Youth Pledge Museum

The Youth Pledge Museum is a historic museum of the independence struggle of the Republic of Indonesia. It is located in Jalan Kramat Raya No.106, Central Jakarta and managed by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism. This museum is open for public, every Tuesday until Friday from 08.00 until 15.00, every Saturday and Sunday from 08.00-14.00 Western Indonesian Time, and every Monday and national holiday, this museum is closed for public.
This museum has a collection of photos and objects related to the history of 1928 Youth Pledge, as well as the activities in the movement of the national youth of Indonesia. The Youth Pledge Museum was established based on the governor decree of the Special Administrative Region of Jakarta in 1972 and has become a national heritage object.
History.
The building on Jalan Kramat Raya 106, the place where the Youth Pledge("Sumpah Pemuda)" was read, is a boarding house for students who initially was "the use of rights of the building are held by Sie Kong Liong.
In this building owned by the DKI government, there have been several movement figures, such as
Since 1925 the Kramat building 106 became a boarding house which combined into Jong Java. Mostly Sekolah Pendidikan Dokter Hindia aka Stoviadan from the school of law RHS. Jong Java activist rent a 460-meter square building it's because of the previous contract at Kwitang too narrow to hold an scouting activities, political discussion and Javanese art rehearsal. Members of Jong Java and other students call this building "Langen Siswo."
Since 1926, the resident of the building are increasingly diverse. Most of them are youth activist from various areas. The activities of the resident of the building are also increasingly diverse. Besides the arts, students in this building are also active in scouting and sports. This building also became the headquarters of Perhimpunan Pelajar-pelajar Indonesia (PPPI), which was established on September 1926, after the first youth congress.The rented occupants, under the umbrella of PPPI, often invited public figures such as Bung Karno to discussed. The students rented that building with a tariff of 12.5 gulden per person every month, or equivalent to 40 liters of rice at that time. They have workers that took care of the house known as Bang Salim.
The Dutch East Indies government always watching over tightly the activities of the youth meeting. The government admittedly citizens above 18 years old held a meeting and gathering. But time will tell to apply "vergader-verbod "or restriction to hold a meeting, because it is against the government. Every meeting must have approval from the police. After that, the meeting will be on full surveillance by the "Politieke Inlichtingen Dienst" (PID), sort of political intelligence agency. This house of 106 is also always in the intelligence service, including the third meeting of the second Youth Congress.
In this building also appeared the Indonesia Raya magazine, managed by PPPI. Because of the frequent use of national youth activities, the residents named this building the Indonesische Clubhuis, the official place for the national youth meetings. Since 1927, they installed the building's nameplate in front. Even Though Governor General H.J. de Graff is running iron hand politics.
The Youth activities were transferred to Jalan Kramat 156 after the occupants of Kramat 106 did not continue their rent in 1934. That building was then rented to Pang Tjem Jam as a residence in 1937-1951. After that, the building was rented again by Loh Jing Tjoe, who used it as a flower shop and hotel. The Kramat 106 building was rented by the Customs and Excise Inspectorate for offices in 1951 - 1970.
In 1968, Sunario took the initiative to gather the history of the Sumpah Pemuda, and asked the Governor of DKI to manage and return the building in Kramat Raya 106 to which Sie Kong Liang had "the right to build" but had expired to its original form. This place was agreed to become the Youth Oath Building, but the proposal to change the name of the Kramat Raya street to the Youth Oath Road has not been reached.
The Kramat 106 building was once restored by the DKI Jakarta Regional Government on 3 April-20 May 1973 and was inaugurated by the Governor of DKI Jakarta, Ali Sadikin, on 20 May 1973 as the Sumpah Pemuda Building. This building was again inaugurated by President Soeharto on May 20, 1974. In the course of history, the Sumpah Pemuda Building was once managed by the Regional Government of DKI Jakarta, and is currently managed by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism.
Collection and layout of the exhibition.
Collection.
As a special museum, this museum collection consists of collections related to the Sumpah Pemuda event. In 2007, the total collection amounted to 2,867 collections, of which the main collection was Gedung Kramat 106 which was the planned site and held the Second Youth Congress, October 27–28, 1928. This building was divided into the main building and pavilion. The main building consists of a front porch, a living room, 5 rooms, and an open space or meeting room. While the pavilion building has 2 rooms.
The collection from this museum are:
Layout of the exhibition.
The collection owned by this museum is exhibited in a permanent exhibition hall with an arrangement that follows the chronology of the Youth Oath event in the hope of describing the strands of the Youth Oath event.
The exhibition arrangement is as follows:
Introduction Room.
This room is located in the front entrance of the building, exactly at the front entrance. In this room it exhibited:
In the front room, it is also still use the original tile floors from the Dutch era which are now quite rare in Jakarta.
Youth Growth organization chamber.
This room is located in the front of the building parallel with the introductory room. This room can be accessed from the introductory room with entering the entrance to the left.
In this room describes the early growth of the youth organization which begins with Perhimpunan Indonesia in the Netherlands. This room which exhibits the activities of the youth movement activities, among others:
In this room also can be found realia in the form of guided equipment used in the 1920s.
Kongres Pemuda Indonesia Pertama Room.
From the room above, we can enter directly into this room next to each other. In this room exhibits collections relating to the First Indonesian Youth Congress, such as:
Kongres Pemuda Indonesia Kedua Chamber.
This chamber is located close to the exit of the room of Kongres Pemuda Indonesia Pertama.In this room it exhibits the collection which describes the event of Kongres Pemuda Indonesia Kedua, such as:
Indonesia Muda Room.
In this room there are several collections related to the youth movement after the Youth Oath was made, such as:
PPPI Room.
This room presents several collections related to the Indonesian Student Association, after the Second Indonesian Youth Congress. This room also exhibits collections related to youth movements through political parties.
Thematic Room.
This room consists of two rooms, located in the pavilion Building Kramat 106. This room presents several collections related to youth activities in 1945, 1966 and 1998.


Xinglonggou

Xinglonggou is a Neolithic through Bronze Age archaeological site complex consisting of three separate sites. The sites are located on a loess slope above the left bank of the Mangniu River north of the Qilaotu Mountains in Aohan Banner, Inner Mongolia, China. Xinglonggou is one of the most important sites of the early Neolithic Xinglongwa culture and provides evidence for the development of millet cultivation. The millet assemblage at Xinglonggou consists primarily of broomcorn millet. Xinglonggou is one of the few, early Neolithic sites in China for which systematic flotation has been performed.
Description.
Xinglonggou was discovered in 1982. Xinglonggou consists of three separate sites, each corresponding to a different archaeological culture. In chronological order, the oldest site ("Xinglonggou 1") dates from around 8000 to 7500 BP and is associated with the Xinglongwa culture; the next site ("Xinglonggou 2") dates from around 5500 to 5000 BP and is associated with the Hongshan culture; the youngest site ("Xinglonggou 3") dates from around 4000 to 3500 BP and is associated with the Lower Xiajiadian culture.
The Xinglongwa site.
The Xinglongwa site ("Xinglonggou 1" or "Locality 1") in an early Neolithic settlement. Of the three sites, the Xinglongwa site has the richest material assemblage. The site was excavated from 2001 to 2003. The site covers an area of around , of which has been excavated. The foundations of 145 rectangular semi-subterranean houses were found. The houses were organized into 3 distinct clusters of around 50 houses each, arranged in rows. Unlike most other sites of the Xinglongwa culture, "Xinglonggou 1" was not enclosed by a ditch. 37 of the houses have been excavated, where the remains of 28 individuals were found buried within. The remains of pig, red deer, dog, buffalo, badger, raccoon dog, bear, rabbit, and fish were also discovered at the site.
The artefact assemblage at the site includes pottery, lithic tools, and lithic, osseous, shell and jade ornaments. The site has yielded some of the earliest jade artefacts in China. The jade assemblage consists primarily of slit rings, although tubes, chisels and other artefacts were also found. The people of Xinglonggou appeared to favor yellow-green nephrite, a material that was not locally derived.
Residue analysis of starch grain remains from grinding stones and human dental calculus shows that the people of Xinglonggou were primarily processing lily bulbs ("Lilium"), Chinese yam ("Dioscorea polystachya"), "Trichosanthes kirilowii" root, Job's tears, millet, and limited amounts of acorn and various "Triticeae" grasses. The starch residue cereal remains are dominated by Job's tears (over millet). The Job's tears remains at "Xinglonggou 1" is the earliest evidence for Job's tears in Northeast China and the northernmost evidence for Job's tears before 5000 BC.
Systemic flotation at the site yielded over 1,500 grains of broomcorn millet and around 20 grains of foxtail millet. The broomcorn millet is described as being in the early stages of domestication. and was directly dated to around 7,700 BP. Consequently, this is the earliest directly dated millet in the archaeological record. Despite the evidence for limited millet cultivation, the early Neolithic people at "Xinglonggou 1" subsisted primarily on hunting and gathering.
The Hongshan site.
The Hongshan site ("Xinglonggou 2" or "Locality 2") is a late Neolithic settlement. The site was excavated in 2003 and 2012. The foundations of four rectangular semi-subterranean houses and 31 storage pits were found in the 2003 excavation. The settlement was enclosed by a ditch. The artefact assemblage at the site includes pottery, lithic and shell artefacts. A terracotta statue was unearthed during the 2012 excavation. The flora assemblage consisted mostly of nuts and fruits, yielding less millet, proportion-wise, than the early Neolithic "Xinglonggou 1" site. The remains of acorn, "Corylus heterophylla", Manchurian walnut, "Pyrus betulaefolia" and "Prunus armeniaca" were found at the site. Both broomcorn and foxtail millet were found at the "Xinglonggou 2".
The Lower Xiajiadian site.
The Lower Xiajiadian site ("Xinglonggou 3" or "Locality 3") is a Bronze Age settlement. The site was excavated in 2003. The settlement was enclosed by a ditch. The flora assemblage at this site consists primarily of crop remains. Both broomcorn and foxtail millet were found at "Xinglonggou 3". The site has yielded the earliest evidence for soybean in Northeast China.
Millet consumption.
The people at Xinglonggou consumed millet all the way from the early Neolithic through the Bronze Age, gradually increasing their millet consumption, as a proportion of their diet, over time. While only 15% of the seeds recovered from the early Neolithic Xinglongwa site consisted of millet, an overwhelming 99% of the seeds recovered from the Bronze Age Lower Xiajiadian site consisted of millet. Isotopic analysis reveals that millet constituted a significant part of the people's diet even during the early Neolithic Xinglongwa culture period, and steadily increased over time; analysis shows that this consumption came directly from millet itself, not indirectly from consuming animals that consumed millet. During the Bronze Age, millet cultivation eventually became abundant enough to provide an important source of food for the domesticated pigs at Xinglonggou.


