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How Russia’s Anti-Profanity Law Is Affecting Independent Filmmakers · Global Voices
Masha

Screenshot from Valeria Gaius Germanica's “Yes & Yes,” an award-winning Russian independent film which was effectively banned three days after release. Trailer uploaded by YouTube user Alexey Kraevsky.
The Russian Parliament, known as the State Duma, passed a law banning profanity from theater, movies, public performances, music and books, earlier this summer.
It has been two months since the ban took effect on July 1, and filmmakers are still trying to grapple with how the law will have repercussions on their work and Russian culture at large.
Although on the surface profanity can be seen as an undesirable function of language, in Russia, profanity or mat  as it is known in Russian, isn’t just the vulgar language of the streets, it communicates an important sphere of thought, and currently has an important place in opera theatres, classical works of literature and independent film.
The ordinance, led by the Chairman of the Duma Committee on Culture Stanislav Govorukhin, comes on the heels of an ever-tightening spiral of conservative lifestyle legislature, which also includes banning “gay propaganda,” outlawing the sale of lace underwear, and requiring blogs with a readership of over 3000 visitors to register as official media.
New repercussions
Rather than “bleeping out” or cutting offensive language, censorship boards now have the authority to pull distribution certificates for any films judged to have profane content. Films with swear words will now need to be shown at special festivals and private screenings.
Equally troubling, the law now requires all films to obtain distribution certificates, which can cost up to 20,000 rubles (600 USD). “Documentary directors, whom I represent, do not care as much about the curse ban at the moment, as they care about the distribution licenses that they need to get as of July 1,” said  Olga Kurina, a commercial director of the Centre of National Film, in a roundtable discussion for vozduh.afisha.ru. “Previously distribution licences were only required for wider public showings, but now they apply to everyone,” she added.
In case a movie theater decides to show such a movie illegally, it would need to pay up to US $2,700 in fines. The law will levy fines up to US $70 for individual offenders and US $1,400 for organizations that continue using swear words in arts and media.
Books and DVDs that contain curse words have to be sold in special packaging that would warn people about “strong language.”
Pushing intelligentsia out?
According to the Kremlin, the ban was intended to further “the protection and development of linguistic culture.” Mat has its origins in street culture, working class areas, villages, and communities with little formal schooling, leading some to speculate that banning swear words is meant to promote more “educated” language. However, mat is a nuanced, ever-developing linguistic culture, used by proletariat and intelligentsia alike as a language of opposition.
“Russian mat is a unique and even sacred linguistic phenomenon. Its roots lie deep down in the Russian traditional culture. And the ban on its use is very stupid. On the contrary one could offer to protect it as a cultural heritage,” Valeriya Gai Germanika, a prominent Russian movie director whose critically acclaimed film Yes and Yes was pulled from distribution as a result of the ban, told Trud newspaper.
Movies, literature and plays are among the tools that opposition artists use to deliver their message. The heaviest language is often found in films that are about the heaviest social issues – for example, movies about the war, the police, or the working class. As documentary filmmaker Marina Razbezhkina has noted, it is virtually impossible to film a documentary about real people while omitting the use of profanity, since it is so intertwined in the lexicon. Therefore, there is speculation that this law was aimed at silencing oppositional voices.
Further, banning particular words attacks the symptom, rather than the underlying problem. Although Russian official rhetoric claims to take pride in the country’s tradition of rich homegrown cultural output, it has done little to nurture it, instead investing little in education, taking the brightest students to the army and forcing intelligentsia to flee the country.
This legislation is not expected to impact foreign movie producers, as strong language in foreign movies will be dubbed into a more benign lexicon. (Although, foreign films that depict Russia in an unfavorable light may be the target of another ban in the near future.)
Optionality of execution
The reality is that Russia’s most infamous laws are either not implemented at all or only partially enforced.  Mikhail Saltykov-Shchedrin, a 19th century Russian satirist once noted that ‘the ferocity of Russian laws are compensated by optionality of their execution.”
When Andrey Zvyagintsev, a prominent Russian film director, won an award for the Best Screenplay in Cannes Film Festival in 2014 for his film Leviathan, movie critics predicted that his movie would never be shown in Russia.  Leviathan tells a story about a man who tries to fight corruption in one of the remote towns in Russia. The movie touches upon the most important social aspects through the usage of curse words and powerful dialogues.
Film poster for “Yes & Yes,” an award-winning independent film that was affected by the ban three days after release. Poster from kinopoisk.ru
Zvyagintsev refused to edit the movie and get rid of the curse words. “We weighed every word; the whole vocabulary is appropriate there. It is a living language; it helps here. Castrated language and restrictions are bad for art,” he said during a press conference in Cannes.
Despite all the controversy, Zvyagintsev received the distribution certificate eight days after the law was enacted. “There are very few obscene words in the movie. It sounds like a language of truth, and the truth is the beauty,” Zvyagintsev told Itar Tass.
Valeria Gai Germanika’s Yes and Yes was not so lucky. Although the film won the director’s prize at the Moscow 36th International Film Festival and grossed nearly $30,000 in ticket sales within a limited three-day release shortly before the ban went into effect, it was not granted a distribution certificate due to its extensive use of provocative language.
“Changing my dialogues or making any cuts will definitively harm my movie; it will bother me very much. I don't know what I'll do… Swearing is a part of my life and my heroes’ lives,” Germanika told Fipresci.org.
On the other hand, some films were outlawed even prior to the profanity law – Clip, a Sebian movie directed by Maja Milos, was banned back in 2012 due to its depiction of explicit obscene language, drug and alcohol consumption, and heavily sexualized scenes featuring minors.
As filmmakers and independent artists struggle with these new challenges, it remains to be seen whether law will be used to set up a new cultural standard or to instill self-censorship and selectively punish certain artists.

