Garib Kalyan Rojgar Abhiyaan

The Government of India launched the Garib Kalyan Rojgar Abhiyaan (GKRA) initiative to tackle the impact of COVID-19 on shramik (migrant) workers in India. It is a rural public works scheme which was launched on 20 June 2020 with an initial funding of . GKRA aims to give 125 days of employment to 670,000 migrant workers, approximately two-thirds of the total migrant labourer force that has gone back to rural areas. The scheme covers 116 districts in six states, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Odisha and Jharkhand. The scheme is a joint effort by 12 different Ministries/Departments and covers 25 categories of works/ activities.
Work and activities.
Works and activities include:


Peaches Records and Tapes

Peaches Records and Tapes was a music and entertainment retailer in the United States. Peaches was known for its vast selection with many locations in buildings the size of a typical grocery store. Stores were also known for autograph signing events, huge reproductions of the album covers of the latest releases on the side of its buildings and for selling records from wooden crates with the chain's colorful fruit-crate style logo on the side. Stores reportedly stocked $500,000 worth of inventory.
Tom Heiman opened the first store on Hollywood Boulevard in Los Angeles in 1975 and soon opened another in Atlanta in 1975. The company's 39th store was opened in Chicago on December 3, 1980.
The company filed for bankruptcy in June of 1981 citing Citibank and six different record distribution companies as major creditors.
Emulating the tradition at Grauman's Chinese Theatre, some stores invited visiting artists to set their handprints in cement on the sidewalk outside. The prints, including The Allman Brothers, ZZ Top, Dolly Parton, The Beach Boys, Willie Nelson, The Kinks and others were destroyed in 1981 when that store closed following the company's bankruptcy. Handprints by artists such as Pat Metheny, 38 Special, Hank Williams Jr. and Johnny Van Zant of Lynyrd Skynyrd remain outside the former location in Tulsa Oklahoma.
The lone remaining location is in New Orleans, one of eight before bankruptcy. That location moved to a former Woolworth stores and continues to maintain the lunch counter there.


Turkish economic boom of the 2000s

The Turkish economic boom of the 2000s refers to a period of stabilization and growth following the 2001 Turkish economic crisis. Between 2002 and 2007, Turkey's economy experienced an average growth rate of 7.2%, much higher than the average growth rate during the nineties. The Turkish economy saw relative prosperity for the duration of the Global financial crisis of 2008 and continued to see growth rates of 8.8% in 2010, and 9.2% and 2011.
Turkey saw a decrease in unemployment rates, an increase in education rates, and higher life expectancy throughout the country. Turkey's continued economic growth throughout the 2000s was due to multiple factors, including a string of reforms inaugurated by then-Minister of Economic Affairs, Kemal Derviş.
Recovery and progression after the 2001 economic crisis.
The launch of new economic programs.
In the spring of 2001, the Turkish government launched a number of macroeconomic policies under the new economic program. These new medium-term policies led to recovery within the country and the later rise of real GDP in the second quarter of 2002. The most significant contributor to the rise in real GDP was the recovery of domestic demand due to the resurgence of the investment sector.
New government structure and work with the International Monetary Fund.
The Turkish government changed significantly after the 2002 Turkish General elections, when the new AKP political party was elected, removing the DSP and MHP parties who had political power in the 1990s. Following this election, the political landscape of Turkey became much less varied, as the AKP had a majority of the power. This new government partnered with the International Monetary Fund, an organization made up of 189 countries whose goals include promoting low unemployment, economic stability, financial security, and increasing international trade. In 2002, the International Monetary Fund agreed to lend Turkey roughly $16 billion over the following three years in an attempt to lower governmental debts by creating a surplus in budget revenues. The Turkish government went on to implement a number of public reforms, with the most significant being the adoption of a public sector primary surplus 6.5% of the nation's GNP target for 2003 onward.
Indications of long term growth after 2004.
Increase in private investments, labor productivity, and continued growth.
Despite the rapid changes seen following the 2001 financial crisis, there were strong indications of subsequent long-term growth post-2004. There was a double-digit increase in private investment in 2002 and 2003. Although this growth occurred in 2002 and 2003, private investment can be a sign of long term growth to follow within a country.
Along with the increase in private investments in Turkey, the country also saw an increase in labor productivity within the labor markets. The increases in private investments and the productivity of workers were two relevant factors that likely contributed to the long term economic growth in Turkey in 2004 and beyond.
Increased number of exports.
During this time in 2002 and 2003, Turkey also saw an improvement in external financing. With the improvement in external financing came positive portfolio flows combined with the funds provided by the International Monetary Fund, an overall increase in investments and an increase in gross foreign reserves occurred within the country. The external finance adjustments and improvements that were made, combined with the increase in labor productivity, domestic production within Turkey rose significantly. In the early 2000s, the Turkish Lira experienced significant depreciation, and along with the improvement in external competitiveness and finance, Turkey saw a rise in their total exports. In total, the number of products and goods and services exported from Turkey, in terms of volume, rose roughly 7% in both 2002 and 2003. This increase in exports plausibly played a role in Turkey's growth through the 2000s and it also served as an indicator for future growth to follow post-2004.
Results of macroeconomic stabilization.
The economic growth that Turkey experienced was unlikely, was it not for the macroeconomic stabilization that the country implemented between 2002 and 2007. From 2001 to 2007, Turkey was able to reduce its public sector borrowing from roughly 12% of GDP to almost 0% by 2007. Additionally, Turkey achieved a central budget surplus of around 3% between 2002 and 2007, which enabled the country to have a near-balanced central budget beginning in 2006.
The macroeconomic stabilization also saw support from the monetary side of the country. The central bank decided to make price stability in the country a priority and succeeded as the annual inflation rate declined from 54.2% in 2001 to around 8.8% in 2007. This monetary success was another piece of the economic stabilization that Turkey achieved from 2002 until 2007.
Subsequent crisis.
Turkey experienced a renewed currency and debt crisis beginning in 2018.


Communist Party Historians Group

A subdivision of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB), the Communist Party Historians Group (CPHG) formed a highly influential cluster of British Marxist historians, who contributed to "history from below" from 1946 to 1956. Famous members included such leading lights of 20th-century British historiography as Christopher Hill, Eric Hobsbawm, Raphael Samuel and E. P. Thompson, as well as non-academics like A. L. Morton and Brian Pearce.
In keeping with their standing positions, many of the members carried out their projects from adult education institutions, rather than the academy. In 1952 several of the members founded the influential social history journal "Past and Present".
Aims and methods.
In their work we can read two definite aims:
This dualism was represented by Marx and Engels' dictum that "men make their own history, but they do not do so in conditions of their own choosing", which is regularly paraphrased in CPHG members' texts.
Revisiting and reinstating popular agency in the narrative of British history required originality and determination in the research process, to draw out marginal voices from texts in which they were barely mentioned or active. The techniques influenced both feminist historians and the Subaltern Studies Group, writing the histories of marginalised groups.
1956 and after.
The group had been losing members during the Cold War, but lost many more prominent members due to events that shook the Global Communist movement in 1956. First was Khrushchev's Secret Speech, which stunned many diehards and led to discussions in parties around the world about the crimes of Stalin. Instead of this leading to loosening up of the system in the Eastern Bloc it helped trigger the Hungarian Uprising, the brutality of the Soviet invasion disgusted a great many party members who abandoned hope in peaceful reform. The year 1956 thus had several key factors that precipitated something of a sea change in international Marxist opinion. Many figures went on to become prominent in the New Left, especially Samuel, Saville and Thompson. Others stayed in the party, most notably Eric Hobsbawm, who remained in the group, which in 1956 launched a quarterly monograph series "Our History". As the CP History Group, it continued until the CPGB's dissolution at the end of 1991, and even managed to increase its membership and output of publications at a time when the CPGB itself was in terminal decline.
Socialist History Society.
In early 1992 it reconstituted itself as the Socialist History Society (SHS), and made full membership available to anybody regardless of party affiliation. The SHS now publishes a twice-yearly journal "Socialist History" and a series of monographs called "Occasional Papers".


Guild of All Souls

The Guild of All Souls is an Anglican devotional society dedicated to prayer for faithful departed Christians. As stated on its website, it is a "devotional society praying for the souls of the Faithful Departed, and teaching the Catholic doctrine of the Communion of Saints."
Objectives.
The stated objectives of the guild are as follows:
History.
The Guild of All Souls was founded in March 1873 at St. James's Church, Hatcham. It was originally called the Guild Burial Society, with Father Arthur Tooth as the first president. The purpose of the Guild Burial Society was:
The work of the guild soon attracted the attention of other churches in England, and from a small parochial group it increased rapidly in membership throughout England.
In Chicago, 1885, an English delegation had a meeting with priests and lay persons of the Episcopal Church to build an American Branch. This was accomplished in 1889. In 1904 the Australian branch was founded in Melbourne. The National Shrine of the Sacred Heart at the Church of the Resurrection in New York City is the headquarters of the American branch of the guild.
Anglican devotional societies.
Since the time of the Oxford Movement (also known as the "Catholic Revival") in the Church of England (and its sister churches), there have been organisations with the purpose of propagating Catholic faith and practice within the Anglican tradition. The Guild of All Souls is among the most prominent of these societies, which include the Society of King Charles the Martyr, the Society of Mary and the Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament.
Each of these societies promotes one aspect of Catholic faith and practice that is not emphasised by the Anglican churches as a whole. For the Guild of All Souls this is the promotion of the Catholic understanding of death and resurrection and prayer for Christians who have died.
Chantry chapel.
The Guild maintains the Chantry Chapel of Saint Michael and the Holy Souls at the Anglican Shrine of Our Lady of Walsingham in Walsingham.