Hamengkubuwono V

Hamengkubuwono V (also spelled Hamengkubuwana V, Yogyakarta, January 24, 1820–Yogyakarta, June 5, 1855) was the fifth Sultan of Yogyakarta, reigning from December 19, 1823, to August 17, 1826, and then from January 17, 1828, to June 5, 1855 being interspersed by the rule of Hamengkubuwono II due to the then political instability.
Reign.
Born as Gusti Raden Mas Gathot Menol, he was the 6th son of Hamengkubuwono IV and his queen consort, Gusti Kangjeng Ratu Kencono. When he was 3 years old, he was crowned as Hamengkubuwono V, and ruled for 2.5 years before being succeeded by his great-grandfather, Hamengkubuwono II. Hamengkubuwono V was recrowned after his great-grandfather's death.
Upon reaching adulthood, he was styled Prince Mangkubumi. He was made lieutenant colonel in 1839 and colonel in 1847 by Dutch East Indies government.
Hamengkubuwono V himself made his realm closer with Dutch colonial government intended as a passive war, where he insisted a bloodless struggle, hoping that there would be a mutual cooperation between Yogyakarta Sultanate and Dutch government, leading to rise of prosperity and security of Yogyakarta people. On the other side, he also focused on art. During his reign, wayang wong performances had been held for 5 times. He also created some royal dances, the most popular was Serimpi dance and its variants, such as Serimpi Kandha, Serimpi Renggawati, Serimpi Ringgit Munggeng, Serimpi Hadi Wulangun Brangta or Serimpi Renggowati, etc.
However, his policy was opposed by some court's servants and his own brother, GRM Mustojo. They saw that Hamengkubuwono V's policy would be ashamed of Yogyakarta Palace as a coward, leading to the decline of support towards himself and the rise of support towards GRM Mustojo. The situation was increasingly beneficial to GRM Mustojo after marrying a Bruneian princess and made a close brotherhood with Sultanate of Brunei. Hamengkubuwono V's rule was increasingly cornered after the emergence of internal conflict involving his own 5th wife, Kanjeng Mas Hemawati. Hamengkubuwono V only gained support from his subjects who felt safe and prosperous during his reign.
Hamengkubuwono V died in a less-known accident, known as (meaning "died by the beloved one"). Hamengkubuwono V died after being stabbed by his 5th wife, Kanjeng Mas Hemawati, whose reason to murder her own husband is still unknown.
When the incident took place, his queen consort, Kanjeng Ratu Sekar Kedaton, was still pregnant, and gave birth a son 13 days later. The son was named Timur Muhammad.
Hamengkubuwono V was succeeded by his brother, GRM Mustojo, styled as Hamengkubuwono VI.


Omar II of the Maldives

Sultan Omar II Sri loaka Sundhura Mahaa Radhun was the sultan of the Maldives from 1480 to 1484. He was the Son of Sultan Yoosuf II Lord of twelve Thousand Isles and the Sultan of Maldives. Sultan Omar was the seventeenth Sultan to ascend the lion throne of Maldives from the Dynasty of Hilaaly. He died in 1484 in Malé, the capital of Maldives, after ruling the country for four years. He is buried in Hukuru mosque cemetery (the royal cemetery).


Vikramabahu III of Gampola

Vikramabahu III was King of Gampola who ruled from 1357 to 1374. He succeeded his Uncle Parakramabahu V as King of Gampola and was succeeded by his nephew Bhuvanaikabahu V.