author: Masha


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Hurricane Odile Damaged Mexico’s Fishing and Farming Industry, but Some Media Cared More About Tourist Resorts · Global Voices
J. Tadeo

Odile ravages San José del Cabo. Screen capture of video published on YouTube.
The meteorological phenomenon known as Odile hit Mexico's Pacific coast and the Sea of Cortez with hurricane-force winds on September 15 and 16, 2014. Not surprisingly, major media outlets focused on the damage and inconveniences suffered by tourist areas such as Los Cabos and Cabo San Lucas, located in the state of Baja California Sur.
But Odile did not confine her fury to these two internationally renowned tourist destinations; she also slammed many other localities that will now need their share of help recovering in the aftermath of the storm.
Damage was severe in states such as Sinaloa and Sonora, which, although less visited by travellers to Mexico, are actually key players in the country's economic sector. Unfortunately, their stories went largely unreported outside local media. The newspaper El Debate described the effects of Odile on agriculture, the region's main economic activity —specifically in the town of Guasave, where “moisture generated by Hurricane Odile's abundant rain caused damage to recently planted vegetable crops.”
Moreover, the same paper reported on the state of fishing, another important contributor to the Mexican economy: “What should have been a time of work, activity, and glory days [ … ] today is a sad picture of uncertainty and despair, since until yesterday the bad weather prevented us from working.” The word “devastation” was used to describe the effects of Odile on the seaside resort of Las Glorias, where damage was considerable.
Olivia Ruiz of the newspaper El Regional, which serves the community of Guasave, commented:
Las marejadas que han destruido las casas que estaban muy cerca del mar, los restaurantes que se instalaron en la playa y el espacio construido por el Ayuntamiento con andadores, barda y palapas, ahora están desaparecidos, destruidos casi en su totalidad.
The heavy seas that destroyed the houses nearest the ocean, the restaurants set up on the beach, and the public spaces built by the city with walkways, walls and thatched-roof gazebos are gone, almost entirely destroyed.
On Twitter, the mayor of Guasave, Armando Leyson, turned a blind eye to the havoc caused by Odile, preferring to observe Mexico's national holiday by sharing pictures of the September 16 Independence Day celebrations:
Así celebra Guasave su independencia. #VivaMéxico pic.twitter.com/iYlDLmeR3a
— Armando Kory Leyson (@koryleyson) September 17, 2014
This is how Guasave celebrates its independence.
Despite the merriment, @GuasaveSoy broadcast the following evidence of the storm's after-effects:
《VIDEO》Todo arrasa el mar a su paso, destruye postes y transformadores en #LasGlorias. #HuracánOdile #UnDíaDespués http://t.co/FCz4KoZXEq
— Guasave, Sinaloa (@GuasaveSoy) September 17, 2014
The sea rips up everything in its path, destroys posts and transformers.
User Damian Montoya commented that in the wake of Odile, he could now return to work:
Y mañana si a trabajar #sinaloa ya se fue #Odile
— Damian Montoya (@Damian_Montoya) September 17, 2014
And tomorrow back to work #sinaloa now that #Odile is gone.
This video shows the damage wrought by Odile as she crossed San Jose del Cabo:

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: J. Tadeo


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Images of Horror: Who Decides What We See Online? · Global Voices
WITNESS

David Haines family photo.
Written by Sam Gregory, Program Director at WITNESS. This post was originally published on the WITNESS blog.
In the last month, many people in the US and worldwide have been exposed to videos showing grotesque acts of violence, notably the killings of two journalists, James Foley and Steven Sotloff, and British aid worker David Haines by ISIS. Although sadly not exceptional in their graphic violence for those who watch the Twitter-stream of human rights and crisis footage, these received significant prominence in the mainstream media and have ignited an important conversation about roles and responsibilities in relation to graphic imagery and gross violations of human rights.
In response to the circulation of the videos created by ISIS, social media platforms responded by taking down the footage, and individual citizens, including family members of those murdered, started hashtag-driven movements and personal appeals around their own decision not to watch and encouraging others not to watch.
[Featured image from Twitter user Sajad Riyad – part of an effort by supporters and colleagues of British aid worker David Haines to circulate imagery of Mr. Haines “as he would want us to remember him” rather than the video of ISIS murdering him which became an international news story, September 2014.]
Within the community of people WITNESS works with, these news events point to critical questions for commercial social media platforms, and that we need to engage with as citizens, users of social media, and consumers of information and imagery.
Although often we perceive of spaces like YouTube and Facebook as free and open public spaces, they are not. In Ethan Zuckerman's analogy they are more akin to malls, largely driven by the commercial imperatives underlying them as much as by a public space role.  They are governed by relatively broad guidelines on what content is acceptable or not (that do allow a fair amount of discretion to the platforms), and differing perceptions from viewers and internally on what their audience and purpose is.
While it is not ideal that decisions on free speech are made by commercial platforms, given the role these platforms play in circulating critical information, WITNESS advocates for controversial content to be shareable and to remain on these platforms, and for as much clarity and consistency as possible on when/why material is removed.
YouTube, for instance, generally allows graphic footage only in contexts where it is framed as evidence of rights violations, rather than a glorification or validation of the act. So, in the case of the James Foley footage, YouTube referred a reporter for Slate to their content policies in relation to gratuitous violence, incitement to violence and hate speech:
“YouTube has clear policies that prohibit content like gratuitous violence, hate speech, and incitement to commit violent acts, and we remove videos violating these policies when flagged by our users,” a YouTube spokesperson told me over email. “We also terminate any account registered by a member of a designated Foreign Terrorist Organization and used in an official capacity to further its interests.”
Holding to these types of approaches consistently, irrespective of who is involved in violations, will help establish a more transparent standard.
Even with clear parameters, it is the case that some footage on YouTube and on other social media spaces that has important value for justice and accountability will get taken down – either because it is not framed as evidence, or because of human judgement calls on whether material fits within the company's guidelines. Footage that shows human rights violations is often graphic and uncomfortable, sometimes re-victimizing and is frequently subject to being arbitrarily or correctly removed either by administrators or concerted take-down attacks by outside actors (a relatively common problem on many social media spaces). When we analyzed the playlists of citizen video that have been shared on the Human Rights Channel (which is hosted on YouTube), we found that of the almost 6,000 videos showing rights violations that we have shared, almost 5% are now missing. This could mean they were deleted, removed or made private.
One idea that has been circulating is that of a digital “evidence locker.” The “evidence locker” would make sure that powerful but offensive citizen media related to human rights is downloaded and saved. This would be done in a way that preserves metadata and other important video information, so that it can potentially be used in future prosecutions and investigations by NGOs and human rights actors even if it is rapidly deleted on a social platform.
Add to the mix conversations about how to enable better human rights-dedicated archives and tools that enable secure-sharing of dangerous or compromising material. The idea behind some of these tools (which includes projects like our own InformaCam app) is that they would allow a creator to send content direct to investigators and human rights groups.
For the past few years human rights groups and journalists have grappled with an increasing flood of graphic imagery – some more pervasive than we have recently seen- that they can access as documentation, an investigatory lead or potential news-story content.