Beardstown Ladies

The Beardstown Ladies is a group of 16 women in their 70s who formed an investment club, formally known as the Beardstown Business and Professional Women's Investment Club, in Beardstown, Illinois in 1983 in a church basement. The club got media attention after it authored a book, published in 1995, titled "The Beardstown Ladies' Common-Sense Investment Guide: How We Beat the Stock Market - And How You Can Too", which claimed that the club produced annual returns of 23.4% since inception. The club authored additional books including "The Beardstown Ladies' Stitch-In-Time Guide to GrowingYour Nest Egg: Step-by-Step Planning for a Comfortable Financial Future" in January 1996 and "The Beardstown Ladies' Pocketbook Guide to Picking Stocks" in April 1998. The ladies gained speaking tours and became minor celebrities.
In March 1998, Shane Tritsch published an article in "Chicago" titled "Bull Marketing: Debunking the myth of the Beardstown Ladies and their spectacular stock market gains". The article noted that the club included a disclaimer in its books that the published returns included fees that were charged to members.
After an audit by PricewaterhouseCoopers, the club noted that it had made a computer formula error in calculating its returns and its actual annual returns were 9.1%, which were below those of the S&P 500 Index during the same time period. The club issued an apology and a disclaimer on all of its books, but by that time, it had sold over 1.1 million books.
This revelation led to a class action lawsuit against publisher Hyperion, a division of The Walt Disney Company, which settled the case by offering to swap the Beardstown Ladies books for other Hyperion books.
The experience provided a lesson to many on the importance of vetting investment claims.
In 2010, a member of the club stated that only 4 or 5 of the original members remained in the club; the rest had died.
In 2016 the club was still active, with over $400,000 invested and 75% of the members being descendents of the original club members.


Extra (supermarket)

Extra was a retail store chain in the food sector that belonged to the REWE Group since July 1, 2008. The company was formerly part of Metro Group.
Company history.
The first extra store was opened by the Schaper-Group in Düren in 1970. In the early years, the main part of the branch network was in Lower Saxony and North Rhine Westphalia. extra was integrated into the Asko-Group in 1987, which in turn has been part of Metro Group since 1986. The two sales lines real,- and extra had been merged by Metro Group in 2004, though they continued to appear as two separate brands in the market.
The Metro Group sold Extra to the REWE Group on 1. July 2008. The brand name Extra was announced to be phased out in 2009 and the stores renamed REWE. The franchise markets Comet and Bolle that belong to Extra kept their names initially.
To facilitate the sale of Extra, the Metro Group split the two companies Real,- and Extra. The entity's name was then changed to "extra Objektgesellschaft mbH".
After the sale of extra, the "TiP" products disappear from the markets and are replaced by "Ja!", "REWE" and "REWE Bio" products, the marchandises of the REWE Group.
Products on offer.
1000 commodities were sold under the private labels "Ja!" "REWE" and "REWE Bio". These commodities come from the REWE Group
Locations.
Extra stores were found in towns with more than 8000 inhabitants. They were located centrally and offered convenient parking facilities. The 252 stores were in Northrhine-Westphalia, Rhineland-Palatinate, Lower Saxony and Berlin and measured about 2000–3000 m2. Smaller stores were 800–1000 m2 and usually belonged to "extra Franchise" (Comet and Bolle). These franchise stores were delivered by Extra, but their brands were not presented jointly to the market. Separate slogans were used and their own leaflets distributed.
Self scanning terminals.
Besides the regular cash registers, Extra launched "Self scanning terminals" in 2007. At four terminals, customers scanned their purchases themselves and put them into a plastic bag. The weight of the commodities was scanned to avoid fraud. A sale assistant controlled the operations on a computer. If there was a customer who wanted to buy alcohol or cigarettes, the assistant verified the age of the person. An alarm fuse would stop thieves. After the sale of Extra, these terminals disappeared from the markets and were replaced by "normal" cash registers.


Leo Rogin

Leo Rogin (1893, Mohilev, Belarus – 1947, Berkeley, CA, USA) was an American economist, economic historian and historian of economic thought.


AppleTree Markets

AppleTree Markets was a supermarket chain in Texas formed in 1969 when Safeway opened its first stores in Houston, which were spun off under the AppleTree name in 1988. The division once had 100 stores in Greater Houston and Greater Austin. By January 21, 2002, AppleTree had reduced its holdings to two stores in Bryan, Texas, where it had shifted its headquarters. One of the remaining locations was sold in 2009 and the final location, in Bryan at Highway 21 and Texas Avenue, closed in early 2012, marking the end of the chain.
History.
Safeway.
Safeway put its 18-year-old Houston division up for sale in 1988 in an effort to raise money to pay off debts from a $4 billion leveraged buyout in 1986. On June 14, 1988, Safeway agreed to sell its Houston division to Texas Supermarkets Inc., a holding company formed by local investors Duncan Cook & Co. and the Sterling Group. The deal included 50 stores in Houston, 20 in Austin, stores in 23 other communities in East and Central Texas, along with a distribution center, frozen food warehouse, bread manufacturing plant and milk processing plant. At the time of the $174 million transaction, Safeway's 18 percent market share ranked third in the Houston market behind Kroger, with 27 percent, and Randall's Food Markets, with 21 percent. M. Dean Gantt, the former Houston division manager, assumed the position of president and chief executive officer of Texas Supermarkets Inc., which initially owned only eight of the stores from the transaction and leased the rest from Safeway. Texas Supermarkets was allowed to operate under the Safeway banner until June 28, 1989, but it would continue to do so until a new name began appearing in July 1989—AppleTree Markets. Five stores were renamed Budget Stores, stores with slightly lower prices on some items and fewer specialty shops such as delis, bakeries, and floral shops. The last of the Safeway banners was replaced in September 1989.
Gantt retired abruptly in October 1989 and was replaced a month later by Arthur L. Patch, senior vice president of Dublin, California-based Lucky Stores Inc.
Bankruptcy.
The company struggled with the debt that originated from the 1988 leveraged buyout out Safeway's stores. After failed attempts to restructure that debt, AppleTree sought Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection in 1992. Soon after the filing, AppleTree announced its plans to begin closing stores. Arthur Patch resigned his post in March 1992, and the chairman of the company's board, Fred R. Lummis, took the helm. Also a growing problem was the chain's aging store base. The bulk of Safeway units in Houston dated from the late 1960s and early 1970s, and a logo change in 1981-1982 was the only alteration, if any, to most of such stores before the AppleTree split. Many former Weingarten's stores, which had been acquired by Safeway in 1983, were even older. A very small minority of Houston Safeways were built in 1986, but these were larger and had a more modern, conventional prototype. This was in contrast to the reinvention of Super Fresh beginning in the early 1990s, a chain which itself was spun off from A&P's Philadelphia division in 1982. Also in Philadelphia, many A&P as well as Acme and Food Fair (doing business as Pantry Pride in its later years, and not related to the current Houston chain of the same name), and Penn Fruit (acquired by Food Fair during the same period) stores closed and reopened as IGA and related chains Thriftway, Shop 'n Bag, O&O, Pick Well, Great Valu (SuperValu), and ShopRite. Philadelphia retail icon Thrift Drug was also absorbed into Eckerd in 1997, but many of its stores were relocated or closed soon after.
To cut costs and raise cash, AppleTree continued to close stores or sell its stores to competitors such as Fiesta Mart, Gerland's Food Fair, and Market Basket. The company would also look to move its headquarters to a smaller facility, as well as close its distribution warehouse. AppleTree formerly had its headquarters in the Spring Branch area and in Houston.
In its reorganization plan, AppleTree announced plans to close or sell 33 additional stores. Ultimately, AppleTree announced in November 1993 it would sell its remaining 49 stores to competitors. Randall's Food Markets acquired eleven locations in Greater Austin and three in Greater Houston. Eleven stores were sold to Kroger, five stores to Gerland's, four to Fiesta Mart, three stores to Rice Food Markets, and one store each to Cox's Foodarama, Big Chief Super Markets, Stanley Stores, and Super Warehouse Foods. Some of the former Safeway stores Randall's purchased from AppleTree became part of Safeway once again when Safeway bought Randall's in 1999. One location at 8620 Stella Link became a Sellers Bros.
As a result of the reduction of stores, AppleTree's northwest Houston grocery distribution facility, which included a refrigerated warehouse, a large bakery and a major milk plant, was larger than AppleTree's needs. The facility was still owned by Safeway, and it was sold to H-E-B. As a result, AppleTree would buy its dairy products from a supplier and also relocated its headquarters to a building in northwest Houston.
Independent Chain and closing.
With the sales, AppleTree would be reduced to six stores; three in Bryan-College Station, two in Houston, and one in Huntsville. AppleTree chief executive Tony Kubicek purchased the last six AppleTree stores and planned to operate the stores as an independent, Houston-based chain bearing the AppleTree name.
However, the chain did not fare well – after closing the lone Huntsville store and one of the two Houston locations, in 1997 AppleTree closed its other Houston location. With the closing, AppleTree operated three stores in Bryan-College Station, where it would eventually relocate its corporate staff.
AppleTree further retrenched to its two Bryan locations after closing its College Station store in 2002. In February 2009, AppleTree sold its Briarcrest Drive store in Bryan to local resident Jim Lewis. Lewis used the location to open a new grocery store, Village Foods and rehired all of the AppleTree employees who'd been left unemployed by the closing. The final AppleTree location, in Bryan at Highway 21 and Texas Avenue, closed in early 2010.


