Campaigning in the 2008 Austrian legislative election

A legislative snap election for the National Council in Austria was held on 28 September 2008. The previous election was held on 1 October 2006. The election (the 24th in Austrian history) was caused by the withdrawal of Austrian People's Party leader Wilhelm Molterer from the governing grand coalition (led by the Social Democratic Party of Austria) on 7 July 2008. Due to dissatisfaction with the grand coalition and the two main parties, it was widely expected to be a realigning election, with gains for the opposition and up to seven parties expected to be in the National Council after the election. The losses for the government parties (both the SPÖ and the ÖVP had the worst election result in history) resulted in strong gains for the far right, while neither the Liberal Forum nor the Citizens' Forum Austria (both of which were considered to have chances of gaining seats) gained as much as 2% of the vote, defying earlier expectations. The result of the election was seen as strong for the far-right and in support of Eurosceptics.
Molterer resigned as party chairman as a result of the losses suffered by the ÖVP and was replaced by environment minister Josef Pröll; the Greens' federal spokesman Alexander Van der Bellen (in office since 1997) also resigned and was replaced by his deputy, Eva Glawischnig. Due to the LIF's failure to enter parliament on its own, LIF founder Heide Schmidt and financier Hans-Peter Haselsteiner both declared their complete withdrawal from politics, and the LIF's fate was seen as uncertain. Shortly after the election, BZÖ leader and Carinthian governor Jörg Haider died in a car accident.
Inflation, rising prices, transport.
Inflation was seen as a major election topic. Discussions over solutions to the problem of rising prices began back in February 2008. Gusenbauer proposed to support households with €100 as an offset to the rising prices (known as the "Gusi-Hunderter"); the ÖVP was against this proposal and supported the abolishment of charges instead. In the end, the coalition compromised by increasing the mileage allowance ("Kilometergeld") and the commuter lump sum payment ("Pendlerpauschale") and by lowering the unemployed contribution ("Arbeitslosenbeiträge") for those who earn least. Furthermore, the cost of the autobahn vignette was not raised, which relieved Austrian motorists by at least €8.4 million.
The ÖVP saw the lowering of brokerage commissions and the charges for arrears letters of debt collection agencies and winter fuel payments for lower-income households as appropriate measures against the inflation. The SPÖ proposed a stricter controlling of prices in addition to the reduction of brokerage commissions. FPÖ and BZÖ saw the main problem in the rising fuel prices; the FPÖ demanded a ceiling price for fuel, while the BZÖ in addition wanted to reduce taxes on fuels. The BZÖ announced a people's initiative ("Volksbegehren") calling for a stop to rising prices (by capping the price of fuel and reducing taxes on fuel, drugs and food); however, due to the necessary timeframe, the period during which people would be able to sign for the initiative would only start after the election, thus limiting its potential impact. "Ecology against inflation" was the concept proposed by the Greens; the Greens wanted to facilitate the changeover to renewable energy in order to reduce energy prices. The Greens stated that the rising oil price, which was the main reason for the high inflation, would quickly nullify other attempts at relief (like tax reductions, winter fuel payments or a higher commuter lump sum payment). The lower inflation would also come at a high cost through a higher trade deficit. In contrast, the Greens called for a conversion of oil and gas heating to wood heatings and for a prescribed redevelopment of badly insulated residential houses to reduce energy consumption and thereby costs. On 25 August 2008, the Greens called for a strong increase in funding for public transport, for a nationwide lorry toll and for a moratorium on road construction.
Parliamentary sessions in September 2008.
A special parliamentary session was to take place in mid-September 2008, shortly before a regular parliamentary session on 24 September 2008 (in order to pass laws before the election, they had to be introduced in a first session and assigned to a committee, whereupon they could then be passed in the second session). The SPÖ announced on 25 August 2008 that it would like to vote on a number of measures against the rising prices before the election, revoking the "Stillhalteabkommen" with the ÖVP: the halving of value added tax on food, a reduction of the payroll tax, an additional thirteenth family subsidy in October and an increase of home care subsidies. The SPÖ explained its step with the reluctance and refusal of the ÖVP to constructively negotiate on a package of measures against the rising prices. The Greens also called for a vote on abolishing university tuition fees, which the SPÖ had previously refused to do when it still considered itself bound to the "Stillhalteabkommen". Faymann became more specific later on the same day, saying that the SPÖ would propose five measures against the rising prices in the session (with some of them previously coordinated with the ÖVP) in what was called a five-point plan; these included three of the above (all except the reduction of the payroll tax) an extension of the special retirement scheme for manual workers ("Hacklerregelung") until 2013 and the abolishment of university tuition fees. Faymann stated he didn't expect the ÖVP to seek revenge by supporting the motion of no confidence against Darabos (see below).
Reactions of other parties were mixed: The ÖVP strongly criticised Faymann's decision to revoke the agreement and announced it would also consider outvoting the SPÖ on other issues such as security and immigration, likely with the support of FPÖ and BZÖ. The FPÖ stated it did not believe that the SPÖ would actually outvote the ÖVP before the election but indicated support for some of the measures, but later Strache said he had a number of problems with the proposals and that the FPÖ would not support them unless talks would be held over the precise wording and content of the measures; for instance, Strache called for university tuition fees to be abolished only for European Union citizens, for an end to compulsory membership in the Austrian National Union of Students ("Österreichische Hochschülerinnen- und Hochschülerschaft") and for the halving of VAT on food not to apply to luxury goods like caviar, and furthermore called for a reduction of the mineral oil tax and for elimination of VAT on medication. The Greens announced they would support all five proposals except the halving of VAT on food, which they considered not to be an effective measure against the rising prices. The BZÖ was strongly against most of the proposed measures (especially the elimination of university tuition fees), but voiced support for the extension of the "Hacklerregelung". The BZÖ later stated it wanted a halving of VAT on medication, as well, and wanted to be recognised as a possible coalition partner by the SPÖ. The SPÖ initially stated it refused secret negotiations with the other parties and package deals, and that whoever wanted the proposals should vote for them as proposed by the SPÖ, but later stated it was willing to sit down and talk with Strache and Haider, if necessary. In a poll from 27 August 2008, 74% of respondents in principle agreed with Faymann's proposals.
At a meeting between Faymann and Molterer on 28 August 2008, the two agreed on a common proposal regarding home care subsidies and decided to seek further talks on the family subsidy increase. They also agreed to hold consultations on the precise date of the special parliamentary session. The ÖVP stated that it would present its own proposal regarding the extension of the "Hacklerregelung", however, and would not agree to the elimination of university tuition fees nor the halving of VAT on food.
Under EU rules, there can only be two reduced VAT rates from the general minimum VAT of 15% (both of which have to be above a minimum of 5%). As of 2008, there were reduced VAT rates of 12% for yard sale wine and 10% for food, rent, books, works of art and flowers; should the VAT on food be reduced to 5%, the reduced VAT on yard sale wine would either have to be abolished or reduced further to 10%, according to some; however, a reduction to 10% is impossible as the minimum VAT for yard sale wine is 12%, which is itself an exemption from the general rule banning VAT reductions for alcoholic beverages. The SPÖ argued that the reduced VAT rate for yard sale wine was a special exemption agreed upon in the Act of Accession and did therefore not qualify as the second reduced VAT rate; the ÖVP-led finance ministry claimed that this exemption had been converted into Austria's official second reduced VAT rate since the accession, and this was confirmed on 8 September 2008 by the spokeswoman of the European Commission.
Faymann announced he would be holding talks with the other parties in the week of 8–14 September 2008, but ruled out acquiescing to the FPÖ's demands regarding the abolition of university tuition fees only for Austrians or the reduction of VAT on medication. Faymann met with Strache on 8 September 2008, which the ÖVP criticised as "being the first step to an SPÖ–FPÖ coalition". On 9 September 2008, Faymann announced he was considering exempting luxury goods from the reduction of the VAT on food and also reducing the VAT on medication, in a compromise move to secure the agreement of the FPÖ and the BZÖ. The ÖVP and the Greens strongly criticised the SPÖ for this move.
The SPÖ officially brought forward the motion for the special session on 9 September 2008 and wanted the special parliamentary session to take place on 12 September 2008, while the ÖVP preferred 15 September 2008 or 7 September 2008 (the latest possible date); it was assumed at that point that the halving of VAT on food and medication would pass with the votes of the FPÖ and the BZÖ after the SPÖ's compromise on luxury goods and medication, that the increase of home care subsidies would pass with the votes of the ÖVP, the "Hacklerregelung" extension with the votes of the FPÖ and the BZÖ and the additional thirteenth family subsidy in October with the votes of all parties. The passage of the abolition of university tuition fees was not certain, but it was reported that the SPÖ might agree to a compromise by abolishing it only for European Union citizens and halving it for all foreigners, with exceptions for students who took too long with their studies. President of the National Council Barbara Prammer (SPÖ) on 10 September 2008 set the date of the special session for 12 September 2008 as preferred by the SPÖ and the FPÖ but against the wishes of the ÖVP, the Greens and the BZÖ, who strongly criticised Prammer's decision. On 11 September 2008, the ÖVP announced it would present its own motions in two cases instead of supporting the SPÖ's proposals, despite the ÖVP mostly agreeing in their positions; the ÖVP's extension of the "Hacklerregelung" foresees a longer transitional arrangement until 2023, however. The ÖVP did not explain why it wanted to introduce a motion which was nearly identical to the SPÖ's regarding the thirteenth family subsidy. The Greens stated they would introduce a number of motions, including one calling for a month of paternity leave ("Papamonat") and two motions calling for same-sex marriage and civil unions (for both heterosexual and homosexual couples). The FPÖ and the BZÖ also announced the introduction of a large number of measures.
At the special parliamentary session on 12 September 2008, twenty-six motions were approved, which means they were forwarded to the responsible parliamentary committee and were to be up for a vote on 24 September 2008. They included:
The motion on halving VAT on food was only passed because a few ÖVP and Green MPs happened to be absent from the session at the time of the vote, a fact which Schüssel was verbosely irate about.
At the regular parliamentary session on 24 September 2008, all motions of Faymann's five-point plan were approved except for the halving of VAT on food; both the SPÖ's and the ÖVP's motion on the "Hacklerregelung" were approved and it was not immediately clear what legal effect that would have, as they partially contradicted each other. The reduction of VAT on medication (from 20% to 10%) was also approved. The committee of inquiry motion was approved, but will have to be taken up by the next parliament as a change in parliamentary law; similarly, the income-contingent maternity/paternity leave subsidy was approved, but will have to be taken up by the next parliament. The reduction of the "Arbeiterkammer-Umlage" failed, as did free public transport and mandatory referendums on EU treaties (which lacked the necessary two-thirds majority, as the ÖVP and the Greens voted against it). The laws that were passed still had to be confirmed by the Federal Council, although the Federal Council can not actually veto any motions passed by the National Council.
In a last-minute move, the ÖVP tried to delay the abolition of university tuition fees by proposing a referendum on the issue, but this was voted down.
Referendum on future treaties of the European Union.
One of the main reasons cited by the ÖVP as grounds for causing a snap election was the change in the SPÖ's stance on the ratification of future treaties of the European Union. In a letter addressed to Hans Dichand and printed in his newspaper, the "Kronen Zeitung", the SPÖ explained the new position as follows: "We are of the opinion that, on the basis of continuous information and an open discussion, future treaty changes which affect Austrian interests should be decided on in a referendum in Austria." ("Auf der Basis einer kontinuierlichen Information und einer offenen Diskussion sind wir der Meinung, dass zukünftige Vertragsänderungen, die die österreichischen Interessen berühren, durch eine Volksabstimmung in Österreich entschieden werden sollen.") When the Treaty of Lisbon had been ratified in parliament in April 2008, the SPÖ had defended the solely parliamentary ratification.