Murong Yanchao

Murong Yanchao () (died June 15, 952), known at one point as Yan Kunlun (), was a general of the Chinese Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms states Later Tang, Later Jin, and Later Han. As a half-brother of Later Han's founder Liu Zhiyuan (Emperor Gaozu), he was particularly prominent during Later Han. After the Later Han throne was seized by the general Guo Wei, who founded Later Zhou, Murong initially submitted to Guo but then rebelled, but his rebellion was quickly suppressed, and he committed suicide.
Background.
It is not known when Murong Yanchao was born. However, as he was known to be a younger half-brother — born of the same mother, a Lady An — as Liu Zhiyuan, who was born in 895, he must have been born after. (Liu Chong, who was of the same father (a man named Liu Dian ()) as Liu Zhiyuan, might have been also born of Lady An.) Whereas Liu Zhiyuan was said to be Shatuo extraction, Murong was said to be of Tuyuhun extraction, suggesting that those were the respective ethnicities of their fathers. At one point, Murong took on the assumed surname of Yan, and was known by the name of Kunlun due to his dark beard.
During Later Tang and Later Jin.
In Murong Yanchao's youth, he served as an officer under Li Siyuan, who would later become an emperor of Later Tang. Subsequently, during Later Tang and its successor state Later Jin, he served successively as the prefect of four prefectures — Ci (磁州, in modern Handan, Hebei), Shan (單州, in modern Heze, Shandong), Pu (濮州, in modern Puyang, Henan), and Di (棣州, in modern Binzhou, Shandong). In 945, during Later Jin's war with its northern neighbor, the Khitan Liao dynasty, there was a battle in which he and Huangfu Yu () the military governor ("Jiedushi") of Yicheng Circuit (義成, headquartered in modern Anyang, Henan) were surrounded by the much more numerous Liao troops near the Zhang River, and fought for an entire day but were able to hold them off. They were eventually able to escape the Khitan troops after being relieved by An Shenqi () the military governor of Huguo Circuit (護國, headquartered in modern Yuncheng). It was said that the entire Later Jin army became impressed with his and Huangfu's bravery.
In 946, Murong was accused of, while serving as Pu's prefect, illegally collecting taxes, as well as fermenting wheat stored in governmental storage to give to his soldiers without authorization. The then-powerful imperial guard general Li Yantao () had long had an empty with Murong, and when Li found this out, he made the matter public, and tried to get the chief of staff ("Shumishi") Feng Yu to have Murong put to death. Murong's half-brother Liu Zhiyuan, who was then one of the most senior generals of the realm, submitted petitions to then-emperor Shi Chonggui, hoping to save his life. Feng's fellow chief of staff, Li Song, pointed out that Murong's offenses were something that most regional governors had been guilty of at some point, and for Murong to be put to death, everyone would be in fear. Shi spared Murong's life, but stripped him of all of his offices, and exiled him to Fang Prefecture (房州, in modern Shiyan, Hubei).
During Later Han.
In 947, a successful Liao attack captured Later Jin's capital Daliang. Liao's Emperor Taizong attempted to rule the former Later Jin territory as well as its emperor, but soon faced much resistance against his rule. One of the main resistors was Liu Zhiyuan, who declared himself emperor at Hedong Circuit (河東, headquartered in modern Taiyuan, Shanxi) (of a state that would be later known as Later Han, and he would eventually take over control of the former Later Jin territory after the Liao forces withdrew. Murong Yanchao, hearing this, escaped from his place of exile at Fang, and Liu made him the military governor of Zhenning Circuit (鎮寧, headquartered in modern Puyang).
Shortly after, the former Later Jin major general Du Chongwei, who had initially submitted to Liu, rebelled against Liu at Tianxiong Circuit (天雄, headquartered in modern Handan) and sought Liao aid. Liu sent the senior general Gao Xingzhou to command the army against Du, and made Murong the deputy to Gao. Murong advocated making an immediate attack on Tianxiong's capital Yedu (), while Gao wanted to surround the city and wear out Du's army. Murong publicly spoke against Gao's decisions, and claimed that Gao's slowness was due to the fact that Gao's daughter had married Du's son. Liu, hearing that there was discord between Gao and Murong, decided to head to Yedu to oversee the siege himself. When he and his high-level officials arrived at the front, Gao went to Liu's chief assistants Su Fengji and Yang Bin to plead his case — stuffing feces and dirt into his mouth as he was doing so, to analogize it to the kind of humiliation that he suffered from Murong. Liu believed Gao, went to his tent to thank him, and rebuked Murong. At Murong's insistence, a direct attack on the city was made, but over the course of a morning, Later Han forces suffered more than 1,000 deaths and 10,000 injuries due to the strength of Yedu's defense, and Murong did not dare to advocate a direct attack again. Soon thereafter, Du surrendered. Liu made Gao the military governor of Tianxiong, but Gao initially declined, as Tianxiong and Zhenning were neighboring circuits, and he feared further friction. In response, Liu moved Murong to Tianping Circuit (天平, headquartered in modern Tai'an, Shandong); at that time, Murong was also given the honorary chancellor designation of "Tong Zhongshu Menxia Pingzhangshi" (). In 949, by which time Liu Zhiyuan had died and his son Liu Chengyou was emperor, Murong was given the greater honorary chancellor designation of "Shizhong" (). In spring 950, when a number of military governors went to Daliang to pay homage to the emperor on for the emperor's birthday (at the urging of the high-level officials at the imperial government, who were planning to move them), Murong was one of the ones who did. He was subsequently moved from Tianping to Taining Circuit (泰寧, headquartered in modern Jining, Shandong).
By winter 950, Liu Chengyou had tired of the hold that the high-level officials had on his administration, and viewed them as obstacles to his actually exercising imperial power. Plotting with his close associates Nie Wenjin (), Hou Kuangzan (), and Guo Yunming (), he surprised and killed the chief of staff Yang Bin, the commander of the imperial guards Shi Hongzhao, and the director of the financial agencies Wang Zhang. Yang's co-chief of staff, Guo Wei, was at Yedu at that time (to defend against a possible Liao incursion) and was not at Daliang, and therefore escaped this fate, but his family was slaughtered. After this imperial coup, Liu sent edicts to a number of military governors, summoning them to Daliang. It appeared that most of them decided to wait to observe what would happen next, but Murong decided to go to Daliang all at once — leaving immediately even though he happened to be eating at the time he received the edict. When he arrived at Daliang, Liu entrusted the command of the imperial troops to him.
Hearing of his family's death, Guo mobilized his troops and headed south toward Daliang. Hou Yi () advocated not engaging Guo's troops, as Guo's soldiers' family members were all at Daliang, and he believed that once the immediate impulse were lost, Guo's troops would submit to imperial authority. Murong, however, responded, "Hou Yi is old and acting like a coward." Liu listened to Murong, and thereafter sent Hou with other generals Wu Qianyu () and Zhang Yanchao () north to engage Guo's troops first, while Murong and Liu himself prepared to engage Guo afterwards. Murong, initially confident of success, stated, "I, your subject, view the northern army as insects. I will surely capture their leader alive for you, Your Imperial Majesty!" However, after he subsequently was informed by Nie of the size of Guo's army and the officers serving under Guo, he became apprehensive, stating to Nie, "This is a serious enemy. I should not take him lightly."
On December 31, Guo's army and the imperial army encountered at Liuzi Slope (). Liu Chengyou wanted to personally go out to encourage the troops. Liu Zhiyuan's wife and Liu Chengyou's mother Empress Dowager Li stated to him, "Guo Wei is our family's old servant. How would he be doing this if it were not a matter of life or death? You should keep the troops in the city and send a messenger with your edict, to observe his intentions. He would surely respond, and you can still maintain the formality of emperor and subject. Do not go out yourself." The young emperor refused her advice. The armies, however, did not actually engage in battle that day, and Liu Chengyou returned to the palace. Murong bragged to him, "These days, Your Imperial Majesty has little to do in the palace. Tomorrow, come watch your subject destroy the bandits. I need not actually battle with them. I will just rebuke them, and they will surely collapse and return to their own barracks [(i.e., abandon Guo and return to Kaifeng)]!"
On January 1, 951, the young emperor again wanted to go encourage the army, and he did so against Empress Dowager Li's advice. The armies met each other again on the front line, and Guo Wei ordered his army not to engage first, stating, "I am here to kill the scoundrels, not to oppose the Son of Heaven. Do not move first." However, after the armies hesitated for some time, Murong led the cavalry in a charge, starting the battle. Guo Wei had Guo Chongwei and Li Rong resist Murong's charge. During the battle, Zhang's horse fell, and he was nearly captured by Guo Wei's army. He was able to withdraw, but more than 100 of his soldiers died, causing a loss of morale in the imperial army, such that the imperial army soldiers began to surrender to Guo's. Even the generals, including Hou, Wu, Zhang, Yuan, and Liu Chongjin, all secretly went to see Guo to offer to surrender, but he sent them all back to their camps. As the sun was setting, more and more of the imperial army was surrendering to Guo's. Murong abandoned the imperial army and fled back to Taining's capital Yan Prefecture () with only a handful of his guards. The next day, Liu Chengyou was killed by Guo's soldiers in the confusion. Guo subsequently entered the capital and effectively controlled it, although at that time still outwardly acting like a Later Han subject. Liu Chengyou's associates were ordered to be executed. When Hou Kuangzan fled to Taining, Murong, apparently to make peace with Guo, arrested Hou and delivered him back to Daliang.
During Later Zhou.
Shortly after, Guo Wei's soldiers supported him to be emperor, and Empress Dowager Li was forced to issue an edict deposing Liu Chong's son Liu Yun the military governor of Wuning Circuit (武寧, headquartered in modern Xuzhou, Jiangsu) — whom she had initially named as the successor to the throne after Liu Chengyou's death) — and passing the throne to Guo, establishing a new state of Later Zhou. Murong Yanchao submitted tributes to the new emperor. Guo, concerned that he would be so apprehensive as to rebel, issued an edict to console him, not referring to him by name, but instead stating to him, "What happened with your older brother is too numerous to repeat. I hope that you, younger brother, can support me, so that we can both have permanent peace." Guo subsequently sent the imperial scholar Yu Chongliang () to Taining to announce an edict in which he gave Murong the greater honorary chancellor designation of "Zhongshu Ling" (), and Murong submitted a report thanking Guo. (Liu Zhiyuan's other brother Liu Chong, then the military governor of Hedong, however, did not take the same approach as Murong, and declared himself the successor emperor for Later Han, although historians generally viewed his state as a new state of Northern Han.) Still, Guo's new administration viewed Murong with suspicion. For example, around new year 952, when Liu Chong put Jin Prefecture (晉州, in modern Linfen, Shanxi) under siege and Guo considered heading there himself to engage Liu Chong, Wang Jun warned him that if he left Daliang, Murong might take this opportunity to attack and occupy Daliang. Guo agreed and did not go engage Liu Chong himself.
Murong became more apprehensive after Liu Yun's staff members Gong Tingmei () and Yang Wen (), who had held out against Later Zhou at Wuning's capital Xu Prefecture (), were defeated and killed. He secretly communicated with Northern Han and Southern Tang, hoping for joint action. Guo sent his attendant Zheng Haoqian () to try to comfort Murong, but that made Murong more apprehensive, although Murong also sent his officer Zheng Lin () to the capital to both show allegiance and to scout the capital's preparedness. He further submitted letters he forged, purportedly from Gao Xingzhou (who was then the military governor of Tianping), defaming Guo and seeking an alliance with Murong. Guo, knowing that the letters must be forgeries, presented them to Gao and prepared to act against Murong if/when Murong rebelled. When Murong requested permission to come to the capital to pay homage to Guo, Guo approved the request, and Murong subsequently reneged, claiming that there was banditry in the circuit and therefore he could not leave.
In spring 952, Murong openly rebelled, against the advice of his assistant Cui Zhoudu (). He gathered the local militias and had them supplement Yan's defense, and diverted the Si River's waters to fill the moat around Yan. Believing that the god of Saturn would bless him, he built a shrine dedicated to Saturn. He also had his officers encourage bandits to pillage the surrounding circuits. Guo sent the imperial guard general Cao Ying () to command the troops against Murong. Southern Tang's emperor Li Jing launched an army of 5,000 to try to aid Murong, but it was quickly repelled by Xu Prefecture's overseer Zhang Lingbin () and withdrew. Meanwhile, Northern Han had already ended its siege of Jin, leaving the Later Zhou military free to concentrate on Murong. Subsequently, when Cao arrived at Yan, he began to build a wall to surround it. When Murong tried to attack Cao's army, Cao's subordinate Yao Yuanfu () repeatedly repelled Murong's attack. Soon, the wall was complete, and the Later Zhou army began its assault. Murong gathered the wealth of the city to give to his soldiers, to try to keep their morale high, and when he suspected the retired officer Yan Honglu () of hiding wealth, he tortured Yan and Yan's wife to death, and then, believing that Cui had not searched for Yan's wealth properly, put Cui to death as well.
With Yan not falling as of summer 952, Guo decided to go there to oversee the siege himself. When he arrived at Yan, he tried to persuade Murong to surrender, but Murong's soldiers responded insolently. Guo then ordered a general assault. Many of Murong's soldiers surrendered. Eventually, the city fell, while Murong was at the shrine to Saturn. His personal guards still tried to battle, but could not prevail. Murong then burned the shrine and committed suicide with his wife by jumping into a well. His son Murong Jixun () tried to flee, but was captured and executed. The Later Zhou army pillaged the city, and more than 10,000 died.


Party of the People of Free Indonesia

Party of the People of Free Indonesia (, PRIM) was a political party in Indonesia. The party was based amongst the Sundanese population in West Java. In the 1955 parliamentary election, PRIM got 72,523 votes (0.2% of the national vote). One parliamentarian was elected from the party. After the election the party joined the Fraction of Upholders of the Proclamation, a hetergenous parliamentary group with ten MPs.


Bagasis

Bagasis (also spelled Bagayasha) was a Parthian prince, who played an important role in Parthian politics from 148/7 BC, where he was appointed the governor of the newly conquered region of Media by his brother and king Mithridates I (). Bagasis was initially suggested by the modern historian Gholamreza F. Assar (2005) to have ruled as king briefly in 126 BC, but he later retracted this suggestion (2009). Bagasis was survived by an unnamed son, who occupied high offices under Mithridates II ().


Mangkunegara IX

Mangkunegara IX (born 1951) is the current traditional ruler of the former state of Mangkunegaran, located in Java, Indonesia. He succeeded his father, Mangkunegara VIII, as Prince of Mangkunegaran on 3 September 1987. His full royal name is "Kanjeng Gusti Pangeran Adipati Arya Mangku Negara".
Prior to his accession he was named Gusti Pangeran Hadiningrat Sujiwakusuma. In the meantime Sujiwakusuma became viceroy in Mangkunegaran.
His accession was controversial because for the first time in Indonesian history, Mangkunegaran involved relatives outside the core to participate in the decision.
Early life.
He was born in Surakarta the son of Mangkunegara VIII with brothers KPA. Prabu Kusumo, B.R.Aj. Retno Satuti. Rahadiyan Yamin, B.R.Aj. Retno Rosati Hudiono Kadarisman, B.R.M. Susaktyo, B.R.M. Herwasto, B.R.M. Kumiyakto and B.R.Aj. Retno Astrini.
His maternal grandfather and father were their brother and sister's son Mangkunegara V. His maternal grandfather was Prince Suryakusuma descended from the father whose grandfather was Mangkunegara VII.
Personal life.
Sujiwa Kusuma was previously married to Sukmawati Sukarnoputri, the third daughter of Indonesia’s founding president Sukarno and his wife Fatmawati.
They had three children, and are now divorced.
Crown Prince.
Sujiwakusuma became the crown prince, replacing his brother King Kusumo KPA-BRM Radityo who died. He was the fourth son of Mangkunegara VIII.
Existence dilemma.
The King is no longer the head of government of his nominal territory. The monarchy was originally supplanted when the area was colonized by the Netherlands. Following the end of colonial rule, it retained its ceremonial role.


