Horowitz.


Western Togoland

Western Togoland () is an area "de jure" in the Republic of Ghana. The area of Western Togoland is divided into five regions: Volta, Oti, Northern region, North East region and Upper East Region. In September 2020 separatists in Western Togoland declared independence from the Republic of Ghana.
Western Togoland has been a member state of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) since 2017.
History.
The German Empire established the Togoland protectorate in 1884. Under German administration, the protectorate was regarded as a model colony or "Musterkolonie" and experienced a golden age. During the First World War in 1914, Britain and France invaded the protectorate. After the German defeat and the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, the western part of Togoland became a British mandate, British Togoland.
After the Second World War British Togoland became a United Nations Trust Territory that was under British administration.
In 1957 the Western Togolese voted in a plebiscite to become part of what is now Ghana.
On May 9, 2017, the Homeland Study Group Foundation () unsuccessfully tried to declare the independence of Western Togoland.
On May 7, 2019, the national executive of the Volta separatist group, Homeland Study Group Foundation (HSGF/FGEP), Emmanuel Agbavor has rejected claims that the group had a militia.
On September 25, 2020, secessionists demanded that Ghanaian Security forces leave the Volta Region after attacking several police stations in the North Tongu District of the Volta Region. In a press statement declaring their secession from Ghana, the Homeland Study Group Foundation under the leadership of Charles Kormi Kudzordz declared sovereignty over the area. The Government of Ghana did not take the declaration seriously, viewing it as a "joke", although prominent security expert Adib Sani urged the government to treat the issue as a national security risk.
There have been injuries and deaths in the clash(es) following the declaration of independence though the Republic of Ghana claims to have gained intel on those clashes before they occurred.
Ghanaian sources claim the secessionist group heading the independence movement, the Homeland Study Group, is under control. However, the secessionists took over arms and set up road blockades. The president of the Republic of Ghana has denied negotiating with the secessionists.
Demographics.
About 11 million people live in Western Togoland. Languages of Western Togoland include French, Ewe, Dagomba, Ga, Dangme, and English.
The main religions are Christianity, Islam, and Voodoo and the majority of the people in this region are Ewés.


Ptolemy of Aloros

Ptolemy of Aloros (), was sent by King Amyntas III of Macedon as an envoy to Athens c. 375–373 BC. After Amyntas' death, he began a liaison with his widow, Eurydice. In 368 BC, he assassinated her son, Alexander II, in order to gain control of the throne. His actions were not well-regarded by the leading families of Macedon, who called in the Theban general, Pelopidas, to re-establish peace. As part of the peace settlement, Philip, Alexander II's younger brother, was taken as a hostage back to Thebes. As Alexander II's elder brother, Perdiccas III, was under-age when Alexander II was killed, Ptolemy of Aloros ruled as regent.
Ptolemy ruled as a regent for Perdiccas III until Perdiccas killed him in 365 BC.
It is suggested that Ptolemy was descended from Amyntas II's brother, Menelaus, son of Alexander I.


Escrache

Escrache is a type of direct action demonstration which involves publicly harassing public figures, usually by congregating around their homes, chanting and publicly shaming them. In Argentina the term was coined in 1995 by the human rights group HIJOS, to condemn the genocides committed by members of the PROCESO who were pardoned by Carlos Menem.
In Chile these actions are known as "funa". In Peru they are known as "roche" and are often signed "El roche".
In Spain in 2013, a number the Platform of Mortgage Victims (PAH) held escraches against members of the parliament who were not willing to sign a popular legislative initiative (ILP) supported by 90% of the population, to allow the repossession of homes to cancel out mortgage debt, a law without which homeless former owners would be forced to continue paying the banks after losing their homes. The PAH's campaign – "There are lives at stake" – referred to the high rates of suicide among those evicted and detailed strict guidelines of how escraches were to be conducted in nonviolent manner, without insults or affecting the children of the deputies.
Origin of the term.
The lunfardo term "escracho" has been used for some time in Río de la Plata. It was mentioned by Benigno B. Lugones in 1879 referring to a scam in which a lottery ticket supposedly naming the victim is presented to them and they are asked to pay to receive it, for an amount which is inferior to the amount they have "won" in the lottery. Escrache might also have come from the Genoese synonym for a photo "scraccé", "scraccé" also passed to mean make a portrait, or more recently to smash someone's face in. Another proposed origin is the English "to scratch" (the tickets used in the lottery scam were scratched to modify the number) or the Italian "scaracchio" meaning spit.
The term came into wider use in 1995 by the human rights group HIJOS, when Carlos Menem pardoned members of the "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional" who were accused of human rights violations and genocide. Using chants, music, graffiti, banners, throwing eggs, street theater, etc., they informed neighbors of the presence of murderers in the neighborhood. Over a decade passed before those responsible for the murders committed under the regime of Jorge Rafael Videla were brought to trial for their crimes.


Nominations in the 2020 Labour Party deputy leadership election

The following list shows all Labour Party Members of Parliament (MPs), Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), Constituency Labour Parties (CLPs), affiliated trades unions and socialist societies that nominated a candidate in the 2020 Labour Party deputy leadership election.


2003 Neiva bombing

The 2003 Neiva bombing was a major bomb attack carried out by Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) rebels in the city of Neiva, Colombia on February 14, 2003. Sixteen people died and a dozen others were injured after the explosion of a car bomb near Benito Salas Airport. Police claimed FARC tried to blow up a plane carrying President Álvaro Uribe who was flying overhead. Nine police officers were among those who died. The explosive charge of the blast was 330-440 pounds.
Police discovered the plot and raided the house. Because of this the terrorists decided to detonate the bomb at that moment instead, thus missing the President in the plane. The powerful blast managed to destroy five nearby houses and damaged 30 more.
On the same day, two CIA operatives were captured by the guerillas in Colombia, whilst two others were thought to have been assassinated.