Perpetrator footage forms a significant part of this content; but also has formed and will form a significant part of human rights campaigns, international criminal prosecutions and news investigations. Police brutality imagery shot by police themselves has galvanized public campaigns in multiple countries and the types of footage shot by groups like ISIS may one day be used as evidence in international criminal justice trials. Historically, in international trials it has often been the case that often the most incriminating statements are made by perpetrators themselves, linking themselves to crimes. Yet, of course, by circulating this imagery we can play into the propaganda needs of human rights violators, we can justify what has emerged in some settings as a commercial market for terrible imagery of violations, and we can re-victimize and re-violate for a third time the dignity of people who have already faced a direct abuse, and the humiliating violence of having this captured on camera.
There is a role that platforms, news outlets and concerned citizens can play here. We've advocated for more social media and video-sharing platforms to incorporate tools for visual anonymity, such as the blurring function on YouTube. These enable people to share first-hand documentation of human rights violations and to some extent protect the identity of victims and survivors. A tool like the face blur function or our ObscuraCam app can also enable activists to re-share a copy of perpetrator-shot footage while minimizing the re-victimization. The idea here is that by recirculating these images we create further harm to someone who has already been victimized and to those who are emotionally involved such as a victim's family.
This was brought home for us last year by the sharing of images of brutality towards LGBT people in Russia, and the relentless recirculation of images showing this violence by news outlets and citizens. In this case, we strongly argued for activists and news outlets to, at a minimum blur the faces of the victims, and recognize their own role in creating precisely the effect the perpetrators of these crimes wanted – to dehumanize and humiliate their victims.
We can also in some circumstances make conscious decisions not to watch and not to share. A broader issues of dignity and respect for our fellow humans underlies the questions of sharing and how and when to do this. WITNESS believes in the right to free expression, which applies equally online as offline. But we also need to consider values around protecting people who have already faced the horrible indignities and violence imposed upon them by human rights violators; and the ethics of increasing the visibility of such images.
A campaign to combat hate speech directed at Muslims in Burma.  More about the campaign at https://www.facebook.com/supportflowerspeech Image (c) Kenneth Wong.
These ethics questions are best settled by a cultural conversation to establish broader consensus on when it's acceptable to share images that are deeply compromising of other people's basic humanity; and when we recognize that basic human rights values of privacy, dignity or consent are missing. And they're also part of a conversation that we can have proactively about counter-speech – how we use our own capacity to participate in online conversations to challenge debasing, violent or hateful online speech or images, as we saw many people try to do in the wake of the widespread sharing of the ISIS images.
There is a nascent international movement focused on the power of positive speech to counter violence and hate speech – epitomized in groups like the Panzagar movement in Burma, who counter the vicious anti-Muslim vitriol and images on Facebook and in public discourse in that country, or in a less coordinated way, the choices we make to recirculate positive images of people whose lives have been lost to human rights violations such as the image of David Haines with his family we highlight at the top of this post.
We also need to recognize the need for a public conversation on what images and types of images move action, when we “need” to see images, and what happens when dire situations have no images. Despite WITNESS being an organization focused on the effective use of the moving image for human rights, it's been a consistent concern of ours about the imbalance of images from some contexts (and types of human rights situations) in a world increasingly predicated on the visual images.
There are few images circulating online from the violence in Central African Republic or rural Democratic Republic of Congo – should this make the crises in these countries any less newsworthy or actionable than the ceaselessly documented violence of Syria? And, on human rights issues that are systemic, for example, the pervasive discrimination in terms of access to education for Roma in Europe, it's hard to find a visual summation or sight-bite. On an ongoing issue like domestic violence against women it's rare we have such a clarion image to crystallize an issue in the public consciousness as has emerged in recent weeks in the US, with video showing a prominent American football player knocking out his fiancé in an elevator and dragging her out.
So as much as we celebrate the possibilities of accountability in a “cameras everywhere” world, we also must recognize the dangers of what this drives us to watch, share, prioritize and also what is excluded.