Free Association of German Trade Unions

The Free Association of German Trade Unions (; abbreviated FVdG; sometimes also translated as Free Association of German Unions or Free Alliance of German Trade Unions) was a trade union federation in Imperial and early Weimar Germany. It was founded in 1897 in Halle under the name "Representatives' Centralization of Germany" as the national umbrella organization of the localist current of the German labor movement. The localists rejected the centralization in the labor movement following the sunset of the Anti-Socialist Laws in 1890 and preferred grassroots democratic structures. The lack of a strike code soon led to conflict within the organization. Various ways of providing financial support for strikes were tested before a system of voluntary solidarity was agreed upon in 1903, the same year that the name "Free Association of German Trade Unions" was adopted.
During the years following its formation, the FVdG began to adopt increasingly radical positions. During the German socialist movement's debate over the use of mass strikes, the FVdG advanced the view that the general strike must be a weapon in the hands of the working class. The federation believed the mass strike was the last step before a socialist revolution and became increasingly critical of parliamentary action. Disputes with the mainstream labor movement finally led to the expulsion of FVdG members from the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in 1908 and the complete severing of relations between the two organizations. Anarchist and especially syndicalist positions became increasingly popular within the FVdG. During World War I, the FVdG rejected the SPD's and mainstream labor movement's cooperation with the German state—known as the "Burgfrieden"—but was unable to organize any significant resistance to or continue its regular activities during the war. Immediately after the November Revolution, the FVdG very quickly became a mass organization. It was particularly attractive to miners from the Ruhr area opposed to the mainstream unions' reformist policies. In December 1919, the federation merged with several minor left communist unions to become the Free Workers' Union of Germany (FAUD).
Background.
According to Angela Vogel and Hartmut Rübner, Carl Hillmann, a typesetter and prominent trade unionist in the 1870s, was the "intellectual father" of the localist and anarcho-syndicalist movement. Vogel's and Rübner's claim is based on the fact that Hillmann was the first in Germany to consider unions' primary role to be the creation of the conditions for a socialist revolution, not simply to improve workers' living conditions. He also advocated a de-centralized trade union federation structure. Many of the later anarcho-syndicalists including Rudolf Rocker agree with this notion. Hans Manfred Bock, on the other hand, sees no evidence for Hillmann's influence on the FVdG.
From 1878 to 1890, the Anti-Socialist Laws forbade all socialist trade unions. Only small local organizations, which communicated via intermediaries such as stewards, who worked illegally or semi-legally, survived. This form of organization was easier to protect against state repression. After the laws were sunset in 1890, the General Commission of the Trade Unions of Germany was founded on November 17 at a conference in Berlin to centralize the socialist labor movement. In 1892, the Trade Union Congress of Halberstadt was held to organize the many local unions under the committee. The localists, 31,000 of whom were represented at the congress, wanted to retain many of the changes that had been adopted during the repressive period. For example, they opposed separate organizations for political and economic matters, such as the party and the trade union. They especially wanted to keep their grassroots democratic structures. They also advocated local trade unions being networked by delegates rather than ruled centrally, and were wary of bureaucratic structures. The localists' proposals were rejected at the Halberstadt congress, so they refused to join the centralized trade unions, which became known as the Free Trade Unions. They did not renounce social democracy, but rather considered themselves to be an avant-garde within the social democratic movement in Germany.
The localists' main stronghold was in Berlin, although localist unions existed in the rest of the Empire as well. Masons, carpenters, and some metal-working professions—especially those requiring a higher degree of qualification like coppersmiths or gold and silver workers—were represented in large numbers. By 1891, there were at least 20,000 metal workers in localist trade unions, just as many as in the centralized German Metal Workers' Union.
Founding.
At a congress in 1897 in Halle, the localists founded a national organization of their own, the Representatives' Centralization of Germany ("Vertrauensmänner-Zentralisation Deutschlands"). The congress was originally supposed to take place a year earlier, but a lack of interest forced it to be postponed. There were 37 delegates at the congress representing 6,803 union members. Nearly two-thirds of the delegates came from Berlin or Halle. Almost half the delegates worked in the construction industry, while 14 delegates came from highly specialized professions. The congress decided to establish a five-person Business Commission seated in Berlin to organize political actions, aid in communication between local organizations, and raise financial support for strikes. Fritz Kater became the chairman of the commission. A newspaper, "Solidarität" ("Solidarity"), was founded, but the name was changed to "Die Einigkeit" ("Unity") the following year. It initially appeared fortnightly, but was published on a weekly basis beginning in 1898.
The decision to found a national organization was likely the result of several factors. First, the mainstream trade unions were increasingly reformist and centralized. Second, the localists gained confidence from their involvement in the dock workers' strike in Hamburg in late 1896 and early 1897. Third, loss of membership (for example, the Berlin metal workers rejoined the DMV in 1897) convinced the localists of the need for action.
The Representatives' Centralization's relationship to the SPD was ambivalent. The organization was allied with the SPD and supported the Erfurt Program. At the same time, the party mostly opposed the founding of the Representatives' Centralization and called upon its members to rejoin the centralized trade unions. The FVdG remained affiliated with the SPD, which in turn tolerated it because the SPD was afraid a split would lead to a large loss of members. The FVdG stated it would rejoin the centralized trade unions like the SPD leadership desired only if the centralized unions accepted the FVdG's organizational principles.
Early years.
The early years of the Representatives' Centralization of Germany were dominated by a discussion on how to finance strikes by individual local trade unions. The issue was how local unions could retain their autonomy when receiving financial assistance. Originally, all support between local organizations had been voluntary. But this system became more and more impractical, especially after the turn of the 20th century saw numerous large strikes in which employers reacted more aggressively — often by locking out workers. In 1899, the Business Committee felt it had to support a strike in Braunschweig. It took out a loan, which was paid off with dues income and from donations by Berlin unions. The following year, the Business Committee incurred 8,000 Marks in debt by supporting strikes. Part of the debt was paid off by the SPD, while the rest was apportioned among the local unions.
This practice was replaced in 1900 by a far more complex system of assessments and donations designed to raise the money to support strikes. This system was replaced in 1901 because it was impractical. The 1901 system required every local union and the central committee to create strike funds. Local unions would receive support for strikes from Berlin under certain circumstances, and the central Business Committee's fund would be replenished by all member organizations in amounts proportional to their membership and the average wage of their members. This system, too, proved problematic because it penalized the larger, wealthier unions — especially the construction workers in Berlin who had higher wages but also higher costs of living. From 1901 to 1903, many small organizations joined the federation, yet the FVdG's membership fell as the punitive strike support system drove some larger unions out. In 1903, the federation not only changed its name to the "Free Association of German Trade Unions" but also decided to return to the old system of voluntary contributions. This system remained in place until 1914. The Business Committee worked to ensure that unions contributed as much as they could. Often the committee resorted to threatening unions with expulsion in order to raise funds for a strike. Fritz Kater called this a dictatorship necessary for the movement, but local organizations still had far more autonomy than their counterparts in other German labor federations.
Radicalization and expulsion from the SPD.
During the first decade of the 20th century, the FVdG was transformed from a localist union federation into a syndicalist labor organization with anarchist tendencies. The process was initiated by the death of Gustav Keßler, the most important ideologue in the FVdG, in 1903. His role was largely assumed by the physician Raphael Friedeberg.
In 1903, a dispute between the FVdG and the Free Trade Unions in Berlin led the party commission to intervene and to sponsor talks aimed at re-unification of the two wings of the German labor movement. At the meeting, the FVdG made a number of compromises, which led to member protests. Soon, over one-third of the members left the union. The 1903 FVdG congress elected a panel to continue negotiations with the Free Trade Unions. This panel demanded that the Free Trade Unions adopt localist organizational principles as a prerequisite for re-unification. The FVdG panel realized this demand was unrealistic, but hoped the expulsion of revisionists from the SPD during the debate on Eduard Bernstein's theses would strengthen their position. The impossibility of a reconciliation between the two became obvious by March 1904, since the re-unification envisioned by both the leadership of the SPD and the Free Trade Unions was more along the lines of an integration of the FVdG into the Free Trade Unions.
The FVdG's disillusionment with the social democratic movement deepened during the mass strike debate. The role of the general strike for the socialist movement was first discussed within the FVdG in 1901. At the SPD's 1903 congress in Dresden, Raphael Friedeberg proposed discussing the topic, but his proposal was rejected by the congress. The following year, a proposal by Wilhelm Liebknecht and Eduard Bernstein to initiate debate on the topic was accepted, since they had distanced themselves from Friedeberg's positions.
Liebknecht and Bernstein, like the left wing of the party, felt the general strike should not be used to provoke the state but rather to defend political rights (especially the right to vote) should the state seek to abolish them. The more conservative faction in the party was opposed to this concept. In 1904, Friedeberg, speaking for the FVdG, advanced the view that the general strike must be a weapon in the hands of the proletariat and would be the last step before the socialist revolution. In 1905, his speech on the topic was even more radical. He claimed that historical materialism, a pillar of Marxism, was to blame for social democracy's alleged powerlessness, and introduced the alternative concept of "historical psychism"—which held that human psychology was more significant for social development than material conditions. He also recommended the anarchist literature especially Kropotkin's writings rather than Marx's works, which were most influential in the SPD.
The position that the general strike could be used, but only as a last resort, became dominant in the party during the mass strike debate. This caused much concern among the conservatives in the party, especially among many trade unionists. At a meeting in February 1906, the trade unionists were placated by party leaders, who said they would attempt to prevent a general strike at all costs. The FVdG reacted by publishing the secret protocols from the meeting in "Die Einigkeit," greatly angering the party leadership.
At the 1905 party convention, August Bebel, who had always favored a stronger role for the SPD-affiliated unions, proposed a resolution requiring all members of the party to join the centralized trade unions for their respective professions. This would have forced all FVdG members to either leave the party or the trade union. The resolution was adopted, and implemented in 1907. An FVdG survey returned a vote of twenty-two to eight opposing rejoining the centralized unions. This led some of the masons, carpenters, and construction workers in the union to leave the FVdG in 1907 to avoid being expelled from the SPD, saying the organization was "taking a path, which would certainly lead to strife with the SPD and to syndicalism and anarchism." In 1908, the SPD's Nuremberg congress finally voted to make SPD and FVdG membership incompatible.