Hamza al-Ghamdi

Hamza al-Ghamdi (, , also transliterated as Alghamdi) (November 18, 1980 – September 11, 2001) was one of five hijackers of United Airlines Flight 175 as part of the September 11 attacks.
Born in Saudi Arabia, Hamza al-Ghamdi left his family to fight in Chechnya and was probably sent to al-Qaeda training camps in Afghanistan where he was chosen to participate in the 9/11 attacks.
He arrived in the United States in May 2001 on a tourist visa. On September 11, 2001, al-Ghamdi boarded United Airlines Flight 175 and hijacked the plane along with his brother Ahmed al-Ghamdi and 3 other terrorists so that the plane could be crashed into the South Tower of the World Trade Center.
History.
Some reports say that al-Ghamdi left his home to fight in Chechnya against the Russians in early 2000. (Other reports say he left in January 2001.) He called home several times until late 2001, saying he was in Chechnya.
Known as "Julaybeeb" during the preparations, al-Ghamdi traveled to the United Arab Emirates some time in late 2000, where he purchased traveler's cheques presumed to have been paid for by Mustafa al-Hawsawi. Five other hijackers also passed through the UAE and purchased traveller’s cheques, including Majed Moqed, Saeed al-Ghamdi, Wail al-Shehri, Ahmed al-Haznawi and Ahmed al-Nami.
In January 2001, al-Ghamdi rented a post office box in Delray Beach, Florida with another hijacker, Mohand al-Shehri. According to FBI director Robert Mueller and the 9/11 Commission however, al-Ghamdi did not first enter the United States until a London flight on May 28 with Mohand al-Shehri and Abdulaziz al-Omari.
In March 2001, al-Ghamdi was filmed in a farewell video that was aired on al Jazeera. In the video, many future 9/11 hijackers swear to become martyrs, although no details of the plot are revealed. Al-Ghamdi does not speak in the film, but is seen studying maps and flight manuals.
He was one of 9 hijackers to open a SunTrust bank account with a cash deposit around June 2001. Al-Ghamdi also applied for and received a Florida driver's license on June 27, 2001. In the next two months, he obtained two duplicate licenses simply by filling out change-of-address forms. Five other suspected hijackers also received duplicate Florida licenses in 2001, and others had licenses in different states. Some have speculated that this was to allow multiple people to use the same identity.
Attacks.
Al-Ghamdi purchased his own eTicket for Flight 175 on August 29, using his Visa card. The FBI also claimed that he also purchased an eTicket for a "Flight 7950" from Los Angeles to San Francisco, although it does not give the projected date of flight.
On August 30, Hamza al-Ghamdi bought his brother, Ahmed al-Ghamdi, an identical eTicket for Flight 175 and bought them each one-way tickets on an AirTran flight on September 7, from Fort Lauderdale to Boston. However, al-Ghamdi instead went with Mohand al-Shehri to Newark, New Jersey on $139.75 tickets purchased from the Mile High Travel agency in Lauderdale-by-the-Sea.
Hamza and Ahmed al-Ghamdi stayed at the Charles Hotel in Cambridge, Massachusetts. On September 8 they checked out of the hotel, and moved into the Days Hotel on Soldiers Field Road in Brighton, Boston, Massachusetts where they remained up until the attacks.
On the morning of September 11, 2001, Hamza al-Ghamdi left the hotel with his brother. The two men shared a taxicab to get to Logan International Airport, where they boarded Flight 175. The brothers pushed the passengers and crew to the back of the plane while Fayez Banihammad and al-Shehri killed the pilots Victor Saracini and Michael Horrocks allowing al-Shehri to take control of the plane.
Aftermath.
On September 22, 2001, Arab News reported that Hamza al-Ghamdi's father told the Al-Watan newspaper that an "FBI-released" photograph bore absolutely no resemblance to his son. However, the picture al-Ghamdi's father refers to is assumed to have not been a picture released by the FBI, as they did not make the hijacker's pictures available until September 27, 2001.
He appeared in a video released on September 8, 2006, that showed the planning of the attacks.


