Anthedon (Palestine)

Anthedon () was a Hellenistic city near Gaza. and former Roman Catholic bishopric, now a Latin Catholic titular see.
Site and archeology.
The location of ancient Anthedon is inside the Gaza Strip, at a place with the Arabic name Tell Blakhiyah north of the port of Gaza). It has been identified with Tida or Theda, a site near Beit Lahiya known from medieval Arab sources. Immediately to the north of it there is a hill still called Teda; the name seems to be a corruption of "Anthedon". Some parts of the city wall are still standing, and port structures are visible: they have been explored by a Franco-Palestinian archaeological expedition between 1995 and 2005, under the direction of Father Jean-Baptiste Humbert. Potsherds have also been found in sandy dunes.
On April 2, 2012, the Ancient city was listed as a tentative World Heritage Site by Palestine. In 2013, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, bulldozed part of the harbour to expand its military training zone. The Deputy Minister of Tourism in Gaza, Muhammad Khela, said the location would not be damaged by the expansion, despite criticism from local activists and the UNESCO office in Gaza.
History.
Located between Gaza and Ascalon, the city served as port to the former. It was inhabited from the Mycenaean era to the early Byzantine age, but it was during the Hellenistic period that the port northwest of Gaza, populated by immigrants from Anthedon, Boeotia, became an independent city under the name Anthedon. As a Greek city, it had an agora and temples. The citizens' life was chiefly dedicated to fishing and shipbuilding. The city was governed by a Council of 500 members and had its own army commanded by a "strategos".
Anthedon is first mentioned by Flavius Josephus in "Jewish Antiquities", dealing with the period when it was conquered by the Jewish leader Alexander Jannaeus and destroyed. In 64 BC it was liberated by Pompey and subsequently rebuilt by his successor Gabinius. Later on, Anthedon along with coastal Province Judea passed into the hands of Cleopatra and then to Augustus, who assigned it to Herod. The latter renamed the city "Agrippias" in honor of Agrippa, a Roman general and son-in-law to Octavian Augustus. During the "Jewish War" (66–70 AD), the religious faction of the Zealots attacked Anthedon, but the attack was successfully repelled and the city remained Hellenistic.
It was important enough in the Roman province of Palestina Prima to become a suffragan bishopric of its capital's Metropolitan Archbishop of Caesarea in Palestina, but later faded.
Ecclesiastical history.
In the 4th century AD the city became an episcopal seat, though traditional multitheism, particularly the worship of Venus and/or Astarte, survived there until the 5th century according to Sozomenus. The latter informs us about one Zenon, brother of the martyrs Nestabus and Eusebius - who were martyred in 362 AD as a result of prosecution by Julian the Apostate - who fled to Anthedon. The pagan townsfolk, upon learning that he was a Christian, beat him and drove him out of town. Later on, this Zenon went on to become bishop of Maiuma of Gaza. The first known bishop of Anthedon was Paul, who took part in the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon in 431 and 451 respectively. Also known is another bishop Eustathius, who took part in the Council of Jerusalem in 518, and Dorotheus, participant in the council of 536.
Titular see.
Since it is no longer a residential bishopric, it is today listed by the Catholic Church as a titular see. The diocese was nominally restored as a titular bishopric.
It is vacant since decades, having had the following incumbents, all of the lowest (episcopal) rank :


Nepalese democracy movement

The Nepalese democracy movement is a series of political movements from the 20th century to 2008 that advocated the establishment of representative democracy, a multi-party political system and the abolition of monarchy. It has seen three major movements, the Revolution of 1951, Jana Andolan and Loktantra Andolan (Nepali: लोकतन्त्र आन्दोलन, "Loktantra Āndolan") which ultimately abolished the Shah monarchy, transitioned Nepal towards a republic and reintroduced multi-party bicameral democracy.
The beginning of a national movement for democracy in Nepal was the ousting of the Ranas, the long-established Nepalese royal family, in the mid-20th century which was influenced by ethnic and political developments from the Indian nationalist movement. However, this period of democracy ended in 1960 and the Panchayat system of government was introduced, abolishing recent democratic institutions, banning political parties and restricting some forms of freedom of speech.
Student protests in 1979 led to a referendum on the direction of the political system resulted in minor adaptations to the existing party-less system, at times increasing executive control over the opposition. A period of economic disputes with India and mounting repression in Nepal led to the Jana Andolan popular movement resulting in the re-establishment of multi-party democracy under a constitutional monarchy framework.
Until 2001, the economic and political situation progressed despite corruption, nepotism and the presence of a Maoist insurgency which developed into a nation-wide civil war between the Maoist insurgents and the Government of Nepal. Following the assassination of the Nepalese royal family, King Gyanendra took control of the government and ruled until 2006 through emergency powers enforcing nation-wide oppression of media and civil society. Widespread protests headed by a coalition of seven Nepalese Parties alongside the Maoists led to the resignation of the King and the reinstation of the Parliament, the abolishment of monarchy and transitioned Nepal towards a federal republic, marking an end to the country's civil war.
Rana dynasty.
As one of the regions oldest nation-states, Nepal was unified by the Shah Dynasty and has since been ruled by the Rana royal family after a coup d'état that installed Jung Bahadur Kunwar as prime minister, and later Maharaja of Kaski and Lamjung. During the 19th century, Nepal's expansionist aspirations came in conflict with the British Empire and the British East India Company culminating in the Anglo-Nepalese War of 1814-16.
The war eventually concluded with the Treaty of Sugauli on 4 March 1816 which defined Nepal's current territorial boundaries. The treaty therefore spared Nepal of colonisation similar to that of neighbouring countries. Throughout the Shah dynasty Nepali society underwent a period of Sanskritisation which established the political, economic and cultural dominance of high-caste Indo-Aryans, most notably the Bahuns and Chhetri caste who established Khas Kura, later known as Nepali, as the official state language.
Democracy movement of 1951.
The mid-20th century saw the emergence of an educated elite in Nepal due to an expansion of the country's education system leading to much increased literacy rates and rising levels of higher education attainment in the country. After India's independence, political parties were established and engaged an organised struggle against the Rana monarchy in neighbouring Nepal. The Nepal Communist Party was founded in 1949 with the goal to set up a democracy and People's Republic. Conversely, the Nepali Congress Party, later Nepali Congress, was formed in 1947 and gained support from the Nepal Communist Party to stage an armed revolution against the Rana monarchy. Under significant international and domestic pressure, the royal family and the Nepali Congress agreed to institute a peaceful and stable transition of democracy regarded as the Delhi Compromise of 1951. A transitional government was instituted with in a constitutional monarchy framework, and elections won by the Nepali Congress Party which was instrumental in abolishing the Rana regime and ran on a social-democratic basis. In December 1960 King Mahendra dissolved the parliament and devised a ban on political parties and police jailed members of political parties and members of the national cabinet.
Panchayat era.
The King introduced the Panchayat system of governance which restructured political power to the King elections to holding direct elections at a communal level. While Panchayat legislation formally guaranteed freedom of speech, it was restricted through a number of royal laws, including lèse-majesté legislation which prohibited critique of the royal family. The political reforms restructured and curtailed the parliament's autonomy and authority as the King held executive power. Political representatives were strictly monitored on their loyalty to the monarch, and political representation held narrow. Popular discontent mounted in 1979 in student protests leading to a referendum on the future of the Panchayat system which resulted in the preservation of the Panchayat system with minor institutional reforms.
Jana Andolan 1990.
Following a trade dispute with India that resulted in price hikes and shortages of consumer goods a coalition of seven political factions and the Nepali Congress lead a process of reintroduction of democracy in Nepal. In April 1990, students, human rights organisations and professional unions staged protests which led to the closure of universities and schools. The protests culminated in the first Jana Andolan, or People's Movement which pressured the King to reinstate multi-party democracy in the framework of a constitutional democracy. Its constitution declared Nepal as a Hindu state with Khasa-Nepali as the official language despite Nepal's poly-religious and linguistic population. The restoration of democracy in Nepal solidified a shift to neoliberal government policies that promoted economic liberalisation such as the removal of price controls, privatisation and introduction of convertibility for the domestic currency.
Nepalese civil war.
The Nepalese civil war, or "People’s War", was the result of stalled peace negotiations between the democratic government and the paramilitary wing of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). It resulted in a build-up of around 30,000 insurgency fighters and caused approximately 13,000 casualties with thousands unaccounted for. Nepal's first decade of democracy is considered turbulent due to frequent government changes, internal party battles and corruption. Politics continued to be dominated by the Brahmin and Chhetri castes with an underrepresentation of ethnic minorities and women.
After the transition to the constitutional monarchy in 1991 Nepal remained one of the least developed countries, situated at 113 out of 130 countries in Human Development Index. General elections in 1999 produced a victory for the Nepali Congress, ushering in 4 years of political stability. The dissolution of the House of Representatives for the 1994 mid-term election led to a hung parliament producing 8 unstable coalition governments within 5 years. Following a split in the United People's Front into the rcognised and unrecognised wing, led by Puspa Kamal Dahal, elections were boycotted, and armed rebellion was instigated. The government was presented with demands to institutionalise Nepal as a federal republic, therefore abolishing monarchy, formation of an interim government and the establishment of a constituent assembly.
On the 13 February 1996 the "People’s War" was declared in response to the perceived government failure to honour the insurgent's demands. On 1 June 2001 the royal family was murdered, triggering the crowning of Gyanendra as king. On 25 November 2001 a truce between the Maoist insurgents and the government broke following an increase in violent attacks against the police and army. This triggered the declaration of a national emergency and the passage of the "Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Control and Punishment) Ordinance" (TADO). TADO declared the Maoists as terrorists and deployed the Royal Nepalese Army against them.
Following political confrontations between members of the House of Representatives and King Gyanendra, several constitution articles were suspended, especially ones relating to freedom of speech, expression, press, movement and rights to peaceful protest. The then prime minister Deuba’s government stayed in office and ruled through government decrees until dismissed by Gyanendra due to a perceived inability to hold elections and quell the Maoist insurgency.
Deuba was replaced by Lokendra Bahadur, a former Panchayat politician and Nepalese royalist who failed to negotiate a peace deal with the Maoists and faced the rise of a popular pro-democracy movement joined by major Nepali political parties, including the Nepali Congress, Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist) (UML), Rashtriya Prajatantra Party, Nepal Congress Party (Democratic), United Left Front, Nepal Workers and Peasants Party.
After the reappointment of Deuba as prime minister the Nepali Congress (Democratic), UML and Rashtriya Prajatantra Party left the civil movement and joined the government. The TADO legislation was further renewed and has contributed to Nepal’s record numbers of unexplained forced disappearances in 2002 and 2003 (Malagodi 2013, p. 187). Following a brief period of political stability, King Gyanendra dismissed the Deuba government and assumed full executive control over the country through the declaration of a State of Emergency under the laws of the 1990 Constitution.
Loktantra Andolan.
In 1996 the Maoist insurgency launched a violent campaign to overthrow the political-economic status quo, redistribute land and affect a ‘proletarian revolution’ in Nepal. The ensuing civil war caused human rights violations and killings of more than 13,000, as well as a decline in Nepal's GDP growth rate, fuelled by a drop in tourist arrivals and the destruction of infrastructure. Following the assassination of King Birendra and his family in 2001 by Maoist insurgents, the multi-party democracy was placed under a State of Emergency by the preceding King, tightly controlling the opposition, censoring news and media organisations, and shutting down telecommunications in parts of the country. The civil war developed into a military and political stalemate that ended in 2005. Protests against the political and economic situation drew an estimated 100,000 to 200,000 in Nepal's capital Kathmandu and 5 million in the entire country.
An alliance of seven political parties developed a coalition government, abolished the monarchy and signed a peace agreement with Maoist insurgents in 2006. This was achieved through cooperation between main-stream political parties and the Maoist insurgency facilitated though a 12-point agreement which outlined the democratic framework to be instituted after the abolition of monarchy. This framework set out the formation of an internationally monitored interim government, holding free and fair elections in a system of governance which guarantees civil, political and human rights, as well as the rule of law.
Furthermore, the Constitution was redrafted to:
The Royal Nepalese Army has been accused of suppressing the demonstrations with an unproportional use of force leading to a high-level investigation into law enforcement brutality towards the 2006 protests. After the release of the Rayamajhi Commission the government implemented its recommendations and dismissed the chiefs of Nepal's police organisations.
Following elections in 2008, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist) won 38% of the votes contrary to international predictions. Furthermore, the election increased the representation of women and ethnic minorities.