Apart from the ÖVP, the Greens also criticised the new SPÖ position on the EU, pointing out that the "Kronen Zeitung" regularly shored up opposition and irrational fears of the EU in the Austrian population. Member of the European Parliament Johannes Voggenhuber accused the SPÖ of "forming an axis with those groups which try to obstruct European integration through referendums." ("[...] eine Achse mit jenen Gruppen zu bilden, die versuchen, mit der Volksabstimmung die europäische Integration zu behindern.").
FPÖ and BZÖ, which had demanded a referendum before the ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon, claimed that the SPÖ was untrustworthy, as it had just ratified the Treaty of Lisbon in parliament without a referendum. FPÖ leader Strache claimed in this context that the SPÖ had conducted "politics against the Austrian population" ("Politik gegen die eigene Bevölkerung").
Crime, integration and right to stay.
Integration was also an important point in the election campaign. The Greens called for an unconditional right to stay ("Bleiberecht") for children and adolescents, while the ÖVP secretary-general Hannes Missethon announced a campaign against asylum abuse; it was remarked that the ÖVP appeared to lead an anti-immigration campaign in order to gain votes from voters sympathetic to FPÖ and BZÖ, although the ÖVP criticised Strache's calls for only two health insurances organisations (one for Austrians, one for immigrants) as "completely absurd" and "polemic.
In July 2008, Carinthian governor Jörg Haider (BZÖ) repeatedly came into conflict with interior minister Maria Fekter (ÖVP) when he tried to remove asylum seekers from Carinthia to other states, which was a clear violation of Carinthia's obligations to the federal state; Haider claimed that all of the asylum seekers in question were criminals, but this turned out to be untrue. Green MP Peter Pilz stated he would report Haider to the police for abuse of position and divulging official secrets, as there were indications that Haider publicised information from the police information system.
Fekter proposed on 7 August 2008 to introduce the expression "cultural offence" ("Kulturdelikt") for crimes which are a tradition in some immigrants' home countries (like honour killings, female genital cutting and forced marriage) in order to put a strong emphasis on the sense of right and wrong, which she claimed was often not present in the perpetrators of such crimes. She was heavily criticised by SPÖ justice minister Berger and a number of NGO spokespersons.
The Greens proposed on 9 September 2008 that all children born to parents who are legally staying in Austria should be given Austrian citizenship; they also called for an increase in assistance for German language courses.
On 11 September 2008, justice minister Berger and interior minister Fekter agreed on the "Gewaltschutzpaket", a package of measures increasing protection for victims of crimes and stricter punishments for sex offenders (including employment bans and a national register of sex offenders). The ministers hoped the package would be passed by the newly elected National Council while the new government was being formed.
Kindergarten and compulsory education.
A topic of discussion was the affordability and availability of kindergartens. The SPÖ had long called for subsidising the last year of kindergarten so that parents would not have to pay for it, while at the same time making it compulsory (hitherto the last year of kindergarten was only compulsory for children who are diagnosed with speech deficiencies). While the ÖVP had long been against this demand, Molterer changed his mind and announced on 4 August 2008 that he supported a compulsory and cost-free last kindergarten year. Molterer had to convince the ÖVP sections in the nine states of this change which he did by 7 August 2008. The SPÖ responded positively to Molterer's change of mind, while the opposition parties criticised Molterer for suddenly agreeing with the SPÖ after having obstructed the government for so long.
Mayor and governor of Vienna Michael Häupl had earlier called for antedating compulsory education instead, introducing a compulsory year of pre-school before primary school and abolishing the compulsory ninth year of education; his proposal did not meet with much approval, however, and experts stated that the European trend was going in the other direction (lengthening compulsory education to keep teenagers in the education system for a longer time). Styria had decided in late July 2008 to subsidise kindergartens in Styria, making them completely cost-free. The Greens called for mirroring this in all of Austria, providing free child care for children aged one year or older; the costs of €400 million would have to be born by the federal state.
Privatisation of Austrian Airlines.
While Austrian Airlines CEO Alfred Ötsch called for retaining the independence of Austrian Airlines (AUA), he changed his mind once Saudi Arabian investor Mohamed Bin Issa Al Jaber decided not to go through with his plans to invest €150 million into the corporation. Due to the worsening situation for airlines it is now seen as necessary to find a strong partner for the AUA; airlines which had expressed an interest include Lufthansa, Air France–KLM, Aeroflot, Royal Jordanian, Air China, Turkish Airlines and Singapore Airlines (though Aeroflot has since rejected investing into the AUA). In order for the investment plans to go through, the outgoing government had to agree to give the "Österreichische Industrieholding AG" (ÖIAG) the mandate to privatise; SPÖ and ÖVP disagreed, however, how much of the 42.75% of AUA shares the ÖIAG holds should be offered for sale. The SPÖ insisted on retaining a blocking minority of 25% plus one share, as Faymann voiced fears that the position of Vienna International Airport as the main hub for Eastern Europe and the Balkans might otherwise be endangered; while the ÖVP agreed that it would be preferable to retain a blocking minority, it did not see this as a condition for the privatisation and preferred to give the ÖIAG a broad mandate for privatisation so that the best partner airline could be found; economy minister Martin Bartenstein voiced his preference for a sale to Lufthansa, which had stated it was only interested in a complete acquisition of the AUA. At a meeting on 5 August 2008 it was agreed that a blocking minority would have to remain in Austrian hands, but that this did not necessarily mean that the shares had to be held by the ÖIAG; the blocking minority shares could also be bought by Austrian corporations. The Greens criticised the solution as a botch-up typical of the grand coalition, claiming that either the ÖIAG should keep the blocking minority or no one at all and also alluding to possible cases of favouritism towards industrialists close to SPÖ and ÖVP; both the Greens and the FPÖ called for the resignation of Ötsch and ÖIAG director Peter Michaelis, and the FPÖ proposed that Vienna International Airport should instead buy a blocking minority of the AUA shares. The BZÖ supported the agreement between SPÖ and ÖVP and claimed to have proposed a solution with a strategic partner for the AUA long before, even when all other parties had called for stand-alone solution.
Lufthansa announced on 7 August 2008 that it was interested in the AUA despite the blocking minority clause. The Raiffeisen Zentralbank, the Oberbank and industrialist Hannes Androsch stated they are not interested in increasing their shares of the AUA, while the Vienna Insurance Group was considering this; it thus appeared that the ÖIAG might have to hold most of its shares in order for Austria to hold a blocking minority. The official decision to give the ÖIAG a mandate to privatise the AUA was made at a cabinet meeting on 12 August 2008.
Five airlines were initially reported to be actually interested in the AUA (Lufthansa, Air France–KLM, Turkish Airlines, Air China and S7 Airlines, a former Aeroflot subsidiary); other airlines likely also requested material necessary for bidding in attempts to obtain information about a competing company. So far, Lufthansa, Turkish Airlines and S7 Airlines have confirmed the reports about their interests. British Airways was announced on 29 August 2008 to be among the twelve potential buyers, as well. The first concepts had to be submitted by 12 September 2008 and binding offers by 21 October 2008, with the actual decision to be made on 27 October 2008. Turkish Airlines missed one of the first deadlines and thus dropped out, while Air China could not cope with the strict timetable; four airlines submitted preliminary by 12 September 2008 (Lufthansa, Air France–KLM, British Airways and S7 Airlines), of which three were then put on the shortlist. Reportedly, S7 Airlines offered the highest bid, Lufthansa and Air France–KLM offered less and British Airways declined to submit a binding offer. Reportedly, only Lufthansa submitted a binding offer by 21 October 2008, with Air France–KLM supposedly more interested in Alitalia and S7 Airlines pursuing cooperation with Air Berlin and FlyNiki; it was considered likely that the privatisation would postponed due to the weak participation and low offers, or that the Austrian state would have to renationalise Austrian Airlines. On 27 October 2008, the privatisation mandate was extended until 31 December 2008. Contrary to earlier reports, S7 Airlines was also still bidding, but Lufthansa was seen as the clear favorite nonetheless. On 13 November 2008, Lufthansa was declared to be the only bidder still in the race by the ÖIAG board of directors.
Air France–KLM threatened to sue the Austrian state in case the AUA was sold to Lufthansa, accusing Austria of changing the rules while the bidding process had already started in order to favour Lufthansa. Lufthansa approved the takeover on 3 December 2008 (following which the AUA's stock price rose sharply), with the ÖIAG expected to approve it on 5 December 2008.
Budgets, TV schedule, fairness accord.
The parties have announced the following budgets for election campaigning:
As usual, the leading candidates of the five parties with their own parliamentary group faced off in ten TV debates Tuesdays and Thursdays (starting with FPÖ–BZÖ – the only exception, as it occurs on a Friday – and finishing with SPÖ–ÖVP), the leading candidates also faced questions from two journalists on Sundays and there were three heavyweight rounds, one with the five main parties leading candidates, one with leading female politicians from the five main parties and one with the other five parties contesting the election in all nine states; all of this was broadcast on ORF2 and also available online on the ORF's election website, wahl08.orf.at. Private television stations also broadcast TV debates with the five main parties: ATV broadcast a debate with questions fielded via YouTube and Puls 4 also broadcast a similar debate. In both debates, SPÖ leading candidate Faymann was not present as he stated he had already got other appointments for the dates in question; ATV and Puls 4 refused to accept Josef Cap as a substitute. The debate on Puls 4 also featured LIF leading candidate Schmidt.
The SPÖ proposed a "fairness accord" ("Fairnessabkommen") to ensure a fair and decent election campaign; a first meeting with other parties was held on 6 August 2008, but only ÖVP, BZÖ and LIF participated; the FPÖ refused to participate (saying it wanted a fair election campaign, but that an accord was not required), the Greens could not attend the meeting due to organisational problems and Save Austria claimed to have been informed of a change of the time of the meeting too late. Another meeting was held on 13 August 2008, but the parties failed to agree on an accord, mostly because of the FPÖ's refusal to enter into any kind of accord; all parties nonetheless claimed to want to adhere to a certain code of fairness.
Eurofighter Typhoon contract renegotiation.
The ÖVP–FPÖ (later ÖVP–BZÖ) coalition had on 1 July 2003 entered into a contract for eighteen Eurofighter Typhoon interceptor aircraft to replace the obsolete Saab 35 Draken interceptor aircraft; one of the SPÖ's election promises in the 2006 election had been to renegotiate the contract, as the Eurofighter Typhoon was considered by many people (especially by supporters of the SPÖ and the Greens) as being too expensive and having unnecessary offensive capabilities not necessary for the protection of the Austrian airspace. Following the election, SPÖ MP Norbert Darabos became defence minister; he did not succeed in cancelling the contract, as had been the SPÖ's goal (through using perceived illegalities and shadowy details in the contract and its associated countertrades), but only managed to reduce the number from eighteen to fifteen aircraft and to obtain cheaper second-hand aircraft instead of newly built ones. A report from the Austrian Court of Auditors published on 22 August 2008 stated that the claimed cost reduction of €370 million was incorrect and that at most €267 million had been saved in expenses. The Greens announced they would propose a motion of no confidence against Darabos, which the BZÖ immediately stated they would support; the ÖVP stated it might also support the motion. The FPÖ waited to see the precise content of the motion before deciding whether to support it or not; Darabos stated he believed the SPÖ might have to react and take measures against the ÖVP if it supported the motion of no confidence.
Role of the "Kronen Zeitung".
The "Kronen Zeitung", the leading Austrian tabloid read by almost three million people, was perceived to be strongly supportive of Werner Faymann and the SPÖ following the letter to the editor sent by Gusenbauer and Faymann regarding referendums on European Union issues. When the ÖVP tried on 28 August 2008 to counter the campaign conducted against it by advertising in the "Kronen Zeitung" with a full-page advertisement meant to look like the "letters to the editor" section (which was full of letters heavily criticising the ÖVP and praising the SPÖ), but containing letters questioning the "Kronen Zeitung"'s stance in the election and criticising Faymann and the SPÖ, the "Kronen Zeitung" refused to accept the advertisement, questioning whether it should let advertisements appear in its pages which criticised the newspaper. On 29 August 2008, ÖVP secretary-general Hannes Missethon strongly criticised the "Kronen Zeitung" for this refusal and called on the publisher Hans Dichand to contest the election himself if he wanted to become chancellor, but to cease pushing Faymann and bashing Molterer.