author: WITNESS


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U.S. Authorities Seek Data on Indymedia Athens · Global Voices
Jacobo Nájera

Image on Flickr by user Tim Pierce (CC BY 2.0).
On September 5, the U.S. Department of Justice issued to the organization and Web hosting provider May First an inquiry about one of its members, Greece-based Center for Independent Media Athens, also known as Indymedia Athens. Founded in 2005, May First is a non-profit organization dedicated to provide cooperative Internet services, such as Web hosting to individuals and organizations. The data required by federal agents is specific information from the Indymedia Athens account, stored on May First servers.
In a statement, May First noted that the request could be interpreted as an attempt by the American government to help the Greek government. They also noted they won't provide the required information unless the Center for Independent Media Athens requests it — they assert that complying with this request is a violation of the right to privacy.
For now, lawyers with Electronic Frontier Foundation, who are representing May First, are in touch with the U.S. Attorney General. Upon publication of this piece, US officials had offered no explanation of their motives in requesting said data.

author: Jacobo Nájera


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New Zealand Is Out to Tarnish Japan’s Reputation Over Whaling, or so Says Japan’s Public Broadcaster · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

Poster for whale cuisine near Hirome Market, Kochi City, Japan. Courtesy Nevin Thompson
New Zealand's opposition to whaling in the Southern Ocean is getting some heat from the Japanese establishment, and the Japanese people who are paying attention are voicing their displeasure online over the response.
On September 19, New Zealand's proposal to tighten rules for “scientific whaling” was approved by the International Whaling Commission (IWC) at a meeting in Slovenia. The IWC passed a resolution to uphold the recent International Court of Justice ruling that Japan's scientific whaling in Antarctica was illegal and no permits should be issued for whaling research in the future without proof of scientific necessity.
Japan has stated its intention to create a new research plan and resume killing of whales in the name of science. New Zealand's proposal makes it difficult for Japan to come up with a scientific programme acceptable to the commission.
The International Whaling Commission banned commercial whaling in 1986. However, critics outside of Japan have long argued the scientific whaling exception is used as a ruse to continue commercial whaling.
New Zealand's successful campaign to make “scientific whaling” more difficult to carry out seems to have annoyed the powers-that-be in Japan. Twitter user @unorthodox_TW posted a screen capture of NHK's News Watch 9 program's analysis of the IWC decision last week.
News Watch 9's graphic states: “New Zealand's real aim: to damage Japan's international reputation.”
誰か止める奴はNHKの中にいなかったんだろうか。 pic.twitter.com/OyQRxyiuvK
— unorthodox (@unorthodox_TW) September 17, 2014
It's strange that nobody in NHK thought to stop this from going on air in the first place.
New Watch 9's analysis comes in the wake of an ongoing government campaign aimed at ensuring NHK, previously an impartial public broadcaster, now promotes state views on political issues.
Corey Wallace, a well-known New Zealand commentator on northeast Asian security issues, who lectures on China, Japan and East Asia at the University of Auckland, took to Twitter to call NHK's analysis “truly childish and intentionally dishonest.”
So far Wallace's tweet has been retweeted nearly more than 400 times.
NHK: “NZ's real purpose: to hurt Japan's international image” pic.twitter.com/uBN7BhCAcK truly childish and intentionally dishonest. Sad.
— Corey Wallace (@CoreyJWallace) September 18, 2014
The row was initially picked up by Twitter aggregator Togettor, which noted:
スロベニアで開かれているIWC（国際捕鯨委員会）総会を取り上げた、9/17のNHK「ニュースウォッチ９」の特集の中で、度肝を抜く解説が。
視聴者の目に飛び込んできたのは、画面いっぱいにデカデカと書かれた「ニュージーランド真のねらい　日本の国際的イメージ悪化」のキャプション──。
いつも噛み付かれてる近隣諸国の人たちも、「ああ、自分たちだけじゃないんだなあ・・」と思ったかも。
News Watch's 9's September 17 take on the IWC decision in Slovenia will leave one dumbfounded… Japan's neighboring northeast Asian countries, who are used to being snarled at by the Japanese media must be saying to themselves, “Ah, so we're not the only ones…”
Some Japanese Twitter users seem to think that the Japanese establishment's reaction to New Zealand's successful IWC proposal was over the top, and question the real purpose of Japan's “scientific whaling” program in the Southern Ocean and off Antarctica:
@antonianjp @y_mat2009 一般のNZ人は気にしないと思います。捕鯨関係で日本が意固地なのは皆知ってますから。
— Fumie Munro (@photonka) September 20, 2014
I don't think anyone will pay any attention in New Zealand. Everyone knows that when it comes to whaling, Japan can be a little irrational.
Others point out that the Japanese government's assertion that the whaling is for scientific purposes is a little hard to take seriously:
「調査捕鯨って科学的な調査言うてるけどホンマは獲って喰うためとちゃうん？きっちりしぃ」って国際司法裁判所の判決が出てるのに、「よーし、パパ、自民党本部でクジラカレー喰っちゃうぞー」ってリアクションだからなあ…
— y_mat2009＠謹慎中 (@y_mat2009) September 20, 2014
While it's supposed to be ‘scientific whaling,’ isn't the real reason Japan is hunting whales because you want to eat them? Why not be up front about it?” the international community must be saying. While Japan has repeatedly argued in front of international courts that it is pursuing a scientific whaling program, the reality is the Diet cafeteria is serving whale meat curry to the nation's politicians.
For those who wish to follow the whaling issue, including the fallout of the recent IWC vote, the Kujira Clipping Blog (Japanese) is a great place to start.
The whaling issue does not appear to be going away any time soon. While Japan will continue to press on with its efforts to continue with its scientific whaling program, whales themselves received some attention at the world's largest rally so far for climate change:
Endangered species will light up UN headquarters ahead of climate march http://t.co/yUPPDnDgYe #RacingExtinction pic.twitter.com/ZduBhE3p67
— The Dodo (@dodo) September 19, 2014