Hidarnes III

Hidarnes III was a King of Orontid Armenia, reigning in the middle of the 5th century BC.
Hidarnes III was very fond of brown horses. He organized a cavalry of 1000 brown horses, which frightened the king's enemies with their appearance.


United Nations Security Council Resolution 207

United Nations Security Council Resolution 207, adopted unanimously on August 10, 1965, after a receiving report by the Secretary-General stating that recent developments in Cyprus had increased tension on the island, the Council reaffirmed its Resolution 186 and called upon all parties to avoid any action which would be likely to worsen the situation.


Smim Htaw

Smim Htaw (, ; died 27 March 1553) was a pretender to the Hanthawaddy throne, and the last king in the line of the Hanthawaddy dynasty. He ruled a small region around Pegu as king from 1550 to 1552.
An ex-Buddhist monk, and a son of King Binnya Ran II by a minor queen, Htaw first raised a rebellion in 1549 during the reign of King Tabinshwehti of Toungoo, who had conquered the Mon-speaking kingdom ten years earlier. Htaw was on the run in the delta chased after by Gen. Bayinnaung of Toungoo when Tabinshwehti was assassinated by one of his close advisers, Smim Sawhtut, on 30 April 1550. Sawhtut proclaimed himself king. Htaw raised an army and defeated Sawhtut near Pegu (Bago) in August 1550. Though proclaimed himself king at once, Htaw controlled just the region around Pegu.
His rule at Pegu lasted about a year and a half as Bayinnaung, who was heir apparent under Tabinshwehti, came to attack Pegu in March 1552. North of the city, Toungoo and Peguan forces met. In desperation, Htaw challenged and fought Bayinnaung in single combat, both on their war elephants. Bayinnaung was victorious, charging his foe and driving him off after breaking the tusk of Htaw's elephant. Bayinnaung reportedly "paid Htaw no more heed than a lion does to jackals." Pegu was taken. Htaw was on the run for the next 12 months until he was captured in March 1553. He was brought to Pegu and executed on 27 March (13th waxing of Tagu 935 ME).


Five regent houses

The Five Regent Houses (五摂家; "go-seike" or "go-sekke") is a collective term for the five families of the Fujiwara clan. The leaders of these families monopolized the position of "Sekkan" in the Japanese Imperial Court in Kyoto between the 12th and 19th century. The five houses are Konoe, Takatsukasa, Kujō, Ichijō, and Nijō.
The Fujiwara clan also had other families, but traditionally, only these five were eligible for regentship. They were the most politically powerful families among the kuge (court officials).
The imperial clan claimed descent from the goddess Amaterasu, but in the Fujiwara tradition, the clan descended from another ancient Kami known as Ame-no-Koyane. It is said that only these two clans were left in the modern era to claim Kami descent.