In addition to causing about two-thirds of its members to quit between 1906 and 1910, the radicalization of the FVdG also correlates to a slight change in the milieu, industries, and regions from which the organization drew its members. Many metal and construction workers, who had a localist tradition, left as a result of the syndicalist and anarchist tendencies in the FVdG. Miners, who worked mostly in the Ruhr area, did not have this tradition but developed a certain skepticism of bureaucratic structures. About 450 of them joined the FVdG before World War I, a sign of what was to come after the war.
Pre-war period.
Following the split from the SPD, the FVdG was increasingly influenced by French syndicalism and anarchism. In 1908, Kater called the Charter of Amiens, the platform of the French General Confederation of Labor (CGT), the earliest and largest syndicalist union worldwide, "a new revelation". Although there was no contact between German "intellectual anarchists" (like Gustav Landauer and Erich Mühsam) and the FVdG, it did have influential anarchist members, most notably Andreas Kleinlein and Fritz Köster. Kleinlein and Köster increasingly influenced the federation from 1908 on, and this led to the founding of "Der Pionier" in 1911. This newspaper, which was edited by Köster, had a much more aggressive tone than "Die Einigkeit". Despite these developments, the influence of the anarchists in the pre-World War I FVdG remained quantitatively minute, especially as leading members like Kater were at the time very skeptical of the anarchist ideology.
After both the British Industrial Syndicalist Education League (ISEL), a short-lived syndicalist organization heavily involved in the strike wave in Britain from 1910, and the Dutch syndicalist union National Labor Secretariat (NAS) published proposals for an international syndicalist congress in 1913, the FVdG was the first to express support. There were difficulties in organizing the congress, and the largest syndicalist union worldwide — the CGT — refused to participate because it was already affiliated with the social democratic International Federation of Trade Unions. Despite these challenges, the First International Syndicalist Congress took place at Holborn Town Hall in London from September 27 to October 2. British, Swedish, Danish, Dutch, Belgian, French, Spanish, Italian, Cuban, Brazilian, and Argentine organizations—both labor unions and political groups — had delegates in London in addition to the FVdG, which was represented by Karl Roche, Carl Windhoff, and Fritz Kater. There were also links with Norwegian, Polish, and American groups. Kater was elected co-president of the congress alongside Jack Wills. After Wills was forced to resign, Kater served as co-president with Jack Tanner. The congress had difficulty agreeing on many issues, the main source of conflict being whether further schisms in the European labor movement (as had occurred in Germany and the Netherlands) should be risked. The FVdG generally agreed with their Dutch comrades in calling on other unions to decide between syndicalism and socialism, while their Italian, French, and Spanish counterparts, most notably Alceste De Ambris of the Italian USI, were more intent on preventing further division. Accordingly, the congress was divided on the question of whether its purpose was to simply pave the way for deeper relations between the syndicalist unions or whether a Syndicalist International was to be founded. The opponents of a new organization prevailed, but the congress agreed to establish an Information Bureau. The Information Bureau was based in Amsterdam and published the "Bulletin international du mouvement syndicaliste." The congress was considered a success by most who attended, with the notable exception of De Ambris. A second congress was scheduled to take place in two years' time in Amsterdam. Due to the outbreak of World War I, the congress did not take place. The "Bulletin" only published for eighteen issues before the war caused it to cease publication.
World War I.
During the buildup to World War I, the FVdG denounced the SPD's anti-war rhetoric as "complete humbug". With the start of war, the SPD and the mainstream labor movement entered into the "Burgfrieden" (or civil truce) with the German state. Under this agreement, the unions' structures remained intact and the government did not cut wages during the war. For their part, the unions did not support new strikes, ended current ones, and mobilized support for the war effort. The 1916 Auxiliary War Service Law established further cooperation between employers, unions, and the state by creating workers' committees in the factories and joint management-union arbitration courts.
The FVdG, on the other hand, was the only labor organization in the country which refused to participate in the "Burgfrieden." The union held that war-time patriotism was incompatible with proletarian internationalism and that war could only bring greater exploitation of labor. (Indeed, the average real wage fell by 55 percent during the war.) While the mainstream labor movement was quick to agree with the state that Russia and the United Kingdom were to blame for igniting the war, the FVdG held that the cause for the war was imperialism and that no blame could be assigned until after the conflict ended. The federation strongly criticized hostility towards foreigners working in Germany, especially Poles and Italians. It also rejected the concepts of the "nation" and national identity invoked in support of the war, claiming that common language, origin and culture (the foundations of a nation) did not exist in Germany. The FVdG's newspapers also declared that the war refuted historical materialism, since the masses had gone to war against their own material interests.
After Fritz Kater and Max Winkler reaffirmed syndicalist antimilitarism in the August 5, 1914 "Der Pionier" edition, the newspaper was banned. Three days later, "Die Einigkeit" criticized the SPD's stance on the war. It was then suppressed as well. The FVdG promptly responded by founding the weekly "Mitteilungsblatt." After it was banned in June 1915, the federation founded the bi-weekly "Rundschreiben," which survived until May 1917. Social Democratic publications on the other hand were allowed by Prussian War Minister Erich von Falkenhayn to be distributed even in the army. In the first days of the war, about 30 FVdG activists in Cologne, Elberfeld, Düsseldorf, Krefeld and other cities were arrested—some remaining under house arrest for two years. The government repression against the FVdG was heavy. While bans were often placed on the union's regular meetings, authorities in Düsseldorf even banned meetings of the syndicalist choir. Another problem for the union was that many of its members were conscripted. Half of the Berlin construction workers, the federation's largest union, were forced to serve in the army. In some places, all FVdG members were called into service.
Although the FVdG insisted that the "goal is everything and ... must be everything" (a play on Bernstein's formula that "the final goal, whatever it may be, is nothing to me: the movement is everything"), it was unable to do much more than keep its own structures alive during World War I. Immediately after the declaration of war, FVdG tried to continue its antiwar demonstrations to no avail. Although it constantly criticized the "Burgfrieden" and militarism in general, industrial action was not possible except for a few minor cases (most notably resistance by the carpenters' union to Sunday work). The FVdG also received support from abroad. The faction in the Italian USI led by Armando Borghi, an antimilitarist minority in the French CGT, the Dutch NAS, as well as Spanish, Swedish, and Danish syndicalists were all united with the FVdG in their opposition to the war.
As the Great War progressed, war exhaustion in Germany grew. The first strikes in the country since the start of the war broke out in 1915, steadily increasing in frequency and magnitude. The unions' role as troubleshooter between the employers and the workers soon led to conflict between the membership and union officials, and the Free Trade Unions steadily lost members. Correspondingly, the Reichstag faction of the SPD split over continued support for the war. The 1917 February Revolution in Russia was seen by the FVdG as an expression of the people's desire for peace. The syndicalists paid special attention to the role the general strike (which they had been advocating for years) played in the revolution. They were unable to comment on the October Revolution as the "Rundschreiben" had been banned by the time it broke out.
November Revolution and re-founding as FAUD.
Some claim that the FVdG influenced strikes in the arms industry as early as February or March 1918, but the organization was not re-established on a national level until December 1918. On December 14, Fritz Kater started publishing "Der Syndikalist" ("The Syndicalist") in Berlin as a replacement for "Die Einigkeit." On December 26 and 27, a conference organized by Kater and attended by 33 delegates from 43 local unions took place in Berlin. The delegates reflected upon the difficult times during the war and proudly noted that the FVdG was the only trade union which did not have to adjust its program to the new political conditions because it had remained loyal to its anti-state and internationalist principles. The delegates reaffirmed their rejection of parliamentarianism and refused to participate in the National Assembly.
In Spring 1919, Karl Roche wrote a new platform for the FVdG entitled "Was wollen die Syndikalisten? Programm, Ziele und Wege der 'Freien Vereinigung deutscher Gewerkschaften'" ("What Do the Syndicalists Want? The Program, Goals, and Means of the 'Free Association of German Trade Unions'"). In addition to reiterating pre-war ideas and slogans, it went further by criticizing participation in electoral democracy, claiming that this handicapped and confused proletarian class struggle. The platform also called for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, a position which was designed to reach out to the newly formed Communist Party (KPD) and International Communists of Germany. In late 1918 and early 1919, the FVdG became an important player in the strike movement in the Ruhr region (which mostly involved miners). Its organizers, most notably Carl Windhoff, became regular speakers at workers' demonstrations. On April 1, a general strike supported by the FVdG, the KPD and the Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD) began. The strike eventually involved up to 75 percent of the region's miners until it was violently suppressed in late April by the SPD-led government. After the strike and the ensuing collapse of the General Miners' Union, the FVdG expanded its unions rapidly and independently of the aforementioned political parties, especially in the Ruhr region. This led to a massive expansion in FVdG membership. The FVdG's criticism of the bureaucratic centralized trade unions, its advocation of direct action, and its low membership dues were received well by the workers in the Ruhr region. By August 1919, the federation had around 60,000 members throughout Germany. However, its Ruhr miners' unions left the craft unionist scheme the FVdG had traditionally been organized by behind, preferring simpler industrial structures.
The end of cooperation between the FVdG and the political parties in the Ruhr region was part of a nationwide trend after Paul Levi, an anti-syndicalist, became chairman of the KPD in March. Moreover, Rudolf Rocker, a communist anarchist and follower of Kropotkin, joined the FVdG in March 1919. He returned via The Netherlands in November 1918 after living in exile in London, where he had been active in the Jewish anarchist scene. Augustin Souchy, more of a Landauer-esque anarchist, also joined the federation in 1919. Both rapidly gained influence in the organization and—as anti-Marxists—were opposed to close collaboration with communists.
Nevertheless, the FVdG's Rhineland and Westphalia section merged with left communist unions to form the Free Workers' Union (FAU) in September 1919. Syndicalists from the FVdG were the biggest and most dominant faction in the FAU. The FAU's statutes mostly reflected compromises by the federation's member unions, but also reflected the FVdG's significant influence.
Soon it was decided to complete the merger in Rhineland and Westphalia on a national level. The FVdG's 12th congress, held December 27 to 30, became the Free Workers' Union of Germany's (FAUD) founding congress. Most left communists (including the influential veteran member Karl Roche) had already quit or were in the process of leaving the FAU in Rhineland and Westphalia by this point. The majority of them would join the General Workers' Union of Germany (AAUD), which was founded in February 1920. Without the left communists to oppose its adoption, Rocker's thoroughly anarchist "Prinzipienerklärung des Syndikalismus" ("Declaration of Syndicalist Principles"), which the Business Commission had charged him with drafting, became the FAUD's platform without much controversy. The FAUD also rejected the dictatorship of the proletariat and other Marxist terms and ideas. According to the Business Commission, the congress was attended by 109 delegates representing 111,675 workers, twice as many as were claimed just four and a half months earlier.