Pernambuco Province


Operation Coldstore

Operation Coldstore, sometimes spelled Operation Cold Store, was the code name for a covert security operation carried out in Singapore on 2 February 1963 which led to the arrest of 113 people, who were detained without trial under the Preservation of Public Service Security Ordinance (PSSO). In official accounts, the operation was a security operation "aimed at crippling the Communist open front organisation," which threatened Singapore's internal security. The operation was authorised by the Internal Security Council which was composed of representatives from the British, Singapore and Malayan Federal governments.
Background and contexts.
Post-war conditions and the rise of left-wing movements.
The post-war conditions in Singapore were harsh for the working class as they had to grapple with poor working conditions which were exploitative and discriminatory. In the same period, British decolonisation of Singapore resulted in the installation of a new constitution in 1955 which encouraged "local participation in politics". The liberalisation of Singapore’s political environment led to the emergence of "pro-labour left-wing movements" which represented the rights of the working class. The Barisan Sosialis would emerge as a prominent and popular left-wing group in 1961 along with Jamit Singh. Many of the left-wing groups organised demonstrations to achieve concessions for the workers. Some of these labour movements graduated into movements promoting self-determination and independence from the British for economic progress. They drew inspiration from global anti-colonial struggles across Asia and Africa occurring in the post-war era.
Against the backdrop of global decolonisation and independence, the Communist Party of Malaya (MCP) emerged in Malaya. The British and Malayan leaders' efforts to contain communism resulted in the Malayan Emergency. Under the emergency conditions, individuals suspected to be involved in communist activities could be detained without trial. This restricted and regulated environment was replicated in Singapore which facilitated the execution of Operation Coldstore in 1963 under the provisions of the Preservation of Public Service Security Ordinance (PSSO).
The experiences from fighting the MCP in the 1950s led the British and Malayan leaders to formulate the view that the Chinese were linked to Communist movements and were seen as proxies of Communist China. As a result, the emergence of left-wing movements which were largely led by Chinese students and workers became perceived to be detrimental to British interests in Singapore and Malaya.
Political situation in Singapore.
In the 1959 Singapore General Elections, the People's Action Party (PAP) led by Lee Kuan Yew contested and emerged victorious by winning 43 out of 51 constituencies. However, victory was short-lived as they were later defeated in the Hong Lim by-election in April 1961 and the Anson by-election in July 1961. The PAP candidates lost to Ong Eng Guan and David Marshall in both by-elections.
The PAP was also increasingly divided and these schisms became visible between 1960 and 1961. On 20 July 1961, left-wing members of the PAP defected from the PAP after Lee Kuan Yew's call for a motion of confidence in the government. Most of these members later formed the Barisan Sosialis (Barisan) on 30 July 1961, led by Lim Chin Siong. As many of the members who defected to the Barisan were prominent grassroots leaders, the Barisan had a strong support base and became a strong opposition party to the PAP.
Given the Barisan's large support base, political onlookers speculated that the Barisan could potentially win the 1963 General Election. The British colonial records revealed that Lee Kuan Yew felt threatened by the powerful left-wing movements and had on several occasions tried to remove his opponents by invoking the PSSO to detain his opponents.
Decolonisation and the formation of Malaysia.
The British believed that independence for Singapore should be granted with a merger with Malaya so that economic resources could be shared and that their concerns of Singapore becoming an "independent, predominantly Chinese polity" could be alleviated. The PAP, which was led by the English-educated Lee Kuan Yew, temporarily eased their fears in 1959.
Lee Kuan Yew and the PAP also favoured merger with Malaya because the assistance of Malaya was required to suppress the growing left-wing which challenged the PAP, particularly in the wake of losing the two by-elections in 1961. Lee was adamant that communism could only be eradicated through merger. In his memoirs, Lee believed that the communist threat was real throughout the 1950s and 1960s in Singapore, and also perceived that Lim Chin Siong was one of the key communist leaders. Such sentiments were also evident in the Malayan government and it feared that a weakened PAP would become replaced by the radical Chinese left-wing groups and pose a threat to neighbouring Malaya which was predominantly Malay. Thus, Malaya slowly agreed to merger with Singapore, but on the pre-condition that communist sympathisers from the left-wing movements are arrested. On 27 May 1961, following the PAP's defeats in the two by-elections, Malayan Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman announced that, "sooner or later Malaya, Singapore and the Borneo territories should work together for close political and economic cooperation."
Developments leading to Operation Coldstore.
Disagreements over specifics of arrests.
By 1962, it was clear that the Malayan government considered the arrests of Singapore's left-wing groups, which they perceived as communist breeding grounds, as one of the two pre-conditions for the creation of Malaysia. The debates over the specifics of the arrests resulted in a power struggle in 1961 between the British, Singapore and Malayan leaders. In February 1962, the Malayans insisted on the apprehension of opposition leaders in Singapore and warned that they would pull out from the Internal Security Council if their requests were ignored. However, the British officials in Singapore opposed such oppressive measures and argued that evidence had to be presented before arrests could be made. Observing that the Malayans were pushing for an arrest programme, Lee Kuan Yew jumped onto the bandwagon in March 1962. The Malayans' call for arrests could revive Lee's earlier attempts in 1960 to remove "certain communists close to Lim Chin Siong" by invoking the PSSO.
In May 1962, a joint report was produced by Singapore and Malaya and presented to the Malayan, Singapore and British governments. The report advocated for an "intensification of efforts to expose the communist, and deny them facilities, culminating in the detention of those shown to be Communist conspirators… with Lim Chin Siong at the top of the list..." The Earl of Selkirk disagreed with the report's recommendations by highlighting that "the Singapore Special Branch have virtually failed to identify directly any communist threats during the last three years" and opined that "Lee Kuan Yew is quite clearly attracted by the prospect of wiping out his main political opposition before the next general elections". Therefore, cautioning against using the PSSO for political rather than security reasons.
By 28 June 1962, the absence of concrete arrests led Geofroy Tory, the British representative in Kuala Lumpur, to report that the Malayans were on the verge of withdrawing from merger if the pre-condition for arrests was unmet. This inaction was in part due to the Earl of Selkirk and Philip Moore's continued belief that insufficient evidence existed to demonstrate the existence of subversive communist activities. Moore, the Acting British Commissioner for Singapore, reasoned that Lim Chin Siong's political actions were constitutional and could not warrant an arrest. In July 1962, Moore opined that "Lim is working very much on his own and that his primary objective is not the communist millennium... It is far from certain that having attained this objective, Lim would necessarily prove a compliant tool of Peking or Moscow." Distrust continued to mount between the British, Singapore and Malayans leaders over the specifics of the arrest as Selkirk reported to Sandys that "the Malays talk of arrested 25 for security reasons; Lee Kuan Yew talks of arrested 250 for security and political reasons; in fact, I believe both of them wish to arrest effective political opposition and blame us for doing so." The leaders disagreed on who would assume responsibility for the impending arrests. However, while the pre-conditions remained unresolved, the issue of citizenship for merger had been decided. Malaya and Singapore agreed that with merger, internal security would come under the purview of the federal government. Singapore's citizens will also attain Malaysian citizenship, but they were not entitled to vote or run for elections across the causeway.
Meanwhile, as discussions for merger and the arrests were underway, the discussed terms of the merger were disclosed in August 1961 in Singapore. Left-wing groups such as the Barisan were appalled as they perceived merger terms to be discriminatory and deprived Singaporeans of their voting rights in the federal elections. In addition, internal security would come under the purview of the federal government which Singaporeans could not vote for. The Barisan vehemently questioned the terms of the merger and encouraged their supporters to cast blank votes in upcoming referendum on the merger. The Barisan also argued that merger was a neo-colonial construct because it was conceived under the auspices of the British. However, Lee Kuan Yew wrote in his memoirs that these were "delaying tactics" that directed "people to concentrate first on the anti-colonial struggle" and conflating the Barisan with the communist, Lee wrote that Barisan's larger goal was communist subversion. To the dismay of the left-wing, the referendum results of the merger revealed that the PAP's merger scheme had won 71 percent of the votes. The results encouraged Lee to believe that he now had the mandate to pursue merger and remove the left-wing groups.
Breakthrough with the Brunei Revolt.
The breakthrough in the discussion on the arrests came when a rebellion led by A. M. Azahari from the Party Rak'yat occurred in Brunei on 8 December 1962. Lim Chin Siong and the Barisan Sosialis expressed their support for the movement as an anti-colonial struggle but it was unclear if they were directly involved in the revolt. In any case, it was quickly discovered that on 3 December 1962, Azahari had had a rendezvous with Lim. Colonial records reveal that in a conversation with Moore, that Lee Kuan Yew had described the rebellion as a "heaven-sent opportunity" to legitimise the arrests of Lim Chin Siong and left-wing groups.