John Gottlieb


John Cloberry

Sir John Cloberry (c. 1625 – January 1688) was an English soldier and politician who sat in the House of Commons at various times between 1660 and 1685.
Cloberry was the son of John Cloberry of Bradstone, Devon, and his second wife Catharine Drake, daughter of George Drake of Spratshayes, Littleham. He was studying at the Middle Temple in 1647. He joined the Commonwealth army after the execution of King Charles in 1649 and served under General Monck in Scotland.
Cloberry played a key part in the Restoration, being converted to the Royalist cause in 1659. He helped purge the army of puritan officers, and was sent by Monck with Ralph Knight to negotiate with the Committee of safety in London in 1659. He was also sent later to demand that the secluded members be re-admitted to the Rump Parliament. In 1660, Cloberry was elected Member of Parliament for Launceston and Hedon in the Convention Parliament. There was a double return at Launceston, and when it was resolved in his favour in June 1660, Cloberry chose to sit at Launceston in preference to Hedon He was knighted on 7 June 1660 and given a pension of £600 a year.
Clobbery was elected MP for Winchester in the two elections of 1679 and in 1681 and sat until 1685.
Cloberry died at the age of 63 and was buried in Winchester Cathedral on 31 January 1688.
Cloberry married firstly Margaret Erlisman, widow of John Erlisman of Calbourne, Isle of Wight and daughter of Robert Riggs of Fareham. He married secondly Anne Wyche, widow of Nathaniel Wyche, merchant of Surat, India and daughter of William Cranmer, merchant adventurer of Rotterdam. His daughters married Sir Charles Holte and William Bromley.


Marko Miljanov

Marko Miljanov Popović (, ; 25 April 1833 – 2 February 1901) was a Brda chieftain and Montenegrin general and writer.
He entered the service of Danilo I, the first secular Prince of Montenegro in the modern era, and led his armed Kuči tribe against the Ottoman Empire in the wars of 1861–62 and 1876–78, distinguishing himself as an able military leader. He managed to unite his tribe with Montenegro in 1874. There was later a rift between Miljanov and Prince Nikola I. He was also an accomplished writer who gained repute for his descriptions of Montenegrin society.
His grand-daughter Olgivanna Lloyd Wright headed Frank Lloyd Wright's iconic fellowship and foundation in the United States.
Biography.
Marko was born in the village of Medun on 25 April (St. Mark's Day) 1833, and was given the name "Marko" accordingly. His father was Miljan Jankov Popović, his mother Borika, born in Oraovo. He was baptized by Orthodox priest Spasoje Jokov Popović.
The village of Medun was located in the Kuči tribe (in present-day Podgorica municipality, Montenegro) of the Brda (Highland) region. The tribe at the time was "de facto" independent from the Ottoman Empire as well as the direct rule of Petar II Petrović-Njegoš. The tribe was caught up in internal blood feuding since 1825, for the next 50 years, with brotherhoods (clans) plotting with the Pasha of Scutari or other tribes to deal with their enemies. Like his fellow highlanders, Miljanov took part in "hajdučija" (guerilla fighting) against the Ottomans in the region.
In 1856, he came to the Montenegrin capital Cetinje and entered the service of Prince Danilo in his guards unit called "perjanici". For his bravery and successes in raids on Ottoman territory and as a man of confidence, he was awarded in 1862 the position of judge and head of Bratonožići tribe (that neighboured Kuči). For his work on the unification of Kuči with Montenegro in 1874, he had a price set on his head by the Ottomans. The same year saw his appointment to the Montenegrin Senate (from 1879 transformed into a State Council). In the 1876–78 war against the Ottomans, he was one of three commanders that victoriously led Montenegrin forces in the Battle of Fundina. In 1879 the Brda forces under his supreme command were defeated by the Ottoman irregulars in the Battle of Novšiće, fought for the territory of Plav and Gusinje. After a fierce disagreement with Prince Nikola in 1882, he had to leave the State Council and decided to retire from public life to his native Medun. Although he was 50 years old, Marko Miljanov, who was illiterate like the most of his countrymen, decided to learn to write. He explained his urge in a foreword to the lost manuscript of his epic songs with the words: "Dear Serb brother, if you had the chance to see the heroes that I have seen, your heart would give you no peace until you have responded to the heroes who die merrily for their own and rights of all of us."
He died at Herceg Novi in 1901.
Works.
Marko Miljanov died before any of his works were published. All works were originally published in Serbia, as Marko was a well-known dissident to King Nicholas.
Ethnicity.
Miljanov considered himself a Serb. Near the end of his life, Miljanov wrote a letter to one of the Kuči clan leaders. In the letter he writes:


Arie Livne Jewish Cultural Center

The Arie Livne Jewish cultural center is a cultural center in the town of Banja Luka in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Inaugurated in 2014, it is the only such facility built after the Second World War in the Balkans. The cultural center is used for the affirmation of Jewish culture, history and tradition. It includes a religious centre - the Ilona Weiss synagogue - as well as shops, coffee bars, and private spaces.
The Jewish cultural center is named after Arie Livne, friend of Republika Srpska's President Milorad Dodik, who named him as Representative of Republika Srpska in Israel. In 2017 it was revealed that the office is registered as a private company in Israel, despite having received nearly one million Bosnian Marks in public subsidies. Livne was later declared as persona non grata in Israel, and Dodik threatened to cut off all relations between Republika Srpska and Israel because of this.
The Synagogue which is part of the Jewish cultural centre is named after the mother of Arie Livne, Ilona Weiss, who during World War II died in Auschwitz. This is one of the two synagogues in the territory of the Republic of Srpska, the other being located in Doboj.
The first Days of Israel and Jewish culture were organised at the "Arie Livne Jewish cultural center" in 2015.
History of Jews in Banja Luka.
Sephardi Jews were first mentioned in Banja Luka in the 16th century. Till the Austro-Hungarian time, the Jewish population of Banja Luka was exclusively of Sephardi Jews, originating from Spain and Portugal. They were into crafts and trade; crafts are practiced by the poorer Jews while those somewhat better off were into trade. Since 1878, Jews have given great impetus expansion of the capitalist economy and the spread of Western European ideas in Banja Luka. According to data from 1815 to 1878, holders of import-export trade were Serbs, Jews, and Muslims are oriented towards the internal trade and handicrafts.
Ashkenazi also settled in town in the 19th century. Before World War II, Banja Luka's Jewish Community consisted of a few hundred families. They were nearly all wiped out during the Holocaust in Yugoslavia.
Today the number of Jewish families in Banja Luka is in the order of tens.


Eleazar Duncon

Eleazar Duncon (died 1660) was an English Royalist divine.
Biography.
Duncon probably matriculated at Queens' College, Cambridge; but took his B.A. degree as a member of Caius College, and was then elected Fellow of Pembroke Hall in 1618. On 13 March 1624-5, being M. A., he was ordained deacon by William Laud, then bishop of St. David's, receiving priest's orders from Richard Neile, at that time bishop of Durham, on 24 September 1626. Neile made him his chaplain, and gave him several valuable preferments.
In January 1628, being then B.D., he was collated to the fifth stall in the church of Durham, obtaining the twelfth stall at Winchester 13 November 1629. On 10 April 1633, having taken his doctor's degree in the previous March, he became rector of St Andrew's Church, Haughton-le-Skerne, Durham. He resigned his stall at Winchester, 24 April 1640, to succeed to the prebend of Knaresborough-cum-Brickhill in York Minster on the following 1 May. He was also chaplain to the king.
Duncon, who was one of the most learned as well as ablest promoters of Laud's high church policy, was stripped of all his preferments by the parliament, and retired to the continent. In 1651 he was in attendance upon the English court in France, and officiated with other exiled clergymen in Sir Richard Browne's chapel at Paris. During the same year he went to Italy, but in November 1655 he was living at Saumur, busied with a scheme of consecrating bishops. On 28 August 1659 John Cosin, writing from Paris to William Sancroft, says of Duncon, "now all his employment is to make sermons before the English merchants at Ligorne and Florence". According to his friend, Dr. Richard Watson, Duncon died at Leghorn in 1660; in Barnabas Oley's preface to George Herbert's "A Priest to the Temple" he and his brother, John Duncon, are mentioned as having "died before the miracle of our happy restauration".
Works.
His only known work, "De Adoratione Dei versus Altare", his determination for the degree of D.D., 15 March 1633, appears to have been published soon after that date. The arguments were answered in a tract entitled "Superstitio Superste". It was reprinted after the author's death by R. Watson, (Cambridge?), 1660, an English version, by I. D., appearing a few months later, London (1661). A reply by Zachary Crofton entitled "Altar Worship," London, 1661, gave little ground to the Puritan view; a tirade by Daniel Cawdry, "Bowing towards the Altar ... impleaded as grossely Superstitious", London, 1661, came out shortly afterwards. Two of Duncon's letters to John Cosin dated 1637 and 1638 are in the British Library (Add MS 4275, ff. 197 & 198).
Family.
John Duncon, brother of Eleazar, was, as he says, holding a cure in Essex at the time of the civil war. After his deprivation he was received into the house of Lady Falkland (widow of Lucius Cary, 2nd Viscount Falkland). He is author of a quaint and once popular religious biography, "The Returnes of Spiritual Comfort and Grief in a devout Soul. Represented (by entercourse of Letters) to the Right Honourable the Lady Letice, Vi-Countess Falkland, in her Life time. And exemplified in the holy Life and Death of the said Honorable Lady" (without author's name). It was published in London in 1648, 1649 and 1653. It has since been republished several times including a 1908 edition:
Another brother, Edmund Duncon, was a puritan who was sent by Nicholas Ferrar of Little Gidding, near Huntingdon, to visit George Herbert during his last illness. Herbert placed the manuscript of "A Priest to the Temple" in his hands, with an injunction to deliver it to Ferrar. Duncon afterwards became possessed of it, and promoted its publication. He also gave some slight assistance to Walton when writing his life of Herbert. On 23 May 1663 he was instituted to the rectory of Friern Barnet, Middlesex. He died in 1673.


Aliste (comarca)

Aliste is a comarca located in the west of the province of Zamora, Castile and León, Spain, bordering with Portugal in the west and in the south. It covers 193,883 hectares. Aliste is an area that has preserved a rich cultural and ethnological tradition through years of isolation. Aliste is perhaps the poorest zone within the province, the economy of this deeply rural comarca is based on cattle rearing. The origin of the name Aliste appears as "Alesti" in a 9th Century manuscript, referring to the trees ("alisos") which can be seen on the banks of what is now called the Aliste River.
The Aliste comarca is one of the few areas in Western Europe having a sizeable population of wild wolves living in the Sierra de la Culebra mountain range in the northwest of the comarca.
Geography.
The terrain is rolling and hilly, alternating with dry landscapes typical to neighboring regions of Portugal. It is bisected by the River Aliste, near which is abundant vegetation, oak trees, and brush. There is a national game reserve located in the Sierra de la Culebra (65,981 hectares), which has the largest population of wolves in the Iberian Peninsula.
Culture.
This comarca has various examples of Romanic art in its churches, which can be seen in Tabara, or the clocktower of Alcañices, as well as the castle of Riomanzanas. There are also historical sites associated with the Templars.
Cuisine.
The comarca has a diverse regional cuisine, with a famous breed of local cattle known as "Ternera de Aliste". Other popular foods include pork, which is slaughtered in local ritual festivals believed to originate with the early Celtic inhabitants of the region.
Music.
There are various local music traditions, often employing the bagpipe, flute, and drum, as is common throughout Zamora. The "gaita alistana", a type of traditional bagpipe, is associated with the region, and bears some resemblance to the neighboring gaita transmontana and gaita sanabresa.
On some Sundays, and for holidays and festivals of patron saints the locals perform spectacles and traditional dances, such as the jota. el que toca el tamboril acompaña la gaita con el canto de letras adaptadas al ritmo del baile.
Customs.
The customs of Aliste are based on long history and legend, with the annual slaughter of livestock ("matanza") being a major cultural event.
The Alistano language.
Alistano is not properly a dialect, but may be considered a variant of Leonese, with a distinct personality influenced by Galician-Portuguese, due to geographic proximity. Gómez Moreno states that the Alistanos "may even belong to the Portuguese race, given the clues remaining in their language."
Alistano also shows the influence of Galician, as do many aspects of Alistan culture, which has at least twenty centuries of cultural intercourse with Galicia. The future of Alistano is difficult, but it is not definitively bound for extinction. It persists primarily amongst the elderly. The influx of the Leonese, increased urbanization (clashing with the primarily rural culture of Aliste), mass media, and the use of Castilian as the official language and language of education, are inexorable factors influencing the decline of Alistano.


William Dell

William Dell (c. 1607–1669) was an English clergyman, Master of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge from 1649 to 1660, and prominent radical Parliamentarian.
Biography.
Dell was born at Bedfordshire, England, and was an undergraduate at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, taking an M.A. in 1631. He became a chaplain in the New Model Army, which brought radical ministry with it.
Relationship to Parliament.
Dell's 1646 sermon to the lower house in Parliament, following a controversial one to the House of Lords, was too extreme, and the House of Commons reprimanded him; it attacked the Westminster Assembly, spoke up for the poor, and told the politicians to keep out of religious reform. Nonetheless his appointment at Caius was at the behest of the Rump Parliament. Thomas Harrison's proposal to have him preach again, in 1653, was defeated.
He criticized those on the Parliamentarian side who had done well out of the war. According to Christopher Hill
He backed the Quaker John Crook as MP in 1653/4, and the regicide John Okey. He was a supporter of Oliver Cromwell. In 1657, however, he with Okey campaigned against the proposal to make Cromwell king.
Theology.
He was a friend and supporter of John Bunyan, whom he invited to preach in his parish church. He was an opponent of the Ranters; but also of enforced uniformity of worship, citing Martin Luther against it He was attacked as a libertine, and thought to tend to antinomianism. According to Christopher Hill
He preached the doctrine of free grace, and subscribed to the idea of continuous revelation; and is included in those considered preachers of the Everlasting Gospel.
Institutions.
He argued for major institutional change. He attacked academic education frontally. He proposed a secular and decentralized university system; with local village schools, and grammar schools in larger places. He was strongly against the Aristotelian tradition persisting in the universities, and discounted all classical learning; and expressed broad anti-intellectual attitudes. He believed in more practical studies; more particularly, he was concerned that training for the ministry should be much more widely spread, geographically and socially, and less dependent on traditional academic studies.
He was a severe critic of the Church of England. He doubted the basis in scripture for a national Church, and eventually was buried outside it. He had egalitarian views on the suitable social composition of the bishops, and clergy in general. He connected this to religious control and change. Christopher Hill writes
He was against monarchy and tithes, with views close to the Levellers.
After the Restoration.
He was deprived of his living of Yelden in 1662; he had held it from 1642. A 1667 pamphlet of his, "The Increase of Popery in England", was suppressed and appeared only in 1681; Hill calls this anti-Catholic attack 'partly a political gambit'


William Allestry

William Allestry or Allestrie (1588 – 4 September 1655) was an English politician who sat in the House of Commons of England from 1640 to 1643. He supported the Royalist side in the English Civil War.
Allestry was the son of George Allestry of the Allestry family of Alvaston. He became the recorder of Derby.
In April 1640, Allestry was elected Member of Parliament for Derby for the Short Parliament. He was re-elected in November 1640 for the Long Parliament until he was disabled from sitting in October 1643.
Allestry died at the age of 67 and was buried in the church of All Saint's, Derby.
Allestry married firstly on 9 April 1629 Sarah Smith, daughter of Thomas Smith. She died in 1638. He married again to Mary Agard, daughter of William Agard. He had three sons and four daughters by each of his wives.


Joachim Pissarro

Joachim Pissarro (born 1959) is an art historian, theoretician, curator, educator, and director of the Hunter College Galleries and Bershad Professor of Art History at Hunter College of the City University of New York. Since 2002, Pissarro has served as the Editorial Director of Wildenstein Publications. His latest book, authored with art critic David Carrier, is called "Wild Art". Pissarro was curator at the Museum of Modern Art's Department of Painting and Sculpture from 2003 to 2007.
Background.
Born in France, Pissarro studied Philosophy at the Sorbonne and graduated with a M.A. from the Courtauld Institute of Art in London. In 2001, he received his Ph.D from the University of Texas at Austin in History of Art. Pissarro's dissertation was entitled: "Individualism and inter-subjectivity in modernism: two case studies of artistic interchanges. Camille Pissarro (1830–1903) and Paul Cézanne (1839–1906) : Robert Rauschenberg (1925– ) and Jasper Johns (1930– )".
Career.
In 1983, Pissarro began working on the Catalogue Raisonné of Camille Pissarro under John Rewald. In 1984, Pissarro was the director of Impressionist modern paintings and sculptures for Phillips Auction House in London. He founded the department of modern Impressionist painting in the department of New York.
From 1988 to 1993, he was an independent curator with the Dallas Museum of Art, the Philadelphia Museum of Art, and Royal Academy of London. Pissarro served as Chief Curator at the Kimbell Art Museum in Fort Worth, TX from 1994 to 1997. While at the Kimbell, Pissarro curated "Matisse and Picasso: A Gentle Rivalry" with Yve-Alain Bois.
In 1999 he worked as a visiting lecturer at Sydney University and Melbourne University and ran a seminar on the Asia-Pacific Triennial at the Brisbane Art Gallery.
From 1997 to 2000, Pissarro served as the Seymour H. Knox Jr. Curator of European and Contemporary Art at the Yale University Art Gallery and was adjunct professor in the Department of the History of Art. Exhibits curated while at Yale include "Jasper Johns Recent Paintings" (with Richard Field and Gary Garrels, 2000); "After looking at Chinese Rocks: Brice Marden: Work in Progress" (1999); and "Post-Modern Transgressions" (1999).
Pissarro supervised the first reinstallation of the modern and contemporary collection at the Yale University Art Gallery and focused on the recent history of the Yale School of Art, leading to an exhibition entitled "Then and Now and Later" (co-curated with Thomas Crow, 1998). The exhibit featured the art of Yale alumni including Dawoud Bey, Gregory Crewdson, John Currin, Ann Hamilton, Roni Horn, Abelardo Morell, Jessica Stockholder, Peter Wegner, and Lisa Yuskavage.
From 2003 to 2007 he served as a curator in painting and sculpture for the Museum of Modern Art in New York City. Notable exhibitions Pissarro curated include "Pioneering Modern Painting: Cézanne and Pissarro 1865–1885" (2005) and "Out of Time: A Contemporary View" (2006, with Eva Respini).
A number of Pissarro's exhibitions have toured nationally and worldwide such as:
Personal life.
Pissarro is the great grandson of Camille Pissarro, a key painter in the Impressionist movement and the only artist to have his work shown at all eight Paris Impressionist exhibitions. Camille Pissarro was a mentor to artists such as Georges Seurat, Paul Cézanne, Vincent van Gogh, and Paul Gauguin.
Works.
Wild Art.
Pissarro and art critic David Carrier—both with a background in philosophy—co-authored a book called "Wild Art" (Phaidon Press), which released October 14, 2013.
The book features 10 chapters of about 50 works each showcasing alternative art genres such as street art, food art, minuscule art, ice, and sand sculptures. Carrier and Pissarro explore artwork that has notoriety outside the world of high art and, according to Huck Magazine, argue "for recognition of artwork that is made and displayed far from the beaten track."
Pissarro and Carrier were partly inspired by the exhibition "Art in the Streets" (2011) at Museum of Contemporary Art, Los Angeles, which was the first time a major art museum in America curated street art and graffiti. They coined the term "wild art" to mean the world of art beyond the established art world. Wild art is the equivalent of what we call wild versus domesticated animals or plants.


Handelsordningen

Handelsordningen ('Trade Regulation') was a business law reform introduced in Sweden 22 December 1846.
The reform abolished the legal differences between retail business and wholesaling business, transformed the trade guilds to trade associations, and granted all men over the age of 21 the right to apply for a trade permit as long as they mastered the four mathematics operations and bookkeeping. Women were given the same right as long as they were of legal majority (widows, divorced women, or unmarried women who had themselves declared of legal majority by court petition) or was given permission by their husband and guardian.
It was introduced in parallel with the "Fabriks och Handtwerksordning". The reform abolished the "1720 års skråordning", and was followed and completed by the "1864 års näringsförordning".


Election Day (United Kingdom)

Election Day in the United Kingdom is by tradition a Thursday. Polls in the United Kingdom open at 7:00 and close at 22:00.
General elections.
It has been suggested that this tradition arose as the best of several circumstances: Friday pay-packets would lead to more drunken voters on Fridays and weekends; having the election as far after a Sunday as possible would reduce the influence of Sunday sermons; many towns held markets on Thursdays, thus the local population would be travelling to town that day anyway.
Under the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011, all future General Elections shall take place on the first Thursday in May every five years, barring special circumstances.
Before the Fixed Terms Parliament Act 2011, a General Election in the UK would follow the dissolution of Parliament by the Monarch on the advice of the Prime Minister of the day. The Prime Minister thus had the power to choose the date of the election. Now, the decision is taken by two-thirds majority of the House of Commons, or is legally determined through the act as the first Thursday in May every 5 years. Thursday has been the customary day to hold elections since the 1930s. The Levellers proposed that elections be held on the first Thursday in every second March in The Agreement of the People in 1647.
Historically, elections took place over the course of a four-week period until 1918. Election days were then as follows:
and elections have been on Thursdays since then:
Other elections.
Local elections in England and Wales are by statute held on the first Thursday in May. This has been changed in recent years: in 2001 they were delayed while an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease was dealt with. In 2004, 2009 & 2014 local elections were delayed in order to allow the elections to be held simultaneously with the European Parliament. However the elections were separate in 2019. In all cases, the elections were held on Thursdays.
By-elections and other UK elections are also traditionally held on Thursdays though they can be held on other days – in particular when they would otherwise clash with bank holidays. The last Parliamentary by-election not to be held on a Thursday was the Hamilton by-election of 31 May 1978. This was held on a Wednesday as the returning officer wished to avoid a clash with the opening game of the 1978 FIFA World Cup. Today, council by-elections are still occasionally held on days other than Thursday.
From 1997 to 2015, general elections occurred on the same days as the annual scheduled local government elections; however, this ended in 2017 with the local elections on 4 May and the general election on 8 June.


Action off Lerwick

The action off Lerwick (, "Lerrick") was a naval engagement on 17 October 1917 fought in the North Sea during the First World War. The German light, minelaying cruisers and attacked a westbound convoy of twelve colliers and other merchant ships and their escorts, part of the regular Scandinavian convoy. The two escorting destroyers and nine neutral Scandinavian ships were sunk off Shetland, Scotland.
Admiralty code breakers had uncovered the call signs of "Bremse" and "Brummer" and by direction finding knew that they had sailed from Wilhelmshaven to (Lister Deep) north of Sylt but an operation as far north as the Scandinavian convoy collier route was not anticipated by the British naval commanders because the Admiralty failed promptly to pass on the information.
Both of the British destroyer commanders were commended for their bravery, though some members of the Admiralty felt that by leaving the convoy to engage a superior enemy force, they had left the merchant ships open to attack. Other British ships did not receive reports of the attack until late afternoon, were not in a position to intercept and the German cruisers returned safely to port. The British called the attack on neutral vessels, giving no time for the crews to abandon ship, an outrage.
The Germans denied allegations that their ships had fired on survivors in the water, despite the evidence of gunshot wounds to some crewmembers. Admiral David Beatty, the commander-in-chief of the Grand Fleet, severely criticised the Admiralty for failing to pass on information derived from the code-breakers of Room 40.
Background.
Neutral shipping.
The German U-boat campaign inflicted serious losses on neutral shipping but British counter-measures along the east coast of Britain and in the North Sea, including escorted convoys, managed to limit the losses of Scandinavian merchant ships. British losses continued unabated and in the last three months of 1916 losses of 618,000 Gross Register Tons (GRT) were matched by only 220,000 GRT of new ships. From January to March 1917, 912,000 GRT were lost for a replacement of 326,000 GRT. Neutral shipping was an important addition to the British merchant fleet but in the last quarter of 1916, non-British shipping losses, excluding those of the Central Powers were 1, 159,000 GRT and in the next three months were 1,619,000 against new building of 587,000 GRT (mostly US construction). British ships were being fitted with defensive armament, often a 4.7-inch gun with a naval crew. Neutrals were afraid to arm their ships and compromise their status as non-combatants, making them more vulnerable than the British ships.
Norway.
In February 1917, the British government took soundings with several neutral governments over the purchase their merchant fleets but the suggestion was spurned. In negotiations with the Norwegian government about the resumption of coal imports from Britain, the Norwegians were so desperate for coal that they offered the merchant fleet if the matter could be carried off without German reprisals. The suggestion was all the more compelling to the Norwegians because the British could requisition their ships with no provision for any supplies to Norway. In June 1917, about 300,000 people protested against rising food prices, 40,000 in the capital, Kristiania. The Norwegian Prime Minister Gunnar Knudson thought that another coal shortage would cause mass unemployment, social unrest and possibly revolution. It was suggested that rather than sell the fleet, the Norwegians should charter it and that armed British ships be substituted on the routes suffering the worst losses from German U-boats. The Norwegian Shipowners' Association () would agree to The Tonnage Agreement in which the transport of coal to Norway would be assured by British charter or requisition of the ships. The connivance of the Norwegian government in the arrangement would be camouflaged by being made by the and the Ministry of Shipping. The British gained 130 freighters of 200,000 GRT and the Norwegians of coal per month.
The Scandinavian convoy.
In April 1917, the British began shipping coal north from the Humber Estuary to Lerwick in the Shetland Islands and then across the North Sea to Norway. The monthly quota of required daily convoys from Lerwick, most being neutral Scandinavian ships, usually escorted by two British destroyers from a pool of eight detached from the Grand Fleet, supported by several armed trawlers. To 1 July, 351 ships made the eastbound journey from Lerwick and 385 the voyage westwards from Norway, an average of 368 round trips a month, for the loss of twenty ships. In July, ten ships were sunk by the attacks of SM U-67, SM U-60 SM U-94, SM U-52 and SM UC-55, from 454, a loss of 2.2 per cent. Seven depth charge attacks were made by escort ships to no effect and was torpedoed while escorting colliers northwards up the British coast to Lerwick. In anticipation of the added difficulty of escorting colliers in the autumn, winter and spring, several cruisers were sent to the Humber. The Scandinavian convoys had been a considerable success but had to sail in waters where they were vulnerable to German surface vessels for most of the journey. The return voyage began in Bergen in Norway, a neutral port where sailings could be observed by Germans and the use of neutral ships made it impossible for the British to keep convoy procedures and sailings secret.
Net mine barrage.
Earlier in 1917, the Admiralty anticipated that U-boats would soon return to Germany. In early October 1917 another attack was planned. U-boats sailed between two minefields to the east of the Dogger Bank and the Outer Silver Pit, a funnel in the North Sea long, wide at the north end, narrowing to at the southern end. A barrage of underwater mine nets were to be laid at the narrow end of the funnel. At the wide (northern) end, four submarines mounted a standing patrol and further south, two destroyer leaders, fourteen destroyers and a yacht patrolled between the Moray Firth and the Firth of Forth. Net drifter fishing boats, were to place nets in the funnel between the Firth of Forth and Flamborough Head. Four destroyers and sixteen trawlers, commanded from the yacht, HMY "Goissa". The southernmost end of the funnel, where U-boats had to skirt the Dogger Bank minefields, to be patrolled by Harwich Force. To maintain the standing patrols required between destroyers and flotilla leaders, with from Harwich Force, beginning on 27 September.
Storms interrupted the operation several times and the submarines, patrol ships and net barrage boats saw nothing of note during the operation. The net drifters reported nine underwater explosions as the nets were being strung out. The explosions were taken to be premature explosions of mines catching in the nets. As dark fell more explosions were heard, two green rockets were spotted at the east end of the net line and another series explosions were heard. On 3 October, hydrophones detected a submarine at the west end of the nets, an explosion and then silence; other boats' hydrophone sets gave similar indications. There was silence until 9 October, when the destroyer was attacked north of the net barrage. Before the U-boat was expected to reach the nets, another was seen and attacked, then a U-boat engine was heard clearly and a depth charge dropped. The weather had damaged the nets and mines and on 10 October the operation was terminated. The Director of Naval Intelligence reported a month later that three U-boats had been destroyed close to the mine trap; German sources later confirmed that SM U-50, SM U-66 and SM U-106 had been sunk.
Prelude.
High Seas Fleet.
During late 1917, the commander of the High Seas Fleet, () Admiral Reinhard Scheer, decided to augment the U-boat campaign with attacks on the Scandinavian convoys by surface ships. Scheer hoped to "terrorise" Scandinavian neutrals, who were co-operating with the British and sailing in convoys with naval escorts. Scheer anticipated that success would force the British to divert naval ships from counter-U-boat operations and create an opportunity to engage the Grand Fleet at an advantage. U-boat reports gave the impression that much shipping was moving between Lerwick and Bergen in Norway. German bases to the south of the route made a surprise attack at the east end of the convoy route by surface ships feasible. The short days and stormy weather in the autumn and winter increased the possibility that a sortie could go unobserved.
By forcing the British to reinforce the escorts of the Scandinavian convoy, a surface ship attack could help the wider U-boat campaign. The new, fast, minelaying light cruisers "Brummer" ( Max Leonhardi) and "Bremse" ( Siegfried Westerkamp), with a speed of , each armed with four naval guns and two (22-pounder) anti-aircraft guns, were chosen for an operation against the Scandinavian convoy. The minelaying gear was taken off and the ships disguised to look like British C-class cruisers. "Brummer" and "Bremse" kept wireless silence and "Brummer" had a wireless interception team on board to jam British signals. On 17 October, a westbound convoy of two British, one Belgian, and nine Scandinavian ships was off Lerwick.
Room 40.
In this section, the course of British code breaking and communication between the Admiralty, Beatty and ships at sea has anticipated events for continuity. On 15 October, Room 40 decrypted a message from "Brummer" that "Most Secret Order 71950" had been put back to 16 October. The message contained notice that the ship would sail via Norman Deep, because Way Blue had been blocked by mines, asking that minesweeping be carried out. An hour later, Admiral Sir Henry Oliver, the Deputy Chief of the Naval Staff, dispatched a signal to Beatty, "Minelayer Brummer leaves via Norman Deep tomorrow 16 to northward probably for minelaying. She should be intercepted". More decodes became available to Oliver soon afterwards and should have suggested that minelaying might not be the reason for the sortie; wireless silence was unusually rigorous and a decoded message from the submarine "UB"-64 described much shipping off Lerwick. Late on 16 October, the light cruiser "SMS Regensburg" reported that it would be off List auf Sylt at the north end of the island of Sylt with destroyer escorts, corresponding to a signal from "Brummer" that afternoon. Signals were then decrypted ordering all U-boats to refrain from attacks on light cruisers, except when certain that they were British. Oliver had undertaken to pass on new data to ships at sea but failed to supply this, the inferences that could be drawn from them or to contact Beatty until eighteen hours later, by when the convoy had been attacked.
15 October convoy.
An eastbound convoy departed Lerwick on 15 October, escorted by the destroyers (Lieutenant Commander Charles Fox, escort leader) and (Lieutenant Commander Edward Brooke), with two naval trawlers, and . The destroyers were each armed with three 4-inch Mk IV (100 mm) guns, three 2-pounder pom-pom Mk II and two 21-inch (533 mm) torpedo tubes. Around noon on 16 October, "Mary Rose" left the convoy to join the next westbound convoy assembling at Bergen as "Stongbow" saw to the dispersal of the eastbound colliers to their destinations. "Mary Rose" departed from Bergen with the westbound convoy, comprising one Danish, five Norwegian, three Swedish, two British and a Belgian freighter, on the afternoon of 16 October. "Mary Rose" sailed beyond the convoy and after dark, when "Strongbow" made rendezvous, the destroyers were unable to communicate. "Strongbow" sailed on the port side of the convoy. The night of passed quietly and by on 17 October, half an hour after dawn, "Mary Rose" was still ahead of the convoy. There was a fresh [] breeze blowing from the south-west and a heavy swell in good visibility. The escorts had not been informed of the sailing of a German surface force, the steps taken to intercept them or that an alarm covering the North Sea had been in force for two days.
Grand Fleet.
After the success of the mine trap at the beginning of October and the mines laid across the Heligoland Bight, U-boats had begun to use the Kattegat into the Baltic Sea for transit. German minesweepers were constantly busy clearing mines with battleships in support in case of British attacks. The British devised a plan to lay mines close to the German coast and river mouths to take advantage of the High Seas Fleet operating temporarily in the Baltic. While the arrangements were being made, four light cruisers, twelve destroyers and a destroyer leader were ordered to attack the German minesweepers operating in the German Bight. The Admiralty postponed the cruiser operation against German minesweepers and ordered all light cruisers and the twelve destroyers to prepare to sail to intercept a German surface force believed to be in the North Sea.
Ignorant that the Admiralty was failing to pass on information, Admiral David Beatty, the commander of the Grand Fleet, was constrained to scour the North Sea. Six light cruisers and six destroyers from Rosyth were ordered to the Bovbierg Light by on 16 October, to patrol a line south-west from Denmark towards the Horns Reef channel, a gap in a shallow sandy reef of glacial deposits in the North Sea, about off , the westernmost point of Denmark. A light cruiser squadron from Scapa Flow, accompanied by five destroyers, was to be off Jaederens Point in south-western Norway by to observe a line from the point to Hanstholm in north Denmark, across the west end of the Skagerrak. Two more light cruiser squadrons, each with five or six destroyers, were sent to patrol lines in the central North Sea by noon on 16 October. After notice from the Admiralty that would be reconnoitring on the same day, Beatty ordered , a battlecruiser which carried aircraft, to conduct a sweep eastwards from just north of Middlesbrough.
Action.
Soon after on 17 October at about there was a south-westerly wind, heavy swell and poor light, visibility no more than . Lookouts on "Strongbow" spotted two unusual vessels converging on the destroyer; three challenges were signalled to the ships and the third challenge received an erroneous reply. Brooke called the ship to action stations. When the range was down to within and before the crew could reach action stations, the German ships opened fire with their guns. The first German salvoes at "Strongbow" cut the main steam pipe; many members of the crew below decks were scalded to death; Brooke was wounded and the ship was left dead in the water, with its decks covered with casualties. Other hits knocked out the wireless before the signaller could raise the alarm. "Mary Rose" also sent a wireless signal as it closed with the German ships and another station asked for the signal to be repeated but "Brummer" jammed the signal. The German ships jammed every subsequent attempt by the British to transmit a distress call.
Brooke ensured that the codebooks and confidential papers had been jettisoned then ordered the ship to be scuttled; the survivors took to the water in a Carley float at about The German cruisers inflicted more damage on "Strongbow" while "Elise" was manoeuvring to rescue the crew and the ship sank at about Four of the merchantmen were sunk with gunfire; Fox heard the noise astern, assumed that a U-boat had attacked the convoy and turned towards it, with enough time to go to action stations, hampered by not being able to use the torpedoes and guns at the same time, because the range and deflection transmitters were not working. Fox soon saw the German cruisers and attacked at high speed, opening fire at about from a range of . The nearest German ship replied with erratic fire but at , as Fox changed course, the German ships hit "Mary Rose" at about Fox gave the order "abandon ship" and eight men got away on a Carley float. The German ships fired on the Carley float and a motor boat carrying survivors of "Strongbow"
With "Mary Rose" sunk, the Germans returned their attention to the freighters; the Germans ignored Prize rules, firing at the merchant ships without giving time for the crews to abandon them. The Danish "Margrethe" had stopped engines as soon as the attack began but was fired on as boats were lowered; as the lifeboats were rowed away, astern of "Margrethe", shells fell close by. With the ship on fire and the boilers exploding, "Bremse" and "Brummer" attacked the other ships, sinking five more. The wreck of "Margrethe" was sunk by "Bremse" and "Brummer" with broadsides from both beams as they left the area, making for home at "P. Fannon", the two British and the Belgian ships escaped; "Elise" returned when the coast was clear to rescue survivors, including 45 men from the crew of "Strongbow". (The survivors from "Mary Rose" reached Norway and were tended by lighthouse keepers.) Attempts by the British ships to send wireless messages having failed, British naval forces in the area continued a search for a minelayer. The Admiralty thought that the German ships were still in port but postponed the Lerwick to Norway sailing due on 18 October, prompting Beatty to ask for clarification. Oliver sent a report at suggesting that the ships were chasing convoys ("Bremse" and "Brummer" were north of Bergen, running south for Horns Reef).
At about "Elise" encountered the destroyers and ; news of the German attack was signalled to the commodore of flotillas. Admiral Sir Frederic Brock, the Admiral Commanding, Orkneys and Shetlands received the signal at and Beatty was informed between and when the German ships were north of Stavanger. Beatty sent new orders to the ships out on patrol at to sail eastwards and intercept the German cruisers at Horns Reef at dawn but by then the ships were off Denmark. The German ships maintained wireless silence until early on 18 October, when the British code breakers decrypted an intercepted signal from "Brummer" that the "first task had been carried out but that the second task had fallen through" and that the two cruisers were off the (Lighthouse) at Hvide Sande in north-west Denmark.
Aftermath.
Analysis.
In 1983, Patrick Beesly wrote that the German attack had been well planned and efficiently carried out but that the Admiralty should have been more effective in its countermeasures. At on 17 October, Oliver signalled to Beatty,
Beesly wrote that had Beatty received the signal during the evening of 16 October, rather than after an eighteen-hour delay, he would have probably issued different orders, with more chance to protect the convoy and sink the cruisers. Beesly called the failure to communicate inexcusable; contemporary records show that all decodes were sent by Room 40 to the Operations Division with, at most, a fifty-minute delay since interception. Room 40 was not allowed knowledge of the positions of British ships which, with the decrypts, would have shown the peril which the Scandinavian convoys faced. The Operations Division keep a plot and received the data from Room 40; Beesly called the failure to communicate another example of "Oliver's many inexplicable failures to make proper use of the priceless intelligence at his disposal".
In 1994, Paul Halpern wrote that the Admiralty was still overly secretive of its code-breaking activities and lack of liaison between departments led to failures of interpretation of information. Room 40 discovered from its call sign that "Brummer" had sailed and assumed that it was on a minelaying sortie. but was kept in ignorance of British ship movements, information on which was reserved for the Operations Division. Had the code-breakers been privy to this information they might have inferred German intentions. Halpern also wrote that it was remiss of the Operations Division to not consider that the German ships were out to attack a convoy and to take so long to communicate with Beatty, who, with some asperity, laid blame on the Admiralty in the aftermath.
The German newspapers trumpeted the success,
a claim by the Swedish captain of SS "Visbur" was publicised that the British trawlers had rescued British sailors and abandoned the Scandinavian survivors. In Britain, the "Daily Mail" blamed the government and the Admiralty for the failure, much to the disdain of at least one of the officers on the Scandinavian convoy route who called the "Mail" a beastly paper in his diary. The fiasco was regarded as an outrage by the Allies who protested that the attack on neutral ships was illegal and that the Germans gave the crews of the merchant vessels no time to evacuate, causing so many civilian casualties. Both of the British destroyer commanders received credit for bravery, though some members of the Admiralty felt that by leaving the convoy to engage a superior enemy force, they had left the merchant steamers open to attack.
Courts of enquiry were held into the losses of "Strongbow" and "Mary Rose"; the inquiry into the loss of "Strongbow" found grounds for regret that the German ships were challenged three times before the captain called the crew to action stations. The findings of the hearing into the loss of "Mary Rose" included concluded that while Fox and his crew fought bravely, by choosing to attack the German ships, Fox left the convoy without protection when he could have held off and concentrated on transmitting sighting reports. Courts martial findings blamed Fox for not attacking with torpedoes but described his decisions as "in the highest traditions of the service"; Brooke was blamed for not keeping at a distance but ruled that this was an error of judgement rather than a matter for disciplinary action.
In 2019, Steve Dunn wrote that the verdicts were unduly harsh, since after the war German records showed that "Mary Rose" sent a wireless message which received a reply before the German ships jammed subsequent signals. Dunn also wrote that defensive tactics were alien to the offensive culture of the Royal Navy. In his diary, the Secretary of the Imperial War Cabinet, Sir Maurice Hankey, wrote that, despite the Admiralty having been warned of a likely attack by a reliable source, it had bungled; Sir Eric Geddes blamed the First Sea Lord, Admiral John Jellicoe and wanted him replaced by Admiral Rosslyn Wemyss.
Casualties.
Of the 98 crew of "Mary Rose", 88 were killed, two officers and eight men surviving; the 86 crew of "Strongbow" suffered 47 killed. The Swedish "H. Wikander" suffered sixteen fatal casualties and the Norwegian "Kristine" ten of the eleven crewmen still on board while abandoning ship were killed; the mate was found in a boat dead of gunshot wounds with three wounded crewmembers. Captain Roeneviz, the master of "Kristine" was picked up by a lifeboat from "Habil" and said that after he ordered the crew to abandon ship, a shell hit the after lifeboat, killing seven men, at which the crew re-boarded "Kristine" and vainly signalled to the German to cease firing. Roeneviz told reporters later,
Thirty-six merchant sailors were killed and 119 survivors landed in Norway. The German ships were accused of shelling survivors in the water but the accusation was denied, despite evidence of gunshot wounds and the testimony of survivors.
Subsequent events.
The Norwegian government sent a protest to the German Foreign Office () against an infringement of freedom of the seas. The government claimed that German depredations were the reason for Norwegian ships joining convoys guarded by belligerents against Germany and called on Germany to order submarine commanders to refrain from endangering Norwegian sailors. At the Admiralty a conference was held on 22 October from which on 5 November Beatty and his staff made proposals to change the system of Scandinavian convoys. Convoys should sail from Methil Docks, on the north bank of the Firth of Forth, which was better equipped than Lerwick and closer to Swedish and Danish trade routes. The southward move would send convoys closer to German bases, against which the convoys should be integrated into the Atlantic convoy system, with cruiser protection. The next Scandinavian convoy sailed from Norway to Lerwick on 20 October. From 11 to 12 December the Germans undertook a more ambitious operation simultaneously to intercept a Scandinavian convoy and shipping on the route along the British east coast to Lerwick and back.
Orders of battle.
Data taken from Marder (1969) unless indicated
Royal Navy.
Data taken from Newbolt (2003) unless indicated
Convoy.
Data taken from Dunn (2019) unless indicated