Mars (supermarket)

Mars was a local chain of grocery stores in metropolitan Baltimore, Maryland. Mars operated 13 supermarket locations in the Baltimore area until it filed for bankruptcy in 2016.
History.
The idea for Mars supermarkets came in the early 1940s from Joseph D'Anna, whose location for his upstart grocery store was an apartment complex in Essex, Maryland, called Mars Estates. Nearby, Glenn L. Martin was developing an airplane called the Mars Flying Boat that could take off and land in water, so "Mars" seemed a perfectly logical name to instill local pride and recognition. His first store opened on Old Eastern Avenue in 1943. It was operated for three years in a partnership with friend Bob Baum. They decided to open a second location in the 300 block of Eastern Ave. As more joined the team, the company decided to re-locate to the south in Dundalk, Maryland, where they purchased a strip center with seven shopfronts to expand their business, closing the Essex locations.
Soon after the move, D'Anna's two younger brothers, Angelo and Carmen, who had returned recently from World War II, decided to help expand the business. Joe sold them his interest in the business, giving 50% to each brother. Mars started at that time, even though the name preexisted the partnership.
As business increased, the store was enlarged several times until it occupied most of the space on the southeast corner of Holabird and Delvale Avenues. A second store was needed, so Angelo and Carmen opened the Grey Manor store on Old North Point Road in 1954, followed four years later by the Middle River store on Eastern Avenue (not far from Joe's original Mars). The company continued to grow due to the very positive response to their marketing approach. With the help of Morris Denkin, the company purchased the Vesper Family property on the opposite side of Holabird Avenue. With the on site direction of Carmen and Angelo, they constructed what many considered the most modern supermarket in the state of Maryland.
Anthony D'Anna, the youngest brother, came to work for Angelo and Carmen in 1949. Initially, he was a grocery and produce clerk, and later managed the store until he moved to a position in the office in 1963. He became Vice President and Senior Grocery Buyer.
After the company incorporated, Vincenzo F. D'Anna, their father, was elected to the board of directors as Chairman. In 1955, Anthony was made a partner and owner in the business.
After leaving the grocery business, Joe took over the operation of a restaurant from another younger brother, Vince D'Anna. Vince would later join the supermarket business, managing the new store on Eastern Avenue and buying produce for all the stores. Carmen brought Peter, the oldest brother, on board as the company's Produce Buyer and Supervisor.
In 1967, the Middle River store was damaged in a fire and the brothers took this opportunity to completely remodel it, again with the help of Morris Denkin and the added assistance of American Refrigeration. Over the next 26 years, Angelo and Carmen opened 10 more stores. These included Vincenzo's Produce Market and The Light Street Bakery at HarborPlace, which have since closed. The Old North Point Road store also closed, having been replaced by the Mars at Lynch Manor on Wise Avenue.
In January 1995, Angelo N. D'Anna died after serving as the company's president for 50 years. Carmen, who became President at that time, opened three stores in Glen Burnie, Woodlawn, and Edgewood. After fifty years as the company's Executive Vice President and three years as President, Carmen V. D'Anna, Sr. died in August 1997.
Carmen's eldest son, Vito (Carmen V. D'Anna, Jr.), became President at that time. In the nineteen years preceding his appointment to President, Vito worked his way up from bagger to store manager and eventually to Vice President of Operations.
Supported by their own buying staff, Mars purchased produce and seafood daily from local markets and always included local produce, when available, from Maryland growers. Offering many national brands at private label prices, Mars maintains a limited line of their own private label goods.
Mars was serviced by its own distribution center in Baltimore, supplying the stores with dry groceries, meats, deli/dairy, frozen and produce until March 2014 when Mars Supermarkets closed the distribution center and began to liquidate its assets including several of its own privately maintained fleet of tractor trailers. As a result, 78 workers lost their jobs. Instead the Company decided to stock stores direct from manufacturers with available transport and receive all other products from one of Bozzuto’s Inc's. distribution center outside of Hartford, Connecticut.
In May 2016, Mars announced that all 13 stores would close by July 31, 2016, with five locations being acquired by Weis Markets. The company stated that they have struggled with declining sales for several years. Mars tried to fill the remaining eight locations with other retailers.


Gowings

Gowings was a department store chain in Sydney, Australia, established in 1868. Set on several levels, It specialized in men's casual clothing, camping gear and novelty items. It had a men's barber and a dining restaurant.
Company history.
In 1863, John Gowing opened a drapery business in Crown Street, East Sydney, New South Wales. He entered into partnership on 4 November 1868 with his brother Preston Robert Gowing, who had been working as a storekeeper in Victoria. They set up the Mercery and Glove Depot, at 318 George Street, which John managed for £200 per annum plus half the profits of the business. This store was located on the corner of Market Street and George Street and the site was redeveloped in 1929 by John's son, Preston Lanchester Gowing, both as an investment and prime retail location. It became one of the most prominent and famous department stores in Sydney. In recent years Gowings embarked on an ambitious expansion plan, opening four more Gowings stores in other locations in Sydney.
In 2001, Gowings divested the stores to an independent listed company, Gowings Retail (later G Retail), to enable them to concentrate on their investment and property interests. Although successful in the City, their locations in suburban areas failed to attract customers.
Acquisition.
In November 2005, after three years of successive losses, G Retail Ltd entered administration. Attempts to sell the business were unsuccessful and the last remaining Gowings store was the one in George Street, Sydney, which closed its doors at 5:23pm on 29 January 2006. The building was then taken over by Supré. After 5 years, the building opened its doors to the public as Sydney's first ever Topshop store in 2011.
In Popular Culture.
The department store was featured in "".


Westdale Mall

Westdale Mall was an enclosed super-regional shopping mall in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, United States. The two-level mall on the southwest side of Cedar Rapids is one of the city's two enclosed malls, along with Lindale Mall on the city's northeast side. By 2012, Westdale displayed some characteristics of a dead mall as two of its four anchor stores and an estimated 70 percent of inline stores have been vacated as of January 2013. At the beginning of 2013, local investor group A. Shapiro LLC purchased Westdale Mall. In January 2013, Frew Development Group, LLC leased the mall and its property from A. Shapiro, LLC. Frew Development is investing $90 million into the redevelopment of the mall, converting it to an open air destination and re-branding it as Westdale Town Center. In 2020, Frew Development Group, LLC acquired the ground lease from A. Shapiro, LLC and today is the sole owner of Westdale Town Center. The mall's anchor stores are JCPenney, Shoe Dept. Encore, Ross Dress for Less, U-Haul, Burlington, and PetSmart. There is 1 vacant anchor store that was once Younkers.
History.
Planning and construction.
Plans for Westdale Mall were first announced on March 29, 1972. Original plans called for a mall with two or three anchor stores and 30 to 50 smaller stores on of land. Later that year, developer Ernest W. Hahn of The Hahn Company acquired the mall's property from Midwest Development of Cedar Rapids and Dial Realty of Omaha, Nebraska. In 1974, Hahn asked the Cedar Rapids City Council to rezone an additional of land from residential to commercial use. An organization of citizens known as "Taxpayers for Sensible Planning" opposed the rezoning, claiming that construction of a larger mall would have a severe impact on existing businesses in the Cedar Rapids area. Despite the opposition, the City Council approved the rezoning by a 4-1 vote on May 22, 1974. The recession of 1974 delayed the start of construction until May 1976 and a seven-week electricians' strike delayed the mall's opening to October 4, 1979.
Despite the construction problems and layoffs in Cedar Rapids' manufacturing sector during the recession of 1980, Westdale Mall was at 93 percent capacity with 114 stores by the beginning of 1981. Westdale attracted shoppers from counties throughout eastern Iowa and surrounding states, including cities such as Davenport and Waterloo that already had enclosed malls.
Anchor and ownership changes.
JCPenney, Montgomery Ward, Younkers, and Brandeis signed on as anchors before construction of Westdale Mall began, but Brandeis withdrew from the mall while its store was still under construction. Wards and JCPenney, which both relocated from downtown Cedar Rapids, were the first two anchor stores to open while Younkers and Petersen Harned Von Maur (Brandeis' replacement) opened in 1980. Wards closed in early 2001 as the chain ceased operations, and the anchor space remained vacant for more than four years until Steve & Barry's opened there in November 2005. On January 31, 2007, Von Maur closed its Westdale Mall store due to a decline in business and offered its 80 employees positions at its Lindale Mall and Iowa City locations. That anchor space remains vacant. Steve and Barry's closed in November 2008 due to the chain's bankruptcy, leaving Westdale with only two anchors at the beginning of 2010.
Westdale Mall was built by The Hahn Company, which became TrizecHahn in 1980; TrizecHahn sold Westdale to The Rouse Company in April 1998. The Festival Companies of Los Angeles, California, took over management of Westdale in November 2004. Shortly after that, Festival announced a $20 million renovation plan that would expand the mall and add a new food court. However, those plans never materialized as tenants continued to leave the mall amid competition from Coral Ridge Mall to the south. In November 2006, Westdale was placed in administrative receivership after H-N-W Associates, a part-owner of the mall, fell behind on its mortgage payments. Heritage Property Management of Cedar Rapids took over management of the mall at the time. In December 2006, General Growth Properties (owner of Coral Ridge Mall) took over the leasing duties for the mall. Westdale was sold to Cedar Rapids Properties, Inc., in a sheriff's sale on July 10, 2007. The former Steve & Barry's space, which was originally owned by Montgomery Ward when it was an anchor, was separately owned by California-based City Gate LP. General Growth handed the leasing duties over to Jones Lang LaSalle in mid-2010.
By March 2007, over 50% of the mall stores had closed. The Cedar Rapids City Council voted to delay any major redevelopment work at the mall for six months, in the hopes that whoever purchases the mall property does not break it apart. On May 9, 2007, the City Council voted 7-1 to lift the moratorium on a mostly vacant outparcel building that was originally built as an Econofoods supermarket and was more recently a Big Lots store; two local developers planned to reconfigure that building and build a Sonic Drive-In and T.G.I. Friday's on the property. However, in September 2007 T.G.I. Friday's canceled its plans to open a restaurant at that location amid concerns that they would not make enough money there. Sonic also backed out of its plan to open a restaurant at that location shortly after that. The city council later reimposed the development moratorium before they unanimously agreed to set it aside on December 19, 2007. The Big Lots outparcel building was demolished in March 2010 to make room for Edgewood Station, a new development that is expected to include at least two restaurants and a financial institution.
Flood of 2008 and aftermath.
Some of Westdale Mall's empty stores had been used as temporary homes for city and Linn County offices in the aftermath of the Iowa flood of 2008. Disaster centers for the American Red Cross, FEMA, and the Small Business Administration were also set up at Westdale. After rejecting an $18.5 million offer to buy Westdale outright on January 21, 2009, the Linn County Board of Supervisors agreed to move their offices to the former Steve & Barry's space on February 11, 2009. In June 2010, Linn County signed a lease agreement to keep its "Linn County West" office complex at Westdale until at least February 2012. The Linn County offices that were housed at Westdale moved back to downtown Cedar Rapids in June 2012.
On February 9, 2009, the Cedar Rapids Public Library opened a temporary library known as "The Bridge" inside space that was formerly the home of an Osco Drug store at Westdale. "The Bridge" is serving as the main operations for the library, whose main branch downtown was heavily damaged by the flood, until a permanent decision on the library's future is made. The library announced plans to move its west-side branch from Westdale to a former Target store west of the mall in February 2012.
The mall now has JCPenney and Burlington as anchors as part of the redevelopment.
Sale and redevelopment plans.
Investor group A. Shapiro LLC, an investor group led by local realtor Scott Byers, acquired Westdale Mall in a transaction that took effect on January 1, 2013. Leasing duties were handed over to the Denver-based Frew Development Group as part of the sale. A. Shapiro plans to invest $90 million to redevelop the Westdale Mall site.
Plans call for demolishing most of the current mall except for the JCPenney, Younkers, and vacant Von Maur anchors, and turning the site into a "multiuse destination" similar to the Streets at Southglenn in Colorado and Jordan Creek Town Center in Des Moines. While the mall remains open, redevelopment was expected to begin in the first quarter of 2013 with the demolition of the former Montgomery Ward/Steve & Barry's building.
The mall remained open until March 31, 2014, at which point all tenants moved out except for JCPenney, Younkers, and a City Looks hair salon. The mall was then demolished except for the anchor stores.
On January 31, 2018, The Bon-Ton announced that Younkers would be closing in April 2018 as part of a plan to close 42 stores nationwide which left JCPenney as the only anchor left.
Incidents.
On December 19th, 1979, just 2 months after the mall opened, 18-year old Michelle Martinko was killed in the mall's parking lot. Jerry Lynn Burns was arrested in 2018 on the 39th anniversary of the murder, and he was convicted of first degree murder on February 24, 2020.