In response to the rebellion, the Malayan government called for an Internal Security Council meeting to discuss the arrest of the Barisan leaders. While the meeting of Lim Chin Siong and Azahari reinforced the Singapore Special Branch's belief in an imminent communist subversion, the Earl of Selkirk still had his reservations about making the arrests. However, Sandys, the Colonial and Common Wealth Secretary pressured Selkirk to "take advantage of the Barisan's declaration of support for the Indonesian-sponsored insurrection in Brunei. Selkirk was to push through the arrest under the cover of the Brunei emergency.” The arrests were approved by the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, on 12 December 1962 and the Internal Security Council promptly reconvened on 13 December to firm up details of the arrests.
Failure of the first Operation Coldstore.
The arrests were scheduled for 16 December 1962 at 0200 hours but shortly before the scheduled date Lee Kuan Yew expanded the list of arrestees to include Malayan parliamentarians Lim Kean Siew and Ahmad Boestaman because they were opposed to merger. Lee also wanted the Malayan government to assume joint responsibility for the arrests and even composed a draft public statement for them to present in the federal parliament. Malayan Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman rejected Lee's demands on the grounds that insufficient evidence existed to justify the arrest of the Malayan parliamentarians.
In preparation for the arrests, a meeting was held at the Tunku's office on 15 December 1962 at 2200 hours. Lee continued to insist that the Malayan parliamentarians had to be arrested and was compelled to cancel the Singapore operation if his request was not granted. The Tunku, who was "holding a party next door" did not accede to Lee's request and said that Lee was trying to "use him to justify the arrest of Singapore opposition.". Lee, on the other hand, was worried that if only the radical left were put away, the Tunku would no longer have any incentive for Singapore to merge with Malaya.
Consequently, the operation fell apart with grievous consequences. The Tunku was 'almost persuaded that Malaya's interest would be best served by taking North Borneo and Sarawak... into the new Federation and leaving Singapore out', while Lee was coldly resigned to this and left for a vacation in Cameron Highlands – unless the Federation took the initiative, the Singapore government would not bear joint responsibility for any arrests.
On 17 December 1962, the Federation withdrew from the Internal Security Council, leaving the British aghast. On 28 December 1962, Selkirk cabled Sandys, warning him of the real danger that the Tunku would not be prepared to include Singapore in Malaysia, and that a compromise would have to be reached.
Negotiations and compromises.
Selkirk was also uncomfortable with the presence of the "communist united front members continuing to work in Singapore in the light of Indonesian activities in Borneo". Thus, he repositioned his stance and wrote to the Secretary of State for Colonies advocating for prompt round-up of Communists in Singapore and estimated around 70 arrestees to be apprehended. The Malayan leaders were also anxious to employ the Brunei rebellion as to make the arrests, but Lee Kuan Yew remained uncontactable in Cameron Highlands. Colonial records reveal that Goh Keng Swee had mentioned that “there was no need for the Singapore government to do anything since the British would be forced by the Tunku to take action.”
In January 1963, the Tunku was alarmed when Lee Kuan Yew continued to expand the arrest list to include "some members of Marshall's and Ong's parties" despite "protestations of Singapore Special Branch." Nevertheless, on 18 January 1963, the Malayan government agreed on the specifics of the arrests "except for two matters... the UPP members and the proposal that Lim be offered by Lee the opportunity to leave Singapore after the arrest."
However, Tunku warned Geofroy Tory, the British High Commissioner in Kuala Lumpur on 30 January 1963, that 'if this operation failed, merger with Singapore was off'. Tory, in turn warned everyone else, particularly his British colleagues and especially Lord Selkirk, to put their reservations aside as 'this was positively the last time'.
All parties finally agreed to proceed, and 2 February 1963 was selected for the commencement of Operation Coldstore. Lee opted for this day because holding the Operation "before the Chinese New Year celebrations... would dampen any adverse reaction."
Operation Coldstore.
Operation Coldstore commenced at 0215 hours on 2 February 1963. The police and Special Branch officers gathered in Johor before heading out to Singapore at 0315 hours to round up suspected communist sympathisers. A total of 113 people were arrested. Those detained included "31 in the political sphere... 40 trade union leaders, 18 from the education sphere, 11 from cultural circles, 7 members of rural committees of hawkers, nine people only identified as members of the MCP and 14 others." Among those arrested from the political sphere were 24 members from the Barisan Sosialis. The arrests were defended by invoking the PSSO with claims that the arrestees had "the long-term aim of the Malayan Communist Party to infiltrate and take over left-wing political parties, workers' associations and trade unions in the colony in order to foment violent unrest.” A representative from the People's Action Party, S. Rajaratnam, justified the operation by stating that "action was taken not because they are Communists but because the danger of subversion and violence by communist in aid of these alien interventions." The Internal Security Council report stated that those arrested were "hard core organisers and their collaborators of the Communist conspiracy in Singapore believed that the armed struggle remains a weapon to be employed whenever the opportunity arises."
Selected list of detainees:
113 people, including:
Aftermath.
Official representations.
Official accounts represent Operation Coldstore as a tough but necessary action to safeguard the internal security of Singapore as well as those of Singapore's neighbouring countries. At a press conference on 4 February 1963, Lee Kuan Yew claimed that the "open front communist organisations were ready to mount violent agitation to coincide with events outside Singapore" which could also "endangered the security of Malaysia." He also stated that "if left alone without outside factors, Singapore would never have contemplated such sweeping actions." However, Lee's comments were not well received by the British and the Malayan governments as it shifted the responsibility for arrests on them while denying Lee's active involvement in the events leading up to the operation.
Protest movements.
The execution of Operation Coldstore was followed by a series of protests and demonstrations. On 22 April 1963, four Barisan Sosialis leaders, along with Lee Siew Choh, demonstrated against Operation Coldstore at the Prime Minister's Office
but were later apprehended and "charged with abetment to overawe the government by force".
Operation Coldstore led to the arrests of Nanyang University students who had been involved in opposing the referendum in 1962, and the termination of the Nanyang University student publication permit. These actions triggered widespread student protests against the repressive PSSO. In addition, the student unions of polytechnics, Nanyang University and the University of Malaya jointly produced a proclamation against the arrests and termination of their publication permit.
Amnesty International came to the fore and campaigned against Operation Coldstore from its headquarters in London, although their efforts were not successful.
Criticisms of treatment of detainees.
The conditions under which the detainees were held came under scrutiny by the Singapore Assembly when it was revealed that the detainees were kept in "solitary confinement until their interrogation had been completed" while "the interrogation process itself appeared to be unnecessarily protracted." The extended length of interrogations also alarmed the British. In addition, in late May 1963, the British investigating team of Members of Parliament from the Labour Party, which included Fenner Brockway, questioned the manner in which the detainees were treated.
1963 Singapore General Elections and formation of Malaysia.
The Barisan Sosialis was the People's Action Party's strongest contenders in politics. However, Operation Coldstore had substantially weakened the Barisan as most of its key personnel had been detained. According to Matthew Jones, "the Barisan never recovered from the combined effects of the outcome of the referendum result and the 'Cold Store' detentions.” Jones also highlights that numerous Barisan leaders and members were bogged down with lawsuits and its followers were "demoralised". In addition, Tan Jing Quee mentions that "the two main pillars of the left-wing movement in Singapore, the Barisan Sosialis and SATU, were decapitated," following Operation Coldstore.
Operation Coldstore also set off the May Day rally in Farrer Park which was popularly supported by 39 left-wing unions and amassed a crowd of approximately 10,000 people. The rally was accompanied by a call by ST Bani, the president of SATU, who "urged that a general election be held in Singapore under United Nations auspices".
In the end, the People's Action Party won the 1963 General Elections and Singapore merged with Malaya, Sarawak and North Borneo to form Malaysia on 16 September 1963.
Debates and controversies.
The extent of communist threat.
An ongoing debate on Operation Coldstore is whether the extent of communist threat in Singapore had been inflated in the 1950s and 1960s. Individuals such as Said Zahari and Chin Peng suggest that the communist threat could have been exaggerated. Said Zahari, a journalist and one of those arrested during Operation Cold store, said that the operation was not about arresting the communists as "the Communist Party of Malaya in Singapore was no longer active". Instead, the operation was used to weaken the opposition to the People's Action Party in Singapore.
Chin Peng, then the Secretary-General of the Communist Party of Malaya, said in his memoirs, "Contrary to countless allegations made over the years by Singapore leaders, academics and the Western Press, we never controlled Barisan Socialists." He also wrote, "Operation Cold Store shattered our underground network throughout the island. Those who escaped the police net went into hiding. Many fled to Indonesia".
However, historians such as Kumar Ramakrishna disagree and assert that the communist threat was real. He argues that the absence of subversive communist activities was caused by the clever strategy that had been adopted of working within the constitution to subvert Singapore to communism.
Declassification of official documents.
The maturation of the 30-year rule has led to the release of declassified British archival documents pertaining to Operation Coldstore. However, the documents in the Internal Security Department archives of Singapore remain classified. Privilege access to these classified documents has been granted to scholars such as Kumar Ramakrishna. This situation has prompted historians such as Tan Tai Yong to urge the government to "widen access to the archives" as "such access should not hinge on who is asking for them" so that historians can "offer different perspectives."