author: Nevin Thompson


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Ukrainian Band Blows Up YouTube with Wild Apple-Inspired Music Video · Global Voices
Tanya Lokot

The “Knock Knock” video was shot in one take and uses 14 different screens to tell its story. Image from YouTube.
A little-known Ukrainian indie rock collective has captured the hearts of YouTube users—and Apple fans—with a cleverly shot music video that now has over half a million views.
Brunettes Shoot Blondes, an indie-rock band from Kryvyi Rih, an industrial town in Central-Eastern Ukraine, decided to take an unconventional approach to shooting their music video for the track “Knock Knock.” The 2.5-minute video tells its story using the screens of 14 different Apple devices: smartphones, tablets and laptops. The story's characters jump between screens as if by magic, moving from one device to another.
The video must have taken a lot of preparation, since the authors say it was shot in real time, in one take, using only one camera, and did not involve any post-editing. The result is an endearing love story set to an equally romantic soundtrack. What it conceals, most likely, is hours of design and animation work, as well as careful choreographing of the gadgets on the table. And, well, perfect timing.
As users continue to share the Ukrainian band's video masterpiece on the Web, some are jokingly speculating the video might secretly be an Apple promotion, since the devices play such a prominent part. We wonder if Apple might take note: the song—and the video—would make a for great Apple advert.

author: Tanya Lokot


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Why Militant Maoists Are Attacking Mobile Phone Towers in India  · Global Voices
Lakshmi Sarah