Ampon Tangnoppakul

Ampon Tangnoppakul (; ; 1 January 1948 – 8 May 2012), commonly known in Thai as Ah Kong (; meaning 'grandpa') or in English as Uncle SMS, was a Thai national accused of sending four Short Message Service (SMS) messages from his cell phones to Somkiat Khrongwatthanasuk, secretary of then Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva. The messages were deemed offensive to the King and Queen of Thailand, as proscribed by section 112 of the Criminal Code of Thailand and the law on computer-related offences. Having been found guilty of four charges in November 2011, he was sentenced by the Criminal Court to four consecutive five-year terms, for a total of twenty years in prison. His death in prison during the first year of his sentence attracted national and international criticism, prompting a national discussion of Thailand's lèse majesté law.
Background.
Ampon married Rosmalin Tangnoppakul (; ). The two have two daughters, Porawan Chotphichit and Piyamat Tangnoppakul, and a certain number of sons. Ampon once earned his livelihood as a goods container driver. As his age and illness grew, especially following his mouth cancer surgery in 2007, he quit such work and cohabited with his wife in a rented house in Amphoe Mueang Samut Prakan, Changwat Samut Prakan, supporting himself by the money provided by his children and maintaining his grandchildren in return.
‘Uncles SMS’ Case.
Inquiry.
In mid-2010, Somkiat Khrongwattanasuk made a denunciation before the National Police Headquarters’ Technology-Related Offence Suppression Division (TROSD) that four short messages were sent to his mobile phone by an unknown person and their contents were likely to constitute an offence. The TROSD then set up an investigation team.
From the investigation, the team learned that Ampon owned the number from which the messages were sent, and successfully applied to the Criminal Court for a warrant of arrest on 29 July. Ampon was arrested at his rented house in Samut Prakan, and police seized three of his mobile phones together with their supplementary equipment. The Criminal Court placed Ampon in detention at the Khlong Prem Prison and turned down his relatives' request for provisional release. However, Ampon's relatives lodged a successful appeal with the Court of Appeal. Ampon was detained for sixty-three days prior to the release granted by the Court of Appeal on 4 October 2010.
Police Lieutenant General Tha-ngai Prasajaksatru, chief of the police team arresting Ampon, remarked that in the course of the inquiry, Ampon pleaded not guilty, but admitted that the exhibited mobile phones were his. He stated that he had not used them for a long time and did not know how to send a text message. Tha-ngai also said that he believes Ampon was a member of the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD) or Red Shirts, and that the Internal Security Operations Command has blacklisted him.
Prosecution.
On 18 January 2011, a public prosecutor filed a charge against Ampon before the Criminal Court. The charge stated that Ampon, using his mobile phone, sent four different short messages to Somkiat at different times:
The public prosecutor applied to the Criminal Court to impose on Ampon the penalties under the Criminal Code, section 112 (insulting or bringing into hatred or contempt the King and Queen), and the Act on Computer-Related Offences, BE 2550 (2007), section 14 (2) and (3) (bringing into a computer system certain forged or false information likely to jeopardise another person, the general public or national security).
The Criminal Court admitted the case for trial and assigned judges Chanathip Mueanphawong and Phatthrawan Songkamphon to the responsible chamber. The chamber examined evidence on 21 March and placed Ampon under detention again in the course of the trial, citing the reason that "The act against the King, Queen and Heir Apparent is of serious nature affecting the sentiment of all Thais." The defendant's relatives and counsel objected that the defendant was not likely to abscond but always complied with the court orders. They also argued that as he was ill, the detention would be detrimental to his health and ability to set up a defence, and would be contrary to the Constitution under which the right to provisional release is recognised. The objection was denied by the Criminal Court, as were all of the subsequent requests for his provisional release.
Trial and adjudication.
The Criminal Court held four hearings on 23, 27, 28 and 30 September 2011. The first three hearings covered the prosecution evidence, and the fourth, the defence evidence.
The public prosecutor introduced as witnesses Somkiat Khrongwatthanasuk, the police officers in charge of the investigation, two daughters of Ampon, and two mobile use information collectors from DTAC and True Move. The witnesses testified that Somkiat received four messages from an unknown number and then made a denunciation to the police, and that the police officers, having held an examination with the participation of the mobile phone service providers, believed that the number in question was owned by Ampon and its International Mobile Equipment Identity could not be falsified. In presenting his evidence, Ampon, still pleading not guilty, introduced his counsel and relatives as witnesses to prove his innocence as well as his loyalty and respect to the King and Queen. His lawyers focused on technical issues in his defence, demonstrating how a false phone number could have been created in Ampon's name.
The Criminal Court found that:
"The prosecutor could not expressly prove that the defendant sent the messages as mentioned in the charge ... but the grounds for his ability to introduce any eyewitness are the serious nature of the offence in question to such an extent that a person intending to commit it would conduct the commission in absence of others ... It needs to derive the guilt from the circumstantial evidence introduced by the prosecutor ... And every circumstance evidence adduced by the prosecutor could firmly, proximately and reasonably indicate all circumstances giving rise to an absolute belief that during the periods of time aforementioned, the defendant sent the four messages as accused ... Since the contents of the said messages are an insult and expression of malice aforethought towards Their Majesties the King and Queen, are defaming them in a manner likely to negatively affect their grace and bring them into hatred and contempt ... and are of false nature in contradiction to the fact already learnt by the people throughout the nation that Their Majesties are full of mercy ... the defendant is thus guilty as charged."
The Court held that the four messages constituted four acts concurrently in violation of the Criminal Code and the Act on Computer-Related Offences, BE 2550 (2007), and delivered a sentence only on a basis of the Criminal Code, the most serious law, that the Defendant was to be imprisoned for five years on account of each act (twenty years in total).
The judgment was pronounced on 23 November, through a videoconferencing system from the Criminal Court to the Khlong Prem Prison where Ampon was detained, as the 2011 flood prevented his personal appearance. The court took eighteen minutes to pronounce the judgment. Since the pronouncing could not be heard clearly, the penal officers sitting by the side of Ampon subsequently asked a court officer through the monitor what the court had said. The court officer merely answered: "Uncle, you'll be inside for twenty years."
"The Guardian" reported that Ampon's twenty-year sentence was the longest yet given under section 112.
Appeal.
Ampon filed an appeal against the judgment of the Criminal Court, and was detained pending appeal. He applied for a provisional release, but the Court of Appeal refused his application. He then lodged a final appeal with the Supreme Court of Justice against the Court of Appeal's order of refusal, but his final appeal was also turned down. Seeing no hope, he also gave up the appeal against the Criminal Court's judgment and sought a royal pardon instead, causing the judgment to be final in process. The Criminal Court issued a warrant of finality on 3 April 2012, at which time Ampon was subjected to imprisonment as sentenced. In the month preceding Ampon's death, he wrote from prison that he missed his wife and grandchildren but had "high hopes that I will get freedom soon".
Reactions.
The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights commented that the Criminal Code, section 112, and the law on computer-related offences were used in the name of the security protection to violate the freedom of expression, and called for a provisional release of Ampon in the course of the trial. The Delegation of the European Union to Thailand expressed its "deep concern" and urged the Thai authorities to end discrimination.
The conviction led Amnesty International to designate Ampon a prisoner of conscience, and to denounce his arrest as a "blow to freedom of expression". Human Rights Watch described Ampon's conviction as demonstrating "the misuse by successive Thai governments of laws intended to protect the monarchy" and called for the laws "be amended to prevent unnecessary restrictions on freedom of expression".
The Midnight University accused the Thai judiciary of failure to give Ampon a fair trial, saying that a "section 112" defendant always meets with obstructions from the beginning to the end of a case, especially when asking for a provisional release.
In ThaiPBS’s show "Reaching an Answer" on the topic "Uncle SMS and Section 112", aired on 12 December 2011, Phanat Thatsaniyanon, former dean of the Faculty of Law, Thammasat University and former Attorney General, said he was uncertain if justice could be done in the trial of "section 112" cases, especially when the proceedings are always carried out in curia. In the same show, commentator Nidhi Eoseewong stated that he was deeply moved by a long sentence imposed on an aged and ailing man, and remarked that "Justice does not float in the sky, but it does lie in the heart of the society in each period of time ... Many social movements in the 'Uncle SMS' case point out the change of Thai society's attitude on justice. A standard of justice which was once held by us has now been changed. In Ayutthaya period, Uncle SMS would be punished by having his mouth stuffed with ripe coconuts."
In his article "Uncle SMS has no compassion for his own crime", Sitthisak Wanachaikit, Court of Justice spokesperson, wrote that "According to the charge, the Defendant was sixty one. He was not too old to the extent requiring the care and support from another ... not as old as a grandpa ... No one would want to see a person, whose inborn trait is evil and who intends harm towards society, the chief institution of the Nation and the revered monarchy, getting off scot-free." As to why the court did not grant the benefit of the doubt to Ampon, Sitthisak answered: "When the public prosecutor who institutes the proceedings can exercise his burden of proof to the extent of bringing to light the evil intent of the defendant ... the defendant needs to be punished according to the gravity of the case." The spokesperson also described the acts for which Ampon was convicted as the "thin end of the wedge."
Death.
Cause of death.
In the morning of 8 May 2012, Ampon was found dead in the Khlong Prem Prison. The cause of death was initially unknown. Police Colonel Suchat Wong-a-nanchai, Director General of the Corrections Department, revealed that a penal officer informed him that Ampon had complained about a pain in his stomach on 3 May, and the officer delivered Ampon to the Penal Hospital the following day.
According to Thailand's Code of Criminal Procedure, Ampon's death, occurring whilst the deceased was in official custody, was an unnatural death and required an inquest. Thida Thavornseth, UDD leader, raised doubt in his death and took part in a postmortem inquiry held by the Ministry of Justice's Central Institute of Forensic Science (CIFS). She also requested the International Committee of the Red Cross to examine the standard of the Penal Hospital. On 9 May, the CIFS ruled that Ampon had died of cancer.
The police's postmortem inquiry was also held on 8 May by the Institute of Forensic Medicine, Police General Hospital. A forensic team headed by Police Major General Narongsak Saowakhon was in charge of the inquiry, in which several members of the Pheu Thai Party (PTP) also participated as observers. The next day, the Institute's spokesperson stated that the cause of Ampon's death was lung cancer which spread throughout his body and brought about heart failure.
On 16 May, a parliamentary committee stated its findings that Amphon's death could have been prevented if he had been given treatment and granted a release. A CIFS coroner confirmed that Ampon's liver cancer was still in a treatable stage at the time of his death, as it had not progressed to its final stage and did not extend over his heart.
Funeral protest.
On 9 May, Ampon's widow and children, accompanied by a number of UDD members and Chulalongkorn University (CU) lecturers, received Ampon's body from the CIFS and held a procession from there to the Criminal Court, carrying his coffin through downtown Bangkok. A funeral ceremony took place in front of the Criminal Court for one night, amidst a great number of the police officers stationed by the Court. Rosmalin stated that the goals of the protest were to reform the lèse majesté law and "allowing all of those who are sick to receive medical treatment".
The next day, the funeral procession proceeded from the Court to the National Assembly and to Wat Dan Samrong in Samut Prakan. Rosmalin announced that the funeral would continue for a full week. UDD members in other areas also held mourning ceremonies at the same time. Another rite was held in a Bangkok prison hospital on 7 August, 99 days after Ampon's death.
Reactions.
The international human rights community was critical of the Thai government following Ampon's death, with an Amnesty International spokesman stated that Ampon "had come to represent the enormous degree of injustice that was this lèse majesté law". The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) released a statement offering condolences on Ampon's death and criticizing the conditions of Thai detention centers as falling "far short of the UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners". The FIDH also called for an independent investigation into the circumstances of Ampon's death, a call echoed by the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC). The AHRC also called for the abolition of lèse majesté as a criminal offence, stating: "In the years since the coup on September 19, 2006, many people have paid a high price for alleged disloyalty to the monarchy, with sentences whose length is comparable to those for persons convicted of drug trafficking and murder. The death in custody of Amphon Tangnoppakul indicates that the price of loyalty is too high: a man has paid for four SMS messages with his life, and his family has paid with the loss of their husband, father and grandfather."
On 10 May, Sunai Chunlaphongsathon, PTP member of the House of Representatives, remarked that the death of Ampon should be an occasion to begin public discussion about fair trials in the "section 112" cases, and expressed his concerns over other accused in the similar cases. Despite the calls for reform by the red shirts, traditionally supporters of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, she insisted that her government would not seek to reform the law. On 16 May, the red shirts rallied before her offices in the Government House to call on her again to change the law.
Actress Bongkot Kongmalai expressed her happiness over Ampon's death in her Facebook status, describing it was his pāpa, generating a wave of criticism and causing her to delete the post. On 13 May, whilst traveling to Pattaya to make a film, the actress attracted a great number of UDD protesters, causing her team to cancel the filming and leave the city urgently.
In the renewed scrutiny on the case, Ampon's defence team faced heavy criticism in online forums, with some users accusing them of having deliberately lost the case to bring new attention to the lèse majesté law. Poonsuk Poonsukcharoen, one of Ampon's four lawyers, replied that the team had done their best, but acknowledged that their inexperience in lèse majesté law may have been a factor in Ampon's conviction.
U.K. MP Kerry McCarthy, a Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs, raised the issue of Ampon's death in the British Parliament, asking what action David Cameron's government intended to take in response.