London Co-operative Society

The London Co-operative Society (LCS) was a consumer co-operative society in the United Kingdom.
History.
The Society was formed in September 1920 by the amalgamation of the Stratford Co-operative Society and the Edmonton Co-operative Society, two of the largest societies in the London Metropolitan area, forming the largest retail co-operative society in the United Kingdom. Initially, the LCS headquarters were located at 54 Maryland Street, Stratford, E.15. A key agreement reached with the London Trades Council and London Labour Party led to a plan to develop in Central London a meeting centre consisting of restaurant, general store, club and hall accommodations to address an unmet need of the city.
In 1921, the LCS was also joined by the West London Society, the Kingston Society and the Co-operative Brotherhood Trust. In addition, the Society also took over two branches of the Staines Co-operative Party. The consolidation of co-operative societies in the Greater London area continued until 1938, with the absorption of Hendon Co-operative Society in 1925, the North West London Co-operative Society in 1928, the Epping Co-operative Society in 1929, the Yiewsley Co-operative Society in 1931, the Willesden Junction Railway Society in 1935 and the Radlett Co-operative Society in 1938. Hence, the LCS was able to extend its area of the counties of Middlesex, Essex, Hertfordshire and Surrey. The company's general manager through part of this period (1924–1933) was Sidney Foster, who in 1933 went on to manage the Milk Marketing Board.
By 1946, LCS had reached a membership of 832,670 members, the highest of any of Britain's co-operatives, and had an annual revenue of . Also in 1946, LCS acquired 200 Oxford Street in London, which had been the headquarters of the BBC Overseas Service since 1941; LCS moved its headquarters into the building in 1949.
By 1952, the LCS and its associated co-operative organisations, the major being the London Co-operative Chemists Limited, had over 550 establishments of sales and services, varying from large department stores to small grocery shops.
By 1963, the London Society was noted as being the largest co-operative of its kind in the world, which was led by John Stonehouse as President at the time, who also served as a Labour Member of Parliament.
In 1981, Co-operative Retail Services acquired LCS, which had been losing millions of pounds.
Operations and influence.
The LCS played a large part in the national co-operative movement and was a member of the national and regional organisations, chief of which being the Co-operative Union to which the LCS subscribed. The LCS was also a shareholding member of the English Co-operative Wholesale Society, generally known as the CWS, a federal wholesaling organisation for co-operative societies in England and Wales.
1950s-era establishments consisted of grocers, butchers, fruit, vegetable and flower sellers, coal depots, furniture sellers, drapers, tailors, footwear sellers, chemists, laundries, estate agencies, funeral services and even guesthouses.
LCS administered many manufacturing and processing establishments. It had creameries located at various places in the West Country, including Puxton, Somerset which served as a regional railhead, product from which was transported via milk trains to the main London creamery and distribution point at West Ealing.
Politics.
Politically, the Society has also had a major impact. In the interwar years, the LCS Political Committee played an important role in winning Londoners over to the Labour Party, mobilising people behind co-operative ideals, and shaping policy at a national level, working as part of the national Co-operative Party.
In 1938, LCS initiated a boycott against Japanese goods, encouraging the Cooperative Wholesale Society to follow its example.
At the 1945 election, all 11 LCS-sponsored candidates were elected, including Dan Chater in Bethnal Green North East, Percy Holman in Bethnal Green South West and C.S.Ganley in Battersea South. Alfred Barnes, also elected for East Ham South, even became a Cabinet Minister in the Attlee administration after 1945.
In the post-war world, it continued as an important campaigning force, providing key organisational backing for mass movements like Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, Anti-Apartheid, supporting the fight against the Vietnam War and campaigns during the miner's strikes, and generally at the forefront of the campaign for peace, co-operation and socialism. A political presence was also maintained in the House of Commons through the work of MPs, such as Stan Newens and Laurie Pavitt. Alf Lomas (the former Secretary of the London Co-op Political Committee) was also an MEP and Leader of the British Labour Group of MEPs.


Cape Cod Factory Outlet Mall

The Cape Cod Factory Outlet Mall was an outdoor mall located in Bourne, Massachusetts. It was first developed into a shopping center in 1972 as an indoor outlet mall, but by 2012 was developed into an outdoor plaza. When it was an indoor mall, it boasted approximately 25 shops, from outlets to local brands. The mall's grounds also once housed the original location of the Coca-Cola Bottling Company of Cape Cod, as well as a former motel.
The indoor mall was originally opened in 1972, with the original part being the area that housed the Carter's Childrenswear and Dress Barn. The mall then saw a major expansion in the late 1980s, when the main portion of the mall was added. In its heyday, it housed retailers such as Big Dog Sportswear, Osh Kosh B'Gosh, Buck-A-Book, and a Sbarro pizzeria.
The mall mostly thrived throughout the 1990s, with its apparent decline starting in the early 2000s, after Wrentham Village Premium Outlets opened nearby, siphoning much of their business. Buck-A-Book closed their store in the Cape Cod Factory Outlet Mall when the local chain went out of business in September 2005, which left one of the mall's largest tenant spaces vacant for the remainder of the mall's operation. The mall then continued to steadily lose tenants and fall into a state of disrepair for its remaining years. By 2009, the mall was well under 50% occupation. For these reasons, the mall came to be regarded as a dead mall.
The mall closed on July 4, 2011, after a decade of decreasing traffic and tenants, and before being razed. On September 12 of that year, it was announced that five stores (including Van Heusen, Izod, and Bass Outlet, but excluding Carter's) would return to the site, which was being rebuilt as a strip center anchored by Market Basket. Market Basket opened its store in June 2012.


