Confucius Institutes are entities that seek to promote Chinese language and culture in foreign countries. Their establishment is guided by Hanban, which is headquartered in Beijing, China, and, according to various sources, is affiliated with the Chinese government’s Ministry of Education. The first Confucius Institute in the United States was established in 2004, and there were approximately 525 institutes worldwide as of September 2018, according to Hanban’s website. Most Confucius Institutes in the United States are based at colleges and universities. We identified 96 Confucius Institutes in operation at U.S. colleges and universities in 44 states and the District of Columbia as of January 2019. See our February 2019 report on Confucius Institutes for a full list of the schools and their locations. Figure 1 shows U.S. states with one or more Confucius Institute on college or university campuses. Additionally, in recent years, some U.S. universities have partnered with Chinese universities to establish degree-granting institutions in China approved by the country’s government. The Chinese government requires that U.S. universities seeking to establish such an education arrangement in China partner with a Chinese university, and establish written agreements with the Chinese university defining the academics, governance, operations, finances, and other aspects of the arrangement. At the time of our review in August 2016, the 12 institutions we reviewed ranged from fewer than 40 to more than 3,000 students. More than 90 percent of the students across the 12 institutions were Chinese, and less than 6 percent were U.S. citizens. In February 2019, we reported that Confucius Institutes in the United States that we reviewed were established as a partnership between a U.S. school and a Chinese college or university, funded and arranged in part by Hanban. Management of the institutes varies by school. Some Confucius Institutes at U.S. schools are part of an academic department or an administrative office, while others report directly to the school president or other school leadership. Confucius Institute personnel generally consist of a Confucius Institute director or directors, Confucius Institute teachers, and a board of directors. At the 10 case study schools that were part of our review, the Confucius Institute director was a U.S. school employee—either a school administrator, faculty member, or professional hired to manage the Confucius Institute. In addition, several case study schools had a Chinese assistant director, who reported to the Confucius Institute director from the United States, and often was an employee at the Chinese partner university. In February 2019, we reported that officials we interviewed from case study schools stated that Confucius Institutes’ benefits include opportunities for schools to forge international connections and receive funding and other resources for China-related programs. These officials noted that because Hanban pays the salaries of Confucius Institute teachers who teach language and assist with Chinese programs at schools, sparing the schools these costs, these schools could offer Chinese language courses even when enrollment was low. Case study school officials also stated that Confucius Institutes provide valuable resources and opportunities to increase knowledge of and exposure to China and Chinese culture within the school and in the broader community. Case study school officials, researchers, and others we interviewed also offered various perspectives on whether having Confucius Institutes on campuses could bring about undue Chinese influence. These parties discussed the potential for or absence of Chinese interference in events and activities at the institute and on campus. They also expressed views on Confucius Institute teacher hiring, and quality of those teachers. Several school officials, researchers, and others we interviewed expressed concerns that hosting a Confucius Institute could limit events or activities critical of China—including events at the institute and elsewhere on campus. Two officials who expressed these concerns were faculty members at one case study school who have not applied for Confucius Institute funding for a research project because they believed Hanban would not approve of the topic. In contrast, officials at multiple case study schools noted that U.S. school faculty members make all decisions regarding conference themes, guest speakers, and topics for events at their institute. Officials at some schools offered examples of events and activities their Confucius Institute had sponsored that addressed topics that could be considered critical of China. Specifically, they reported hosting a conference discussing intellectual property in relation to China and events on Tibet, territorial disputes in the South China Sea, and religion in China. In addition, multiple researchers and others we spoke with expressed concerns with the Confucius Institute teacher selection process whereby Hanban or the Chinese partner school accepts initial applications from potential Confucius Institute teachers and proposes candidates to the U.S. school. These individuals noted that the Chinese entities could use such a process to effectively screen out candidates based on inappropriate criteria, such as political or religious affiliation. Officials we interviewed at multiple case study schools that had Confucius Institute teachers, however, expressed no concerns about the process for hiring teachers. School officials stated that they believed their school generally controlled the hiring process and were thus satisfied with it. Most officials emphasized that while institute teachers often come from the Chinese partner university, and are referred by the partner or Hanban, the U.S. school makes the final hiring selection. Case study school officials, researchers, and others also suggested ways to improve the institutes, including changing the language in agreements governing Confucius Institutes and policies for sharing these agreements. These parties stated that schools should remove the confidentiality section of their agreements and make the agreements publicly available online. Several researchers and others also emphasized that making the agreements publicly available would dispel questions and concerns over their contents. Several representatives of higher education institutions told us that they believed the confidentiality language in agreements was unnecessary and schools should consider removing it from their agreements. A few case study school officials, researchers, and others we interviewed stated that schools should include stronger language in the agreements to make it clearer that the U.S. school has executive decision-making authority. School officials and others we interviewed suggested other steps that schools could take