Siege of Tabriz

The Siege of Tabriz took place in 1501 just after the Safavids had defeated the Aq Qoyunlu in the Battle of Sarur. In the preceding battle the Aq Qoyunlus army was 4 times bigger than the Safavid army. After the siege Ismail I chose Tabriz as his capital and proclaimed himself Shahanshah of Iran.


Electoral history of Howard Dean

Howard Dean was a Governor of Vermont, candidate for President of the United States, and Chairman of the Democratic National Committee.
United States presidential election, 2004.
2004 Democratic presidential primaries:


Battle of Yanshi

The Battle of Yanshi () was fought on 5–6 October 618 between the armies of Wang Shichong and Li Mi, rival contenders for the succession of the Sui dynasty. Wang, who was still ostensibly a Sui loyalist and had been blockaded in Luoyang for months by Li Mi, gambled on a decisive battle and led his troops out to attack the besieging army. Li assembled his forces on a naturally defensible position north of Yanshi town, but Wang managed to surprise Li's forces and approach their camp before they could react. Aided by a secondary cavalry attack from the rear, Wang secured a decisive victory over Li's forces. Although Li managed to escape with part of his army, his authority was shattered, and his followers joined Wang. While Li Mi sought refuge in the rival Tang court, Wang consolidated his control over Henan and eventually deposed the Sui puppet ruler Yang Tong and declared himself as emperor of the new Zheng dynasty. Wang's power lasted until his surrender to the Tang prince Li Shimin in 621.
Background.
During the later reign of the second emperor of the Sui dynasty, Yang (), the dynasty's authority began to wane: the immense material and human cost of the protracted and fruitless attempts to conquer the Korean kingdom of Goguryeo, coupled with natural disasters, caused unrest in the provinces, while the successive military failures eroded the emperor's prestige and legitimacy ("Mandate of Heaven") among the provincial governors. Yang nevertheless continued to be fixated on the Korean campaigns, and by the time he realized the gravity of the situation, it was too late: as revolts spread, in 616, he abandoned the north and withdrew to Jiangdu, where he remained until his assassination in 618. Local governors and magnates rose to claim power in the wake of Yang's withdrawal. By the summer of 618, nine major contenders emerged, some claiming the imperial title, others contenting themselves, for the time being, with the more modest titles of "Duke" ("gōng") and "King" ("wáng"). The three most powerful were Li Yuan, who seized the Sui capital of Daxingcheng (Chang'an) and on 16 June 618 proclaimed himself the first emperor of the Tang dynasty; Dou Jiande, a one-time bandit leader who had risen in revolt against the Sui already in 611, and came to control most of Hebei as the "King of Changle" and then as the "King of Xia"; and Li Mi in Henan, who led a mixture of rebelled peasants and Sui soldiers.
Li Mi's main antagonist was the Sui general Wang Shichong, who controlled the eastern capital, Luoyang, and the remnants of the Sui administration there. Emperor Yang had sent him to the city in mid-617. In May 618, following Yang's murder by the general Yuwen Huaji, the Sui officials in Luoyang elevated Yang's grandson Yang Tong to the throne. In the meantime, Li Mi had managed to gain control over most of the surrounding area. When Yuwen Huaji moved north against Li Mi, Wang seized the opportunity to play both rebels against each other: Li Mi was offered an amnesty and a high court position if he would march against Emperor Yang's assassin. Li Mi, whose own base, the great granary at Liyang, was threatened, agreed, hoping in turn to profit from his legitimization and gain control of Luoyang. In the event, Li Mi heavily defeated Yuwen in a series of battles and forced him to withdraw to northern Hubei. Feeling threatened by Li Mi's growing power, and facing plots against him in Luoyang, Wang launched a coup d'état on 11 August 618 and seized power for himself, removing his opponents and barring the city to Li Mi. The two men now moved to a confrontation that, as the historian David Graff comments, could prove decisive for the outcome of the civil war. Wang "was fighting for survival", while Li had to capture Luoyang to "cement his hold over Henan". More importantly, however, "the victor would be left in possession of the most populous region of the Sui empire and could expect to receive the allegiance of many of the smaller armed factions".
Battle of Yanshi.
Facing starvation and surrender, Wang Shichong decided to risk an open confrontation with Li Mi, in an attempt to push him back and break the siege. Wang selected 20,000 "elite" troops—of which only 1,000 were cavalry—from Luoyang's garrison, apparently troops who had already participated in several expeditions against rebels and bandits under his command and were especially trustworthy. In order to embolden his men, Wang—who according to Graff "had a keen interest in divination and was fond of invoking unseen powers"—now invoked the semi-mythical figure of the founder of Luoyang, the Duke of Zhou: he had a shrine erected in the Duke of Zhou's honour, and shamans declared that the Duke promised that if they marched to confront Li Mi, they would win, whereas if they remained in Luoyang, they were doomed to die of pestilence.
Apparently this had the desired effect, for on 4 October 618 Wang led his army out of Luoyang and, following the course of the Luo River, marched eastward, bypassing Li Mi's forward positions. On the afternoon of the next day, Wang's army had reached the walled town of Yanshi, some 20 miles from Luoyang and located between the Luo River to the south and an irrigation canal to the north. There, deep inside enemy territory, Wang made camp. Li Mi had been at Jinyong Fortress, some 6 miles east of Luoyang, when he learned of Wang's sortie. He too selected the best men among his own troops, numbering around 40,000, left one of his generals in charge of Jinyong, and followed Wang eastward. Li Mi encamped on the Mang hills north of Yanshi.
Once there, Li Mi convened a council of war to determine his army's course of action. Li Mi advocated a passive and cautious stance, arguing that Wang's troops were not only experienced veterans, but that, as they were virtually cut off from retreat due to the Luo river, the canals, and the presence of his own army, they would fight with desperate courage—a situation already described and recommended as a strategy to galvanize one's troops by no lesser authority than Sun Tzu, and doubtlessly familiar to both opposing commanders. In addition, while lack of supplies constrained Wang to seek an early and decisive engagement, Li Mi's own forces had time on their side and could afford to sit out and wait until Wang's provisions were utterly exhausted. Most of Li's generals, however, vehemently disagreed, regarding Wang's army as an exhausted and demoralized force, and pointing to their own considerable numerical superiority. At this juncture, the heterogeneous nature of Li's army, cobbled together from bandit chieftains and Sui defectors, came into play: Li was well aware that his commanders were "potentially autonomous warlords who commanded the personal loyalty of their own subordinates", and that he could not afford to antagonize them. Therefore, against his better judgement, he was forced to agree to an immediate confrontation.
Nevertheless, Li Mi decided to await Wang's attack instead of attacking himself. The main host, under Li Mi, remained on the Mang hills, while a detachment under Shan Xiongxin moved down to the plain just north of Yanshi and established a camp there. The two camps, in the description of David Graff, formed "an inverted letter 'L' running east along the mountain and then turning sharply south across the plain to Yanshi". Li Mi felt confident in his superior position, which gave him ample time to descend the hills and move against Wang, should he try to cross the canal for an attack. If Wang attacked either of his camps, the troops of the other would come to aid, flanking Wang's forces. Confident in the naturally defensive layout of his hilltop camp, however, he neglected fortifying it.
The first clash between the two armies occurred on the same evening of 5 October, when Wang sent several hundred of his cavalry to attack Shan Xionxin's camp on the plain. Li sent forces from the hills to his general's aid, but the battle ended quickly with the arrival of night. This attack was nothing more than a diversion, drawing Li's attention to the east while, under cover of night, Wang sent 200 of his cavalry around and behind Li's forces. Concealing themselves in a ravine behind Li's camp, they waited. During the night Wang laid bridges across the canal, and before dawn his army crossed over and deployed in battle formation close to Li Mi's camps. At daybreak, Li Mi's troops were caught entirely by surprise at the sight of the battle-ready enemy advancing onto them. As the camps were unfortified, the rebel troops tried to hastily form a battle line themselves, but they were unable to prevent Wang's forces from entering their encampments. At the same time, Wang signalled his hidden cavalry to attack. Charging down from the north into Li Mi's camp, the 200 horsemen began setting fire to it. At the sight of the camp to their rear going up in flames, Li Mi's army broke and fled. While Li Mi was able to escape with some 10,000 of his men, many of the rest surrendered to Wang. According to one account, Wang's victory was secured by a stratagem: one of his soldiers, who greatly resembled Li Mi, was bound and displayed to the rebel troops at the height of the battle, whereupon the latter collapsed.
Aftermath.
While Li Mi survived, his authority suffered a devastating blow from which it could not recover. His followers started flocking to Wang Shichong, who quickly became the master of all territories "east to the sea and south as far as the River Yangzi". With the remnants of his army, Li Mi was forced to seek refuge with the Tang court in Chang'an. Wang Shichong, on the other hand, now stood at the apex of his power. He appointed new senior officials and finally, in May 619 he deposed the puppet Sui emperor Yang Tong and declared himself as the first emperor of the Zheng dynasty. Soon, however, Wang's rule became cruel and repressive, costing him support. He was also unable to effectively confront the advancing Tang armies under Li Shimin, who in early 621 laid siege to Luoyang. Wang allied himself with Dou Jiande, who came to his aid; but Li Shimin scored a decisive victory at the Battle of Hulao on 28 May 621, taking Dou Jiande captive. Without hope of succour, Wang finally surrendered four days after the battle, and was killed on the way to his exile.