Photo courtesy of Kadir Aksoy, used with permission
Early in the morning on September 19, radical Maoists allegedly set fire to three telephone towers and a bus in rural Bihar, India, continuing a trend of targeting mobile towers. From 2008 to 2013, 245 similar attacks were recorded.
Daily newspaper The Telegraph India reports that 20 to 25 Naxalites, as the far-left Maoist guerrillas are also called, raided Goda and Vitiya village in Bihar. They allegedly fired shots close to a local market in response to the fact that shops had stayed open despite a 24-hour strike the day before. The strike (or bandh) was initiated after an altercation on September 13 in which three Naxalites were killed.
The Naxalite or Maoist insurgency, which leaves hundreds of civilians dead each year, is a complex issue dating back to the late 1960s and early 1970s. The Naxalite movement began in the town of Naxalbari, West Bengal, in which farmers rose up against oppressive land owners. According to an analysis in newspaper DNA India, “While the Naxalite movement thrives on the original spirit of Naxalbari; the Maoist struggle is an outcome of the 1967 uprising.”
In the last 15 years, the Maoists have advocated for a mass revolution by the people. This has mainly focused on farmers, tribals and indigenous people (adivasis). The aim of the Maoists is to “seize political power through Protracted People’s War (PPW) – armed insurrection,” as V. Balasubramaniyan describes in an article for Canadian geopolitical consultancy GeoPolitical Monitor.
They [Maoists] call for a revolution, demanding a radical restructuring of the social, political, and economic order. The Maoists believe the only way marginalized communities can win respect for their rights is to overthrow the existing structure by violent attacks on the state.
The burning of mobile phone towers has been a continuous tactic for Maoists since 2008. They have targeted phone towers on several occasions and in the last four years, Maoists have “blown up” over 200 mobile towers in nine states, according to D. M. Mitra, a former official in the Ministry of Home Affairs and an expert on Indian left-wing extremism. Mitra writes that Maoists alleged that security forces were able to track the location of Maoists with mobile phones.
In an article for Global ECCO (a network for alumni of the U.S. Defense Department's Combating Terrorism Fellowship Program, which funds anti-terrorism training for military officers from other countries) called “The Relevance of Technology in the fight against India’s Maoist Insurgency,” he discusses Maoists use of mobile phones (or lack thereof) in their operational areas. He writes:
They may even kill people they find using mobile phones, on the suspicion that they are police informers.
In 2013, India introduced the Central Monitoring System (CMS), which is meant to allow authorities to access phone calls and communication for the purpose of national security. The CMS offers the government a way to “lawfully” intercept calls, texts and emails; it is considered to be one way the government has responded to the 2008 Mumbai attacks, during which armed attackers left more than 150 people dead.
Also last year, in a report compiled by the Indian Social Institute, a centre for socio-economic development and human rights, the government states the goal of building mobile towers in “remote and inaccessible Maoist strongholds,” with the aim to bring mobile connections to 987 villages of Jharkhand, with a total of 2,200 mobile towers by the end of the 2013.
According the Union Ministry of Home Affairs (UMHA):
Maoists recognize the threat that an efficient – or even minimally working – cellular network constitutes to their own security and survival, and have systematically attacked isolated mobile towers wherever possible.
Responses and commentary within social media have been sparse, but the “Naxal Movement in India” does have a community page on Facebook and Twitter responses have included:
Fascists crack down: 180 arrested in Hyderabad for attempting to hold a meeting in support of Maoist fighters http://t.co/sDH8odJjAm #India
— Club des Cordeliers (@cordeliers) September 22, 2014
Other responses have referenced the violence in response to International Day of Peace on September 21. Writer and disarmament activist Binalakshmi Nepram wrote:
Lest we forget~12,253 Indians have died due to “Left Wing Extremism”/”Maoist Conflict” from 1999 till date #India #InternationalDayofPeace
— Binalakshmi Nepram (@BinaNepram) September 21, 2014
In response to the most recent torching of mobile phone towers in Bihar, police raids are being conducted with patrols in place to find the people responsible.

author: Lakshmi Sarah


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Film Shows How a Malaysian Tribe is Stopping Loggers from Destroying their Land · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Sunset Over Selungo is a 30-minute film documenting how the indigenous Penan tribe is defending the remaining rainforest of Borneo island in Malaysia. Borneo is the largest island in Asia. The film was made by independent British filmmaker Ross Harrison

author: Mong Palatino


text:
#WithSyria Wants to End the Indiscriminate Bombing of Syrian Civilians · Global Voices
Rami Alhames