Prasat Ta Muen Thom

Prasat Ta Muen Thom or Prasat Ta Moan Thom ( - "Prasat Ta Moan Thom" ; , , ) is a Khmer temple located on Cambodian-Thai border. The temple is situated in Oddar Meanchey Province of Cambodia and Surin province of Thailand.
Its Khmer name translates literally to "Great Temple of Grandfather Chicken". It lies not far from two related temples in a densely forested area where access is difficult on one of the passes through the Dangrek Mountains. Prasat Ta Muen Toch ("Minor Temple of Grandfather Chicken"), the hospital chapel, lies two and half kilometers to the northwest and just 300 meters beyond that is the rest house chapel, Prasat Ta Muen ("Temple of Grandfather Chicken"). During the 1980s-90s, when the Khmer Rouge controlled the area, the temples in the region were looted by the Khmer Rouge to finance their guerrilla campaign. Many architectural pieces and original sculptures were stolen, sometimes detached using dynamite, and smuggled out of Cambodia or sold on the black market. These three temples, all within a few hundred meters of each other, formed a complex which was an important stop on a major route of the Khmer Empire, the Ancient Khmer Highway from its capital at Angkor to its major administrative center in the northwest, Phimai (now in Thailand).
Layout.
The temple is located in the Ta Muen Thom pass at the top of the escarpment of the Dangrek Mountains which forms the current border between Cambodia and Thailand in the region. North of the border is the Khorat Plateau while to the south are steep cliffs as the mountains form sheer drops down to the plains Northwest Cambodia. Ta Muen Thom is constructed of laterite and laid out in a rectangular plan with the entrance facing south, highly unusual for Khmer temples which usually face east. It is suspected that this is due to the topography, both to meet travelers having just climbed the pass from the plains below and to provide a defensible position with a strategic view southward down the mountains. The temple's enclosure is 46 meters by 38 meters with its center in a central sanctuary constructed of pinkish-grey sandstone and preceded by a mandapa and an antarala. A natural channel in the bedrock was used as the "somasutra", a funnel which transported holy water used in rituals from the statue in the main chamber, which flows out from the garbhagriha and indicates the relative importance of the site.
On the north side are two towers and two other laterite buildings that are still standing as well as the foundations of three other buildings which are no longer standing. These buildings are the remains of the highway rest house and hospital Jayavarman VII erected to add to the temple complex where pilgrims and travelers would spend the night and recuperate for the next leg of their journey. On the south facade, the same side as the main entrance, is the main gopura, which is much larger than the others. A large broad steep laterite staircase, also facing south and extending well down into Cambodian territory, leads to the entrance of the temple. There is also a laterite staircase that leads down to a stream on the Cambodian side which curves around the temple. The orientation of Ta Muen Thom is very similar to that of Prasat Hin Phimai and others at Phimai Historical Park.
Recent excavations inside the main tower have revealed the existence of a natural linga protruding from the top of the hill around which the temple was built. There is a similar natural linga at the Khmer temple Vat Phou in Laos.
Access.
Because of its location on the Thai side of the current border, the temple is only accessible from Thailand. Access from Cambodia would be difficult because the ancient Khmer Highway that led to the pass has long since been retaken by the jungle. During the Cambodian–Thai border dispute (2009-2011) which was primarily centered around ownership of Preah Vihear Temple, border clashes spread to Ta Muen and access to the temple was temporarily closed. Afterwards, tensions remain high and tourists at the temple are not allowed to venture more than a few meters southward from the main entrance and armed Thai border police stand guard to mark the border.
Since 2010, the entrance of Ta Muen Thom temple on Cambodia side has become easier due to the road infrastructure has been developed, including a road leads to Ta Muen Thom temple which was built in 2009 and officially launched in 2010. It consists of 24 km red gravel roads (but it has been upgraded to the asphalt road in recent years) and 500-meter mountainous concrete road. Visitors are recommended to park their cars near the hill then they can continue walking through a half-kilometer mountainous concrete road that some parts of it are steep. At this point, tourists also enjoy with the spectacular landscape of Dangrek mountain range along with many big trees and forest flowers.


Yaza Dewi

Yaza Dewi may refer to:


Seindon Mibaya

Seindon Mibaya (; 1840 – 15 May 1905), known by her royal title, Thiri Pobba Yadana Dewi (), was a senior queen consort of King Mindon during the Konbaung dynasty. Being a cousin of King Mindon, she was promoted to a Nanzwe Mibaya and received the appanage of Seindon when he ascended the throne.
Biography.
Seindon Mibaya was born as Shin Thet in 1840 to parents Layoo Bo U Sai and Arla Kappa Myosa, the sister of King Mindon's mother, Chandra Mata Mahay. She has one younger sibling, Prince Tapal. She is also a cousin of King Mindon. She was granted the appanages of Salay and . She did not bear any issue.
In 1878, she was imprisoned for failing to provide a list of the gold, silver, and royal gifts given by King Mindon after his deification. After the passing of King Mindon, to avoid the beset caused by Queen Hsinbyumashin faction in Upper Burma, she took refuge in Moulmein (now Mawlamyine), then British owned Lower Burma. There, she established the Yadanabonmyint Monastery (ရတနာဘုံမြင့်ကျောင်း). Later, she joined the Buddhist order of nun in Moulmein before she died on 15 May 1905.


HMS Petersfield

HMS "Petersfield" (ex-Portmadoc) was a Hunt-class minesweeper of the "Aberdare" sub-class built for the Royal Navy during World War I. She was not finished in time to participate in the First World War. Re-commissioned at Hong Kong on 23 February 1925 for service on the China Station as an Admiral's yacht. She was wrecked on 11 November 1931 off Tung Yung Island, with the C-in-C China Station Admiral Sir Howard Kelly embarked. Two Courts Martial following her loss resulted in severe reprimands for her Captain, Commander Douglas C. Lang and Navigating Lieutenant, Geoffrey A. H. Pratt, though an imperious meddling throughout the unfolding disaster brought ignominy upon Admiral Kelly, as well.
Design and description.
The "Aberdare" sub-class were enlarged versions of the original Hunt-class ships with a more powerful armament. The ships displaced at normal load. They had a length between perpendiculars of and measured long overall. The "Aberdare"s had a beam of and a draught of . The ships' complement consisted of 74 officers and ratings.
The ships had two vertical triple-expansion steam engines, each driving one shaft, using steam provided by two Yarrow boilers. The engines produced a total of and gave a maximum speed of . They carried a maximum of of coal which gave them a range of at .
The "Aberdare" sub-class was armed with a quick-firing (QF) gun forward of the bridge and a QF twelve-pounder (76.2 mm) anti-aircraft gun aft. Some ships were fitted with six- or three-pounder guns in lieu of the twelve-pounder.
Loss.
The minesweeper with the Commander-in-Chief of the China Station, Vice-Admiral Sir William Kelly aboard, ran ashore on the night of Wednesday 11 November 1931 on the north side of Tungyung Island while on a passage from Shanghai to Fuzhou, it was a total loss. The S.S. Derflinger and the Canadian Pacific liner RMS Empress of Asia went to the Petersfield's assistance, and the County-class cruisers Suffolk and Cornwall proceeded rapidly to the scene. The north-east monsoon was understood to have been raging at the time. The Petersfield was a tender to the cruiser Kent, of the Fifth Cruiser Squadron. Admiral Kelly and 73 officers and men on board were rescued, by the Derflinger.


Jin Yuelin

Jin Yuelin (; 14 July 1895 – 19 October 1984) was a Chinese philosopher best known for three works, one each on logic, metaphysics, and epistemology. He was also a commentator on Bertrand Russell.
Biography.
Jin was born in Changsha, Hunan and attended Tsinghua University from 1911 until 1914. He obtained a Ph.D. in Political Science from Columbia University in 1920. In 1926, Jin founded the Department of Philosophy at Tsinghua University. Jin was an active participant in the May 4th movement as a young, intellectual revolutionary. He helped to incorporate the scientific method into philosophy. Hao Wang was one of his students. He died in Beijing.
Philosophical context: Eastern vs. Western thought.
Among the first to introduce certain basics of modern logic into China, Jin also founded a new philosophical system combining elements from Western and Chinese philosophical traditions (especially the concept of Tao). Not much work on Jin's philosophy has been done in the West in English, although a decent amount has been done in Chinese. Jin does not advocate a traditional, historical approach to philosophy, but rather presents philosophy as a practicing approach to solving problems – philosophy as goal in and of itself. This is quite different from how Chinese philosophers at the time viewed the study of philosophy. At the risk of oversimplifying, Jin's approach can be viewed as a hybrid between Western and Eastern philosophical ideologies – influenced both by his Western education in logic and science, and by his Chinese roots. He was interested in Bertrand Russell’s work, and in particular with two main concepts: breaking down the complex into smaller parts, which was his understanding of Russell's logical atomism, and rebuilding through the logical method, which was Jin's reading of Russell's logicism. Both the logicism and the logical atomism affected Jin’s thinking and philosophy. However Jin can be considered a Chinese philosopher because he was most informed by Chinese philosophy, and concerned himself most with Chinese concepts, such as Tao. “However,” Zinda writes, “Jin used discursive structures borrowed from both Chinese and Western thought as modes of persuasion”.
Jin's views on Chinese philosophy.
Jin's writing is intertwined with his desire to navigate the space between Chinese and Western philosophy. In his essay “Chinese Philosophy”, Jin highlights the differences he sees between the two spheres regarding the study of philosophy. He sees the Western approach to philosophy as being more of a meticulous scientific and logical approach that he traces back to the Hellenistic thought in Ancient Greece. In contrast, he explains Chinese philosophy as having “underdevelopment of what might be called logico-epistemological consciousness”. He explains Chinese philosophy as being more poetic in that it has “bareness and disconnectedness”, where Western philosophy is more verbose. This lack of extended explanation in Chinese philosophy leads, Jin notes, to Chinese philosophy being more about interpreting old philosopher's work, rather than presenting new original ways of thinking. In contrast, Jin does not attribute ideas to past thinkers or quote past thinkers in his own philosophy. Additionally, he did not pursue the nationalistic aims of China in his philosophy, as many of his colleagues did. Jin notes that China has a long history of the study of philosophy and political science being intertwined; the philosophy of today is a more specialized and differentiated discipline. This detachment from the discipline, while it creates objective knowledge, distances the philosopher from the philosophy. Jin advocates for living philosophy, rather than just knowing it. Thus, he works to take advantage of the emotional attachment of Chinese words. For example, Jin chooses not to translate the word “Dao” to English, but keeps its Chinese origin.
Works.
Basic writings and concepts.
Jin's most accomplished philosophical writings are his three principal publications written in Chinese: Logic (1935), On Tao (1940), and A Theory of Knowledge (1983). His English publication, "Tao, Nature, and Man" draws heavily on thought from "On Dao", which he considers to be one of the most central parts of his philosophical work. Jin's metaphysics is focused mostly on Tao, which he argues is what life is made up of. It is composed of two main elements that Jin coins as Stuff and Form. In short, Stuff is the inexpressible matter that fills everything, while Form is all of reality that is being filled. Essentially, Tao is the result of when Form is filled with Stuff. Jin uses his definition of Tao to posit a universal sympathy: everything – including humans – is one and the same, and we should appreciate life as such.
Stuff.
Stuff is inexpressible. In fact, the word “Stuff” itself is simply a word Jin uses to approximate the definition because, he posits, no word or human will ever fully grasp the concept. Scholar Hu Jun writes, “What is required in order to grasp matter [Stuff] is a sort of intellectual projection, in which recognition of the limits of one’s intellect is accompanied by a leave out of the intellectual process...”. Stuff is the capacity of all things to change – pure activity and potentiality. It is composed of two categories – Universals and Possibilities.
Universals and possibilities.
Jin explains the notions of Universals and Possibilities as stemming from the ideal version of concepts, which in turn stems from abstracting the concrete. The Universal is a concept which a group of things have in common. Jin writes, “Each universal is an aspect shared by a class of objects, for example… horseness which is shared by a class of quadrupeds”. Universals are groupings that we are familiar with. A Possibility, therefore, is a concept that is not a Universal. It is that which has not been imagined yet, but could be imagined. Thus, Jin writes, “we are able to define an universal as a realized possibility… A universal is merely a Stuffed possibility”. Jin posits that the reality we feel with regard to events and objects is the realization of possibilities of those events and objects. Hu writes, “The realization of contingent possibilities gives us the richness, variety, and completeness of Tao, whereas the eternally unrealized possibilities supply us with the implements in the realm of thinking and thought”.
Form.
Form is what Stuff must remain inside of. Hu writes, “Whether or not matter [Stuff] enters into or withdraws from possibilities, it must stay within Form”. Everything is inside of Form. Jin explains that unlike Universals, it does not have “a boundary line dividing what belongs to it from what doesn’t”. Thus Form is formless – it incorporates everything and is nothing at the same time. It is what is left when there are no possibilities – there is nothing outside of Form. Form and Stuff are inescapably intertwined. Stuff fills Form, and Form contains Stuff. Jin writes, “Un-Stuffed Form or Un-formed Stuff is a contradiction”. Jin defines their relationship as, “Stuff as a sort of raw material and Form as a kind of mould”.
Tao.
Tao is Jin's most basic concept, but is also his highest ideal realm. Tao is the coming together of Stuff and Form to create the universe. If Tao were only Stuff then it would be fluid, and if it were only Form then it would be empty. Jin writes, “Tao is simply Stuffed Form or Formed Stuff. It is therefore neither pure Form nor pure Stuff”. Tao is all-pervasive and incorporates everything. Therefore, Jin posits that humans are part of Tao, and urges us to be “conscious of the fundamental oneness at which we are with the universe and everything there is in it”. He presents a universe where everything has the same status because everything is made up of the same fabric. Scholar Yvonne Schulz Zinda writes, “he established a kind of ontological certainty that integrates individuals the evolutionary process of dao, through which they are interrelated with each other”. While different things have different jobs – Jin gives the example of a mosquito's job being to bite a human, and a human's job to kill the mosquito – one thing not innately superior to the other.