Five Goods Movement

The "Five Goods Movement" (五好活动 "wuhao huodong") was a political campaign carried out in the People's Republic of China (PRC) from 1956-1959 that reflected the PRC State's vision of where housewives and "family dependents" (家属 "jiashu") belonged within China's emerging socialist order. The movement began in earnest in early 1956, when the All-China Women's Federation in tandem with local branches of the Women's Federation began promoting "Five Goods" for urban housewives to aspire to. These "five goods" intended to promote socialist development primarily through the education of children and support of male workers. The five tenets of the campaign were to encourage housewives to: promote mutual assistance between neighborhood households, arrange domestic life well, educate children well, encourage and support the production, work, and study of (male) spouses, and to study well themselves. In this case "study" referred to the political study of government issued works intended to promote socialist and communist thought. This model of the ideal housewife reflected PRC visions of how a seemingly "non-productive" member of socialist society could contribute to the building of a socialist state.
The "Five Goods Movement" primarily encouraged the practice of thrift and frugality within families and the promotion of mothers as socialist educators of children. Numerous articles from the People's Daily during this period reflect these aims of the "Five Goods Movement," praising housewives who frugally managed their families food supplies and provided an orderly domestic space which enabled children and husbands to earnestly study socialist political texts.
Although the Five Goods Movement initially focused on urban "family dependents" (家属jiashu), the campaign eventually spread to rural areas, and added the promotion of sanitary practices as one of the "five goods" for rural housewives to practice in their everyday lives. The primary strategy for promotion of this five goods campaign was the naming of "model housewives" called "five goods activists" (五好妇女积极分子wuhao jijifenzi) who provided an example of socialist domestic values for local women to aspire to.
The "Five Goods" campaign began in early 1956 and was continually mentioned in the People's Daily (the National Newspaper of the People's Republic of China) through 1960, although the height of the campaign occurred from 1956-1958.


Portland Rum Riot

The Portland Rum Riot, also called the Maine Law Riot, was a brief but violent period of civil unrest that occurred in Portland, Maine on June 2, 1855, in response to the Maine law which prohibited the sale and manufacture of alcohol in the state from 1851.
History.
The Maine law of 1851 outlawed the manufacture and sale of alcohol in the state of Maine, except for medicinal and mechanical purposes. In May 1855, rumors began to spread that Portland Mayor Neal Dow, an outspoken prohibitionist also known as the "Napoleon of Temperance", was keeping a large supply of alcohol in the city. As mayor, Dow had authorized a shipment of $1,600 worth of "medicinal and mechanical alcohol" that was being stored in the city vaults for distribution to pharmacists and doctors (as was authorized under the Maine law), but this detail was not widely reported. To further complicate matters, Dow and the city alderman began a vocal battle over the shipment because they had not authorized the expenditure.
Portland’s large Irish immigrant population were particularly vocal critics of the Maine Law, seeing it as thinly veiled racist attack on their culture. They already disliked and distrusted Dow, and this incident made him appear to be a hypocrite. The Maine law that Dow had sponsored had a mechanism whereby any three voters could apply for a search warrant if they suspected someone was selling liquor illegally. Three men did appear before a judge, who was compelled to issue a search warrant.
On the afternoon of June 2, a crowd began to gather outside the building where the spirits were being held. The crowd numbered about 200 by 5:00 p.m. and grew larger and more agitated as the day progressed as it became evident that the police had no immediate plans to seize or destroy the liquor. Separate contemporary accounts place the crowd's size between 1,000 and 3,000 by evening (out of a city population of about 21,000). As the crowd became larger, rock throwing and shoving began.
Police were unable to deal with the growing mob, and Dow called out the militia. The exact details of the climax of the riot have been hotly debated. What is known is that after ordering the protesters to disperse, the militia detachment fired into the crowd on Dow's orders. One man, John Robbins, an immigrant and mate of a Maine sailing vessel from Deer Isle, was killed, and seven others were wounded.
The crowd was dispersed, but Dow was widely criticized for his heavy-handed tactics during the incident.
In a twist of irony, Dow was later prosecuted for violation of the Maine Law for improperly acquiring the alcohol. The prosecutor was former U.S. Attorney General Nathan Clifford, and the defense attorney was later U.S. Senator and Secretary of the Treasury William P. Fessenden. Fessenden was also a member of the Maine Temperance Union. Dow was acquitted, but the event was a major contributing factor to the repeal of the Maine law in 1856.
Commemorations.
The 160th anniversary of the Rum Riot was observed in a 2015 ceremony. The ceremony was held indoors because of rain.