The Roaring Twenties

The Roaring Twenties is a 1939 American crime thriller film starring James Cagney, Priscilla Lane, Humphrey Bogart, and Gladys George. The film, spanning the periods between 1919 and 1933, was directed by Raoul Walsh and written by Jerry Wald, Richard Macaulay and Robert Rossen.
It was based on "The World Moves On," a short story by Mark Hellinger, a columnist who had been hired by Jack L. Warner to write screenplays. The movie is hailed as a classic in the gangster movie genre, and considered an homage to the classic gangster movie of the early 1930s.
"The Roaring Twenties" was the third and last film that Cagney and Bogart made together. The other two were "Angels with Dirty Faces" (1938) and "The Oklahoma Kid" (1939).
Plot.
Three men meet in a shell hole during the waning days of World War I: Eddie Bartlett, George Hally and Lloyd Hart, and experience trials and tribulations from the Armistice through the passage of the 18th Amendment leading to the Prohibition period of the 1920s and the violence which erupted due to it, all the way through the 1929 stock market crash to its conclusion at the end of 1933, only days after the 21st Amendment brought an end to the Prohibition era.
Following World War I, Lloyd Hart starts his law practice, George Hally, a former saloon keeper, becomes a bootlegger, and Eddie Bartlett, a garage mechanic, finds his old job filled. At the suggestion of his friend Danny Green, Eddie becomes a cab driver. While unknowingly delivering a package of liquor to Panama Smith, he is arrested. Panama is acquitted and after a short stint in jail, they go into the bootlegging business together. Eddie uses a fleet of cabs to deliver his liquor, and he hires Lloyd as his lawyer to handle his legal issues. He re-meets Jean Sherman, a girl he formerly corresponded with during the war while she was in high school, who is now an adult working at a nightclub. Eddie gives her a job singing in Henderson's cabaret, where Panama is hostess. Eddie wants Jean as his wife, giving her an engagement ring that he asks her to hold until he's saved up enough money to quit the criminal rackets.
Eddie and his henchmen hijack a shipload of liquor belonging to fellow bootlegger Nick Brown who had refused to cooperate with him. In charge of the liquor shipment on board is George who proposes that Eddie bring him in as a partner. Eddie agrees and back home they inform the authorities about one of Brown's liquor shipments. After the shipment is confiscated, Eddie and George lead a heist of the warehouse and steal it. As they are leaving, George recognizes one of the watchmen as his former sergeant that he disliked and murders him. After learning of the murder, Lloyd quits with George threatening to kill him if he ever informs on them. In time, as the bootlegging rackets prosper, Eddie sends Danny to arrange a truce with Brown, but Danny's body is dropped off in front of The Panama Club. Eddie goes after Brown for revenge, but George, by now resentful with Eddie's increasing power, tips off Brown, who sets a trap. A gunfight ensues, and Eddie kills Brown while escaping. Suspecting George's betrayal but unable to prove it, Eddie dissolves their partnership.
Things continue to go bad for Eddie as he discovers that Jean has never really loved him and is in fact in love with Lloyd. Subsequently, after speculating in the stock market, Eddie's bootlegging empire crumbles in the 1929 crash. He is forced to sell his cab company to George at a price far below its value. George mockingly leaves Eddie one cab for himself, correctly foreseeing that Eddie will soon have fallen so low that he'll be back to being a mere cab driver.
By chance, one day Jean steps into Eddie's cab and he renews his acquaintance with her and with Lloyd, meeting their young son. Lloyd is now with the district attorney's office and Eddie is aware that the office is preparing to bring a case against George. Eddie reminds Lloyd that George will still follow through on his threat against Lloyd from years earlier. The encounter leaves Eddie despondent since he's still in love with Jean and he becomes an alcoholic, though he'd never drunk at all during the years that he was bootlegging.
When Jean discovers that George is indeed planning to have Lloyd killed, she appeals to the drunken Eddie for help. He initially declines, but ultimately decides to go to George's house to ask him to have mercy on the couple. While there, Eddie is mocked again by George for his shabby looks. Not only does George refuse to cancel the hit on Lloyd, but he decides he'll have to kill Eddie too since he now believes that Eddie will inform on him to the police in order to help Jean. This results in a shootout in which Eddie kills George and some of his men, redeeming himself.
After running outside, Eddie is shot in the back by one of George's men and collapses on the steps of a nearby church. As the police arrest the remainder of George's gang, Panama runs to Eddie and cradles his lifeless body. When a police officer begins inquiring about who Eddie was, she replies, "He used to be a big shot."
Cast.
Credited Cast
Uncredited Cast
Production.
Gladys George had replaced Ann Sheridan who had replaced Lee Patrick who had replaced Glenda Farrell for the character of Panama Smith.
Anatole Litvak was the original director.
Reception.
"The Carol Burnett Show" parodied the movie as "The Boring Twenties", with Carol Burnett parodying the Panama Smith character as Havana Jones.
In 2008, the American Film Institute nominated the film for its Top 10 Gangster Films list.
In 2009 "Empire" magazine named "The Roaring Twenties" #1 in a poll of the 20 Greatest Gangster Movies You've Never Seen* (*Probably).


Divie Bethune McCartee

Divie Bethune McCartee (Simplified Chinese: 麦嘉缔) (1820–1900) was an American Protestant Christian medical missionary, educator and U.S. diplomat in China and Japan, first appointed by the American Presbyterian Mission in 1843.
In 1845 he organized the first Protestant church on Chinese soil. He later served as United States Consul at Ningbo, China and was also judge of the "mixed court" at Shanghai. His career in Japan led him to be a professor in the Imperial University at Tokyo, and he was also Secretary of the Chinese legation there. His prolific writings covered Asiatic history, linguistics, natural science, medicine and politics in the publications of the American Geographical Society, the American Oriental Society and other associations.
Early life.
Born in Philadelphia, the oldest son of Dr. Robert McCartee of New York, Divie McCartee entered Columbia University, New York City, at the age of 14 and graduated from the University of Pennsylvania Medical School at 20. In June 1843 while engaged in the practice of medicine in Philadelphia, he received a message from the Board of Foreign Missions of the Church that he was needed to go to China as a pioneer and medical missionary. After consulting with members of his family, he agreed to go.
China.
McCartee sailed for China in 1843 and arrived in Ningbo, Zhejiang, China in 1844. He began working primarily in medicine and evangelism. He was likely the first Protestant missionary, and certainly the first physician, to reside on Chinese soil following the First Opium War. He soon mastered the Chinese language, and his linguistic skills would be put to a variety of future uses. He opened a mission at Ningbo, one of the five ports opened to foreign trade and intercourse by the Treaty of Nanking in 1842.
In 1845 he organized the first Protestant church on Chinese soil. It was there that he married fellow missionary, Juana M. Knight in 1853. She was the first single Presbyterian woman to travel to China.
In 1868 or 1869, the McCartees adopted Kin Yamei (1864–1934), the daughter of Christian colleagues who succumbed to disease when she was two years old. She became the first Chinese woman doctor educated abroad.
In addition to his medical work, he became an adviser and interpreter for American officials and was later vice-consul in Chefoo (present-day Yantai) and Shanghai. McCartee acted in place of an American Consul until a regular consular service was set up in 1857. In this capacity in May 1861, at the request of United States Flag-Officer Stribling, he entered Nanjing, across the battle lines and helped persuade the "Heavenly King", Hong Xiuquan of the Taipings to promise "non-molestation not only to Americans and Christians, but to all Chinese in their employ." By this effort large numbers of native Christians and their friends were rescued when the Taiping army entered Ningbo.
Japan.
In 1862 he was appointed vice-consul to Japan. As such he was the first Protestant missionary to work there. His tract translated into Japanese was the first Protestant literature in Japan.
The McCartees returned to Ningpo in 1865 to resume their missionary work. In 1872, they were transferred to the Shanghai mission but resigned shortly thereafter so that Dr. McCartee could join the Shanghai consular staff as interpreter and assessor to the Mixed Court.
In 1872, when the coolies of the Peruvian ship ‘’Maria Luz’’ were freed by the Japanese government upon his suggestion, a commission was appointed from Beijing to proceed to Tokyo to bring home the freed men, and McCartee was nominated secretary and interpreter, receiving for his services a gold medal and complimentary letters. While on this Chinese government assignment to Japan, McCartee remained in Tokyo as professor of law and science at the Imperial University (now Tokyo University), curator of the botanical gardens, and later secretary to the Chinese Legation there until 1877.
In 1879 he advised Ulysses S. Grant, the former U.S. president, mediating on the Ryukyu Islands, although both China and Japan rejected his compromise.
McCartee returned to the United States in 1880, and in 1882 visited Hawaii on business connected with Chinese immigration. In 1885, Dr. McCartee was appointed consul to the Japanese legation in Washington, DC. Two years later the McCartees were reappointed by the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions to the Japan Mission, where they served until Dr. McCartee's retirement in 1899. That year he returned to the US as an invalid and died in San Francisco the following year.
Divie McCartee devoted nearly forty years of his life to work among the Chinese and Japanese. The Chinese Government gave him a gold medal in recognition of his services in connection with the suppression of the Macau coolie traffic, and later he received the title of Consul General for services in the Chinese legation. From the Japanese Government he received the decoration of the Fifth Order of the Rising Sun. He left a wife and four brothers-Peter, Robert, George, and Charles McCartee. His remains were buried at Newburgh (city), New York.
Archival Collections.
The Presbyterian Historical Society in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, has a collection of Divie Bethune McCartee's correspondence.
The University of Pennsylvania's Rare Book and Manuscript Library has a collection of handwritten notes by McCartee on Chinese and Japanese archaeology, geography, natural history, philology and other topics.
The Academy of Natural Sciences of Drexel University has zoological specimens sent from China by McCartee.