Bambang Harymurti

Bambang Harymurti (; born 10 December 1956), commonly referred to by his initials BHM, is an Indonesian journalist and editor-in-chief of "Tempo". In 2004, he was imprisoned following a high-profile defamation case brought by Tomy Winata, an entrepreneur and one of Indonesia's richest people. He is currently serving as deputy chair of Indonesia's Press Council.
Biography.
Harymurti was born on 10 December 1956, to air force pilot Ahmad Sudarsono and Karlina Koesoemadinata. As a child, he dreamed of becoming an astronaut.
Early career.
Harymurti holds received BS in electrical engineering from Bandung Institute of Technology in 1984 and an MPA from the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. Although he hoped to apply for Indonesia's space program, he took a job with "Tempo" in 1982 to help support his family after his father's death. He has worked for "Tempo", "TIME," and "Media Indonesia". His journalism has won awards including the 1997 "Excellence in Journalism" award from the "Indonesian Observer Daily" and the 2006 PWI Jawa Timur Pena Award. He served as the head of "Tempo"s offices in Washington, D.C from 1991 to 1994.
While on assignment with "Tempo" to cover Indonesia's space program, Harymurti qualified as a potential astronaut.
On 9 June 1997, Harymurti was suspended from his job as executive editor of "Media Indonesia" for two weeks. Harymurti stated that the suspension was for "not following orders" and forgetting to inform the head editor of "Media Indonesia"s Sunday Edition that the cover story should have been changed to an article about then-President Suharto's birthday. However, it was suspected that his suspension was due to "Media Indonesia"s anti-Suharto stance during the 1997 elections.
Harymurti became chief editor of "Tempo" in 1999, replacing co-founder Goenawan Mohamad.
Winata trial.
One of Harymutri's reporters, International Press Freedom Award winner Ahmad Taufik, published an article on 3 March 2003 implicating Winata in the burning of the Tanah Abang textile market in Jakarta, a fire from which Winata allegedly stood to profit. According to Taufik, he discovered following the fire that Winata had submitted plans for renovating the market only a few months before.
On 7 March, the magazine was threatened with libel charges by Winata's lawyers; the following day, a group of over 200 protesters appeared at the "Tempo" offices and allegedly threatened to burn the office down, gouge Taufik's eyes out, shouted racial insults, and assaulted Taufik when he went outside to speak with them. According to witnesses, when Harymurti went to the police station with reporter Karaniya Dharmasaputra to file a complaint, they were also beaten by protesters, this time within sight of police officers who did not intervene.
Winata later filed a lawsuit, naming Taufik, his editor Iskandar Ali, and Harymurti as defendants. The suit charged the three with libel, defamation, and refusing "to respect religious and moral norms". BBC News described the case as being "widely criticised as an attack on Indonesia's press". Harymurti called the charges "the biggest and worst scandal in [Indonesia's] legal system." Harymutri's trial was also protested by international press freedom organisations such as ARTICLE 19, Freedom House, Index on Censorship, the World Press Freedom Committee, the World Association of Newspapers, Reporters Without Borders, Canadian Journalists for Free Expression, and The Committee to Protect Journalists. Amnesty International issued an appeal on behalf of the reporters, naming them potential prisoners of conscience. In a letter to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Human Rights Watch also criticised Indonesia's "more restrictive environment" for journalists, which it said Harymurti had come to symbolise. US Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz criticised the arrest in a "New York Times" editorial, stating that the trial had "implications far beyond the courtroom in Jakarta", describing it as a test for Indonesian democracy.
On 16 September 2004, Harymurti was found guilty of "defamation and false reporting" and sentenced to a year in prison, while Taufik and Ali were exonerated. The Central Jakarta Court's ruling that "Tempo" had to pay USD 55,000 in damages was later overturned. Harymutri's sentence was also overturned unanimously by the Supreme Court of Indonesia on 9 February 2005, National Press Day in Indonesia. A court spokesperson stated, "We want to ensure that journalists are protected", and affirmed the National Press Law was "lex specialis", above the criminal code (KUHP). Harymurti welcomed the decision as "not a personal victory but a victory for all Indonesian journalists".
Harymurti is currently serving as the deputy chair of Indonesia's Press Council.
Personal life.
Harymurti married his long-time friend Marga Alisjahbana in 1984. Together they have two children.


USS Pampanga (PG-39)

USS "Pampanga" (PG-39) was a schooner-rigged iron gunboat in the United States Navy during the Philippine–American War. She retained her Spanish name.
"Pampanga" was laid down for the Spanish Navy by the Manila Ship Company, Cavite, Philippines, in March 1887; launched in February 1888; captured by the US Army at Manila Bay in June 1898; commissioned in American service on 18 June 1899; and turned over to the US Navy at Cavite Navy Yard on 9 November 1899, with Lieutenant F. R. Payne in command. "Pampanga" had two sister-ships which also served in the US Navy, USS "Samar" (PG-41) and .
Service history.
1899–1907.
Assigned to patrol duty in Lingayen Gulf, Luzon, "Pampanga" operated in support of the Army engaged in fighting the Philippine–American War, carrying troops and supplies, providing shore bombardment to forces ashore, and blockaded rebel towns. Moving on to the Cebu station in mid-1900, the gunboat continued cooperating with the Army there into 1901 and then switched to patrolling off Samar. She returned to Cavite to decommission on 18 June 1902 and recommissioned on 30 January 1904, continuing duty on the Philippine Station, basing out of Cavite until 1906. The warship then cruised the waters off Zamboanga and Borneo until returning to Cavite to decommission on 30 April 1907.
1908–1915.
"Pampanga" was loaned to the Army for use as a patrol boat and ferry about Corregidor Island in Manila Bay on 31 December 1908 and was returned to the Navy on 11 November 1910. She recommissioned on 12 April 1911 and then sailed to cruise the Southern Philippines. On 24 September, the gunboat arrived off Semut, Basilan Island, and landed a detachment under Ensign Charles E. Hovey to take supplies to Army Camp Tabla inland. En route, the small party was attacked by natives, killing Ensign Hovey and injuring three of his men. Retaliatory action by the Army troops punished the attackers. The warship remained on patrol in the southern Philippines until decommissioning at Olongapo on 31 May 1915.
1916–1928.
Once again commissioned on 3 January 1916 at Hong Kong, China, "Pampanga" was attached to the Asiatic Fleet and began duty on the South China Patrol station, investigating Chinese political conditions and offering assistance to Americans in danger or need. In the course of her service, she cruised the West River to Canton and beyond protecting American interests, especially in the period of heavy unrest in the middle 1920s, and made frequent visits to Hong Kong, Swatow, and the other ports of the area in the performance of her duty. In 1923 she was under the command of Earl Winfield Spencer Jr., a naval aviator who was at that time the husband of Wallis Simpson, who in turn was later the lover and wife of Edward, Duke of Windsor and the cause of the Edward VIII abdication crisis.
The warship remained on this station until decommissioned at Hong Kong on 6 November 1928, and on 21 November, was sunk by gunfire from and off the China coast after being stripped of all usable gear.


State of Buryat-Mongolia

The State of Buryat-Mongolia (Buryat Cyrillic: "Буряад-Монгол улас", Buryat Mongolian script: ᠪᠤᠷᠢᠠᠳ ᠮᠣᠩᠭᠣᠯ ᠪᠤᠯᠤᠰ) was a buffer Buryat-Mongolian state, which existed during the Russian Civil War. It was established according to the decision of the first All-Buryat congress on 25 April 1917. The main government body was Burnatskom, the Buryat National Committee.
After the collapse of the Soviet regime under the advancement of the Whites and the Czechoslovakian division, the State of Buryat-Mongolia was recognized by the Soviets in 1918, and later also by Grigory Semyonov's Government of Transbaikalia.
The state de facto ceased to exist after the formation of the Far Eastern Republic, which had divided Buryat-Mongolia in two halves: 4 aimags became part of the Far Eastern Republic, while the other 4 formed Buryat-Mongol autonomies of RSFSR.


Ngo Dinh Diem presidential visit to Australia

The Ngô Đình Diệm presidential visit to Australia from 2 to 9 September 1957 was an official visit by the first president of the Republic of Vietnam. It was part of a year of travelling for Diệm, who made official visits to the United States and other anti-communist countries. As with his American trip, Diệm was warmly and lavishly received during the height of the Cold War, garnering bipartisan praise from both the Liberal Party of Australia of Prime Minister Robert Menzies and the opposition Australian Labor Party (ALP).
Diệm addressed the Parliament of Australia and was made an honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George, one of the highest imperial honours that can be bestowed on a non-British subject—at the time, Australians were also British subjects. Diệm did not engage in substantive political discussions with the Australian leaders and he spent most of his time at public functions. He was universally extolled by the media, which praised him for what they perceived to be a successful, charismatic, democratic and righteous rule in South Vietnam, overlooking his authoritarianism, election fraud and other corrupt practices. The Australian Catholic leadership and media were particularly glowing towards the South Vietnamese head of state. A member of Vietnam's Catholic minority and the brother of Vietnam's leading archbishop, Diệm had pursued policies in Vietnam favoring his co-religionists. He exempted the Catholic Church from land redistribution, gave them more aid and job promotions, and allowed Catholic paramilitaries to attack Buddhists, who formed the religious majority.
Diệm's visit was a highmark in relations between Australia and South Vietnam. Over time, Diệm became unpopular with his foreign allies, who began to criticise his autocratic style and religious bias. By the time of his assassination in 1963, he had little support. Australia later sent troops to support South Vietnam in the anti-communist fight, but the bipartisanship evaporated during the mid-1960s as the ALP began to sympathise with North Vietnam and opposition to the Vietnam War grew. The ALP later withdrew support for and refused to accept refugees from South Vietnam after winning office, but on the return of the centre right Liberal-National coalition to power in 1975, Vietnamese refugees were allowed to resettle in Australia in large numbers.
Background.
In 1933, the devoutly Catholic Diệm was appointed Interior Minister of Vietnam, serving under Emperor Bảo Đại. However, a few months thereafter he resigned and became a private citizen because the French colonialists would not give Vietnam any meaningful autonomy. During World War II, Imperial Japan attacked Indochina and wrested control from France, but when they were defeated by the Allies in 1945, a power vacuum was created. The communist-dominated Việt Minh of Hồ Chí Minh fought for Vietnamese independence, while the French attempted to regain control of their colony by creating the French Union-allied State of Vietnam under Bảo Đại. A staunch anti-communist nationalist, Diệm opposed both and attempted to create his own movement, with little success. With both the French and the communists hostile to him, Diệm felt unsafe and went into self-imposed exile in 1950. He spent the next four years in the United States and Europe enlisting support, particularly among Vatican officials and fellow Catholic politicians in America. The success of the effort was helped by the fact that his elder brother Ngô Đình Thục was the leading Catholic cleric in Vietnam and had studied with high-ranking Vatican officials in Rome a few decades earlier.
In 1954, the French lost the Battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Conference was held to determine the future of French Indochina. The Việt Minh were given control of North Vietnam, while the State of Vietnam controlled the territory south of the 17th parallel. The Geneva agreements, which the State of Vietnam did not sign, called for reunification elections to be held in 1956. Bảo Đại appointed Diệm as his prime minister, hoping that he would be able to attract American aid as the French withdrew from Southeast Asia. Diệm then deposed Bảo Đại in a fraudulent referendum and declared himself president of the newly proclaimed Republic of Vietnam. Diệm received support from the U.S. and other anti-communist countries in the midst of the Cold War. He refused to hold the national elections and asserted that Hồ Chí Minh would rig the ballots in the north, although he had done so himself in deposing Bảo Đại.
Meetings and ceremonies.
Diệm arrived in the capital Canberra on 2 September 1957; his visit was the first by a foreign incumbent head of state to Australia. He had visited the US in May, and the visit to Australia was the second of three legs in a tour of anti-communist countries in the Asia Pacific region; Diệm had visited Thailand in August and went on to South Korea after leaving Australia. The magnitude of the ceremonial welcome accorded to Diệm was unseen since the visit in 1954 by Queen Elizabeth II. According to Peter Edwards, a military historian at the Australian War Memorial specialising in the Vietnam War, "Everywhere he was feted as a man of courage, faith and vision", and he noted that Diệm was received with "more ceremony and pageantry" than the visit of Queen Elizabeth II in 1954.
Diệm travelled with five others, including the Minister for Public Works and Communications, the Health Minister, and the Permanent Secretary-General of the Department for National Defense. Ahead of his arrival, the South Vietnamese leader had specifically asked to visit Australian manufacturing sites in Sydney and Melbourne, particularly those in the food processing, textile, shipbuilding and housing industries.
Upon disembarking from his plane at Canberra Airport on the morning of Monday 2 September, Diệm was photographed for "The Age" and described as a "small but striking figure in a royal blue silk frock coat, long white trousers and black mandarin hat". He was greeted by the Governor-General of Australia Sir William Slim and the Prime Minister of Australia Robert Menzies, and was also introduced to the British High Commissioner Lord Carrington and United States Ambassador William Sebald. He was given a 21-gun salute and a guard of honour by the Royal Australian Air Force, whose fighter jets flew overhead, before making a speech about bilateral relations. Diệm said thanked Australia for its "unflagging support in our most critical hours" and praised relations as being of "a quality normally only found in countries united by long friendship". He said "From our common love for freedom and our determination to keep it, stem the solidarity and friendship between our two countries." The South Vietnamese leader was then hosted for a dinner reception at Yarralumla, the residence of the Governor-General.
The centrepiece of Diệm's visit was a speech to a joint sitting of the Parliament of Australia on Tuesday, September 3, with both the House of Representatives and the Senate in attendance. President Diệm said that "moral and spiritual rearmament" and the "moral unity" of the people were the key factors in fighting the spread of communism. After the speech, Menzies called for three cheers for Diệm at an official parliamentary luncheon. Doc Evatt, the leader of the opposition Australian Labor Party joined in, proclaiming that peace, stability and democracy had been achieved in South Vietnam. On the same day, Diệm also visited the Australian War Memorial and the Australian National University.
On Wednesday, 4 September, Diệm visited the Royal Military College Duntroon in Canberra, where he watched and addressed a parade of Australian cadets, who were training to become officers. Diệm told the students that they were "comrades of the Free World" and that they would help to defend like-minded countries. At midday, Diệm left the national capital to begin a two-day stint in Melbourne, the capital and largest city in the southern state of Victoria. He was flown to Melbourne Airport by a Royal Australian Air Force Convair and met by a guard of honour formed by members of the Royal Australian Navy. Diệm was met by Premier of Victoria Sir Henry Bolte and Lieutenant-Governor Sir Edmund Herring, and was the guest of honour at a reception hosted by Premier Bolte at Parliament House. On Thursday, 5 September, Diệm attended official receptions at Melbourne Town Hall and at the residence of the Governor of Victoria, re-emphasising his themes of anti-communism and the bilateral focus on democracy. He also visited three factories and had a private audience with the Catholic Archbishop of Melbourne Daniel Mannix, who was well known for his political power and advocacy in Australia. The next morning, before departing for Sydney, Diệm inspected a textile factory in the inner-northern suburb of Carlton and visited several large-scale public housing estates. At the time, Australia was undergoing a post-World War II population boom and was dealing with housing pressures, an issue that was also confronting South Vietnam following the large influx of northern refugees after the partition in 1954.
The guard of honour and a 21-gun salute that Diệm received at Parliament House was repeated in Sydney and Melbourne, where large crowds cheered Diệm's arrival at the airport and the passing of his motorcade. After arriving in Sydney on Friday, September 6, around midday aboard the RAAF Convair, the South Vietnamese leader was taken outside the capital cities for two days during the weekend, so that he could see the Snowy Mountains Scheme, a large hydroelectricity project in highland Victoria. He returned to Sydney on Sunday, September 8, and left Australia the following evening. In one of Diệm's final functions in Sydney, a minor emergency occurred at the Australia Hotel during a banquet hosted by the Premier of New South Wales, Joseph Cahill. A fire ignited in a pile of rubbish, causing alarm bells to sound for ten minutes, interrupting Premier Cahill when he was making his speech, but no evacuation was required.
At the end of the visit, Menzies bestowed on Diệm an honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George, one of the highest imperial honours that had been bestowed on someone who was not a British subject. In his final comments, Diệm said "I have been enriched by this visit to Australia, for I have noted the vast material and spiritual resources of a people who are hard-working, upright, frank, and loyal in their social, political and international relations." He was met by Governor-General Slim, Prime Minister Menzies, the heads of the branches of the Australian Defence Force, the New South Wales Police Commissioner, and given a guard of honour by 100 soldiers before departing on a Qantas Super Constellation requisitioned for his use. Edwards said of the trip: "Australia had now associated Diệm's survival with its national interest, publicly and without restraint", something that eventually extended to military support against the Vietnamese communists.
Diệm spent little time on detailed defence and policy discussions with Australian officials during the trip, because of his extensive meetings with Catholic leaders. Although Diệm had signalled his intentions to discuss defence relations during the visit, these did not materialise. At the end of the visit, Diệm and Menzies released a bilateral statement, announcing that they would increase the magnitude of the Colombo Plan, a program under which Asian students could study abroad in Western nations. However, there was little detail in the announcements relating to anti-communism, with only general expressions of Australian support, including a pledge to increase the amount of non-military aid for the South Vietnamese Civil Guard and civilian aid equipment. Diệm had previously stated that if North Vietnam attacked the south, he would send the Army of the Republic of Vietnam to land in the Red River Delta in the north and retaliate. This was contrary to the air attack plans of the South East Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO), which had vowed to defend the south under the provisions of the Manila Treaty. Despite the public statements of support, the Australian government never shared the details of the SEATO plans with Diệm.
Media reception and support.
The Australian media wrote uniformly glowing reports that heaped praise on Diệm, and generally presented him as a courageous, selfless and wise leader. "The Sydney Morning Herald" described Diệm as "One of the most remarkable men in the new Asia ... authoritarian in approach but liberal in principle". "The Age" compared Diệm favourably to Chiang Kai-shek and Syngman Rhee, the Presidents of the Republic of China and South Korea respectively. The trio were the respective leaders of the anti-communist halves of the three countries in Asia that had been divided along communist and anti-communist lines. "The Age" opined that Diệm was not "morally equivocal" but "incorruptible and intensely patriotic" compared to his anti-communist counterparts, and "the type of Asian leader whose straight talk and courageous manner should be valued". The editorial also noted Diệm's strong religious opinions and linked to his strident anti-communism and opposition to neutralism. It further acclaimed him as "incorruptible and patriotic" and that he had restored order to a chaotic country. "The Canberra Times" noted that Diệm's visit coincided with that of Foreign Minister Richard Casey to Malaya for that country's independence celebrations. Australia had supported Malaya's successful fight against communism and the newspaper compared the two countries, predicting that they would succeed because "the leaders owe their authority to popular support". Like the politicians, the press overlooked the negative aspects and reality of Diệm's rule, such as his authoritarianism. Although Diệm was depicted as being extremely popular and democratic, he had made himself president when his brother rigged a 1955 referendum that allowed him to depose Bảo Đại; Diệm was subsequently credited with 133% of the votes in Saigon. Diệm's family regime routinely engaged in corruption, ballot stuffing and arbitrary arrests of all opposition. The newspapers also failed to mention that the South Vietnamese economy was largely being propped up by the Commercial Import Program run by the United States and that land reform had failed.
The mainstream media depicted Diệm as a friendly and charismatic leader who related well to the populace. The "Herald" showed photographs of the president eating cheese, and inspecting the foliage at the Botanic Gardens. Diệm was depicted making friends with a young boy from a Collingwood public housing estate and having tea with South Vietnamese students studying abroad at the University of Melbourne, with the females wearing the traditional "áo dài". In contrast, Diệm was generally regarded as aloof and distant from the population, rarely heading outside the presidential palace to mingle with his people, and holding military processions in honour of his ascension to power in front of empty grandstands.
The strongest support for Diệm came from the Australian Catholic media. Diệm was a Catholic in a majority Buddhist country, and he had close religious links with the Vatican, who had helped him rise to power. He had stayed in a seminary run by Cardinal Francis Spellman in the United States in the early 1950s before his elevation to power. Diệm's elder brother Archbishop Ngô Đình Thục was the leading Catholic figure in Vietnam and a classmate of Spellman when the pair studied in Rome. Spellman was widely regarded as the most powerful Catholic figure in the United States and he helped to organise support for Diệm among American politicians, particularly Catholics. In 1957, Diệm dedicated his country to the Virgin Mary and ruled on the basis of a Catholic doctrine known as personalism. His younger brother Ngô Đình Nhu ran the secret and autocratic Catholic Cần Lao Party (Personalist Labor Party), which provided a clandestine network of support and police-state mechanisms to protect Diệm's rule. It counted many leading public servants and military officers among its members. Diệm also maintained land policies that were preferential to the Roman Catholic Church, the largest property owner in the country. Their holdings were exempt from redistribution under land reform schemes, while the construction of Buddhist temples was restricted; military and civil service promotions were given preferentially to Catholics. Some Catholic priests ran their own private armies and in some areas, forced conversions, looting, shelling and demolition of pagodas occurred.
The "Catholic Weekly" described Diệm as "his nation's saviour from Red onslaught ... an ardent patriot of great courage and moral integrity and an able intellectual". The paper also praised Diệm's Catholic links, pointing out that Thục was a former classmate of the current Archbishop of Sydney Norman Thomas Gilroy when they studied at the Vatican.
Diệm's achievements and support for Catholics were particularly praised by Bob Santamaria, the unofficial leader and guiding influence of the Democratic Labor Party (DLP). The DLP had broken away from the Australian Labor Party (ALP), the nation's main centre-left social democratic party. The split occurred in the 1950s during the McCarthyism scares, as the Catholic factions broke away to form the DLP on the basis that the ALP was too lenient towards communists. One of the reasons that Menzies strongly backed Diệm was to gain further favour with the DLP and accentuate the divisions among his left wing opponents.
Diệm's visit prompted increased interest in Vietnam by Australian Catholics, particularly supporters of the DLP. Australian Catholics came to see South Vietnam as an anti-communist and Vatican stronghold in Asia and as a result, became strong supporters of the Vietnam War. Harold Lalor, a Jesuit priest and leading confidant of Santamaria, had studied with Thục in Rome. During the trip, Diệm met with Gilroy, the first Australian cardinal, as well as Santamaria and Archbishop of Melbourne Daniel Mannix, both of whom praised him strongly. Mannix was one of the most powerful men in Australia during the era, and had great political influence.
Aftermath.
The positive reception accorded to Diệm in 1957 contrasted with increasingly negative Australian attitudes towards Vietnam. Over time, the media in both Australia and the United States began to pay more attention to Diệm's autocratic style and religious bias, especially after the eruption of the Buddhist crisis in 1963, and the iconic self-immolation of Thích Quảng Đức. After six months of civil unrest, Diệm was deposed and assassinated in November 1963, and by that time, little goodwill remained. With new leadership in Saigon, and an escalation in the war against the communists, Australia sent in ground troops—including conscripts—to support South Vietnam, but over time, the bipartisanship of the 1950s evaporated. The centre-left ALP became more sympathetic to the communists and Labor leader Arthur Calwell stridently denounced South Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyễn Cao Kỳ as a "fascist dictator" and a "butcher" ahead of his 1967 visit—at the time Kỳ was the chief of the Republic of Vietnam Air Force and headed a military junta. Despite the controversy leading up to the visit, Kỳ's trip was a success. He dealt with the media effectively, despite hostile sentiment from some sections of the press and public. However, with the war becoming increasing destructive, and the death toll rising, opposition to the Vietnam War grew. In 1970, Labor leader Gough Whitlam posed with the Viet Cong flag, and his deputy Jim Cairns, the chairman of the Vietnam Moratorium Committee, led large anti-war protests. Labor won the 1972 federal election on an anti-war platform, and Whitlam withdrew Australian troops and recognised North Vietnam, which welcomed his electoral success. Whitlam later refused to accept South Vietnamese refugees following the fall of Saigon to the communists in April 1975. The Liberals—led by Malcolm Fraser—condemned Whitlam, and after defeating Labor in December 1975, allowed South Vietnamese refugees to settle in Australia in large numbers.