Matiabag Palace

Matiabag Rajbari or Matiabag Palace is in Gauripur in Dhubri district of Assam. It is a beautiful palace at Matiabag hill and on bank of the Godadhar river. Because of this it is called Matiabag Rajbari. It was used as Hawakhana by the Royal family of Gauripur. It was used as residence by famous pre-independence era actor and director ("Devdas" movie famed) late Pramathesh Chandra Barua. It was the residence of Padmasree late Pratima Barua Pandey, the great Goalpariya Lokgeet singer (folk singer) and Parboti Barua, the Elephant Queen (also called Hasti kanya). The palace exhibits a unique structure and architecture in the region.
History.
As per people's belief, once Raja Pratap Chandra Barua (the then ruler of Gauripur) was hunting in the forest and saw a frog which was eating a snake. He was surprised to see this unnatural thing. Being a very strong devotee of Goddess Mahamaya, he believed that it was a message for him from Mahamaya. Afterward, he constructed a temple for Goddess Mahamaya and named the place as Gauripur after the alias "Gauri" of Mahamaya.
Transportation.
Driving distance from Dhubri to Gauripur is 9 km and from Guwahati to Gauripur is 261 km. The nearest railway station is at Dhubri. Well-connected airports are at Guwahati (261 km) and Bagdogra (226 km).


Sangha Tissa II of Anuradhapura

Sangha Tissa II was King of Anuradhapura in the 7th century, whose reign lasted the year 608. He succeeded his brother Aggabodhi II as King of Anuradhapura and was succeeded by Moggallana III.


Nineteen Martyrs of Aklan

The Nineteen Martyrs of Aklan (Filipino: "Labinsiyam na mga Martir ng Aklan"; Spanish: "Diecinueve mártires de Aklan") were Filipino patriots in Aklan, Capiz, Philippines (present-day Kalibo, Aklan) who were executed by musketry on March 23, 1897 at 2 am, for cooperating with the Katipunan during the Philippine Revolution against Spain.
History.
General Francisco del Castillo, a close associate of Andres Bonifacio. This Aklanon Katipunero was tasked by Bonifacio to establish Katipunan in Panay Island. On March 17, 1897, the young patriot, defender of liberty and leader of the Aklan revolutionists was killed by an assassin during a fight in the present-day Pastrana Park. The untimely death of Gen. del Castillo had signaled the end of the major struggle for freedom in Aklan. His close friends, assistants and soldiers were forced to give up arms, some due to the promise of receiving amnesty. These Nineteen Men, weak from hunger and thirst and racked with rain, were bound together and forced into a black hole of a stone cell on Amadeo Street (now Nineteen Martyrs Street) in Kalibo. Here their hands were manacled and a long bamboo pole was passed through their locked arms across their mangled backs. Then they were strung high up against the wall of the cell, with their backs to the firing line, and during the first hours of March 23, they were shot to death. The few who did not die instantly were bayoneted. That was a night of darkness and terror in Kalibo.
But such promise was quickly broken. So on the fateful day of March 23, 1897, the Martyrs of Aklan were executed.
Legacy.
On March 23, 1897, all 19 prisoners were summarily executed by a firing squad in the town square. Their bodies were hastily buried in a mass grave inside a cemetery. In 1910, the Municipal Council of Kalibo changed the name of Amadeo Street to 19 Martires Street.
By virtue of a Municipal Council resolution, the mortal remains of 19 martyrs were transferred to a mausoleum at its present site at corner D. Maagma Sr. (formerly El Provenir) and Acevedo (formerly Magalona) Streets on March 23, 1926. The 19 Martyrs Mausoleum was named to Aklan Freedom Shrine in 1960. On March 29, 2019, the National Historical Commission of the Philippines has declared the Aklan Freedom Shrine as a "national historical shrine". Thereafter, a historical marker on the Nineteen Martyrs of Aklan was unveiled on April 25, 2019 at the Aklan Freedom Shrine.
In order to commemorate the death anniversary of the 19 Martyrs of Aklan, Republic Act No. 7806 was made into law setting the 23rd day of March of every year as a special public holiday in the Province of Aklan. A former general himself, President Fidel V. Ramos let Republic Act 7806 lapsed into law without his signature. And on September 1, 1994, in accordance with Article VI, Sec. 27(1) of the Constitution became law.
On the 102nd martyrdom anniversary of the 19 Martyrs of Aklan on March 23, 2018, the National Historical Commission of the Philippines officially turned over to the Provincial Government of Aklan a tableau memorial in honor of the freedom heroes at the Goding Ramos Park.


Bankapura

Bankapura is a panchayat town in Haveri district in the state of Karnataka, India. It is in Shiggaon taluk, is just 2.5 km from the Pune-Bangalore national highway NH-4, 22 km from Haveri town. Bankapura is about 45 km from Hubli-Dharwad. An historical site, Bankapura is famous for the "Nagareshwara temple, Bankapura fort, The Bankapura Peacock Sanctuary". Baada, the birthplace of Kanakadasa is near to Bankapura.
Introduction.
There are more than 50 popular archaeological monuments in Haveri District like Siddeshwar temple Haveri and Galaganatheswar temple Galaganatha in Haveri taluk, Shiva temple in Chaudayyadanapura of Ranebennur, Tarakeshwar temple at Hangal.
History.
Under the "Chalukyas", many temples were built here, but during the invasion of Ali Adilshahi in about 1567 most of the temples were destroyed. A fort, now in ruins, at Bankapura houses the Ranganatha Nagareshwara temple, which has "66 pillars carved out of grey stone". There is also a mosque in the fort. The place is of historical significance to Jains. Adipuran, a Jain religious text was composed here.
Bankapura fort (454 AD), was ruled by "Kadamba of Banavasi, Gangas, Cholas, Rashtrakutas, Hoysalas, Chalukyas, Kings of Vijayanagar, Adilshahi of Bijapur, Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan".
During the 9th century, Bankapura was named after "Bankeyarasa" (in 898 CE) who was a feudatory of Rashtrakoota king Amoghavarsha I.
In the 11th century the Kadambas took over, followed by the Hoysalas king "Vishnuvardhana".
In the 16th century, the Bahamanis attacked Bankapur and Mustapha Khan of Bijapur annexed the fortress after
a pitched battle for more than a year. The Nawabs of Savanur and the Marathas ruled for a short duration before Hyder Ali and Tipu took possession. Later, Bankapura was ceded to the British.
In the Nagareshwara temple, at the entrance to the mukhamantapa, there are large clear inscriptions written in old Kannada.
It is known from history that the great poet of Kannada literature, Ranna, visited Bankapur to meet Ajithsenacharya, who became his teacher.
Bankapur Fort.
Inside the ruined Bankapura fort, conquered by the Bahamanis, there is a temple built by the Chalukyas known as "Aravattaru Kambada Gudi". Bankapura is an important historical place where many battles were fought by a succession of rulers. In spite of the vandalism the Nagareshwara temple remains ornate.
Nagareshwar temple.
The impressive Bankapur fort area has the eye catching 66 pillared Nagareshwar temple (locals call it as "Aravattu Kambada Gudi" - means "60 pillars temple" in Kannada) was built (in a depression to conceal it from invaders) in the 11th century in Chalukya style (in a depression). There are many well carved pillars. The fort area comprises of land of, which is reserved for the popularly known "Mayura Vana", the abode of the peacocks for three decades. As per the 16 inscriptions, has references to the history of this place, it was dedicated to Shiva. The temple also once it was a centre for study and research on Jainism. During rule of "Mustafa Khan" the temple, the back corners of the temple hall completely damaged including number of carvings in the exterior wall panels
but the pillars, the artistic carvings and the ceiling designs are intact.
The peacock sanctuary.
Ten-year-old Haveri has many distinct features, the district has the rare distinction of housing a "Black Buck Sanctuary" and a "Peacock Sanctuary", second only to the one in Uttarakhand. Bankapura is now considered as a conservation reserve for peacocks by the Government of India.
Demographics.
 India census, Bankapura had a population of 20,264. Males constitute 53% of the population and females 47%. Bankapur has an average literacy rate of 59%, lower than the national average of 59.5%; with 58% of the males and 42% of females literate. 14% of the population is under 6 years of age.