Northern Future Forum

Northern Future Forum is an annual, informal meeting of prime ministers, policy innovators, entrepreneurs and business leaders from the 9 nations of Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Sweden and the United Kingdom. Initially referred to as the UK Nordic Baltic Summit, the name Northern Future Forum was introduced at the second meeting in Stockholm, 2012. The group had a period of abeyance since the Stavanger meeting in 2016 was postponed following the outcome of the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, and David Cameron subsequently stepping down as UK prime minister, to be succeeded by Theresa May. The summit was reconvened in October 2018 in Oslo.
Former Swedish prime minister Fredrik Reinfeldt first suggested that the UK and Nordic-Baltic Eight nations have a summit during his November 2010 visit to the UK,
following the UK general election in May and David Cameron becoming prime minister of the UK coalition government.
Summits.
The Northern Future Forum was established to be a more relaxed meeting than usual international summits, with more of a collegiate atmosphere where leaders are encouraged to learn and interact with experts in the topics under discussion, rather than delivering set-piece speeches or engaging in behind-the-scenes trading. Described in a press release from Erna Solberg announcing the 2016 meeting in Norway as ‘[The] NFF is a little unusual, but very exciting meeting place for us politicians. In this concept, we get a different insights into innovative trends, presented by today's experts and entrepreneurs, who in different ways are building what is our common future’
London 2011.
On the 19–20 January London hosted the inaugural UK-Nordic-Baltic meeting at Whitechapel Gallery in the East End of London. The first summit hosted 120 participants and touched on themes of improving business ties in the region, with a focus on low carbon and high-tech industries. Other topics included how best to foster equality, wellbeing and competitiveness in the economic climate during the 2008–2012 global recession.
The British Prime Minister, David Cameron ended the first summit calling for a new alliance of Northern European nations.
Stockholm 2012.
The second summit on the 8–9 February, was hosted in Stockholm. The second meeting saw the name changed to the "Northern Future Forum".
The event was hosted in Fotografiska, The Swedish Museum of Photography, in the Södermalm district of the city.
Conference topics intended to focus on long-term sustainable growth were:
Riga 2013.
The third summit was held on February 27–28, 2013 in Riga, Latvia. The opening and closing plenary were held in the Latvian Museum of Decorative Arts and Design with discussions and a media centre at Hotel Konventa sēta.
At the Stockholm 2012 meeting the Latvian prime minister Valdis Dombrovskis had proposed that Riga could host the next forum meeting, which was supported by the other members.
Two main issues chosen for the Forum:
The Finnish Prime Minister Jyrki Katainen, was unable to attend due to domestic political reasons, and was represented by Olli-Pekka Heinonen, state secretary to the PM’s bureau, and state secretary to the Finnish Economy and Employment Ministry Marja Rislakki. The British PM David Cameron returned to his country shortly after the opening plenary meetings, replaced by Planning Minister Nick Boles. David Cameron met with Latvian PM Valdis Dombrovskis the evening before the forum opening in order to discuss Latvia and the UK’s bilateral relations, including economic cooperation and problems within the EU.
Helsinki 2014.
At the closing plenary in Riga 2013, Marja Rislakki, State Secretary of the Ministry of Employment and Economy of Finland made a proposal to hold the Northern Future Forum 2014 in Helsinki, Finland. The NFF convened in Helsinki during 6–7 November 2014 at the Startup Sauna business accelerator of Aalto University's Otaniemi campus. The discussion themes of the 2014 meeting were:
Reykjavik 2015.
At the Helsinki meeting the Prime Minister of Iceland Sigmundur Davíð Gunnlaugsson invited delegates to Reykjavik for the next Northern Future Forum. The meeting was held on 28–29 October at the University of Iceland, being held in continuation of the 67 session of the Nordic Council in Reykjavik. Themes for this year's meeting were:
Attending the forum British Prime Minister David Cameron became the first British Premier to officially visit Iceland since it became a republic in 1944, the last being Winston Churchill in August 1941, over 70 years previously.
Oslo 2018.
In 2018 the Northern Future Forum was held on the 29–30 October at the Oslo Cancer Cluster, replacing the postponed 2016 meeting.
The 2016 Northern Future Forum was due to be held in Stavanger on 26–27 October 2016, though was initially stated to be postponed to an unknown future date, following David Cameron's resignation as British Prime Minister after the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum and Theresa May's appointment as UK Prime Minister. Themes for the forum were to include:
Commentary.
Media commentary as to wider implications of the Northern Future Forum have been varied, with the Swedish press being quite skeptical during the second meeting in Stockholm. The Local (Sweden) stated that the ‘meeting might have a longer-term strategic purpose, at least for British Prime Minister David Cameron: to forge a long-term alliance between the Northern European countries,’ and writing that there appeared to be a "risk that David Cameron wants the northern partnership to challenge Brussels."
The pro-EU liberal Dagens Nyheter suggested: ‘Behind the scenes, this “Northern Alliance” will also debate ways to frustrate a “French model” for the European economy.’ A Dagens Nyheter Editorial described the second assembly as a ""meeting with risks"," seeing it as being potentially divisive within the EU.
The Baltic Times saw the forum as a mirror to the Mediterranean Union proposed by Nicolas Sarkozy with Nouvelle-Europe comparing it to other groupings of EU members such as the Visegrád Group.
The Lithuania Tribune noted that the forum is unique as a pan-European meeting in that there are no negotiations, and no conditional agreements reached during the event. Stating that given the contemporary European sovereign-debt crisis the discussion topics at the Stockholm meeting rendered the group a rather peripheral event. However, the article also suggested that the informal nature of the forum raised an antidote to increasing mistrust between European nations in the wake of the eurozone crisis.
The initial founding of the group in 2011 met with some trepidation among the Russian media, fearing the group could amount to an ‘Arctic branch of NATO’, which may act to ease the accession of neutral Finland and Sweden into the alliance.


Ned Cronin

Edward "Ned" J. Cronin (1897–1946), known simply as Ned Cronin was an Irish army officer, senior member of Fine Gael and a leader of the Blueshirts.
Personal life.
He was the son of John and Johanna Cronin. One of his children, Noel died in 1930 aged 10 months.
Biography.
Cronin fought in the Irish War of Independence. He supported the Anglo-Irish Treaty and joined the National Army of the Free State, he was made a Commandant. During the Civil Cronin and 47 others in the National Army were forced to surrender to the Anti-Treaty IRA. He remained apart of the National Army after the wars, until 1933.
He was a founding member of the Blueshirts and was made its General secretary.
It was Cronin who suggested that they adopt the now iconic blue uniform so that they could recognise each other during riots.
In December 1933 Cronin was arrested and imprisoned for 3 months on the charges of sedition and membership of an illegal organisation, the Blueshirts having been outlawed by the Fianna Fáil government that summer.
According to the Minister for Justice PJ Ruttledge, In July 1934 Cronin is said to have stated in a speech in Tipperary:
Following the merger of Cumann na nGaedhael, the National Centre Party and the Blueshirts into one political party, Cronin was made a co-Vice President of Fine Gael along with W. T. Cosgrave and James Dillon. The Blueshirts were now to act as the youth wing of the new party.
When Eoin O'Duffy, the former leader of the Blueshirts resigned as leader of Fine Gael he attempted to retake his old position. Cronin refused to accept this and the Blueshirts split into two factions, the pro-Cronin faction and the pro-O’Duffy faction.
Cronin opposed the formation of the Irish Brigade for the purposes of fighting in the Spanish Civil War, saying it had as much chance to reach Zaragoza as it did of reaching the moon.
In October 1936 Fine Gael voted to suspend the Blueshirts indefinitely, effectively axing them and Cronin. Most of Cronin's personal wealth had been tied up in the Blueshirts and following their demise He emigrated to England to work as a printer. The Taoiseach John A. Costello invited him back to serve as an adviser to the government but he died on the trip over. He was buried in Shandrum, Newtownshandrum, County Cork.


Pammenes of Thebes

Pammenes () was a Theban general of considerable fame who lived during the 4th century BC. He was connected with Epaminondas by political ties and ties of friendship. When Philip, the future king of Macedonia, was sent as a hostage to Thebes, he was placed under the care of Pammenes.
In 369 BC, when Megalopolis was founded, there was a concern that the Spartans would attack those engaged in establishing the community, Epaminondas sent Pammenes at the head of 1000 specially picked soldiers to defend the community.
In 362 BC, some of Megalopolitan colonists were in favour of dissolving the community, and returning to their own lands, and called upon the Mantineans and other Peloponnesians, for aid. The Megalopolitan settlers who opposed the dissolution of their community called for help to the Thebans, who sent Pammenes with 3000 foot soldiers and 300 cavalry to their assistance. With this force Pammenes overcame all resistance, and compelled those who had left Megalopolis to return.
When Artabazus revolted in 356 BC against Artaxerxes III, king of Persia, Pammenes led 5000 Thebans to the aid of Artabazus, and overcame the forces of the king in two great battles. But Artabazus, suspecting that Pammenes was intriguing with his enemies, arrested him, and handed him over to his brothers, Oxythras and Dibictus.
Pammenes is spoken of as being greatly addicted to paiderastia. It is difficult to say what degree of credit should be attached to the story, that, while Philip was under the charge of Pammenes, he maintained a homosexual relationship with the young prince.


Franco Turigliatto

Franco Turigliatto (born 13 December 1946 in Rivara, Piedmont) is an Italian politician.
Biography.
Franco Turigliatto began in 1966 his political militancy in Mario Capanna's Student Movement, with the occupation of Palazzo Campana in Turin. In 1969 he joined the Fourth International. With Livio Maitan he led the Lega Comunista Rivoluzionaria (Revolutionary Communist League) until 1989, when this group merged into Proletarian Democracy. In 1991 he took part in the construction of the Communist Refoundation Party. Turigliatto became a member of the national leadership and leader of an internal minority of the PRC, Red Flag, led by Maitan. As a member of the National Direction of PRC he worked for several years, within the Labor Department, of the Large Factory division, closely following the crisis of FIAT and going daily to the gates of the Mirafiori factories in Turin.
In 2006 Turigliatto was elected to the Senate and as member of PRC, it was part of the majority that supported the Prodi II Cabinet. On 21 February 2007 he didn't participate together with the PdCI's Senator Fernando Rossi to the vote on the motion by Foreign Minister D'Alema regarding the Government's foreign policy. On 1 March 2007 the National Guarantee College of PRC decided to expel Turigliatto from the party for 2 years. After his expulsion from the PRC, Turigliatto joined the new party Critical Left, born from a split in the PRC trozkist area.
In the 2008 general election Turigliatto was candidate to the Senate with Critical Left, but the party gained no seats.
In 2013, after the dissolution of Critical Left, Turigliatto founded Anticapitalist Left, of which he became the leader.