to ensure they protect against undue Chinese influence. Several school officials stated that the schools should clearly delineate between the Confucius Institutes’ programs and their own Chinese language programs, such as by locating the institute apart from these departments within the school’s organizational structure. A few school officials and others noted that Confucius Institute teachers should not teach credit-bearing courses, even if those courses use curriculum developed by the school’s language department. One school administrator, who stated that his school’s Confucius Institute would never have a Chinese assistant director because the position suggests an excessive degree of Chinese influence, recommended that other schools remove the Chinese assistant director position from their institutes. Officials from two case study schools and others we interviewed stated that schools should organize events through the institute specifically intended to address what some might perceive as a topic sensitive to Chinese interests to demonstrate the school and institute were not subject to undue Chinese influence. In August 2016, we reported that the 12 U.S. universities we reviewed generally reported receiving support for their institutions in China from their Chinese partner universities and from Chinese government entities, with limited funding from U.S. government agencies and private donors. Most universities reported being granted land, resources for construction of buildings, and the use of the Chinese university’s campus facilities. The amount of support reported by the universities varied widely and was in some cases substantial. For example, one university reported receiving nearly 500 acres of land and a commitment from the Chinese provincial and local governments to spend about $240 million for construction and development of facilities. Five of the 12 universities reported receiving federal funding, which in most cases consisted of federal financial aid to U.S. students. At the time of our review, most universities we reviewed included language in their written agreements or other policies that either embodied a protection of academic freedom or indicated that the institution in China will adhere to academic standards commensurate with those at their U.S. campus. Six universities in our review included language in either their written agreements or other university policies that indicated a protection of academic freedom, such as permitting students to pursue research in relevant topics and allowing students to freely ask questions in the classroom. For example, one university’s agreement stated that all members of and visitors to the institution in China will have unlimited freedoms of expression and inquiry and will not be restricted in the selection of research, lecture, or presentation topics. Another three universities’ written agreements included language indicating that the institution in China will adhere to academic standards commensurate with either the U.S. campus or the university’s accrediting agency or other authoritative bodies. Fewer agreements addressed other types of protections at the time of our review. About half of the universities GAO reviewed addressed access to information, such as providing faculty and students with access to physical or online libraries, though a few universities’ agreements and policies include language protecting internet access. Written agreements and policies for about half of the universities we reviewed included language that suggested a protection of at least one of the freedoms of speech, assembly, and religion or worship, though the number of universities addressing each freedom varies. For example, regarding freedom of speech, student and faculty handbooks at a few of these universities contained language indicating that students have the ability to discuss sensitive topics. Regarding freedom of religion or worship, several of the universities included language in their policy documents indicating that religious practices will be protected. The more than 130 faculty and students we interviewed from universities’ institutions in China during our 2016 review generally reported that academic freedom had not been restricted. Faculty told us they did not face academic restrictions and could teach or study whatever they chose. For example, several faculty members asserted that neither they nor their colleagues would tolerate any academic restrictions, and one faculty member told us he and his colleagues intentionally introduced class discussions on politically sensitive topics to test whether this would trigger any complaints or attempted censorship. Students also generally indicated that they experienced academic freedom and could study or discuss any topic. Some students who had also studied or knew others who studied at Chinese universities contrasted their experiences at a U.S. institution in China, noting that they could have interactive dialogue with faculty, discuss sensitive topics, and freely access information at the U.S. institution but not at a Chinese university. Through interviews and responses to our questionnaire, university administrators reported that academic freedom was integral to their institutions in China. Administrators at several universities told us that academic freedom was nonnegotiable, while others noted that the same curriculum used in the United States also applied to their institution in China. However, fewer than half of the universities we reviewed had uncensored internet access at the time of our review. We visited universities with and without uncensored internet access, and observed university members accessing search engines, newspapers, and social media sites that have been blocked in China—such as the New York Times, Google, and Facebook—at some universities but not others. At several universities that lacked uncensored internet access, students and faculty told us that, as a result, they sometimes faced challenges teaching, conducting research, and completing coursework. For example, one faculty member told us that she sometimes asked others outside of mainland China to conduct internet research for her because they can access information she could not. Several students at another university told us their ability to conduct academic research was constrained by the internet limitations. We also reported in August 2016 that additional factors that could create obstacles to learning at U.S. universities in China, including self- censorship and constraints specific to Chinese students. Administrators, faculty, and students representing more than half of the universities we reviewed gave examples of self-censorship, including some cases where individuals were advised by teachers or others in positions of authority to avoid certain topics. For example, an administrator at one university noted that he believed it was advisable, as a guest of China, to refrain from insulting China, while an administrator at another university noted that the university advised teachers to avoid discussing sensitive subjects in class. In addition, we found that some conditions specific to Chinese students may constrain their academic experience. For example, some noted that Chinese students may know or suspect that their Chinese classmates are government or Communist Party monitors and will report on whatever the students say. An administrator at one university told us that he assumed there were Chinese students and faculty in the institution who reported to the government or the Communist Party about the activities of other Chinese students. Faculty members at several universities told us that they understood there were Chinese students in class who intended to report on the speech of faculty or Chinese students. Finally, we also observed that three of the 12 universities we reviewed that were approved by the Chinese Ministry of Education as having independent legal status shared characteristics that may be correlated with greater academic and other freedoms on campus. We found that these three universities had campuses built specifically for the joint institution that were located relatively far away from their Chinese university partner’s campus, generally controlled their own day-to-day operations, had uncensored internet access, and offered extensive campus and student life programs. In contrast, the other nine universities we reviewed did not consistently share these characteristics at the time of our review. Chairman Portman, Ranking Member Carper, and Members of the Subcommittee, this completes my prepared statement. I would be pleased to respond to any questions that you may have at this time. If you or your staff have any questions about this testimony, please contact Jason Bair, Acting Director, International Affairs and Trade at (202) 512-6881 or bairj@gao.gov. Contact points for our Offices of Congressional Relations and Public Affairs may be found on the last page of this statement. GAO staff who made key contributions to this testimony are Joseph Carney (Assistant Director), Caitlin Mitchell (Analyst in Charge), Joyce Kang, Neil Doherty, Melissa Emrey-Arras, Meeta Engle, Elizabeth Repko, Aldo Salerno, Michael Silver, and Nicole Willems. This is a work of the U.S. government and is not subject to copyright protection in the United States. The published product may be reproduced and distributed in its entirety without further permission from GAO. However, because this work may contain copyrighted images or other material, permission from the copyright holder may be necessary if you wish to reproduce this material separately.
Numerous U.S. universities and colleges have partnered with Chinese entities to establish (1) Confucius Institutes in the United States and (2) degree-granting institutions in China. Confucius Institutes are partnerships between Chinese entities and schools in other countries, arranged and funded in part by Hanban, which seek to promote Chinese language and culture. There were 96 institutes located at colleges and universities in the United States as of January 2019. U.S. universities have also partnered with Chinese universities to establish degree-granting institutions in China approved by the Chinese government. School officials have noted these types of partnerships provide valuable educational, cultural, and other benefits. Some researchers, government officials, and others, however, have raised concerns about them, including about the contents of written agreements and the role of the Chinese government, which, according to the Department of State, has made efforts to restrict academic freedom and impose censorship at Chinese universities and other institutions. Some have expressed concern that U.S. universities partnering with the Chinese government may face similar restrictions. This testimony discusses funding, agreements, and operations of (1) Confucius Institutes in the United States and (2) U.S. universities in China. This testimony is based on GAO's February 2019 report on Confucius Institutes in the United States and GAO's August 2016 report on U.S. universities in China. GAO reviewed 90 agreements establishing Confucius Institutes and spoke to officials about benefits and concerns related to the institutes. Agreements between Hanban—an affiliate of the Chinese Ministry of Education—and U.S. colleges and universities generally describe similar activities, funding, and management, though institute operations vary in practice. Confucius Institutes receive funding from Hanban and U.S. schools, and do not receive direct federal funding. While 42 of 90 agreements contained language about the document being confidential, some were available online or upon request, and one-third of the 90 agreements explicitly addressed how U.S. school policies apply to the institutes. Officials GAO interviewed at 10 case study schools noted U.S. school policies apply to institutes at their schools. GAO also interviewed some researchers and others who expressed concern that the presence of Confucius Institutes could constrain campus activities and classroom content. For example, several suggested schools with institutes might avoid hosting events on topics that could include criticism of China, such as Taiwan or Tibet, so as to not offend Chinese partners. School officials offered examples to illustrate that these concerns did not apply to their institute, noting institutes had sponsored events on such topics. Nonetheless, school officials and others suggested ways schools could improve institute management, such as renegotiating agreements to clarify U.S. schools' authority and making agreements publicly available. In August 2016, GAO reported that U.S. universities that have partnered with Chinese universities to establish degree-granting institutions in China emphasize academic freedom, but face internet censorship and other challenges. The 12 U.S. universities GAO reviewed generally reported receiving support for their institutions in China from Chinese government entities and universities, and 5 reported receiving U.S. government funding, mostly federal financial aid to U.S. students. Universities' agreements with Chinese partners or other policies GAO reviewed generally included language protecting academic freedom or indicating their institution in China would adhere to U.S. standards. University members generally indicated that they experienced academic freedom, but also stated that internet censorship, self-censorship, and other factors presented constraints. At several universities that lacked uncensored internet access, faculty and students noted that, as a result, they faced challenges teaching, conducting research, and completing coursework at that time.