Timeline of the Xiongnu

This is a timeline of the Xiongnu, a nomadic people that dominated the ancient eastern Eurasian steppes from 209 BC to 89 AD. The Xiongnu settled down in northern China during the late 3rd century AD following the Three Kingdoms period, and founded several states lasting until the Northern Liang was conquered by the Xianbei Northern Wei in 439 AD.


Hidarnes I

Hidarnes I was a King of the Orontid Dynasty of Armenia, reigning in the end of the 6th century BC.
Hidarnes established the "Yervandakan" feast in the name of the Orontid Dynasty, which sounds in Armenian as "Yervanduni". The feast was dedicated to the Orontid Dynasty, Van city or, as it was called in those days, Yervandakan, Lake Van and Hayots Canion Gorge.


Virpur-Kherdi State

Kharedi-Virpur was a third class princely state in British India under Kathiawar Agency. It was ruled by Jadeja Rajput chiefs descended from the Nawanagar ruling family.
The state consisted of 13 villages covering an area of and with Virpur as its headquarters. Kharedi was a seat of rulers before the capital was shifted to Virpur. The state was known as Kharedi-Virpur. The town of Kalavad also was part of Kharedi-Virpur State.
History.
The house was founded in the later half of the 16th century by the Jadeja chief Bhanji Vibhaji, who subdued Kathis in the area and founded state of Virpur(RIP Jahh). Bhanji was son of Vibhaji Ravalji, the ruler of Nawanagar State, the 2nd Jam Sahib of Nawanagar who ruled Nawanagar from 1562 - 1569. The ruler's titled was Thakore Saheb. The last ruler was Shri Thakore Saheb Narendrasinhji Dilipsinhji jadeja of Virpur before Independence.


Singapore Improvement Trust

The Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT) is a former government organisation that was responsible for urban planning and urban renewal in Singapore. Formally established in 1927 under the Singapore Improvement Ordinance, it was modelled after similar organisations in India. The SIT initially carried out back-lane improvement schemes and ordering the demolition of buildings it deemed unsanitary for people to live in, but began constructing public housing from 1935. After 1945, the SIT initially focused its efforts on the repair of its residential developments, resuming construction of public housing in 1947, but it was unable to keep up with the demand for housing in Singapore. The SIT was also involved in the development of a "Master Plan", which set out Singapore's developmental direction, from 1952 to 1958. In the late 1950s, plans were set out to replace the SIT with two departments for housing and planning respectively, culminating in two bills that were passed in 1959. With the establishment of the successor organisations, the Housing and Development Authority and the Planning Authority, in 1960, the SIT was disestablished.
The SIT consisted of a Board of Trustees, two staffs, and additional workers to conduct maintenance work, along with an Estates Department, established in 1947, which handled the land and developments of the organisation. The SIT's projects were financed by the Improvement Rate, rent revenue and government loans, and assigned flats to applicants using a points system.
History.
Background.
In the early 20th century, Singapore was experiencing rapid expansion and development, and the local government was unable to handle significant town improvement schemes. A 1907 report by a public health commissioner called for back-lane improvement schemes, which had minimal effects on the surroundings, and such works were subsequently taken up by the municipal authorities. In a report by a housing commission in 1918, it was recommended that Singapore's urban planning be handled by a trust, similar to what had been done in India.
In light of these developments, the Singapore Improvement Trust was established as a department of the Municipal Commission in 1920, with Edwin Percy Richards as deputy chairman. Initially, the SIT carried out surveys of partially developed and undeveloped plots, surveys for road widening, and work on back lanes. Planning regarding urban renewal and housing schemes commenced in 1925. Nevertheless, the resources and powers provided to the SIT proved insufficient for it to carry out urban renewal, and a draft Town Improvement and Development bill that was to facilitate the SIT's work in town planning was rejected in 1924, leaving the position of the SIT unclear.
Establishment.
The SIT was formally established by the Singapore Improvement Ordinance, 1927. The purpose of the ordinance (signed into law on 1 July 1927), was "to provide for the Improvement of the Town and Island of Singapore". The Ordinance was applied to both the town and island of Singapore except for areas occupied by the British military. Upon its establishment, the SIT was tasked to prepare the "General Town Plan", using survey data to produce plans for different parts of Singapore, and which was frequently amended and updated.
The SIT soon started work on what was claimed by "The Straits Times" to be a model housing scheme at the Lavender Street—Serangoon Road intersection, and land clearance in Tiong Bahru. In addition, the SIT constructed parks and open spaces near densely populated areas, carried out planning for the expansion and construction of roads and back lanes, and marked out buildings that were not suitable to house people for demolition without compensating the owners. In 1931, the SIT carried out a scheme to construct houses for artisans in the Balestier Road area, in a bid to provide such workers sanitary and affordable residential facilities.
The 1930s and 1940s.
In 1935, the SIT declared several buildings at Bugis Street too unsanitary for people to live in and ordered them razed. The owners of the buildings disputed the order, bringing the case to the Supreme Court in January 1935, and to the Privy Council in 1937, with the SIT losing the case, so such declarations were no longer carried out.
In February 1935, the SIT started work on public housing in Tiong Bahru. The first flats were completed and occupied by December 1936, with additional buildings constructed through 1937. Additional flat construction schemes in New Bridge Road and Banda Street were initiated by 1937, and the SIT had completed around 2,000 flats by the time of the Japanese invasion.
By the end of the Japanese Occupation, the properties managed by the SIT were in extremely poor condition, owing to negligible upkeep being done under Japanese rule. Thus, the SIT spent the first few years after the Occupation refurbishing these properties. Checks were also conducted on the SIT flats to verify whether they were still occupied by their actual owners and to survey the damage to the buildings. Work on new housing was only initiated in April 1947, with the construction of a block of flats at Owen Road. The SIT also announced a $7 millon plan to build new housing in October 1947.
Nevertheless, the SIT's provision of housing had issues, with the rents for flats being unaffordable for the working class, as claimed by a "Malaya Tribune" reporter in March 1948, and the construction of flats proceeding far too slowly to keep up with demand, as noted by the SIT's acting manager in 1949.
In addition, the Singapore Housing Committee's report, released in 1948, called for the Government to take over the SIT to justify its spending of government monies, and for the production of a "Master Plan" setting out the path of Singapore's future development.
The 1950s and dissolution.
In 1952, the SIT began work on a Master Plan for Singapore, which was submitted to the Singapore government for approval in 1955. This plan made several recommendations regarding the zoning and transport infrastructure in Singapore, such as an improved road network and the construction of new towns that could function separately from the city. The Master Plan was shown to the public in 1956, and was implemented from 1958, guiding land use and development in Singapore over the following years.
With the SIT's focus on housing, it was no longer able to carry out significant urban renewal. Moreover, the clearance of kampongs on SIT land to facilitate the construction of housing was hampered by the opposition of the kampong residents, due to reasons such as the high rental cost or the undesirable location of flats offered by the SIT as compensation, along with more aggressive opposition by secret society members, resulting in the failure of clearance efforts at Kampong Henderson and Covent Garden in the mid and late 1950s respectively.
In 1955, the Committee on Local Government recommended that the SIT be scrapped, and housing be handled by an agency managed by a government-appointed board. Consequently, by June 1956, plans had been set in motion to transfer the SIT's housing and planning responsibilities to a dedicated agency and the Ministry of Local Government Lands and Housing respectively. Two bills, the Housing and Development Bill and the Planning Bill, regarding the formation of a Housing and Development Authority and a Planning Authority in place of the SIT, were read to the Legislative Assembly in 1958, and were passed by January 1959.
With the passing of the two bills, two ordinances, the Planning Ordinance and the Housing and Development Ordinance, took effect in February 1960, establishing the two successor authorities, and the SIT ceased operations on 1 February 1960.
Organisational structure.
The SIT was composed of a Board of Trustees, a Senior Staff with 24 officers, a Subordinate Staff, which contained more than 200 personnel, as well as around 300 additional workers, who acted as supervisors or carried out maintenance. Initially, the Board had nine trustees, four of which were appointed either by the Governor or from the Rural Board or City Council to three year terms, while the other five were ex officio trustees. In order to provoke more interest in housing issues, an additional two nominated trustees were added in 1938, bringing the total number of trustees to eleven.
With the expansion of the SIT's housing schemes in the late 1940s, an Estates Department was set up in 1947 to take care of the properties of the organisation. Initially made up of eleven staff, the department experienced yearly expansion to cope with the increase in housing construction, and had 70 personnel by 1952. The department's responsibilities included the management of land owned by the SIT and tenancies, in addition to property management. The SIT was reorganised into 3 departments, the Buildings, Planning and Management departments, in November 1959.
A housing register was also set up in 1947 to handle the allocation of new flats, but owing to overwhelming demand for flats, allocation was shifted over to a points system by the end of 1947. This points system took into account factors such as overcrowding and family size.
For funding, the SIT initially relied mainly on the Improvement Rate, funds from the government and rental incomes. The Improvement Rate was a fee imposed on all properties in Singapore as part of the Improvement Ordinance, and has a value equivalent to a percentage of the property's annual value. The funds provided by the government to the SIT were of equivalent value to the SIT's earnings from the Improvement Rate. Nevertheless, by the late 1940s, the funds from these sources were insufficient to cover the costs of the housing projects that the SIT was undertaking, so loans were taken from the government to cover the increased expenditure.


Church of Saint Euphemianos, Lysi

The church of St. Euphemianos (, ) is a small medieval church (located at 35° 5'8.70"N 33°39'53.00"E), about 2 km to the southwest of the village of Lysi in the Famagusta district of Cyprus. It is a very small, single-dome, stone building and the interior is decorated with frescoes dating back to the 13th and 14th centuries.
Dedication.
The inscription on the bottom of the arch indicates that the temple was dedicated by Lavrentios, monk and abbot of St. Andronikos Monastery, to “St. Themonianos”, a local saint. The inscription reads (in Greek):
The name St. Themonianos mentioned in the inscription is almost certainly a corruption on the name of St. Euphemianos, a local 12th-century saint who led an ascetic life in a cave near the village of Lefkoniko in the plain of Masaoria, and was one of "three hundred" Palestinian refugees who fled to Cyprus during the Arab persecutions against the Christians. Other variations on the name include Phenianos (Φηνιανός), Thymianos (Θυμιανός), or Thomianos (Θωμιανός). The church itself was colloquially known to the local villagers as St. Phenianos (Άις Φηνιανός). Technically, the Church of St. Euphemianos is a chapel, due to its diminutive size and the fact that it was not the main church of Lysi, there was no priest assigned to it, and services were only held there on special occasions. Before the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974, thousands would visit the church on the Saint’s feast day on November 14.
Dome and Byzantine frescoes.
The dome of the church is decorated with a fresco showing Christ Pantocrator, the 'All sovereign'. Surrounding the figure of Christ is a double row of angels moving towards the Hetoimasia or empty throne prepared by God the Father for the Second Coming of Christ. The throne is guarded by the Archangel Michael and Archangel Gabriel and two seraphim. The Virgin Mary leads one line of angels to the throne, while John the Baptist leads the other. In the apse, the Virgin is depicted as flanked by the two archangels with a medallion on her breast of the infant Christ, symbolizing the Incarnation of Christ.
The frescoes within the church were maintained in good condition and in 1972 maintenance was undertaken by the Department of Antiquities of Cyprus. Following the 1974 Turkish invasion the frescos were removed, sometime between 1974 and the spring of 1983. The dome fresco with Christ Pantokrator and an apse depicting the Virgin Mary were cut into 38 pieces, and shipped to Germany by Aydın Dikmen, the Turkish art dealer and notorious smuggler, who claimed they originated from an abandoned church in southern Turkey, and prepared to sell them into the European art market. The Department of Antiquities of Cyprus was able to show that the murals were forcibly removed from the church of St. Euphemianos and following lengthy negotiations, it was agreed that ownership of the murals belongs to the Orthodox Church of Cyprus. The 38 fresco fragments were bought by the Houston-based Menil Foundation on behalf of the Greek Orthodox Church of Cyprus, the rightful owner of the frescoes. The Menil Foundation then funded a careful restoration of the paintings. A February 1992 agreement signed by the Church of Cyprus and the Menil Foundation specified that the Menil Foundation will take care of the frescoes and cover the ongoing costs of conservation in exchange for the right to present the frescoes for a period of twenty years, concluding in February 2012.
The Foundation opened the Byzantine Fresco Chapel in 1997, a purpose-built home for the frescoes designed by architect François de Menil. The Byzantine Fresco Chapel also serves as the space for exhibition of the frescoes which are the only intact Byzantine frescoes of this size and importance to be found anywhere in the entire western hemisphere.
On September 23, 2011 the Church of Cyprus and The Menil foundation announced that they had reached an agreement for the repatriation of the frescoes to Cyprus upon the expiration of the loan agreement in February 2012.


Hlaing Hteik Khaung Tin

Thiri Thu Myatswa Yadana Dewi (, ; born Ma Phwar; 1833 – 1875), commonly known as the Princess of Hlaing () or Hlaing Hteik Khaung Tin (), was a crown princess of Burma during the late Konbaung dynasty.
She was a poet and musician as well as being known for her beauty. She created a style of popular song known as the "bawle" and wrote court dramas such as "Vijayakārī" and "Indavaṃsa".
Early life.
Ma Phwar was born in 1833 to the future King Tharrawaddy and Anauk Nanmadaw Ma Mya Lay. When her father ascended the throne, her mother became the Queen of the Western Palace, and Phwar was granted the appanage of Hlaing. She then became known as the Princess of Hlaing. At the Rajabiseka Consecration of her father in 1840, she received the title of Thiri Thu Myatswa Yadana Dewi from him.
She was said to have inherited her artistic skill from her mother, who was also a poet. When Anauk Nanmadaw Ma Mya Lay was executed by King Tharrawaddy in 1845, their daughter was adopted by Setkya Dewi, who later became the Chief Queen of King Mindon.
Later years.
The Princess of Hlaing married Crown Prince Kanaung on 11 July 1853, at the age of 20, and gave birth to a son known as the Prince of Htantabin. Her husband was assassinated during the unsuccessful Myingun Myinkhondaing rebellion of 1866, and her son was executed in 1878. She died on 31 December 1875.
Art.
Bawle and patpyoe.
The Princess of Hlaing is regarded as the first composer of a kind of plaintive song known as the "bawle". Popular "bawles" include "Seinchu Kya-nyaung", "Naga Saddan" and "Pandusela". She also composed a type of classical music set to drums called the "patpyoe". "Yayyamone", a combination of three traditional lullabies, is her best known "patpyoe".
Court drama.
The Princess of Hlaing wrote two court dramas: "Vijayakārī" and "Indavaṃsa". The full script of "Vijayakārī" is no longer available; only the fourth volume has survived.


Aswagen

Aswagen (also spelled Arsvaghen) was the eight Arsacid king of Caucasian Albania from approximately 415 and 440. He ordered Mesrop Mashtots to create the Caucasian Albanian alphabet. He was married to the sister of Yazdegerd II. He was succeeded by his son Vache II.


Shiv Singh Malla

Shiv Singh Malla or Shiv Sing Malla, also known as Bir Singh Malla, was the forty-second king of the Mallabhum. He ruled from 1370 to 1407 CE.
History.
Shiv Singh Malla was another important king of the Mallabhum. During his time music had got an important position.