Banknotes of the Austro-Hungarian krone

Austro-Hungarian krone paper money appeared in the beginning of the 20th century - almost ten years after the coins were introduced. All banknotes were bilingual (German and Hungarian), and the value was indicated in eight other languages (Czech, Polish, Croatian, Slovene, Serbian, Italian, Ruthenen (Ukrainian)and Romanian). After the dissolution of the empire banknotes were overstamped to limit their circulation according to the new borders.


Notitia provinciarum et civitatum Africae

The Notitia provinciarum et civitatum Africae ("Notice of the Provinces and Cities of Africa") is a Byzantine-era document listing the bishops and sees in the Roman provinces of North Africa, Sardinia and the Balearics.
The cause of its preparation was the council of Carthage held on 1 February 484 by the Arian king of the Vandals, Huneric (477–484).
It is arranged according to provinces in the following order: Proconsularis, Numidia, Byzacena, Mauretania Caesariensis, Mauretania Sitifensis, Tripolitana and Sardinia. It also names exiled bishops and vacant sees, and is an important authority for the history of the early African church and the geography of these provinces. It is preserved in the sole extant manuscript containing the "History of the Vandal Persecution" by Bishop Victor of Vita.
Description.
The "Notitia provinciarum and civitatum Africae" is the conventional long title in Latin, but it is also known simply as the "Notitia Africae" (NA).
The "Notitia" lists the Chalcedonian (Catholic) bishops ("nomina episcorum catholicorum") who participated in the council held at Carthage on 1 February 484, as well as those who were victims of the Vandal Persecution and those who were exiled or fled ("fugerunt"). It also by implication describes the extent of the Vandal Kingdom at that time.
It lists four hundred and eighty-three dioceses in seven ecclesiastical provinces, five of which correspond to Roman provinces. The order of the provinces seems to follow the chronological order of their creation:
The author of the Notitia is unknown. It has long been attributed, wrongly, to Victor of Vita, and its author is designated, by convention, as Pseudo-Victor.


Gaius Servilius Geminus (consul)

Gaius Servilius Geminus (died 180 BC) was a Roman statesman who served as Consul in 203 BC, Dictator in 202 BC (the last in 120 years), and "Pontifex Maximus" from 183 BC to 180 BC.
Heritage.
Geminus was the son of Gaius Servilius Geminus, a Roman magistrate. He was a member of "gens Servilia", a patrician family.
Early career.
In 212 BC Geminus was sent to Etruria to buy grain for the troops of the Roman garrison in Tarentum, then besieged by Hannibal. He successfully penetrated into the city and delivered supplies. In 210 BC he was elected Pontifex in place of Titus Otacilius Crassus and in 209 BC was chosen as Aedile. He was selected to serve as "magister equitum", while exercising his position as Aedile, under dictator Titus Manlius Torquatus. In 206 BC he became praetor and obtained Sicily as a province.
Consulship and later career.
Geminus was elected consul, alongside Gnaeus Servilius Caepio, in 203 BC, and obtained Etruria as a province. From there he went to Cisalpine Gaul where his father of the same name was held as a prisoner of war since 218 BC. In 202 BC Geminus was named Dictator by his brother Marcus Servilius Pulex Geminus to hold elections. He was the last person to hold that position until Lucius Cornelius Sulla in 82 or 81 BC. In 201 BC he served as one of Decemviri responsible for the distribution of land among veterans who fought with Scipio Africanus. In 183 BC Geminus was elected "Pontifex Maximus", replacing Publius Licinius Crassus Dives.


Newtownhamilton bombing

The Newtownhamilton bombing was a carbombing carried out by the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) on 24 June 1998 in the Armagh border village of Newtownhamilton shortly after the signing of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement by the Irish government, British government Nationalist and Unionist parties as well as parties which represented Republican and Loyalist paramilitaries. The INLA and its political wing the IRSP were opposed to the agreement. The bombing was one of the last actions carried out or claimed by the INLA during the 30-year conflict known as the Troubles.
Background.
The Good Friday Agreement was signed on 10 April 1998 and was approved by most major paramilitaries on the Republican and Loyalist sides of the conflict like the Provisional IRA (PIRA) and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) but was opposed by smaller dissident groups on each side like the Real IRA (RIRA, formed in 1997 after splitting with the PIRA), the Loyalist Volunteer Force (formed in 1996 after splitting with the UVF) and the INLA itself.
The car bomb attack took place during a time of high activity by dissident Irish Republicans especially by the Real IRA and Continuity IRA mainly in protest at the Good Friday Agreement which dissidents argued was a document of surrender to the British government, Sinn Féin argued it was a huge stepping stone to a United Ireland and that the armed struggle had gone as far as it could go and further loss of life was pointless and immoral.
Bombing.
The car bomb exploded in the predominantly Catholic border town of Newtownhamilton close to a polling station and the local RUC barracks, injuring six people including a 15-year-old boy despite the INLA giving a 50-minute warning as the RUC were still trying to evacuate people from the bomb area. The bomb was estimated to have weighed 200 lbs and along with the injured it caused widespread damage. The financial damage from the attack was estimated at £2 million. The RUC believed the Real IRA supplied the INLA with semtex commercial explosive which was thought to have been used as a component in making the bomb. CAIN also lists the Real IRA as perpetrators.
Aftermath.
Two months later on 15 August the Omagh bombing caused by the Real IRA killed almost 30 people and injured over 250 more. The shock and outrage in Ireland and Britain over the human cost of the bomb was such that the Real IRA soon called a ceasefire and so did the INLA on 22 August 1998 bringing an end to their 24-year paramilitary campaign which killed over 100 people and injured hundreds more. Almost a year later, on 8 August 1999, the INLA issued a statement saying: "There is no political or moral argument to justify a resumption of the campaign."


Cuba Solidarity Campaign

Cuba Solidarity Campaign is a British organisation that campaigns against the US embargo of Cuba, for an end to the US occupation of Cuban land at Guantanamo Bay, and to defend the Cuban people's right to be free from foreign intervention.
Activities.
The Campaign operates travel tours to Cuba.
Supporters.
Jeremy Corbyn, Labour MP for Islington North and Leader of the Labour Party from 2015–2020, is a well-known long-time supporter of the Cuba Solidarity Campaign. In July 2016, in the midst of a leadership challenge and on the day that Theresa May was appointed leader of the Conservative Party, Corbyn surprised reporters by going to address the Cuba Solidarity Campaign. He was criticised by those who "pointed out the Cuban regime's record on human rights was poor and included imprisoning trade unionists." Following the death of Cuban leader Fidel Castro in November 2016, Corbyn said "Fidel Castro's death marks the passing of a huge figure of modern history, national independence and 20th century socialism."
Other supporters include:
Affiliates.
The following trade unions are affiliated to the campaign: