Wail al-Shehri

Wail Mohammed al-Shehri (, ; also transliterated as Alshehri) (July 31, 1973 – September 11, 2001) was one of five hijackers of American Airlines Flight 11, which was flown into the North Tower of the World Trade Center as part of the September 11 attacks.
Wail al-Shehri was an elementary school teacher from Khamis Mushait in the Asir region of Saudi Arabia. In early 2000, he traveled to Medina to seek treatment for mental problems. He and his younger brother Waleed traveled to Afghanistan in March 2000 and joined an Al-Qaeda training camp. The brothers were chosen, along with others from the same region of Saudi Arabia, to participate in the September 11 attacks. Once selected, al-Shehri returned to Saudi Arabia in October 2000 to obtain a clean passport, then returned to Afghanistan. In March 2001, he recorded his last will and testament on video.
Al-Shehri arrived in the United States in early June 2001, staying in budget motels in the Boynton Beach area of south Florida. On September 5, 2001, al-Shehri traveled to Boston and checked into a motel with his brother. Six days later, al-Shehri arrived early in the morning at Boston's Logan International Airport and boarded American Airlines Flight 11. Fifteen minutes after takeoff, al-Shehri, along with his brother and three others, hijacked the airliner. They deliberately crashed it into the North Tower of the World Trade Center at 8:46 a.m.
In the aftermath of the attacks, some news reports mistakenly reported that al-Shehri was the son of a Saudi diplomat and was still alive and well. The al-Shehri family in Khamis Mushait spoke to the media, denying those early reports, saying that the al-Shehri brothers had disappeared and have not been heard from since.
Background.
Wail al-Shehri and his younger brother Waleed were from Khamis Mushait in the Asir province, which is an impoverished area in southwestern Saudi Arabia, along the Yemeni border. Al-Shehri was born in Annams, and grew up in the Um Saraar neighborhood in Khamis Mushait. He had ten brothers and one sister. Several of al-Shehri's brothers joined the Saudi military, while his uncle may have been a major in the army and director of logistics. Al-Shehri's father, Mohammed Ali Asgley Al Shehri, worked as a car dealer. On weekends, the family often spent time together at the Red Sea. The family strictly adhered to the Wahabi school of Islam, which forbids many elements of modernity. As such, the al-Shehri family did not have satellite television or Internet, nor did his parents permit music or contact with girls. Some of Wail al-Shehri's elder brothers had visited the United States and could speak English; however, he knew little English.
During high school and college, al-Shehri was deeply religious and attended Al-Seqley Mosque, which his family had built as the local mosque. Al-Shehri also frequented government-supported religious camps in Saudi Arabia. At this time, there were strong religious feelings in Saudi Arabia, especially in the Asir region. Many young people in the region idolized Osama bin Laden, who had family ties to the area. Al-Shehri's father was a friend of Bin Laden's father, Mohammed bin Awad bin Laden. Ahmed al-Nami and Saeed al-Ghamdi, who were both hijackers on United Airlines Flight 93, came from the same area in Saudi Arabia as the Shehri family.
After graduating from Abha teachers college in 1999, Wail al-Shehri took a job as an elementary school physical education teacher at the Khamis Mushait airbase. Five months into the job, al-Shehri took leave due to mental illness and depression. Rather than conventional therapy, al-Shehri sought consultation with Muslim clerics, and hoped that a visit to Medina would help. His treatment involved verses from the Qur'an read to him by a sheikh. He traveled to Medina together with Waleed. After the September 11 attacks, others recalled seeing the al-Shehri brothers in Medina.
Afghanistan.
Wail and Waleed al-Shehri disappeared after going to Medina, calling their father just once; in the conversation, the brothers were vague about when they would return. Both had expressed interest in joining the jihad in Chechnya, though may have been diverted to Afghanistan. Before disappearing, the al-Shehri brothers went to Al-Seqley Mosque to swear an oath and commitment to jihad, as did Ahmed al-Nami and Saeed al-Ghamdi. Wail al-Shehri presided over the ceremony, dubbing himself "Abu Mossaeb al-Janubi" after one of Muhammad's companions.
In March 2000, he left for Pakistan with Waleed and Ahmed al-Nami; later, they went on to Afghanistan. Wail al-Shehri followed the standard path for new al-Qaeda recruits in Afghanistan, spending time in the Khalden training camp and then Al Farouq training camp near Kandahar. Details on how the non-pilot ("muscle") hijackers were chosen for the September 11 attacks are vague, though the hijackers appear to have been selected by senior al-Qaeda leaders in 2000 from the thousands of recruits at training camps in Afghanistan. The most capable and motivated volunteers were at al-Farouq, and Saudi citizens were good candidates, since it would be easy for them to obtain visas to travel to the United States. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) director George Tenet later said that the muscle hijackers were probably told little about their mission in the United States.
Once al-Shehri and the other muscle hijackers completed their training in Afghanistan, they received $2,000 so they could return to Saudi Arabia to obtain new passports and visas. The al-Shehri brothers may have been assisted by a relative who worked in the Saudi passport office. Wail and Waleed al-Shehri received passports on October 3, 2000, and then obtained United States visas on October 24. On his visa application, Wail al-Shehri provided vague information, stating his employer/school as "South City", and his destination as "Wasantwn". Al-Shehri indicated his occupation as "teacher", and that he would be traveling with his brother on a four-to-six month vacation, which would be paid for with al-Shehri's teacher salary. Although he would not be working while on vacation, consular officials nonetheless did not question if the al-Shehri brothers had the financial means to support themselves while in the United States.
In late 2000, al-Shehri traveled to the United Arab Emirates, where he purchased traveler's checks, presumed to have been paid for by Mustafa Ahmed al-Hawsawi. Five other hijackers passed through the United Arab Emirates and purchased traveler's checks, including Majed Moqed, Saeed al-Ghamdi, Hamza al-Ghamdi, Ahmed al-Haznawi and Ahmed al-Nami. The 9/11 Commission believes that in mid-November 2000, three of the future muscle hijackers, including the al-Shehri brothers, traveled in a group from Saudi Arabia to Beirut and then onward to Iran where they could travel through to Afghanistan without getting their passports stamped. An associate of a senior Hezbollah operative is thought to have been on the same flight, although this may have been a coincidence.
Wail al-Shehri appeared together with hijackers Ahmed al-Nami, Hamza al-Ghamdi, and Ahmed al-Ghamdi on a video recorded in March 2001, and aired on Al Jazeera in September 2002. Al-Shehri was seen studying maps and flight manuals, but he did not speak in the video; it also included a segment of Abdulaziz al-Omari reading his last will and testament. While in Afghanistan, another video was recorded that showed al-Shehri reading his last will and testament. This video was released on September 7, 2006.
United States.
On June 5, 2001, Wail al-Shehri obtained an International Driving Permit, which was issued in Sharjah in the United Arab Emirates. Al-Shehri arrived together with fellow al-Qaeda member Ahmed al-Haznawi at Miami International Airport, via London, from Dubai on June 8. Both were admitted as tourists for six months. Al-Shehri opened a bank account at SunTrust Bank in Florida on June 18, with a deposit of $8,000 that came from American Express traveler's cheques purchased on June 7 in the United Arab Emirates.
Al-Shehri moved into the Homing Inn, a budget motel in Boynton Beach, on June 21, 2001, sharing a room with his brother Waleed, and Satam al-Suqami. Wail al-Shehri and al-Suqami both used this hotel as their address when they received Florida state non-driver identifications on July 3. Al-Shehri checked into the Panther Motel & Apartments, in Deerfield Beach, with his brother and al-Suqami on August 2, staying there until August 10. While in Florida, al-Shehri was a member of the World Gym in Boynton Beach, where he trained with Waleed and al-Suqami. During the summer of 2001, al-Shehri regularly used computers at the Delray Beach Public Library.
On August 28, 2001, Wail and Waleed al-Shehri made reservations on American Airlines Flight 11, using the Mail Boxes Etc. in Hollywood, Florida, as their address. The al-Shehri brothers contacted American Airlines on September 3 by telephone to change their first-class seat assignments for American Airlines Flight 11, selecting seats on the side of the aircraft that offered a direct view of the cockpit. Wail and Waleed al-Shehri left Florida for Boston on September 5, traveling together on Delta Air Lines Flight 2462.
Wail al-Shehri checked in together with Waleed at the Park Inn Hotel in Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts, on September 5, 2001, staying in room 432. While staying at the Park Inn, the brothers may have called a prostitute. Wail al-Shehri accompanied his brother on September 9 to the Travelex at Logan International Airport, where Waleed attempted to wire $5,000 to the United Arab Emirates. Waleed had insufficient documentation, so the brothers returned the next day to complete the transaction. Mustafa Muhammad Ahmad received the funds on September 11 at Al-Ansari Exchange in Sharjah. Hijacker Abdulaziz al-Omari possibly spent a night at the Park Inn before leaving with Mohamed Atta for Portland, Maine, on September 10. When Wail and Waleed al-Shehri checked out on September 11, they left a sheet of instructions for flying a jet behind in their hotel room.
Attacks.
Wail al-Shehri, his brother Waleed, and Satam al-Suqami arrived together at Logan Airport at 06:45 on September 11, 2001. Upon check-in, all three men were selected by the Computer Assisted Passenger Prescreening System (CAPPS) for further screening of their checked baggage. As the CAPPS was only for luggage, the three hijackers did not undergo any extra scrutiny at the passenger security checkpoint.
By 07:40, all five hijackers were aboard the flight, which was scheduled to depart at 07:45. Wail and Waleed al-Shehri sat together in first class in seats 2A and 2B respectively. The aircraft taxied away from Gate 26, and departed Logan International Airport at 07:59, following a 14-minute delay. Flight 11 was hijacked at approximately 08:14, which is when the pilot stopped responding to air traffic control. It is suspected that the brothers stabbed two flight attendants in the hijacking. At 08:46:40, Mohamed Atta, who was flying the plane, deliberately crashed Flight 11 into the northern facade of the North Tower (Tower 1) of the World Trade Center. The immediate damage destroyed any means of escape from above the impact zone, trapping 1,344 people. The North Tower collapsed at 10:28, after burning for 102 minutes.
Aftermath.
Waleed al-Shehri was reported to have been found alive by a BBC News article on September 23, 2001, and other news reports in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. Reports said that the al-Shehri brothers were the sons of a Saudi diplomat stationed in New Delhi, Ahmed al-Shehri. The diplomat's son was trained as a pilot at Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University in Daytona Beach, Florida, and was working as a pilot for Saudi Arabian Airlines. At the time of the attacks, he was in Morocco for a training program. There were also reports that Wail al-Shehri was a trained pilot. In the aftermath of the September 11 attacks, Saudi officials suggested that Wail and Waleed al-Shehri were victims of identity theft, but the diplomat's son was the victim of mistaken identity.
Jamal Khashoggi, of Al-Watan and ArabNews in Saudi Arabia, spoke with Muhammad Ali al-Shehri in Khamis Mushait, who said his sons Wail and Waleed had been missing for months. He denied reports that Wail had an aeronautics degree, as some news reports said, "My son Wail was 25 years old and had a BA in physical education from the Abha Teacher’s College. He was mentally ill and had gone to numerous clerics for assistance in overcoming this instability. He had asked the school, where he taught, for a 6-month leave to go to Madinah." His father also told reporters that he dreaded having to believe that his sons were involved in the September 11 attacks, "If that turns out to be the truth, then I'll never, never accept it from them. I'll never forgive them for that." Family members said that Wail and Waleed became very religious in the months before they disappeared, had expressed interest in going to Chechnya, and hoped for martyrdom. In a report entitled "A Saudi Apology" for Dateline NBC aired on August 25, 2002, John Hockenberry traveled to Asir, where he interviewed another al-Shehri brother, Salah, who agreed that Wail and Waleed were deceased. Salah described them as not very religious, and suggested they had been brainwashed.
Saudi officials later stated that the names of the hijackers were in fact correct, and that 15 of the 19 hijackers were Saudi. In response to 9/11 conspiracy theories surrounding its original news story suggesting hijackers were still alive, the BBC stated in 2006 that later reports on the hijackers superseded the original story. The BBC also explained that confusion arose with the Arabic names that were common.


Hipercor bombing

The Hipercor bombing was a car bomb attack by the Basque separatist organisation ETA, which was classified as a terrorist group by the Spanish government. It took place on 19 June 1987 at the Hipercor shopping centre on Avinguda Meridiana, Barcelona, Spain. The bombing killed 21 people and injured 45, the deadliest attack in ETA's history. Controversy surrounded the timing of telephone warnings made before the attack and the authorities' response to them.
Background.
In the two years before the attack, ETA detonated six car bombs in Barcelona that killed three people.
Up to this point, Spain's deadliest terrorist attack had been the El Descanso bombing in Madrid by suspected Islamic militants which had killed 18 Spaniards and injured 82 others, including 11 American servicemen, who were believed to have been the target of the attack. The ETA attack which had caused the most fatalities had occurred on 14 July 1986 when a car bomb on República Dominicana Square in Madrid had killed 12 civil guards and injured 50 people.
On 10 June 1987, 10 days before the bombing, ETA's political wing Herri Batasuna had received its highest vote share in the European Parliament elections, becoming the most voted for party in the three Basque provinces.
Attack.
Preparations.
Acting on orders received from the ETA leader Santiago Arrospide Sarasola, "Santi Potros", three members of ETA's 'Barcelona Commando' Josefa Ernaga, Domingo Troitiño and Rafael Caride Simón, decided to place an incendiary bomb inside a Hipercor store.
The three visited various commercial centres and selected one where a car could be parked. They then met in a flat in Calle Casteldefels, Barcelona and assembled a bomb containing 30 kilos of ammonal and 100 litres of gasoline together with a timer device and an indeterminate quantity of glue and flakes of soap to create a bomb weighing up to 200 kilograms. This was then placed in a stolen Ford Sierra.
Bombing.
The attack occurred on a Friday afternoon. The car bomb, hidden in the boot of the vehicle, had been placed on the first floor of the three-storey subterranean car park below the commercial centre.
At approximately 16:12, a timer activated the bomb which exploded destroying 20 vehicles parked nearby and causing a hole of around 5 metres in diameter in the ground floor of the shopping centre through which a huge ball of flame penetrated. Several of those unaffected by the flames were asphyxiated by the toxic gases produced causing several fatalities. The damage at the scene was so extensive that several of the corpses could not be located until two hours later and some had been burned so severely that identification was impossible. Initially 15 people were killed, of whom ten were women (one of whom was pregnant), three men and two children. However, the death toll then rose to 21, as six victims succumbed to their injuries.
Telephone warnings.
In a subsequent communique ETA said they had given advance warning of the bomb but the police had failed to evacuate the area. The police said that the warning had come only a few minutes before the bomb exploded.
The Spanish news agency said a man claiming to speak for ETA had told the Barcelona newspaper "Avui" 30 minutes before the blast at 16:15 that a bomb would go off in the store.
A spokesman at the store said police officers and private security guards began searching the store minutes before the blast. However the store management decided not to evacuate the store as it was not the first time that a bomb threat had been received. Ferran Cardenal, the Barcelona Civil Governor, said at a news conference that the police had searched the building before the bombing but found nothing.
Three telephone warnings had been received from a man who claimed to be an ETA spokesman with the first of the calls coming 57 minutes before the explosion. Some relatives said they would sue the police and the Hipercor store for failing to clear the crowded building after receiving the warnings. A store spokesman said it was up to the police to clear a building. But the Government spokesman said the decision was up to management. "The building is private property. It's difficult to go against the will of the owners. The police's action was appropriate at all times."
Reactions.
Prime Minister Felipe González, cut short a visit to Brazil to return to Spain. He told reporters in Salvador, Brazil: "This attack is of a different style than what we have seen to date. It is an attempt to force the Government to change tack. But we will not give in to indiscriminate violence. We shall continue fighting terrorism with all the means we have."
There was almost universal condemnation of the attack. Some leaders of Batasuna also felt compelled to condemn the attack, although they pointed out that they did so in a personal capacity and not as party spokesmen.
An estimated 750,000 people marched through Barcelona with banners declaring, "Catalonia Rejects Terrorism". Around 700,000 workers paused for five minutes of silence to condemn the attack. While an ETA spokesman apologised for the attack, this apology was criticised, with the Barcelona newspaper "La Vanguardia" asking: "Does anyone who does not want to kill many people plant a bomb in a supermarket, at a peak hour on a Friday?"
Following the arrest in 1993 of the bomber Simón, "The Independent" noted that "The attack was seen by many as a turning-point in the organisation's fortunes, its cold-blooded murder of women and children sickening many Basques who until then had sympathised with the group's aims."
Subsequent arrests and trial.
On 9 September 1987, Domingo Troitiño and Josefa Ernaga were detained and on 23 October 1989 both were given sentences of 794 years in prison and fined more than 1,000 million pesetas. The Spanish Central Criminal Court ruled that they had acted in a premeditated manner and had spent a considerable time before the attack weighing up all the possible consequences.
Both were ordered to pay 320 million pesetas to the stores and to 114 people who had been injured in the attack. Additionally they were ordered to pay 525 million pesetas by way of civil responsibility to the families of those who had been killed and 200,650,000 pesetas to another 45 people who had been injured in the bombing. At the trial Troitiño and Ernaga attempted to justify their actions, stating that they had only intended to incinerate the stores, not cause deaths, although they were aware there were inhabited buildings at the back of Hipercor.
In 1993, Rafael Caride Simón was arrested in France. Spanish police alleged that Caride Simón had been the former head of ETA's so-called "Barcelona Commando" and had planned the Hipercor attack. On 23 July 2003 he was sentenced to 790 years in prison for carrying out the attack, while at the same trial, Santi Potros received the same sentence for ordering the attack.


Hosay massacre

The Hosay massacre (also known as the Hosay riots or the Jahaji massacre) took place on 30 October 1884 in San Fernando, Trinidad when the British colonial authorities fired on participants in the annual Hosay procession (the local name for the Shi'a Festival of Muharram) who had been banned from entering the town.
Background.
After the emancipation of slaves in the British Empire, the plantation owners of Trinidad were desperate for new sources of labour. In 1839 the British government began a programme of recruiting Indian labourers in Calcutta to be sent to Trinidad. They bound themselves to work as indentured labourers for a set number of years on the plantations. The mostly Hindu and Muslim labourers were required to work seven and a half hours a day, six days a week for three years, receiving about 13 cents a day for their work. At first, half of the recruits were women but, in 1840, the proportion was reduced to a third of the number of men. In 1844, the period of indenture was extended to five years with a guarantee that, if they wished, they would get a free passage home at the end of their service. In 1853 the law was again amended to allow the indentured labourers to re-indenture themselves for a second five-year term or, if they wished, to commute any portion of their contract by repayment of a proportionate part of their indenture fee.
Industrial unrest on the plantations was gaining momentum to be followed by a deepening depression in the sugar industry in 1884. This atmosphere was also fuelled by frequent strikes. In the previous year, met with restrictions on the use of torches the African community celebrating ‘Canboulay’ reacted and this resulted in violence.
The decision by the authorities to prohibit the Indians from entering the towns with their processions, which began, on the estates ‘were regarded by the Indians as an arbitrary and unjust measure’. The Indians protested with a petition led by the Hindu Sookhoo and 31 others.
On 26 October Administrator John Bushe consulted the Executive Council on "the final arrangements to be made for preserving order during the Hosea." Acting Colonial Secretary, Mr. Pyne informed the Inspector Commandant of Police, Captain Baker instructing him on the "deployment of police, marines, from the HMS Dido, and a volunteer force." 27 October – Captain Baker personally monitors the situation. The next day Baker reports that the Indians would make no attempt to enter San Fernando. In a series of telegrams Baker attempts to avoid an armed confrontation with the Indians, however Mr. Pyne appeared bent on such a confrontation to show the Indians who was in charge. (Shantal Ramnarine)
Events of 30 October 1884.
At midday the first procession of 6,000 was sighted approaching San Fernando reaching Cross Crossing about 2:30 pm and proceeded along to the entrance of Cipero Street. There the Indians met by British troops under Major Bowles of the First North Staffordshire Regiment. The local magistrate, a Mr. Child, read the Riot Act and when the crowd failed to disperse, Child ordered the police to fire upon the unarmed Indians. Two volleys were fired into the crowd.
At the Mon Repos Junction of the Princes Town and Circular roads a similar fate was to meet the Indians there. The procession was in sight about 3:30 pm. Captain Baker gave the order to fire a single volley of bullets after the Riot Act was read.
Death toll.
Anthony reports that nine people were killed and 100 wounded at Toll Gate (on the south side of the town), while others were injured at Mon Repos (on the eastern side of the town) and at Pointe-à-Pierre Road on the north. Indian historian Prabhu P. Mohapatra suggests a higher figure of 22 dead, and over a hundred injured.


Chen Han

Chen Han (陳漢; 陈汉; 1360–1364), or the Great Han (大汉), was a short-lived Chinese dynasty in the middle Yangtze region during the chaotic late Yuan dynasty. It was founded by the Red Turban rebel general Chen Youliang.
History.
Chen Youliang first dominated, and later assassinated the Red Turban leader Xu Shouhui and usurped his regional regime.
At its height, Chen Han territory encompassed the modern provinces of Hubei, Jiangxi, and Hunan, but Jiangxi mostly fell to another warlord Zhu Yuanzhang in 1361.
In 1363, Chen and Zhu fought in the decisive Battle of Lake Poyang, where Chen was killed.
His teenaged son Chen Li succeeded him, but no longer had the resources to resist the powerful Zhu, who conquered Han the next year.
Chen Li surrendered to Zhu and the Ming dynasty. Chen then moved to Goryeo (Korea), where he had children and became the progenitor of the Korean Yangsan Jin clan.


Michael Deane (journalist)

Michael Douglas Deane (24 September 1951 – 14 August 2013), known as "Mick", was a British journalist and cameraman who worked for ITN, CNN, and SkyNews. Deane was killed by sniper fire while covering the Rabaa massacre in Cairo, Egypt, which the Committee to Protect Journalists said was Egypt's most violent day against journalists and which Human Rights Watch called Egypt's bloodiest day.
Personal.
Michael Douglas Deane was born in 1951 in Hanover, Germany and attended school in Surbition Grammar School In the 1970s, he met his wife Daniela, an Italian-American journalist, in Rome during a hot air balloon ride. Deane pursued a career of journalism as a sound and cameraman. The couple and their two sons, Patrick and Benjamin, lived first in Washington, D.C. and then in Jerusalem during the latter years of his career. In 2009, they moved to London, and then to Israel in 2012 to continue his career with British SkyNews. According to Deane's wife, he intended to retire within a year.
Career.
Deane began his career as a journalist with CNN as a sound and cameraman in the early 1980s. His first assignments were covering the Israel invasion of Lebanon in 1982 on the Palestine Liberation Organization. After years of experience with CNN and ITN, Deane joined the SkyNews broadcast team as a cameraman and journalist. For 15 years he spent his career with Sky in the US in Washington and relocated to Jerusalem in the Middle East. His last assignment was filming clashes between Egyptian security forces and supporters of Mohamed Morsi, Egypt's deposed president, in Cairo, Egypt.
Death.
Michael Deane had just recently been assigned to Egypt with Sky News Middle East correspondent Sam Kiley. Deane's last story was at Cairo's Rabaa al-Adawiya Mosque where he filmed the Egyptian security forces storming a sit-in demonstration on Wednesday morning, 14 August 2013. While he directed his camera at a group of women gathered near the mosque, Deane was shot by a sniper and died minutes later.
Context.
The killing of Michael Deane was also reported by the Committee to Protect Journalists. It noted that Deane was the 1,000th recorded death of journalists worldwide. He was reported to be one of three other journalists killed that Wednesday. Habiba Ahmed Abd Elaziz, 26, a female Egyptian journalist for the Gulf News XPRESS newspaper, was shot and killed. So was Egyptian reporter Ahmed Abdel Gawad, an editorial manager for the Muslim Brotherhood satellite television channel Misr 25, who was shot in the back and killed. Also killed was photojournalist Mosab El-Shami with Rassd News Network.
Impact.
The August 2013 Rabaa Massacre was the most serious massacres in Egypt, according to Human Rights Watch. CNN reported that 580 people were killed and 4,000 others were injured that day.
Reactions.
After the death of Deane, his team from Sky News expressed their grief and sorrow for his family's loss. John Ryley, head of Sky News, accredited him as "the very best of cameramen, a brilliant journalist and an inspiring mentor to many at Sky." He also said,
Prime Minister David Cameron responded with a tweet: "I am saddened to hear of the death of cameraman Mick Deane, covering Egyptian violence. My thoughts are with his family and the Sky News team."
Nearly a year later, Daniela responded to her husband's killing alongside many others in the opinion page of "The Washington Post". She wrote:
We have to remember, then, that behind every number, on the back of every death, is a devastating loss for those left behind. And a very personal experience of grief.


National Conference on Citizenship

The National Conference on Citizenship (NCoC) is a non-partisan, non-profit organization dedicated to strengthening civic life in America. They pursue their mission through a nationwide network of partners involved in a cutting-edge Civic Health Initiative, annual cross-sector conferences, and engagement with a broad spectrum of individuals and organizations interested in utilizing civic engagement principles and practices to enhance their work. Connecting people for the purpose of strengthening civic life is NCoC's goal. At the core of NCoC's joint efforts is the belief that every person has the ability to help his or her community and country thrive.
NCoC was chartered by Congress in 1953 to harness the patriotic energy and national civic involvement surrounding World War II. In 2009, Congress named NCoC in the Edward M. Kennedy Serve America Act, expanding their Civic Health Initiative to become the nation's largest measure of civic engagement.
For the past 10 years NCoC, together with the Corporation for National and Community Service (CNCS) and state and community level collaborative networks across the nation, has documented the state of civic life in America in city, state, and national Civic Health Index (CHI) reports. NCoC plans to establish CHI partnerships in all 50 states and the District of Columbia by 2020.
The Civic Health Initiative has been an incubator for programs such as the Civic Data Challenge and The Civic 50. The Civic Data Challenge was a national competition to turn the raw data of civic health into useful applications and visualizations. The Civic 50 is an initiative to identify the 50 most community-minded companies in the nation.
The Annual Conference on Citizenship is NCoC's signature event. Held in proximity to Citizenship Day (also known as Constitution Day) in the fall, NCoC convenes leaders in the field of civic engagement to exchange information and to discuss ways to progress their shared mission of encouraging Americans to become fully involved citizens. In addition to the Annual Conference, NCoC has partnered with institutions to host and convene programs, events, webinars, and discussions throughout the year.
After 2013, NCoC expanded their programs to promote national service. They took a leading role in the creation of the Service Year technology platform. They worked in partnership with the Franklin Project at the Aspen Institute. The platform is an online marketplace designed to increase service opportunities for Americans between 18–28 years old. It brings together young people seeking service positions, organizations seeking service members, and funders looking to support these efforts.
Mission statement.
NCoC is a congressionally chartered organization dedicated to strengthening civic life in America. We believe every person has the power to help their community and country thrive.
History.
Origin: (1946-1953).
Purpose of NCoC: To Support and Strengthen the Efforts of the People in Maintaining the Blessings of Freedom and Justice and in Protecting and Perpetuating the Principles and Ideals upon which this Nation is Founded; to Develop a More Thorough Knowledge of Citizenship Rights and Responsibilities; to Inspire a Deeper Devotion to Citizenship Obligations; to Encourage Ever More Effective Participation in Citizenship Activities and to Promote a Spirit of Cooperation on the Part of all Citizens – to these High Purposes, the National Conference on Citizenship is Dedicated.
Founded in 1946, in the aftermath of the Second World War, NCoC was inspired by efforts of a diverse group of Americans and created with the goal of capturing and perpetuating, in peacetime, the spirit of cooperation and civic energy fostered during wartime. With the collective attention of the nation returning to domestic affairs, NCoC was imagined as a vehicle to highlight the critical importance of civic responsibility to the health of our republic so that all citizens might dedicate themselves to upholding continuously our concept of government and the democratic way of life.
The First National Conference on Citizenship was held on May 17–18, 1946 in Philadelphia, PA
Congressional Charter.
On August 13, 1953, President Dwight Eisenhower signed a bill that was passed by both houses of Congress that incorporated the Conference; allowing the NCoC to now operate under a Federal Charter. A Federal Charter is federal statue that establishes a co-operation between the government and organizations, agencies, or institutions.
In 1953, the goal of the Congressional Charter was to empower “the NCoC to translate its ideals and objectives into realities. Plans for the future include both long-range and immediate projects and activates. The Conference will initiate and conduct some of these activities directly. Other, it will encourage and assist organizations and agencies in States and communities to initiate and carry on.”
There are approximately 1,478,000 non-profits in America—94 of them are chartered by Congress.
Present: (2004- Present).
In 2006, NCoC convened a working group to create the first “America’s Civic Health Index.” Utilizing a variety of indicators, the Civic Health Index (CHI) provides insight into civic trends at the national, state, city, and demographic level.
In 2009, Congress named NCoC in the Edward M. Kennedy Serve America Act. This legislation codified and expanded NCoC's CHI helping it become the nation's largest and most definitive measure of civic engagement.
In 2012, NCoC launched two new programs:
In 2013, NCoC started its partnership with the Franklin Project at the Aspen Institute to develop a Service Year technology platform. This system aims to be a 21st-century tool that will increase the number of organizations that can provide national service opportunities and make it easier for young Americans to identify those positions.
Structure.
Board of Directors.
The National Conference on Citizenship's current Board of Directors consists of Barry Byrd, Lattie Coor, Philip Duncan, Paula Ellis, Eric Federing, Garrett Graff (Chair), Hon. Bob Graham, Gail Leftwich Kitch, A.G. Newmyer, Craig Turk, Michael Weiser (Chair Emeritus), and Erica Williams.
Board of Advisors.
The National Conference on Citizenship's Board of Advisors consists of the following individuals:
Programs.
NCoC's current programming includes the Civic Health Initiative, consisting of the Civic Health Index, and the Annual Conference on Citizenship.
Civic Health Index.
The Civic Health Index (CHI) is at the center of NCoC's work. At NCoC, “civic health” is considered the way that communities are organized to define and address public problems. Communities with strong indicators of civic health have higher employment rates, stronger schools, better physical health, and more responsive governments. For the past 10 years NCoC, together with the Corporation for National and Community Service (CNCS) and state and community level collaborative networks across the nation, has documented the state of civic life in America in city, state, and national CHI reports. CHIs use a range of indicators including volunteering, voting, connections to civic and religious organizations, trust in other Americans and key institutions, and other civic behavior and attitudes.
CHI partnerships have changed the way governments go about their work, reintroduced civics to classrooms, redirected investments, influenced national and local conversations resulting in enhancing civic life, and bolstered a network of civic leaders across the country. By 2020, NCoC's goal is to integrate this pioneering initiative into ongoing partnerships in all 50 states and the District of Columbia.
America's Civic Health Index received a new level of recognition through its inclusion in the Edward M. Kennedy Serve America Act, which was signed into law in May 2009. The Act formalized a partnership between NCoC, the U.S. Census Bureau, and the Corporation for National and Community Service to develop, refine, and implement an annual civic health assessment.
In addition to the America's Civic Health Index report, the National Conference on Citizenship partners with local institutions to release state and city specific reports. NCoC currently works with over 30 local partners.
Annual Conference.
The National Conference on Citizenship hosts an annual conference on or around Citizenship Day. NCoC convenes leaders in the field of civic engagement along with other individuals and organizations interested in utilizing civic engagement principles and practices to enhance their work. Connecting people for the purpose of strengthening civic life is the goal. Each year's conference revolves around a different theme that concerns various aspects of civic engagement on a multitude of levels, including corporate, institutional, and individual responsibility.
Featured Annual Conference Speakers have included: Justice Antonin Scalia, former Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, Justice Anthony Kennedy, Senator Robert Byrd, Senator Harris Wofford, Senator Bob Graham, Jean Case, Sonal Shah, Minnesota Secretary of State Mark Ritchie, Scott Heiferman, Craig Newmark, & Sean Parker.
Past Conferences.
1953 – 8th Annual Conference – What Price, Freedom?
1954 – 9th Annual Conference – The Three Branches of our Federal Government, Yesterday, Today, & Tomorrow.
1956 – 11th Annual Conference – The Voting Citizen
1957 – 12th Annual Conference – Imperatives for Peace
1958 – 13th Annual Conference – Citizenship in a Changing World
1959 - 14th Annual Conference - US Citizenship: Know It, Cherish It, Live It
1960 – 15th Annual Conference – America: A Government of the People, for the People, by the People.
1961 – 16th Annual Conference – What We as Citizens Can Do for Our Country
1962 – 17th Annual Conference – What Can I Do for My Country in a Changing World?
1963 – 18th Annual Conference – American Citizenship: Showcase for Freedom
1966 – 19th Annual Conference – Supports of Freedom: The Law & The Ballot
1968- 23rd Annual Conference - Creative Citizenship and Its Applications
1969- 24th Annual Conference - Youth Engagement
2004 - 59th Annual Conference
2005 - 60th Annual Conference
2007 - 62nd Annual Conference
2008 - 63rd Annual Conference - Beyond the Vote
2009 - 64th Annual Conference - Sustainable Impact: A Civic Return on Investment
2010 - 65th Annual Conference - BIG Citizenship: Citizens as Catalysts and Innovators
2011 - 66th Annual Conference - Redefining America's Social Impact *First year the Conference was held outside of Washington, D.C.
2012 - 67th Annual Conference - Jobs, Jobs, Jobs: Exploring the link between civic engagement and employment
2013 - 68th Annual Conference - America's Charter: Past, Present, and Future
2016 - Civic Life, Civic Health and Civic Renewal: Through the Lens of Equity, Diversity and Inclusion *Co-hosted by Tufts University's Tisch College of Civic Life
2017 - Strengthening Civic Life in America
Awards.
Joseph H. Kanter Citizen of the Year Award.
Named for NCoC's long-time chairman, the Citizen of the Year Award is granted to a private citizen who has exemplified active citizenship in contributing to the public good.
Past winners have included: Mack McCarter, Founder of Community Renewal International (2018), Robert Putnam, Professor of Public Policy at Harvard University (2017), Arthur Dean, Chairman and CEO of Community Anti Drug Coalitions of America (2016), David Rubenstein, Co-Founder and Co-CEO of The Carlyle Group (2013), Jack Miller, philanthropist, businessman, and chairman of the Jack Miller Center for Teaching America's Founding Principles and History (2012), Jean Case and Steve Case (2011), TIME Managing Editor Rick Stengel (2010), Philanthropists Eugene Lang (2008) & Ray Chambers (2007), Educational Pioneer Irasema Salcido (2006), Congressman Lee H. Hamilton (2005), and Senator Harris Wofford (2004).
Franklin Award.
The Franklin Award is given to outstanding individuals in federal service who are working to strength citizenship in America. The award bears the famous Franklin quote, “A Republic if you can keep it", his response when asked what style of government the Constitution would create.
Past winners have included General Ann Dunwoody (2013), Honorable Norman Y. Mineta (2012), Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords (2011), Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg (2010), Justice Antonin Scalia (2009), former Justice Sandra Day O’Connor (2008), Justice Stephen Breyer (2007), Senator Robert C. Byrd of West Virginia (2006), and Senator Lamar Alexander (2005)
Major George A. Smith Memorial Fund “HOOAH” Award.
This award recognizes a notable veteran who defines their citizenship and service to our country, both in uniform and beyond.
Past winners are Brenda Sue Fulton (2018), Honorable Tulsi Gabbard (2013), Chris Marvin (2012), Eric Hilleman (2011), Derek Blumke (Student Veterans of America) (2010).
Role Model of the Year Award.
The Role Model of the Year Award is designed to recognize individuals who use their public presence to inspire others and give back to their community. Past winners include Alfred Morris, Running Back for the Washington Redskins (2013), and Nnamdi Asomugha, Defensive Back for the Philadelphia Eagles (2012).
Other awards.
Jane Addams Award, Scott Heiferman (2005); Young Citizen of the Year Award, Robbie Bergquist and Brittany Bergquist (2007).
Service Year Exchange.
NCoC partnered with the Franklin Project at The Aspen Institute to develop a national service technology platform called the Service Year Exchange. The system is a 21st-century tool to increase the number of organizations that can provide national service opportunities and make it easier for young Americans to identify those positions. In January 2016, the Service Year Exchange project merged with ServiceNation and the Franklin Project at the Aspen Institute to form Service Year Alliance.


Transvaal Independence Committee


Alexey Skulachenko

Alexey Yerofeyevich Skulachenko (; 13 June 1895 – 6 October 1937) was a Red Army "kombrig" executed during the Great Purge.
Skulachenko served with armored car units of the Imperial Russian Army during World War I and commanded them during the Russian Civil War. He served in staff and command positions during the 1920s and 1930s, and commanded the 31st Mechanized Brigade during the early 1930s. His last post before being arrested was commander of the armored and mechanized forces of the Kharkov Military District.
Early life, World War I, and Russian Civil War.
Variously described as of either Russian or Ukrainian ethnicity in documents, Skulachenko was born to a peasant family on 13 June 1895 in the village of Mikulino in Smolensk Governorate. He graduated from the village school in 1907, three grades of a four-grade vocational school in 1910, and a technical school in 1912, working as a lathe operator.
Drafted into the Imperial Russian Army in January 1916, Skulachenko graduated from a training detachment and became a senior "uniter-ofitser" in the 1st Anti-Aircraft Auto Company, fighting in the Caucasus campaign, and was wounded in action in 1917. Joining the Communist Party that year, Skulachenko distributed Bolshevik leaflets after the February Revolution. He served as chief of a truck platoon of the 1st Reserve Auto Company in Petrograd from 6 August of that year. In September, Skulachenko became commander of the 3rd Armored Car Detachment, and was wounded during the October Revolution. His unit guarded the Smolny Institute in October.
As the Russian Civil War began, Skulachenko joined the Red Army in January 1918, becoming commander of the 2nd Caucasian Auto Company. He fought in the war on the Eastern, Southern, and Caucasian Fronts and was twice wounded and concussed. After commanding the international company of the Petrograd military commissariat between September and December 1918, Skulachenko studied at the Military-Political Course for Agitators and Instructors, which he completed in March 1919. Assigned as an agitator in the 11th Army upon graduation, Skulachenko became political commissar of the 1st Artillery Battalion in the same month. For a week in January 1920 he served as an auto mechanic at the Arkhangelsk Military Port before becoming commissar of the 4th Artillery Battalion. In May, he became commissar of the armored car detachment of the 11th Army, then commander and commissar of the 55th Armored Detachment.
Interwar period.
After serving as acting commissar of the engineering depot of the supply department of the 11th Army from January 1921, Skulachenko was sent to study at the Military Academy of the Red Army in November of that year. After graduating from the academy, he was posted to the North Caucasus Military District as a company commander in October 1925 to gain practical experience. In the district, Skulachenko became chief of staff of the 221st Rifle Regiment of the 74th Rifle Division in November 1926 before transferring to the Leningrad Military District to serve as chief of the operational section of the staff of the 43rd Rifle Division in March 1928.
In December 1929, Skulachenko briefly served as assistant chief of the 4th department of the 2nd Directorate of the Staff of the Red Army, but in January 1930 returned to the Leningrad Military District as commander and commissar of the motorized armored detachment of the 11th Rifle Division. A year later, he took command of the Mechanized Regiment of the OGPU Troops, and in May 1932 returned to the army as commander and commissar of a mechanized brigade of the Leningrad Mechanized Corps (reorganized from the 11th Rifle Division), which became the 31st Mechanized Brigade.
Briefly at the disposal of the Personnel Directorate from February 1935, Skulachenko became chief of the armored forces of the Kharkov Military District in June of that year, being promoted to "kombrig" when the Red Army introduced personal military ranks that year. In April 1937 he was placed at the disposal of the Personnel Directorate and transferred to the reserve on 29 July for "political unreliablity" before being arrested on 3 August. Sentenced to death on 5 October for participating in a nonexistent "military conspiracy", Skulachenko was specifically charged with carrying out an act of sabotage (a 'diversionary act') in a armor depot of the district in late 1936 and preparing to burn a repair workshop in February 1937. Skulachenko was executed on the next day. He was posthumously rehabilitated on 13 June 1956 under De-Stalinization.


Xiao Yu

Xiao Yu (574–647), courtesy name Shiwen, posthumously known as Duke Zhenbian of Song, was an imperial prince of the Western Liang dynasty who later became an official under the Sui and Tang dynasties. He served as a chancellor during the reigns of the emperors Gaozu and Taizong in the early Tang dynasty.
Background.
Xiao Yu was born in 574, during the reign of his father Emperor Ming of Western Liang, who claimed the throne of Liang Dynasty but whose territory, known in history as the Western Liang, was limited to a small amount of territory around his capital Jiangling. Emperor Ming was at that time also a vassal of the much larger Northern Zhou, and received protection from Northern Zhou forces against rival Chen Dynasty. In 582, Xiao Yu was created the Prince of Xin'an. He was known for his filial piety.
During the Sui Dynasty.
During Emperor Wen's reign.
In or around 582, Xiao Yu's older sister married Yang Guang the Prince of Jin, a son of Sui's founder Emperor Wen of Sui, to be his princess. Xiao Yu followed her to the Sui capital Chang'an, and he became known for studiousness and proper actions there. He was particularly attentive in studying Buddhist sutras and became a devout Buddhist, spending much of his time discussing Buddhism with monks. Displeased with the work "Essay on Predestination" (辯命論, "Bianming Lun"), authored by the Liang Dynasty author Liu Xiaobiao (), he wrote a work entitled, "Essay on Non-Predestination" (非辯命論, "Fei Bianming Lun") intended to refute it. (Only the first paragraph of the preface survives, and it states, "Man is born from heaven and earth. Of course predestination is involved. However, good fortune and ill fortune also depend on man himself. If one believes that it is all predestination, he would be foolish.") The work was praised by the scholars on Yang Guang's staff.
In 585, Emperor Ming died and was succeeded by his oldest son and Xiao Yu's older brother Xiao Cong (as Emperor Jing). In 587, when Emperor Wen summoned Emperor Jing to Chang'an to meet him, Xiao Yu's uncle Xiao Yan () and brother Xiao Huan (), believing that a Sui army sent to Jiangling was intending to attack it, surrendered to Chen. When Emperor Wen heard of this, he abolished Western Liang and annexed its territory, creating Emperor Jing the Duke of Ju. Western Liang was at its end, although its imperial clan members, including Xiao Yu, continued to be treated well by Emperor Wen. In 600, after Yang Guang displaced his older brother Yang Yong as crown prince, Xiao Yu continued to serve on Yang Guang's staff, as a guard commander.
During Emperor Yang's reign.
In 604, Emperor Wen died—a death that traditional historians generally believed to be a murder ordered by Yang Guang but admitted a lack of direct evidence—and was succeeded by Yang Guang (as Emperor Yang). Xiao Yu, whose sister Crown Princess Xiao became empress, was made a military recruiting officer. When, at one point, Xiao Yu became suddenly ill, he ordered that no medical treatment be carried out, believing that this would be a good time for him to be relieved from governmental service. However, when Empress Xiao heard this, she visited him and rebuked him, pointing out that this kind of behavior might in fact bring punishment from Emperor Yang. After he recovered, he became more interested in governmental service, and was at one point made the "Neishi Shilang" (), the assistant head of the legislative bureau of government, and Emperor Yang entrusted him with many secret matters, as Xiao Yu was his brother-in-law. However, later on he was demoted because he often gave suggestions that offended Emperor Yang.
In the fall of 615, Emperor Yang conducted a tour of the northern frontier, exposing himself to a surprise attack by Eastern Turkish ("Dongtujue") forces under Shibi Khan, who was angered by various Chinese attempts to weaken his government. The Turks quickly overran most of Yanmen Commandery, but the khan's Chinese wife—an imperial relative who had been married to his predecessor and who had been well treated by the Empress Xiao during an earlier visit—sent warning to the emperor and empress of the attack. The imperial entourage was able to reach the commandery seat at present-day Daixian, Shanxi, where they were besieged by the Turks on September 11. Emperor Yang panicked and did not know what to do. Xiao Yu, who had accompanied the emperor, suggested that messengers be sent to Princess Yicheng, as Turkish customs dictated that the khan's wife be in charge of military matters at home while he was away. Princess Yicheng subsequently sent false information to Shibi Khan, stating that the khaganate was under attack from the north, and the khan lifted the siege. After the siege was lifted, Emperor Yang, instead of rewarding Xiao Yu, became embarrassed, stating, "Turkish forces were simply being rebellious and lacked tactical cohesion and would have soon scattered. Just because they did not do so immediately, Xiao Yu was frightened; this is unforgivable." He demoted Xiao Yu to the governorship of Hechi Commandery (河池, in modern Baoji, Shaanxi) and immediately ordered him to get on his way.
When Xiao Yu got to Hechi Commandery, there were agrarian rebels in the mountains, numbering over 10,000, whom the commandery government was unable to control. Xiao Yu reorganized the commandery militia and attacked them, forcing them to surrender. Subsequently, when Xue Ju rebelled at Jincheng Commandery (金城, roughly modern Lanzhou, Gansu) and attacked east, Xiao Yu blocked Xue's path, and Xue was not able to advance further at that point.
During Yang You's reign.
In winter 617, the general Li Yuan the Duke of Tang, who had rebelled at Taiyuan earlier that year, captured Chang'an and declared Emperor Yang's grandson Yang You the Prince of Dai emperor (as Emperor Gong). Li Yuan assumed power as regent, and he wrote to Xiao Yu, requesting that Xiao submit. Xiao agreed, and was made the minister of census and created the Duke of Song. In spring 618, during an abortive campaign where Li Yuan sent his sons Li Jiancheng and Li Shimin with an army to the eastern capital Luoyang to try to get Sui officials there to submit, Xiao served on Li Shimin's staff.
During the Tang Dynasty.
During Emperor Gaozu's reign.
Also in spring 618, Emperor Yang was killed at Jiangdu (江都, in modern Yangzhou, Jiangsu) in a coup led by the general Yuwen Huaji. When the news reached Chang'an, Li Yuan had Yang You yield the throne to him, establishing Tang Dynasty as its Emperor Gaozu. He made Xiao Yu "Neishi Ling" (), the head of the legislative bureau of the government (內史省, "Neishi Sheng") and a post considered one for a chancellor, and he entrusted Xiao with some of the most important matters of state. Whenever Emperor Gaozu held imperial gatherings, he would allow Xiao to sit next to him, and particularly, because Xiao had married a member of the Dugu clan, from which Emperor Gaozu's mother Lady Dugu also came, Emperor Gaozu referred to him endearingly as "Master Xiao." Xiao took the matters of state seriously and was not afraid of offending others in offering suggestions, and people feared him. When Li Shimin was made the governor of the capital prefecture Yong Prefecture (雍州, i.e., Chang'an and its surrounding counties), Xiao was given the additional title of commandant of Yong Prefecture. In 619, he and Pei Ji were in charge of interrogating one of the major initial contributors to Emperor Gaozu, Liu Wenjing, who had been arrested on suspicion of treason. Both he and Li Gang (), as well as Li Shimin, tried to intercede on Liu's behalf, but Emperor Gaozu nevertheless executed Liu on Pei's recommendations. Later, after the legislative bureau was renamed "Zhongshu Sheng" () in 620, Xiao Yu remained its head with the new title of "Zhongshu Ling" (). Per Xiao's recommendations, Emperor Gaozu made Feng Deyi "Zhongshu Ling" as well, sharing the position with Xiao. In 621, he was similarly put in charge, along with Pei and Chen Shuda, of interrogating Li Zhognwen () the Duke of Zhenxiang, who was also charged with treason, and while Xiao's recommendations were unclear, Li Zhongwen was also executed.
At times, when Emperor Gaozu issued edicts, he wanted the legislative bureau to promulgate them quickly, but Xiao did not do so. When Emperor Gaozu rebuked him, Xiao pointed out that during Emperor Yang's reign, the edicts were issued quickly, and while officials had valid reservations, they did not dare to speak against it. He wanted the edicts to be issued only after greater examination, and so was not issuing them as quickly. Emperor Gaozu agreed. Meanwhile, as Xiao's property was initially seized by Emperor Gaozu when he first entered Chang'an to be awarded to the military officers with accomplishments, Emperor Gaozu returned the property to Xiao. Xiao divided the property and distributed it to his clan members, only keeping the family shrine so thathe could sacrifice to the ancestors. After Li Shimin destroyed a major rival, Wang Shichong the Emperor of Zheng, in 621, Xiao, who served under Li Shimin during the campaign and was credited with some of the strategies (as well as charged with collecting the Sui imperial treasury stores at the Zheng capital Luoyang), was given 2,000 additional households as part of his fief and made one of the deputy heads of the important executive bureau of government (尚書省, "Shangshu Sheng"), "Shangshu Pushe", still considered a chancellor position. As "Shangshu Pushe", Xiao was considered diligent but biased, as well as harsh, and he did not have as good of a reputation.
In 626, when Fu Yi () the director of the imperial astronomical observatory, a Confucian, submitted a proposal to ban Buddhism on the grounds that Buddhism was leading to corruption and abuses within the government, Xiao, as a devout Buddhist, debated with Fu earnestly before Emperor Gaozu. He was unable to prevail over Fu in the debate, and Emperor Gaozu issued an edict severely limiting the number of Buddhist temples, although the edict did not appear to be seriously carried out.
Incident at the Xuanwu Gate.
Later in 626, Li Shimin, then in an intense rivalry with Li Jiancheng, who had been made crown prince as the oldest son, feared that Li Jiancheng was about to kill him. He submitted a secret petition to Emperor Gaozu accusing Li Jiancheng and another brother, Li Yuanji the Prince of Qi, who supported Li Jiancheng, of committing adultery with Emperor Gaozu's concubines and plotting to kill him. Emperor Gaozu, shocked by the accusations, summoned Xiao, along with Pei and Chen, to prepare to act on the accusations the next morning. Meanwhile, Li Shimin set an ambush for Li Jiancheng and Li Yuanji at Xuanwu Gate outside Emperor Gaozu's palace, and when Li Jiancheng and Li Yuanji approached Xuanwu Gate in the morning, Li Shimin killed them, and then sent his general Yuchi Gong into the palace, claiming to be protecting Emperor Gaozu. Emperor Gaozu, realizing how serious the situation was, asked Pei, Xiao, and Chen for advice, and Xiao and Chen advised him to create Li Shimin crown prince to placate him. Emperor Gaozu did so, and two months later passed the throne to Li Shimin, who took the throne as Emperor Taizong.
During Emperor Taizong's reign.
Initially, Xiao Yu remained chancellor, but was soon conflicting with Feng Deyi, who was also chancellor, as "Shangshu Pushe" (by this point heads of the executive bureau, as Li Shimin had been head of the executive bureau, but his title "Shangshu Ling" had thus become a title that his subjects did not dare to take), over Feng's frequent changes of things that they had already agreed on, as well as some other new chancellors that Emperor Taizong had trusted and commissioned, including Fang Xuanling and Gao Shilian. In anger, Xiao submitted a secret petition to Emperor Taizong denouncing Feng, but the petition was inartfully written, offending Emperor Taizong. Meanwhile, an incident occurred where Xiao and Chen Shuda argued before Emperor Taizong, and both were removed from their posts. In summer 627, however, after Feng's death, Emperor Taizong again made Xiao "Shangshu Pushe". Later that year, Emperor Taizong discussed attacking Eastern Tujue, which Xiao favored, but Zhangsun Wuji opposed, and therefore Emperor Taizong did not carry out the attack. However, when Emperor Taizong asked Xiao how he felt that the life of the dynasty could be extended, Xiao suggested enfeoffing the imperial princes, and Emperor Taizong agreed and began considering doing so. Around the new year 628, Xiao was again removed from his position, for reasons not stated in history, although in spring 630 he was made a de facto chancellor as imperial censor. Later that year, he accused the general Li Jing, after defeating and capturing Eastern Tujue's Jiali Khan Ashina Duobi, of allowing his soldiers to plunder Tujue's treasures, but Emperor Taizong took no actions against Li Jing, on account of Li Jing's great accomplishment. Meanwhile, Xiao continued to be arrogant and harsh and was again not getting along with the other chancellors. It was said that when Fang, Wei Zheng, and Wen Yanbo had minor faults, Xiao submitted accusations against them which Emperor Taizong did not act on, and Xiao became displeased from it. In fall 630, Emperor Taizong made him an advisor to his son and crown prince Li Chengqian, no longer a chancellor.
In 634, Emperor Taizong commissioned 13 officials to examine the circuits in the empire, to see whether the local officials were capable, to find out whether the people were suffering, to comfort the poor, and to select capable people to serve in civil service. Xiao Yu was made the examiner of Henan Circuit (河南道, roughly modern Henan and Shandong), but on his mission, he overly punished an official who did not listen to the people under him about their suffering by putting him in a block, causing that official's death. Emperor Taizong, however, did not punish him. In 635, Emperor Taizong again made him de facto chancellor, once stating:
He also wrote a poem to Xiao Yu, including these two lines:
He further stated to Xiao, "Your faithfulness and honesty cannot be exceeded even by the holy men of old times. However, your overzealousness to distinguish good and bad sometimes makes you difficult to tolerate."
In 643, Emperor Taizong commissioned 24 portraits at Lingyan Pavilion to commemorate the contributions of the 24 great contributions to Tang Dynasty. Xiao's was one of the portraits. Later that year, Li Chengqian, fearful that Emperor Taizong was considering replacing him with his younger and more favored brother Li Tai the Prince of Wei, plotted with the general Hou Junji to overthrow Emperor Taizong. When the plot was discovered, Emperor Taizong commissioned Xiao, along with Zhangsun, Fang, Li Shiji, and officials from the supreme court, the legislative bureau, and the examination bureau, to investigate. As a result of the investigation, Hou and many other conspirators were ordered to commit suicide or were executed, while Li Chengqian was reduced to commoner rank. Soon thereafter, Emperor Taizong, believing that Li Tai had played a role in Li Chengqian's downfall, created another son, Li Zhi the Prince of Jin, crown prince, instead of Li Tai, and Xiao was made a senior advisor of the new crown prince. Xiao was given a newly created title for a de facto chancellor as well, "Tong Zhongshu Menxia Sanpin" (). In 645, when Emperor Taizong commanded a major campaign against Goguryeo, he put Xiao in charge of Luoyang as well as the logistics of shipping supplies to the frontline.
In 646, Xiao was again in discord with the other chancellors, going as far as accusing Fang of factionalism bordering on treason. Emperor Taizong was also displeased with Xiao over his requesting to become a Buddhist monk at one point around this time and then changing his mind. In winter 646, he issued an edict extensively accusing Xiao of being overly obsessed with Buddhism—citing Xiao's ancestor Emperor Wu of Liang and Emperor Wu's son Emperor Jianwen of Liang as examples that Xiao was falling into the traps of. He demoted Xiao to the post of prefect of Shang Prefecture (商州, roughly modern Shangluo, Shaanxi), but also cancelled Xiao's title as Duke of Song. In 647, however, Emperor Taizong recalled Xiao to be an imperial advisor (but not chancellor) and restored his title of Duke of Song.
Death.
In 648, while accompanying Emperor Taizong at Yuhua Palace (玉華宮, in modern Tongchuan, Shaanxi), Xiao grew ill and died. The ministry of ceremonies suggested, as a posthumous name, De (德, meaning "virtuous"), while the executive bureau suggested Su (肅, meaning, "solemn"). Emperor Taizong, however, disagreed with both, stating that posthumous names should be particularly reflective of people's characters, and he chose Zhenbian (貞褊, meaning "honest but harsh") instead.


Dorjjavyn Luvsansharav

Dorjjavyn Luvsansharav (; 1900 – July 30, 1941) was Secretary of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) from 1932 to 1937 and served as Chief Secretary from 1933 to 1934. A central figure during the violent Stalinist repressions in Mongolia, Luvsansharav presided over arrests, torture, and executions of over 25,000 “enemies of the revolution” between 1937 and 1939 and was instrumental in the violent purges of Prime Ministers Peljidiin Genden and Anandyn Amar. He ultimately fell victim to the purges himself, arrested in 1939 on charges of counterrevolution and executed in Moscow in 1941.
Early life and career.
Luvsansharav was born in 1900 in Zasagt Khan Province (present day Ikh-Uul) district of Khövsgöl Province. At the age of 10 he was sent to Möröngiin Khuree monastery to become a lama, but fled in 1921. He joined the MPRP in 1925, first heading up a local MPRP cell and then attending the Party school in Ulaanbaatar in 1927 where he made a name for himself combating rightists in the student body. After attending the Communist University of the Toilers of the East in Moscow from 1928 to 1929, he returned to take up leadership of the MPRP in Khan-Taishir-Uul province (present day Zavkhan Province).
One of several “new leftists” promoted during the Eight Party Congress in 1930, Luvsansharav first headed a department at the Presidium of the MPRP Central Committee and then became a member of the presidium and deputy secretary of the Central Committee before being elected one of three secretaries of Central Committee in June 1932 (a position he would hold until 1937). From June 30, 1933 to October 5, 1934 he served as First Secretary of the Central Committee.
Stalinist repressions in Mongolia.
Purge of Genden 1936.
Luvsansharav was a staunch opponent of Prime Minister Peljidiin Genden, openly challenging many of his decisions and looking for opportunities to undercut him. He led calls within MPRP Central Committee for the prime minister's dismissal after Genden had confronted Stalin in contentious meetings, refusing to persecute Mongolia's Buddhist Church, publicly calling him a Russian tsar, and even slapping the pipe from Stalin's mouth during a Mongolian Embassy reception. Within four months Genden was stripped of all his government positions and sent off to the USSR “for medical treatment.” He was arrested and executed a year later for counterrevolutionary activities and spying for Japan.
Extraordinary Purge Commission 1937–1939.
In 1937 Luvsansharav received five months of political and organizational training in Moscow to prepare him to manage the purges that Stalin was planning to unleash in Mongolia. On October 2, 1937, he was appointed one of three members (along with Interior Minister Khorloogiin Choibalsan and Minister of Justice Tserendorj) of the Extraordinary Purge Commission or troika, that presided over arrest cases, investigations, and show trials involving “lamas, espionage and counterrevolution.” At the first show trial on October 18, 1937 at the Central Theater, thirteen of the fourteen facing the troika, including former prime minister (1921) and chief abbot of the Manzushir Monastery Sambadondogiin Tserendorj, were sentenced to death.
From October 1937 to April 1939, Luvsansharav's troika investigated 25,785 cases and condemned 20,099 persons, including over 16,000 lamas, to execution. 25 persons from the top leadership of the party, 187 persons from the military leadership, and thirty six of the fifty one members of the central committee were executed. Although described as an “unremarkable person who rarely attracted notice, a coward with latent sadistic tendencies”, Luvsansharav became known as a skilled “extractor of confessions.”
Purge of Amar 1939.
By early 1939 Stalin was eager to replace the popular Prime Minister Anandyn Amar with Choibalsan, his new favorite. At meetings with Soviet leadership in Moscow, Choibalsan was instructed to have Luvsansharav launch a propaganda campaign against Amar. Luvsansharav denounced Amar at an enlarged meeting of the MPRP Central Committee on March 6, 1939. Once Choibalsan seconded the condemnation, opinions within the Central Committee rapidly turned against Amar, who was arrested on the spot and transported to Moscow where he was sentenced to death by a Soviet troika on July 10, 1941.
End of the purge.
With most internal opposition extinguished and the threat of Japanese military expansion rising on Mongolia's eastern borders, Stalin ordered Choibalsan to bring the purges to an end. During a special conference at Interior Ministry on April 20, 1939 both Choibalsan and Luvsansharav faked tears of regret for allowing overly zealous Interior Ministry officials and renegade Soviet advisors to carry out the purges. Official blame fell on Deputy Interior Minister Natsantogtoh and Soviet advisor Kichikov.
Arrest and death.
In the summer of 1939 most of the “henchmen” of the purges, including Nasantogtoh, Bayasgalan, Dashtseveg and Luvsandorj, were rounded up, arrested, and sent off to Moscow as part of “mop up” operations to eliminate witnesses to the repressions. Luvsansharav was arrested on July 9, 1939 by ministry of internal affairs officials. Charged with counterrevolution, Luvsansharav was transported to Moscow where he was incarcerated in the same prison with former Prime Minister Amar before he was found guilty by the Military Collegium of the USSR Supreme Court on July 5 and executed on July 30, 1941.
Rehabilitation.
Despite Luvsansharav's active role in carrying out the purges (Mongolian historian Baabar believes Soviet leaders had eyed Luvsansharav as a potential replacement for Choibalsan should the latter fail to carry out Moscow's instructions on the purges), he was nevertheless viewed as a victim by the special commission established under the presidium of the People's Great Hural to review purge cases of the 1930s and 1940s and was rehabilitated in 1962.


Democratic Alternative (Serbia)

The Democratic Alternative (; abbr. ДА, DA) was a political party in Serbia. It was founded in July 1997 by secession of certain members from the ruling Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), most notably Nebojša Čović who served as the party's president during its entire existence. It later merged into the Social Democratic Party (SDP), whom its leadership took over.
Democratic Alternative was part of the 2000-2003 Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS), which ran on the December 2000 parliamentary elections. It received 6 seats of the 176 won by the Democratic Opposition. Nebojša Čović became the interim Deputy Prime Minister on October 24, 2000. On 25 January 2001 the new government was elected in which he served as Deputy Prime Minister until 18 March 2004. For a short time from 12 March 2003 to 17 March 2003 Čović was the acting Premier in the wake of the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic.
At the December 2003 parliamentary election, the party won 84,463 votes or 2.2% of the popular vote thus failed to pass the electoral threshold.