Politics of Pakistan

The politics of Pakistan () takes place within the framework established by the constitution. The country is a federal parliamentary republic in which provincial governments enjoy a high degree of autonomy and residuary powers. Executive power is vested with the national cabinet which is headed by the prime minister (Imran Khan; 2018-), who works coherently along with the bicameral parliament and the judicature. Stipulations set by the constitution provide a delicate check and balance of sharing powers between executive, legislative, and judicial branches of the government.
The head of state is the president who is elected by the electoral college for a five-year term. Arif Alvi is currently the president of Pakistan (2018-). The president was a significant authority until the 18th amendment, passed in 2010, stripped the presidency of its major powers. Since then, Pakistan has been shifted from a Semi-presidential system to a purely parliamentary government. Since the amendment, the president's powers include the grant to pardon, and the ability to suspend or moderate any sentence passed by any court or authority.
The Government consists of three branches: executive, legislative and judicial. The Executive branch consists of the Cabinet and is led by the Prime Minister. It is totally independent of the legislative branch that consists of a bicameral parliament. The Upper House is the Senate whilst the National Assembly is the lower house. The Judicial branch forms with the composition of the Supreme Court as an apex court, alongside the high courts and other inferior courts. The judiciary's function is to interpret the Constitution and federal laws and regulations.
Pakistan is a multiparty democracy where several political parties compete for seats in the National and Provincial assemblies. However, as an aftermath of the Fall of Dhaka in 1971, a two-party system was inculcated between the Peoples Party and Muslim League. There has also been a sharp rise in the popularity of centrist parties such that PML-Q and PTI. The Military establishment has played an influential role in the country's politics. From 1950s to 2000s, several coups were staged that overthrew democratic regimes. However, after the resignation of President Pervez Musharraf in 2008, a sharp line has been drawn between the Military and politics and Pakistan is moving closer to becoming a liberal democracy.
Executive branch.
The president of Pakistan, in keeping with the constitutional provision that the state religion is Islam, must be a Muslim. Elected for a five-year term by an Electoral College consisting of members of the Senate and National Assembly and members of the provincial assemblies, the president is eligible for re-election. But no individual may hold the office for more than two consecutive terms. The president may resign or be impeached and may be removed from office due to incapacity or gross misconduct by a two-thirds vote of the members of the parliament. The president generally acts on the advice of the prime minister but has important residual powers.
One of the most important of these powers—a legacy of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq—is the president's power to dissolve the National Assembly "in his discretion where, in has arisen in which the Government of the Federation cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and an appeal to the electorate is necessary." This power has twice been granted —by the Eighth Amendment in 1985 and by the Seventeenth Amendment in 2003—and has twice been revoked—by the Thirteenth Amendment in 1997 and by the Eighteenth Amendment in 2010. Despite this most recent power-stripping, the President remains the "ex officio" chair of the National Security Council, as per the National Security Act 2004.
The prime minister is appointed by the members of the National Assembly through a vote. The prime minister is assisted by the Federal Cabinet, a council of ministers whose members are appointed by the president on the advice of the prime minister. The Federal Cabinet comprises the ministers, ministers of state, and advisers. As of early 1994, there were thirty-three ministerial portfolios: commerce; communications; culture; defence; defence production; education; environment; finance and economic affairs; food and agriculture; foreign affairs; health; housing; information and broadcasting; interior; Kashmiri affairs and Northern Areas; law and justice; local government; minority affairs; narcotics control; parliamentary affairs; petroleum and natural resources production; planning and development; railways; religious affairs; science and technology; social welfare; special education; sports; state and frontier regions; tourism; water and power; women's development; and youth affairs.
Legislative branch.
The bicameral federal legislature consists of the Senate (upper house) and National Assembly (lower house). According to Article 50 of the Constitution, the National Assembly, the Senate and the President together make up a body known as the Majlis-e-Shoora (Council of Advisers).
Pakistan's democracy has no recall method. However, past governments have been dismissed for corruption by the President's invocation of Article 58 of the Constitution. The President's power to dismiss the Prime Minister and dissolve the National Assembly was removed by the Thirteenth Amendment and partially restored by the Seventeenth Amendment.
Senate.
The Senate is a permanent legislative body with equal representation from each of the four provinces, elected by the members of their respective provincial assemblies. There are representatives from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and from Islamabad Capital Territory. The chairman of the Senate, under the constitution, is next in line to act as president should the office become vacant and until such time as a new president can be formally elected. Both the Senate and the National Assembly can initiate and pass legislation except for finance bills. Only the National Assembly can approve the federal budget and all finance bills. In the case of other bills, the president may prevent passage unless the legislature in joint sitting overrules the president by a majority of members of both houses present and voting. Unlike the National Assembly, the Senate cannot be dissolved by the President.
National Assembly.
Members of the National Assembly are elected by universal adult suffrage (formerly twenty-one years of age and older but the seventeenth amendment changed it to eighteen years of age.). Seats are allocated to each of the four provinces, the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, and Islamabad Capital Territory on the basis of population. National Assembly members serve for the parliamentary term, which is five years, unless they die or resign sooner, or unless the National Assembly is dissolved. Although the vast majority of the members are Muslim, about 5 percent of the seats are reserved for minorities, including Christians, Hindus, and Sikhs. Elections for minority seats are held on the basis of separate electorates at the same time as the polls for Muslim seats during the general elections. There are also 50+ special seats for women now, and women are selected (i.e. not directly elected in the general election but given representation according to how their parties performed in the general election) on these seat by their party head:
Judicial branch.
The judiciary includes the Supreme Court, provincial high courts, District & sessions Courts, Civil and Magistrate courts exercising civil and criminal jurisdiction. Some federal and provincial courts and tribunals such as Services court, Income tax & excise court, Banking court and Boards of Revenue's Tribunals are as well established in all provinces.
Supreme Court.
In reference of ARTICLE 175 (A) APPOINTMENT OF JUDGES
The Supreme Court has original, appellate, and advisory jurisdiction.
(1) There shall be a Judicial Commission of Pakistan, hereinafter in this Article referred to as the Commission, for appointment of Judges of the Supreme Court, High Courts and the Federal Shariat Court, as hereinafter provided.
(2) For appointment of Judges of the Supreme Court, the Commission shall consist of---
(i) Chief Justice of Pakistan; Chairman
(ii) [four] most senior Judges of the Supreme Court;Member
(iii) a former Chief Justice or a former Judge of the Supreme Court of Pakistan to be nominated by the Chief Justice of Pakistan, in consultation with the [four] member Judges, for a term of two years; Member
(iv) Federal Minister for Law and Justice;Member
(v) Attorney-General for Pakistan; and Member
(vi) a Senior Advocate of the Supreme Court of Pakistan nominated by the Pakistan Bar Council for a term of two years.
(3) Now withstanding anything contained in clause (1) or clause (2), the President shall appoint the most senior Judge of the Supreme Court as the Chief Justice of Pakistan.
The chief justice and judges of the Supreme Court may remain in office until age sixty-five: now 68 years and this is also another clause of seventeenth amendment.
Federal Shariat Court of Pakistan.
The Federal Shariat Court (FSC) of Pakistan is a court which has the power to examine and determine whether the laws of the country comply with Shari'a law. It consists of 8 Muslim judges appointed by the President of Pakistan after consulting the Chief Justice of this Court, from amongst the serving or retired judges of the Supreme Court or a High Court or from amongst persons possessing the qualifications of judges of a High Court. Of the eight judges, three are required to be Ulema who are well versed in Islamic law. The judges hold office for a period of three years, which may eventually be extended by the President.
Appeal against its decisions lie to the Shariat Appellate Bench of the Supreme Court, consisting of three Muslim judges of the Supreme Court and two Ulema, appointed by the President. If any part of the law is declared to be against Islamic law, the government is required to take necessary steps to amend such law appropriately.
The court also exercises revisional jurisdiction over the criminal courts, deciding Hudood cases. The decisions of the court are binding on the High Courts as well as subordinate judiciary. The court appoints its own staff and frames its own rules of procedure.
Ever since its establishment in 1980, the Federal Shariat Court of Pakistan has been the subject of criticism and controversy in the society. Created as an islamisation measure by the military regime and subsequently protected under the controversial 8th Amendment, its opponents question the very rationale and utility of this institution. It is stated that this court merely duplicates the functions of the existing superior courts and also operates as a check on the sovereignty of Parliament. The composition of the court, particularly the mode of appointment of its judges and the insecurity of their tenure, is taken exception to, and it is alleged, that this court does not fully meet the criterion prescribed for the independence of the judiciary. That is to say, it is not immune to pressures and influences from the Executive.
In the past, this court was used as a refuge for the recalcitrant judges. And whereas some of its judgments, particularly the ones which relying on the Islamic concept of equity, justice and fair play, expanded and enlarged the scope and contents of individual's rights were commended, others that tend to restrict the rights of women, are severely criticised and deplored.
Provincial and High Courts.
In every province, there is one High Court. Currently all four provinces Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan have High courts, respectively called Lahore High Court, Sindh High Court, Peshawar High Court, and Balochistan High Court. After the approval of 18th Constitutional Amendment in April 2010, a new High court is established at Federal Capital Islamabad with the name of Islamabad High Court. In 18th Amendment, judges appointments are proposed by a Parliamentary Commission. Judges of the provincial high courts were, previously appointed (The seventeenth amendment give these powers to the president, previously Prime minister exercised them) by the president after consultation with the chief justice of the Supreme Court, as well as the governor of the province and the chief justice of the high court to which the appointment is being made. High courts have original and appellate jurisdiction.
In addition, there are special courts and tribunals to deal with specific kinds of cases, such as drug courts, commercial courts, labour courts, traffic courts, an insurance appellate tribunal, an income tax appellate tribunal, and special courts for bank offences. There are also special courts to try terrorists. Appeals from special courts go to high courts except for labour and traffic courts, which have their own forums for appeal. Appeals from the tribunals go to the Supreme Court.
Ombudsman/Mohtasib.
A further feature of the judicial system is the office of Mohtasib (Ombudsman), which is provided for in the constitution. The office of Mohtasib was established in many early Muslim states to ensure that no wrongs were done to citizens. Appointed by the president, the Mohtasib holds office for four years; the term cannot be extended or renewed. The Mohtasib's purpose is to institutionalise a system for enforcing administrative accountability, through investigating and rectifying any injustice done to a person through maladministration by a federal agency or a federal government official. The Mohtasib is empowered to award compensation to those who have suffered loss or damage as a result of maladministration. Excluded from jurisdiction, however, are personal grievances or service matters of a public servant as well as matters relating to foreign affairs, national defence, and the armed services. This institution is designed to bridge the gap between administrator and citizen, to improve administrative processes and procedures, and to help curb misuse of discretionary powers.
Pakistan has been ruled by both democratic and military governments. The first decade was marred with political unrest and instability, with frequent collapses of civilian democratic governments that eventually led to the 1958 military coup. Since 1947 till present now, Pakistan has been governed by various of both right-wing conservative governments and left-wing socialistic oriented governments, while neither far-right and far-left had failed to achieve enough majority to claim the exclusive mandate. From 1947 to 1958 as many as seven Prime Ministers of Pakistan either resigned or were ousted. On 7 October 1958 Pakistan's civilian and first President Iskander Mirza in collaboration with General Mohammad Ayub Khan abrogated Pakistan's constitution and declared Martial Law.
General Ayub Khan was the president from 1958 to 1969, and General Yahya Khan from 1969 to 1971, Chief Justice Habib Khan Marvath elected first Chairman Senate of Pakistan. Civilian, yet socialist-oriented autocratic, rule continued from 1972 to 1977 under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, but he was deposed by General Zia-Ul-Haq. General Zia was killed in a plane crash in 1988, after which Benazir Bhutto, daughter of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was elected as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. She was the youngest woman ever to be elected the Head of Government and the first woman to be elected as the Head of Government of a Muslim country. Her government was followed by that of Nawaz Sharif, and the two leaders alternated until the military coup by General Pervez Musharraf in 1999. From the resignation of President Rafiq Tarar in 2001, to his own resignation in 2008, Musharraf was the President of Pakistan. In 2008, Asif Ali Zardari was elected president.
Form of Government.
Officially a federal republic, Pakistan has had a long history of alternating periods of electoral democracy and authoritarian military government. Military presidents include General Ayub Khan in the 1960s, General Zia ul Haq in the 1980s, and General Pervez Musharraf from 1999. However, a majority of Pakistan's Heads of State and Heads of Government have been elected civilian leaders. General elections were held in October 2002. After monitoring the elections, the Commonwealth Observer Group stated in conclusion:
On 22 May 2004, the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group re-admitted Pakistan into the Commonwealth, formally acknowledging its progress in returning to democracy.
Kashmir in Pakistani politics.
Kashmir(Azad Kashmir)has its own constitution, the Azad Jammu and Kashmir Interim Constitution Act of 1974, and a locally chosen parliamentary form of government, as described above. The constitution allows for many of the structures that comprise a self-governing state, including a legislative assembly elected through periodic elections, a prime minister who commands the majority in the assembly, an indirectly elected president, an independent judiciary, and local government institutions.
However, an override exists in the form of Section 56 of the Jammu and Kashmir Interim Constitution Act (which was drafted by the Federal Ministries of Law and Kashmir Affairs in Islamabad), the Pakistani government can dismiss any elected government in Azad Kashmir irrespective of the support it may enjoy in the AJK Legislative Assembly. The Interim Constitution Act provides for two executive forums—the Azad Kashmir Government in Muzaffarabad and the Azad Kashmir Council in Islamabad.
The latter body, presided over by the Prime Minister of Pakistan, exercises paramount authority over the AJK Legislative Assembly, which cannot challenge decisions of the council. The council is under the numerical control of the federal government in Islamabad, as in addition to the Pakistani prime minister it comprises six other federal ministers, the minister of Kashmir affairs as the ex-officio member, the prime minister of Azad Kashmir, and six Azad Kashmir members elected by the Legislative Assembly.38 The interim constitution act lists fifty-two subjects—virtually everything of any importance—that are under the jurisdiction of the Azad Kashmir Council, which has been described as the “supra power” by the Azad Kashmir High Court. Its decisions are final and not subject to judicial review.
Thus, Azad Kashmir remains for all intents and purposes under Pakistan's strict control, exercising no real sovereignty of its own. From the outset, the institutional set up in the territory was designed to ensure Pakistan's control of the area's affairs. According to the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) 39 resolutions, Azad Kashmir is neither a sovereign state nor a province of Pakistan, but rather a “local authority” with responsibility over the area assigned to it under the current 2003 ceasefire line agreement. 40 The “local authority” or Provisional government of Azad Kashmir as established in October 1947 handed over to Pakistan under the Karachi Agreement of 28 April 1949, matters related to defence, foreign affairs, negotiations with the UNCIP and coordination of all affairs relating to Gilgit and Baltistan (strategically important territories that now comprise Pakistan's “Northern Areas”).
Provincial Governments.
Pakistan is subdivided into four provinces, one territory, and one capital territory. Each province has a Provincial Assembly, a directly elected legislature. Members are elected for five-year terms. Each Assembly elects a Chief Minister, who then selects the ministers of his or her cabinet.
Local Governments.
Pakistan's provinces are divided into districts called "zillas" in local languages (counterpart to a county in US or UK terminology). A "zilla" is further subdivided into "tehsils" (roughly equivalent to a borough in an integrated multi-tier (federated) systemic context, such as the one to be found in Montreal (Canada, 2002) and Birmingham (UK, 2001 announcement) or known as arrondissements in French context. Tehsils may contain town or municipalities. Pakistan's system is the one that applies an integrated federated systemic framework most comprehensively, so far.
This methodology is not new to the region, as it is similar to what is referred to as the old Panchayat Raj system in India that was introduced by Britain during the colonial era. In the 1890s Britain had become the first nation to adapt the two-tier administrative framework of revolutionary Paris (1790) onto pre-existing parish councils in the urban context (London) and into three tiers in the rural context (county, district, parish councils). In India it was implemented in some regions and not others; and then allowed to lie fallow. It got new life after the very successful West Bengal revival in the 1970s, which eventually inspired the 1990s Constitutional Amendment making it national policy.
The main difference is that Pakistan is the only country with an urban framework, as well, in the region today; and Pakistan's system has common-representational framework between tiers (as Montreal and Birmingham also have in two-tier context—even though Birmingham is working on implementing a three-tier system); and, it has a bottom-up representational framework like the Canadian example. Pakistan had the only three-tier integrated bottom-up common-representational local government system, until it was adapted for another country in 2003. UK, the country which first introduced this methodology in the region, also has the urban examples of London and Birmingham (being implemented in the post-2001 era by building on steps first introduced in the 1980s); as does France (where largest cities and smaller units have created such frameworks either by devolution (Marseilles and Lyon, in addition to Paris) or by integration of neighbouring units (such as the Nantes region pursuant to the Marcellin Act of the 1970s); and Canada.
This methodology is being increasingly adapted, as it delivers greater systemic productivity, being a more inclusive framework that provides greater regional integration. In the US, the seven county Twin Cities (MN) regional system and Portland (OR) Metro are both the most integrated US examples; but, also those often cited in the US for what they have achieved. These US examples — with their multi-county framework — are similar to what is in place in France after regional unit introduction (making France have a three-tier systemic framework also in the Commune (municipal/lowest tier local unit), Department (county), Regional unit context). Multi-county frameworks are suitable for a very suburbanised system like in the US. After France and Britain, the Indian colony of Britain was the third region to see this methodology implemented.
There are over five thousand local governments in Pakistan. Since 2001, the vast majority of these have been led by democratically elected local councils, each headed by a "Nazim" (mayor or supervisor.) Council elections are held every four years.
Foreign relations.
Pakistan is the second largest Muslim country in terms of population, and its status as a declared nuclear power, being the only Muslim nation to have that status, plays a part in its international role. It is also an active member of the United Nations. Historically, its foreign policy has encompassed difficult relations with India, a desire for a stable Afghanistan, long-standing close relations with the People's Republic of China, extensive security and economic interests in the Persian Gulf and wide-ranging bilateral relations with the United States and other Western countries. Pakistan is also an important member of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Pakistan has used the OIC as a forum for Enlightened Moderation, its plan to promote a renaissance and enlightenment in the Islamic world.
Wary of Soviet expansion, Pakistan had strong relations with both the United States of America and the People's Republic of China during much of the Cold War.
It was a member of the CENTO and SEATO military alliances. Its alliance with the United States was especially close after the Soviets invaded the neighbouring country of Afghanistan.
In 1964, Pakistan signed the Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD) Pact with Turkey and Iran, when all three countries were closely allied with the U.S., and as neighbours of the Soviet Union, wary of perceived Soviet expansionism. To this day, Pakistan has a close relationship with Turkey. RCD became defunct after the Iranian Revolution, and a Pakistani-Turkish initiative led to the founding of the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) in 1985. Pakistan's relations with India have improved recently and this has opened up Pakistan's foreign policy to issues beyond security. This development might completely change the complexion of Pakistan's foreign relations.
Pakistan joined Non-Aligned Movement in 1979.
Involvement of foreigners with Pakistani politics and politicians.
At times there have been claims of foreigners getting very close to Pakistani political leaderships and deep state dispensations and have had possible indirect influential roles. Nahid Iskander Mirza (1919-2019), also cousin to Nusarat Bhutto, who was allegedly the wife of a military attaché at the Iranian embassy in Pakistan, married Iskander Mirza, erstwhile president of Pakistan and claimed to have been instrumental in meeting out boundary concessions to Iran. American socialite Joanne Herring an American socialite is widely believed to have influenced General Zia Ul Haq's foreign policies. Since the 2010s another American socialite Cynthia D. Ritchie claims her close association with Pakistani establishment.
New political map.
On 4 August 2020, Prime Minister Imran Khan unveiled a "new political map" of Pakistan which shows the whole Kashmir region (excluding areas of Kashmir under Chinese control) and the state of Junagadh as Pakistani territory.