Parsbit

Parsbit, also known as Prisbit, was a Khazar noblewoman active in the 730s CE. In Armenian sources (Lewond), Parsbit is called "the mother of the khagan".
Whether she was the regent for an infant monarch (unlikely, since during the same period Barjik is called "the son of the khagan") or for an incompetent one (again unlikely, since the Khazars during this period practiced ritual regicide once a monarch's ability to rule was compromised), or whether she ruled in her own right is unclear. What is certain is that Parsbit (called Barsbek in some sources) wielded an enormous degree of power, even commanding armies (such as the expeditionary force led against Armenia by Tar'mach in 730).


Jeremiah Harman

Jeremiah Harman was chief of a family known in the commercial world for nearly a century, and highly esteemed both in England and abroad. He may himself be said to have stood at the head of London city, both as to mercantile and private character; liberal in his dealings, and inspiring confidence by his honor and integrity, as well as love for his personal qualities. As a public character Mr. Harman was known to all the ministers of the day, from William Pitt Jr downwards.
Mercantile and banking career.
Harman was the principal partner of the very old standing family business, Harman and Co., in which his father was also a principal partner. The business originated with the Lisbon trade and was in extensive transactions with Portugal at the time of the Great Lisbon earthquake of 1755. To the Russian court, the house has been bankers for half a century.
Harman was director of the Bank of England from 1794 to 1827; embracing the eventful period of the restriction of cash payments, and all the great financial and political difficulties of England. He was much consulted by William Pitt the Younger and Lord Liverpool on all questions of moment; and also gave evidence of the most important character before the Bullion Committee of 1810; before the Committees on the , in 1819; on the Bank Charter Committee, in 1832 which formed the basis for the Bank of England's Bank Charter Act of 1833; and on other investigations of similar character and importance.
He was Governor of the Bank of England between 1816 and 1818, and in his first year; an addition of 25%, was made to the capital of Bankstock. Three years afterward, in 1819, the thanks of the Court were voted to him for his share in the labors of a commission which had been appointed by the Crown for the prevention of forgery.
Role in financial crisis.
Harman was a key figure in history for his sound judgment in implementing policy changes for dealing with financial crises. His role in the Restriction of Cash Payment, Resumption of Cash Payments and Bank Charter of 1833, along with his daily dealings in his role of Director and Governor all helped to form an understanding of what a financial crisis is. He retired shortly after the Panic of 1825 in 1827 from the position of Director. His efforts were so valued that the thanks of the General Court were unanimously voted to him for his long and valuable services.
Role in the slave trade.
Harman is listed as a subscriber to the London Committee, so it seems he supported abolition as early as 1788, whilst continuing to finance the slave trade itself through the provision of mortgages and indeed benefiting from the compensation scheme for slavers established as part of the Slavery Abolition Act 1833. In June 2020 the Bank of England issued a public apology for the involvement of Harman, amongst other employees, in the slave trade following the investigation by the Centre for the Study of the Legacies of British Slave-ownership at UCL.
Love for artwork and aesthetics.
In 1797 the most famous Orleans collection of pictures was acquired by Harman from Walter Boyd, of whom he had previously conducted extensive business with. The collection was sold in the following year to the 3rd Duke of Bridgwater. Much of the collection still remains within the Duke's family. Harman was well distinguished for his love and knowledge of the best works of the ancient masters; he was also a kind friend to many modern artists. So much so in fact that the renowned painter and collector Charles Lock Eastlake dedicated the translation of Goethe's Theory of Colours to Jeremiah. A work that was so well-loved that it ended up landing Eastlake the titles of secretary of the Fine Arts Commission and Keeper of the National Gallery of London. Being a friend and supporter of Eastlake; Harman commissioned Eastlake's first painting, a trend that would continue for many years.
After his father's death in 1817, Harman inherited Higham House in Woodford, to the north of London, which had considerably more wall space; this, in turn, led to his collection increasing in size. Hingham House is currently the Woodford County High School. Harman kept nearly two miles of pleasure gardens there "upon which the most fastidious eye might have satisfactorily gazed" ("Gentleman's Magazine" vol 175).
Charitable pursuits.
Harman was present at almost all the councils connected with charitable institutions in London, and his father and himself were amongst the founders and chief patrons of the Philanthropic Society in St. George's Fields, c. 1789. In acts of private charity, also, no one was more ready and liberal in relieving distress. In fact, Harman was a member and trustee of the Society of Friends of Foreigners In Distress. An organization that was well-funded and aimed at providing relief for those who were most at need in London.


History of the Syriac/Assyrian people


Janowa Dolina massacre

The Janowa Dolina massacre took place on 23 April 1943 in the village of Janowa Dolina, (now Bazaltove, Ukraine) during the occupation of Poland in World War II. Before the Nazi-Soviet invasion of the Polish Second Republic, Janowa Dolina was a model settlement built in the Kostopol County of the Wołyń Voivodeship by workers of the Polish State Basalt Quarry. The town was inhabited by 2,500 people. Its name, which translates as the "Jan's Valley" in Polish, came from the Polish king Jan Kazimierz, who reportedly hunted in the Volhynian forests, and after hunting — rested on the shore of the Horyń (Horyn) River. The town was destroyed during World War II by Ukrainian nationalists who murdered most of its Polish population including women and children.
First years.
The settlement was built in the late 1920s and early 1930s following Poland's return to independence after a century of imperial Partitions. The area was ceded to Poland at the Peace of Riga, with large percentage of the ethnic Ukrainian population. The town was created next to the newly built major construction aggregate quarry. Production of basalt in the quarry started in 1929, when the 18 km rail connection between Janowa Dolina and Kostopol was completed (Kostopol is located on the main rail route Wilno–Łuniniec–Lwów). As the quarry employed in late 1930s some 3,000 workers (97% of them were Polish). Homes were built for them and their families in a suburban setting.
The quarry with a company town was the brainchild of Leonard Szutkowski, chief engineer who kept his post until 1940, and his deputies, engineer J. Niwinski and engineer Urbanowicz. Most workers lived in the freshly built houses; some commuted from nearby villages.
The settlement.
Janowa Dolina was a very modern settlement; all houses had access to electricity and plumbing and its layout was based on a specially designed grid plan. Houses were placed in the beautiful pine forest. Streets bore no names; they were marked by letters — A, B, C, D… G (Glowna — main), until the last one, Z, placed closest to the Horyn River. Along them there were houses, each designed for 4 families. As inhabitants of Janowa Dolina later remembered, the settlement was full of flowers, plants and trees and neighbors competed with each other, trying to have the most beautiful flower garden. The settlement was separated from the nearby quarry by a strip of dense forest.
In the central part of the settlement there was a huge, U-shaped building, called BLOK. Inside there were several institutions — a movie theater, hotel, cafeteria, stores. Next to the building there was a sports field, with a soccer stadium. The quarry sponsored its own sports club called Strzelec Janowa Dolina, which had several departments — soccer, boxing, wrestling, swimming. A Roman Catholic church was planned, but it had never been built. Instead, the faithful used a large barn. Also, in Janowa Dolina there was a Polish police station, school, kindergarten and a health center.
As both the quarry and the settlement belonged to the Polish State, private businesses were not allowed. In Janowa Dolina all trade was controlled by the national “Społem” company, inhabitants were able to purchase all desired products but alcohol, which was not sold in the settlement.
World War II.
In September 1939, Soviet troops, following the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, attacked the eastern part of Poland, which was not guarded by the Polish Army, as at the same time the Poles were fighting the Germans in the West. Eastern Poland (Kresy) was quickly occupied, together with Janowa Dolina, which, like the entire Volhynian Voivodeship, became part of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. Together with Soviet rule came mass deportations to Siberia and other areas of the empire; between September 1939 and June 1941 Janowa Dolina lost hundreds of inhabitants.
Destruction of the settlement.
In June 1941, Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union. Janowa Dolina was added to the Reichskommissariat Ukraine. As Volhynia was the area of activity for various Ukrainian nationalist groups whose aim was to cleanse the land of Poles and Jews, the settlement’s fate was inevitable. On the night of April 22–23 (Good Friday), 1943, the Ukrainians from the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, together with local peasants, attacked Janowa Dolina. Some 600 people, including children and the elderly, were brutally murdered (see Massacres of Poles in Volhynia). Most homes were burned to the ground and the settlement deserted.
The perpetrators, commanded by Ivan Lytwynchuk (aka "Dubowy") exercised rare cruelty. Poles, unprepared and caught by surprise, were hacked to death with axes, burned alive, and impaled (including children). The murderers did not spare anyone, regardless of age and sex. German garrison, numbering around 100 soldiers, did not act and remained in its barracks. After first wave of murders, the Ukrainian nationalists started searching the hospital. They carried its Ukrainian patients away from the building, while Polish patients were burned alive. Dr Aleksander Bakinowski, together with his assistant Jan Borysowicz, were hacked to death on the square in front of the hospital. In several cases, Ukrainians were murdered for trying to hide their Polish neighbours. Petro Mirchuk, Ukrainian historian, counted several hundred massacred Poles, with only eight UPA members killed.
Current events.
The present-day name of the settlement is Bazaltowe. In the place where buildings once stood, there is a monument, founded by Polish survivors. Its opening (18 April 1998) was marred by a demonstration of Ukrainian nationalists, and afterwards, the original inscription was changed. The date "April 23, 1943" was removed and now the inscription says only "In memory of Poles from Janowa Dolina", without giving further information of their fate. Nowadays in the village monument in memory of infamous action of Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) is situated. The inscription in Ukrainian says that on 21-22 of April 1943 "the base of Polish-German occupiers of Volhyn" was liquidated here.


Karin Lannby

Karin Tekla Maria Lannby (13 April 1916, Linköping – 19 November 2007, Paris) was a Swedish actress, translator, journalist, poet and spy. She served as a spy for the leftists during the Spanish civil war, and for Sweden in Stockholm during World War II.
Biography.
The daughter of journalist Gunnar Lannby and Lilly Lannby, the boss of the Swedish agency of the American film company Metro Goldwyn Mayer. Through her mother, Lilly, Karin belonged to the Stockholm high society. As a student in the 1930s, Karin, being a convinced anti-fascist, joined the Swedish Communists. During the Spanish civil-war, she served as an interpreter and secretary at a hospital in Valencia. She made contact with the Comintern in Barcelona, who gave her an assignment to infiltrate the troops of Francisco Franco in the south of France. After having failed her task, she was excluded from the communists and returned to Sweden. From 1939 to 1945, she was an agent in service of the Swedish state during the war; under the code name "Anette", she reported of her observations from the cultural and diplomatic circles of Stockholm's party life.
She acted in several films during the war. In 1940–41, she had a relationship with Ingmar Bergman; she is said to have been the role model for the character Ruth Köhler in the film "Kvinna utan ansikte" (1947). After the war, Karin Lannby changed her name to Maria Cyliakus and moved to France (1952), where she was active as an actress, translator and journalist.