Bindunuwewa massacre

The Bindunuwewa Massacre or Bindunuwewa Prison Massacre took place on October 24, 2000, at a detention center of Bindunuwewa, Sri Lanka, resulting in the deaths of 26 minority Tamil political prisoners by a mob of majority people.
Camp.
The low-security detention center was established to house former LTTE cadres. Of the 26 killed, 2 were under the age of 21 and the rest were between 21 and 30.
The massacre.
On October 24, 2000, a mob of a few hundred villagers armed with knives, rods and torches stormed the detention center. The Sri Lankan Army detachment that was posted there had been withdrawn the previous day, for unknown reasons.
Once the massacre started, the posted police personnel refused to intervene to stop it.
Government response.
Initially, the government responded by saying that the detainees had rioted and that the massacre was an outcome of an attempt to control the rioting. Then it was claimed that the police were unable to protect the detainees in the face of superior mob force. Eventually, the government charged a few police officers with a crime. Most were initially convicted of murder, only to be released by the Sri Lankan Supreme Court in 2005.
Theories.
A number of theories have been postulated to explain the massacre:


History of Indian foreign relations

The History of Indian foreign policy refers to the foreign relations of modern India post-independence, that is the Dominion of India "(from 1947 to 1950)" and the Republic of India "(from 1950 onwards)".
Nehru's foreign-policy: 1947-1966.
Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, usually with the assistance of Krishna Menon, shaped India's foreign policy. At first, it was vague and rather grandiose dream of forging an international coalition of non-colonial and the colonized powers, but the world was rapidly bifurcated by the emergence of the Cold War between the West, led by the United States and Britain, and the East, led by the Soviet Union. It was urgent to develop policies regarding the Cold War, as well as relations with Pakistan, Britain, and the Commonwealth. The rest could wait. Nehru and the Congress looked on the Soviet Union with distrust, reassuring the West that there was not the least chance of India lining up with the Soviet Union in war or peace. Nehru intensely disliked the Cold War--the more India got involved, he believed, the worse for his long-term objectives of economic and national development. He took the lead in the non-aligned movement.
Nehru kept India's membership in the British Commonwealth, despite the widespread distrust of Britain across his Congress party. Popular grievances included the British UN delegation openly supported Pakistan on the Kashmir issue, Britain providing military advice to Pakistan, and London supporting the Dutch efforts to crush Indonesian nationalism. At that time the Commonwealth was little more than a debating society, but one objective was to use it as a sounding board for Third World interests. Non-membership would leave Pakistan in a stronger position. Another factor was the clear need for American help in terms of aid, loans, and trade. Nehru did not want to be too indebted to the Americans, and in that sense, the British and Commonwealth connection would be something of a counterweight. He did insist that the symbolic importance of the King be strictly limited, so there was no sense whatever of royal sovereignty in India.
The Soviet Union was angry at India's hostility, and with the Kremlin control of the Indian Communist Party stirred up repeated attacks in Parliament and in media. Nehru set out to establish a conference of the states bordering the Indian Ocean, from Egypt and Ethiopia to the Philippines, Australia, and New Zealand. It was an ambitious plan and gave Nehru the opportunity to give advice to the recently decolonized governments in the region, especially Burma and Ceylon. The Indian efforts were plotted in the United States, but let nowhere. At the United Nations, the Soviets supported Pakistan and there was a move to demand arbitration or a plebiscite, but India steadfastly repudiated the notions. Nehru insisted that Indian troops would not be withdrawn from Kashmir.
With favorable publicity in America, Nehru and Menon discussed whether India should "align with the United States 'somewhat' and build up our economic and military strength." He made a major visit to the United States and Canada in October 1949. The Truman administration was quite favorable and indicated it would give Nehru anything he asked for. He proudly refused to beg and thereby forfeited the chance for a gift of a million tons of wheat. The American Secretary of State Dean Acheson recognized Nehru's potential world role but added that he was "one of the most difficult men with whom I have ever had to deal." The American visit was a partial success, in that Nehru gained widespread support for his nation, and he himself gained a much deeper understanding of the American outlook. He also stiffened his negative attitude toward the Soviet Union, and also towards the new communist state of China. Nehru was especially annoyed that Moscow had adopted a negative and destructive approach to South East Asia, apparently trying to destabilize the region. Informally, Nehru made it clear that it would help defend Nepal and South East Asia against any communist aggression.
Nehru dramatically changed course in 1950. After first voting in the United States nations against the North Korean invasion of South Korea, India announced the only real solution was to admit Communist China to the United Nations. This position greatly pleased Moscow and Beijing but distressed Washington. In 1951 he refused to participate in the Japanese peace treaty, considering it an American imperialistic venturer to seize control of Japanese policies. The net result was that India gained prestige in the Third World, and set the stage for a close relationship with the Soviet Union. Pakistan, meanwhile, grew much closer to the United States and even seriously considered sending troops to fight alongside the Americans in Korea. This set the stage for an American transition to favor Pakistan strongly over India.
Nehru developed from Buddhist thought the Panchsheel (also known as the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence), which would be included in future agreements. Nehru based India's foreign policy on these five principles, as articulated in 1954:
He did not mention a fierce determination to retain control of the Kashmir, a goal that would soon emerge.
Indira Gandhi foreign-policy: 1966-1984.
The stated aims of the foreign policy of the Indira Gandhi premiership between 1967 and 1977 include a focus on security, by fighting militants abroad and strengthening border defenses. On 30 October 1981 at the meeting organised to mark silver jubilee celebration of the School of International Studies, Gandhi said, "A country’s policy is shaped by many forces- its position on the map, and the countries which are its neighbours, the policies they adopt, and the actions they take, as well as its historical experiences in the aggregate and in terms of its particular success or traumas."
In early 1971, disputed elections in Pakistan led East Pakistan to declare independence as Bangladesh. Repression and violence by the Pakistani army led 10 million refugees to cross border in to India over the coming months. Finally in December 1971, Gandhi directly intervened in the conflict to defeat Pakistan's army in Bangladesh. India emerged victorious in the resulting conflict to become the dominant power of South Asia. India had signed a treaty with the Soviet Union promising mutual assistance in the case of war, while Pakistan received active support from the United States during the conflict. U.S. President Richard Nixon disliked Gandhi personally. Relations with the U.S. became distant as Gandhi developed closer ties with the Soviet Union after the war. The latter grew to become India's largest trading partner and its biggest arms supplier.
Foreign policy since 1989.
After collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War in 1989, India no longer had to deal with its nonaligned position in the Cold War. Diplomat Shivshankar Menon identified six major policy decisions. They were: the 1993 Border Peace and Tranquility Agreement with China; the Civil Nuclear Agreement with the United States in 2005; the rejection of force against Pakistan after the 2008 Mumbai attacks; dealing with Sri Lanka's civil war; and announcing a policy of No first use of nuclear weapons.
Pakistan.
Relations between India and Pakistan have been complex and largely hostile due to a number of historical and political events. Relations between the two states have been defined by the violent partition of British India in 1947 which started the Kashmir conflict, and the numerous military conflicts fought between the two nations. Consequently, their relationship has been plagued by hostility and suspicion. Northern India and Pakistan somewhat overlap in areas of certain demographics and shared lingua francas (mainly Punjabi, Sindhi and Hindustani).
After the dissolution of the British Raj in 1947, two new sovereign nations were formed—the Dominion of India and the Dominion of Pakistan. The subsequent partition of the former British India displaced up to 12.5 million people, with estimates of loss of life varying from several hundred thousand to 1 million. India emerged as a secular nation with a Hindu majority population and a large Muslim minority, while Pakistan with a Muslim majority population and a large Hindu minority later became an Islamic Republic although its constitution guaranteed freedom of religion to people of all faiths. It later lost most of its Hindu minority due to migration and after East Pakistan was separated in the Bangladesh Liberation War.
Soon after their independence, India and Pakistan established diplomatic relations but the violent partition and numerous territorial claims would overshadow their relationship. Since their Independence, the two countries have fought three major wars, one undeclared war and have been involved in numerous armed skirmishes and military standoffs. The Kashmir conflict is the main centre-point of all of these conflicts with the exception of the Indo-Pakistan War of 1971 and Bangladesh Liberation War, which resulted in the secession of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh).
There have been numerous attempts to improve the relationship—notably, the Shimla summit, the Agra summit and the Lahore summit. Since the early 1980s, relations between the two nations soured particularly after the Siachen conflict, the intensification of Kashmir insurgency in 1989, Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests in 1998 and the 1999 Kargil war. Certain confidence-building measures — such as the 2003 ceasefire agreement and the Delhi–Lahore Bus service – were successful in de-escalating tensions. However, these efforts have been impeded by periodic terrorist attacks. The 2001 Indian Parliament attack almost brought the two nations to the brink of a nuclear war. The 2007 Samjhauta Express bombings, which killed 68 civilians (most of whom were Pakistani), was also a crucial point in relations. Additionally, the 2008 Mumbai attacks carried out by Pakistani militants resulted in a severe blow to the ongoing India-Pakistan peace talks.
After a brief thaw following the election of new governments in both nations, bilateral discussions again stalled after the 2016 Pathankot attack. In September 2016, a terrorist attack on an Indian military base in Indian-administered Kashmir, the deadliest such attack in years, killed 19 Indian Army soldiers. India's claim that the attack had been orchestrated by a Pakistan-supported jihadist group was denied by Pakistan, which claimed the attack had been a local reaction to unrest in the region due to excessive force by Indian security personnel. The attack sparked a military confrontation across the Line of Control, with an escalation in ceasefire violations and further militant attacks on Indian security forces. Since 2016, the ongoing confrontation, continued terrorist attacks and an increase in nationalist rhetoric on both sides has resulted in the collapse of bilateral relations, with little expectation they will recover. Notably, following the 2019 Pulwama attack, the Indian government revoked Pakistan's most favoured nation trade status, which it had granted to Pakistan in 1996. India also increased the custom duty to 200% which majorly affected the trade of Pakistani apparel and cement.
Since the election of new governments in both India and Pakistan in the early 2010s, some attempts have been made to improve relations, in particular developing a consensus on the agreement of Non-Discriminatory Market Access on Reciprocal Basis (NDMARB) status for each other, which will liberalize trade. Both India and Pakistan are members of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation and its South Asian Free Trade Area. Pakistan used to host a pavilion at the annual India International Trade Fair which drew huge crowds. Deteriorating relations between the two nations resulted in boycott of Pakistani traders at the trade fair.
In November 2015, the new Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi and Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif agreed to the resumption of bilateral talks; the following month, Prime Minister Modi made a brief, unscheduled visit to Pakistan while en route to India, becoming the first Indian Prime Minister to visit Pakistan since 2004. Despite those efforts, relations between the countries have remained frigid, following repeated acts of cross-border terrorism. According to a 2017 BBC World Service poll, only 5% of Indians view Pakistan's influence positively, with 85% expressing a negative view, while 11% of Pakistanis view India's influence positively, with 62% expressing a negative view.
In August 2019, following the approval of the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill in the Indian Parliament, which revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, further tension was brought between the two countries, with Pakistan downgrading their diplomatic ties, closing its airspace and suspending bilateral trade with India.
Non-aligned movement.
"Main Article: Non-aligned Movement"
Further Information: non aligned
Nehru was the leader of the Non aligned movement. It was the largest movement outside of the United Nations. After the collapse of the USSR the movement lost its relevance.
Russia.
The long-standing close relationship abruptly ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991. The steep decline ended by the mid-1990s with the new partnership organized by the Russian leader Vladimir Putin. In the 21st century, the goals of Russian foreign policy include the expansion of economic cooperation, weapon and technology transfer, and cultural exchange. For example, Russia provided technical assistance to India's Kudankulam Nuclear Power Project.
Further reading.
China.
( Paul, Thazha V., ed. "The China-India rivalry in the globalization era" (Georgetown University Press, 2018).


Nanda Pakyan

Nanda Pakyan (, ; also spelled Ananda Pakyan; 1280s – 1350s) was chief minister of Sagaing from the 1330s to the 1350s. The powerful minister placed at least three kings Kyaswa (r. 1339−49), Anawrahta II (r. 1349) and Tarabya II (r. 1349−52) on the throne, became the commander-in-chief, and ran the country.
Brief.
Nanda Pakyan, formally Ananda Pakyan, was in the service of King Tarabya I in 1335/36 when the king was overthrown by his own son Shwetaungtet. The minister served the usurper but having taken bribes from the dowager queen Saw Hnaung, kept quiet about the whereabouts of her young children who were the legitimate claimants to the throne. Chronicles suggest he may have been involved with the queen herself. Nonetheless, the minister's loyalties ultimately lay with himself. When loyalists of the deposed king attacked the palace and killed Shwetaungtet, he led the palace guards and put down the loyalists, and killed Tarabya himself.
He then placed Kyaswa (r. 1339−49), the 16-year-old eldest son of the founder of the kingdom Saw Yun, on the throne. The new king appointed Nanda Pakyan chief minister and commander-in-chief with the title of Thubarit. The minister was the power behind the throne, and practically ran the country. He also placed the next two kings Anawrahta II (r. 1349) and Tarabya II (r. 1349−52) on the throne. He might have had a hand in the following king Thihapate's accession.


Sri Krishnadevaraya (film)

Sri Krishnadevaraya is a 1970 Indian historical drama film in Kannada language, produced and directed by B. R. Panthulu. It stars Rajkumar as Krishnadevaraya, an emperor of the Vijayanagara Empire in the 16th century. R. Nagendra Rao, B. R. Panthulu, Narasimharaju and N. Bharathi appear in pivotal roles. The film was Rajkumar's first in color.
The film won three awards at the 1969–70 Karnataka State Film Awards - Best Actor (B. R. Panthulu), Best Actress (N. Bharathi) and Best Music Director (T. G. Lingappa). The movie saw a theatrical run of 28 weeks.
However, B.R. Panthulu refused to accept the award. In a letter dated 23rd September 1970, he cited that Rajkumar, who played Krishnadevaraya, was more eligible for the award. After this incident, the Karnataka Government started two separate category of awards - one for the lead roles and another one for the supporting roles.
Soundtrack.
T. G. Lingappa composed the film's music and the lyrics for the soundtrack were written by K. Prabhakara Shastry and Vijaya Narasimha. The album has nine soundtracks.