NewsGuild-CWA

The NewsGuild-CWA is a labor union founded by newspaper journalists in 1933. In addition to improving wages and working conditions, its constitution says its purpose is to fight for honesty in journalism and the news industry's business practices. The current president is Jon Schleuss.
History.
The organization's founders were Joseph Cookman an editor of the "New York Post", Allen Raymond of the "New York Herald Tribune" and Heywood Broun of the "New York World-Telegram". The inaugural chapter was based in Cleveland, Ohio, and Carl Randau was its first director from 1934 to 1940. It was originally called the American Newspaper Guild, but it simplified its name to Newspaper Guild in the 1970s to reflect the fact that it also operated outside the United States. It had expanded into Canada in the 1950s.
It became affiliated with the American Federation of Labor in 1936, then left to go into the new Congress of Industrial Organizations in 1937, when it expanded its membership to non-editorial departments. It merged with the Communications Workers of America in 1995. The Guild is also affiliated with the International Federation of Journalists.
The Guild has more than 32,000 members in the United States, Canada and Puerto Rico. Its membership has expanded from just journalists to many other employees of newspapers and news agencies, such as clerks who take classified ads and computer support workers. It also represents workers in a number of other industries.
In 2015, the union changed its name from Newspaper Guild to its current name, NewsGuild, to reflect that newspapers aren't the only publishers of news.
Broun's influence.
The Newspaper Guild, represented by many journalists and other written media workers since 1933, became one of the most continuous and effective media organizations in the United States. Heywood Broun was one of the most respected journalist and most popular, highly paid contributor. On August 7, 1933, Broun acknowledged the "New York World-Telegram" column and the progress of the newspaper’s business which was successful. He evaluated the progress more closely with his bosses than any other colleague of similar economic standing. Broun wrote, “the fact that newspaper editors and owners are genial folk should hardly stand in the way of organization of a newspaper writers’ union. There should be [always] one.” His column has influenced journalists from many states to rise up in opposition to the newspaper’s authorities and organize by publishers to show the importance of the newspaper union and expanding the foundation.
Heywood launched the Guild during the Depression according to the biography which Richard O’Connor said, “newspapermen to take a more practical view of their working conditions and organize against the rapacity of publishers.” During the earlier times of the Guild, there were complaints from the “rapacious” publishers about federal regulation of minimum wages and maximum hours for newsroom workers set by the National Recovery Act. The publishers wanted an amount of money to not pay tax on from the NRA on constitutional grounds and their First Amendment rights would be prohibited if the workers were forced to restrictive management under the government as the forty-hour work week. This rallied around from Broun’s call for labor union and one would speak for all newsmen and newswomen.
Status in 1942.
In 1942 Henning Heldt, as a Nieman Fellow, contributed an article on the Newpaper Guild to a collection published by Nieman Fellows that year at Harvard University.
In 1934 a convention of the Guild was held in St. Paul, Minnesota. In an effort to elevate the standards of journalism, it was
Heldt described the radical past, arrival, and conservative turn of the Guild in 1942:
Positing a "legend of newsmen", Heldt lamented that the Guild finished off the legend:
In 1970s, the union expanded its scope outside of the United States. and adopted the name of Newspaper Guild or TNG. It also collaborated with another union called the Communications Workers of America (CWA) in 1977. The combined union had hundreds of thousands of workers in telecommunications and media, and later adopted a new name, The Newspaper Guild-CWA.
Campaigns.
On May 18, 2020, the NewsGuild launched the Save The News campaign to advocate for local news outlets as part of the federal government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Between January and August 2020, as many as 36,000 journalists had experienced pay cuts, furloughs, or layoffs.
As part of the campaign, the group has supported legislative efforts, such as S.3718, to expand access to the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) for local news outlets that have been excluded from it, as well as H.R.7640 to create tax credits incentivizing subscribing to and advertising in local newspapers.
In July 2020 NewsGuild president Jon Schleuss sent a letter to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, noting his warning “that the local news industry is facing an extinction-level event.”
Archives.
The Walter P. Reuther Library is the official repository of The Newspaper Guild Official Archives. Walter P. Reuther Library, Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan.
New York State Modern Political Archive


Cityplace (Winnipeg)

Cityplace (formerly Eaton Place) is a nine-storey office and retail complex situated in Downtown Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada. The number of weekly shoppers is 150,000.
It consists mainly of the former Eaton's company Catalogue & Mail Order building that occupies the block bounded by Hargrave and Donald Streets, and Graham and St. Mary Avenues. The warehouse was designed by John Woodman, a Winnipeg architect, and constructed in 1916.
The north side entrance is accessible from the Graham Avenue Transit Mall. Several bus routes serve nearby stops.
The mall is open from 10 am to 6 pm. Monday thru Saturday and 12 noon to 5 pm Sunday.
History.
In January 1976, Eaton's announced that they would discontinue printing their coloured catalogues in Winnipeg and would close down the catalogue and mail order building as of March 1st. All unclaimed stock at the Catalogue Office would be sold at discount. This sale went on into the Summer of 1976.
Remodelling construction began in November, 1977 with the Clearance Salesroom demolished to make way for the spiral parkade.
Eaton Place opened on October 11, 1979 as Downtown Winnipeg's first indoor shopping mall, after Eaton's closed down its Catalogue and Mail-order operations three years earlier. It capitalized on its location adjacent to the downtown Eaton's department store, which was then the largest and busiest store in the city, now demolished. The former Eaton's store site is now the city's arena, Bell MTS Place, formerly MTS Centre.
Cineplex announced in June, 1980 that they would build several multiplex movie theatres across Canada, and that Winnipeg would soon have 7-theatre location yet to be determined. In December 1980, the city's first multiplex movie theatre, Cineplex 7, opened on the second floor of Eaton Place. It was subsequently closed in the 1990s because of the small size of each theatre.
After Portage Place opened, the owners of Eaton Place updated the interior design in the late 1980s to compete with the other malls that had been refurbished.
Eaton Place was purchased by Osmington Inc., a privately owned Toronto-based real estate company in 1998 for $35 million. Israeli investors purchased the building in 2003 for an undisclosed sum. The building was then purchased by Huntingdon Real Estate Investment Trust in 2005 for $75 million.
In 2009, the building was purchased by Manitoba Public Insurance (MPI) for $81.5 million from Huntingdon Real Estate Investment Trust. At the time of the purchase, MPI occupied approximately 80% of the office space in the building and had been leasing space there since 1980. MPI's expectation was to save $3 to $5 million annually by owning instead of renting, as well as a 10% annual return on the property investment, even after the costs of retaining the realty group for property management.
The main complex includes two levels of retail and food court space totalling , as well as seven levels of office space. Cityplace also operates several surface parking lots and parkades. In 2012, the mall opened a rooftop terrace, accessible from the food court on the second level.
During the Fall and Winter months cityplace hosts the Downtown Farmers' Market, where people can purchase cheese, jams, crafts, meat.
Cityplace is connected by elevated skywalks to the Winnipeg Walkway System, acting as a hub connecting the Portage and Graham segments, with a link connecting the RBC Convention Centre segment. The connection from cityplace to the Delta and Convention Centre cost $6.2-million and opened in 2010. $4.5 million in funding for the 2010 connection addition came from the Winnipeg Partnership Agreement and a combined $1.7 million came from cityplace, the Delta Winnipeg and LaSalle Investment Management.
There have been rumours since late 2019 that the Manitoba government, under Brian Pallister, would seek to sell of the mall to private investors. Opposition critics in the Legislature have said that this would be a negative thing because MPI would not own its offices at that location any longer.
The Manitoba Liquor Mart closed its store in the mall in January 2020 and moved it to the second floor of True North Square across the street.
Since June 2020 McCor Management is the current property management firm of Cityplace.
Amenities.
Some of the amenities at cityplace mall include:


Weihaiwei Regiment

The 1st Chinese Regiment, or the Weihaiwei Regiment, was a British Army Regiment formed and disbanded in British Weihaiwei. The "First Chinese Regiment" which was praised for its performance, consisted of Chinese rank and file serving under British officers.
Formation.
The 1st Chinese Regiment was created in 1898 from men of Shantung Province led by British officers and Colour Sergeants. Army Order No 2 of 1899 approved the raising of a Chinese regiment of 1,000 men. Major Hamilton Bower of the Indian Staff Corps was given the local rank of lieutenant colonel and appointed Commandant of the new regiment. British officers started to arrive in late 1898 and the regiment first appeared in the Army List, preceded by the Hong Kong Regiment (not to be confused with the later Royal Hong Kong Regiment), in January 1899.
The Regiment was highly regarded for its drill, military appearance and marksmanship.
By 1900 the Regiment consisted of 420 men organised into seven companies.
Active Service.
In its first action in March 1900, 420 men of the regiment led by Lt Col. Bower quelled a failed uprising in Chengfoo without bloodshed.
The Regiment sent 200 men in four companies led by Lt Col. Bower to serve in the Boxer Rebellion, arriving in Tientsen on 24 June 1900. The men of the regiment fought alongside United States Marines led by Smedley Butler. Two British captains and 21 Chinese NCOs and other ranks were killed, two majors, one colour sergeant and 15 Chinese NCOs and other ranks were wounded during this campaign.
The regiment was alerted to be deployed to Chemulpo in Korea but the movement did not eventuate.
A party of one British colour sergeant and 12 men travelled to London in 1902 to represent the regiment at the Coronation of King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra.
By 1902 the regiment consisted of over 1200 men organised into 12 companies.
Uniform and insignia.
Upon formation in 1898 the Weihaiwei Regiment wore a medium blue uniform with Chinese style headdress and white leggings. By 1900 this had been replaced for parade dress by a black turban, dark-blue/grey (almost black) tunic, breeches and puttees. The tunic was double-breasted with two rows of brass buttons. For ordinary duties and active service, khaki drill was worn with a
straw wide-brimmed hat modeled on that worn by the Royal Navy at the time. A red waist sash was worn with both blue and khaki uniforms.
The regimental badge worn on both collars and turbans was a bronze representation of a city gate of Tientsin.
Disbandment.
When it was decided to run the territory under civil, rather than military lines at the end of 1901, the first stage of disbandment was begun. The regiment was reduced from 1,200 to 500 men through natural wastage and a freeze on recruitment, retaining 16 officers and six NCOs organised into four companies.
In spite of its excellent record the regiment was ordered to be totally disbanded on 1 June 1906 by Army Order No.127 of 1906. The reason appears to have been primarily a financial one, after the decision was made
not to develop Weihaiwei as a naval base.
Further service from members of the Regiment.
Some of the soldiers were retained as a permanent police force with three of the British Colour Sergeants commissioned as police inspectors. In 1910 the police force was commanded by three European Inspectors, one being Colour Sergeant Purdon who was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal in the Boxer Rebellion, and the others being C/Sgt Alfred Whittaker and C/Sgt Young. The remainder of the force consisted of 55 Chinese Constables,
The original second-in-command (2IC) and later commander of the Regiment, Colonel Clarence Dalrymple Bruce, became Captain Superintendent commanding the Shanghai Municipal Police from 1907 to 1913.
During the First World War, the Chinese Labour Corps was recruited in Weihaiwei for service in France. The unit's commanding officer was Colonel Bryan Charles Fairfax who had served as a lieutenant with the Chinese Regiment in the Boxer Rebellion, the unit's 2IC was Major Purdon, who was later promoted to colonel and succeeded Colonel Fairfax.