How can one feel safe here? Act now to end the bombing of schools, hospitals and homes. Source: withSyria.com
“In Syria there are daily attacks, from groups on all sides, hitting schools, hospitals and other residential areas. In February, the UN Security Council demanded that indiscriminate attacks in Syria stop. It promised to take further steps if these attacks continued. As the violence gets worse, please use your power to hold the UN Security Council to its word.”
This is the message of withSyria, a movement of over 130 organisations, Syrian diaspora groups and people around the world not taking sides, but standing in solidarity with those caught in the conflict, now in its fourth year.
#withSyria wants the world leaders to hear and act through the public during the 69th UN General Assembly, which opened in New York today (September 24, 2014). This is the same organization whose Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, Leila Zerrougui, defined Syria as “One of the Most Dangerous Places to be a Child.” It has also classified Syria as one of the most dangerous places to live today where in a Syrian neighborhood rocket fire becomes the new normal:
The most dangerous places in Syria for civilians are the markets, hospitals and schools that continue to operate in desperate conditions and amid constant threat of attack.
Despite the UN Security Council's demand in February 2014 that indiscriminate attacks should stop, barrel bombs in Syria continue to bring death from above on a daily basis, killing innocent Syrians on all sides of the conflict. The #withSyria Campaign posted a film called “In Reverse” on Youtube showing a playback story of innocent Syrians children were playing football hit by a random bombing in Syria. [Warning Graphic footage.]
The video ends with a link to a petition which urges world leaders at the UN General Assembly in New York to ask the UN Security Council to take concrete steps to end indiscriminate bombings in Syria. The target is 100K. However, campaign organisers say the more the signatures, the more pressure on world leaders and therefore the UN Security Council.
#WithSyria took the lead on both Twitter and Facebook trends earlier this week to argue the world leaders to not miss this chance to act on their pledge.
#WithSyria Tweets
If you have made it this far down the article, then THANKS IN ADVANCE on behalf of all Syrians, on behalf of a Syrian who was forced to be a refugee outside his home, watching his country being destroyed, his people being killed, and its future generations lost between the camps, bombed schools and displaced families. Just because it isn't happening near you, doesn't mean it isn't happening.
By taking action, you are not showing your concerns only, but you join thousands of activists around the world to save Syrian civilians lives. Here are the ways you can help:

author: Rami Alhames


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It’s National Day in Chile, Which Means Chileans’ Ingenious Naming Games Are Back · Global Voices
Elizabeth Rivera

The Chilean flag made of Converse brand shoes. Image from Flickr user Gonzalo Baeza H (CC BY 2.0).
The Chilean National Holidays, popularly known as “el Dieciocho” (The Eighteenth), take place every year on September 18 and 19. In this land of poets, one of the most amusing and deeply rooted traditions is the use of double entendre when naming diners known as fondas, improvised eateries, and dance halls that pop up during the “fiestas patrias” (national holidays).
Loaded phrases that allude to political contingencies, local humor, celebrity names, or sexual innuendo are all part of the mix. These names are widely discussed and shared on the Internet much to the delight of everyone. Each year there is a healthy competition to see who can come up with the most innovative and creative name. Some even become so famous that they stand the test of time. One example is the dance hall “Yein Fonda” (the hispanicized pronunciation of the actress Jane Fonda's name), which the renowned music group Los Tres founded in 1996.
Below are some of the most popular names for the this year's el Dieciocho:
#NombresDeFondas Esta en Valparaiso, en el sector Alejo Barrios pic.twitter.com/ZQdTt6vJIK
— Hans Villagrán Vidal (@hvillagran) septiembre 17, 2014
[In the photo: “Earthquakes are coming. The Michel Hada diner.”]
Located in Valparaiso, in the Alejo Barrios neighborhood.
“El terremoto” (The earthquake) is a traditional Chilean cocktail that was invented after the earthquake of 1985 (hence the name) and is made up primarily of Chilean table wine, pineapple ice cream, and splashes of Fernet, Grenadine, or bitter liquor. The “michelada”—another cocktail made up of beer and lemon—combines Chilean President Michelle Bachelet's name with the word “hada,” which means “fairy” in Spanish, thus becoming Michel-hada.
#NombresDeFondas “La fonda de Lavín”, todo a tan solo dos lucrecias! pic.twitter.com/qC6piD6dei“
— Hiper Dressand (@asbelhiper) septiembre 17, 2013
[In the photo: Lavin's diner: Where the poor eat like a pig… without eating pig. Well-known, tasty options: Kebabs made from the cat from that place next store (or alternatively, dog); fried rats from the Zanjón de la Aguada channel; toasted bread turnovers, with margarine; “pig” roast (made of Viennese sausages); option for the destitute: roast “beef” (literal). Drinks: wine (grape-flavored powdered drink + denatured alcohol); delicious tap water.]
“Lavin's diner”, anything for 2 bucks!
The name “Lavín's diner” plays on the name of a well known political figure. In 2013, former Minister of Social Development Joaquín Lavín launched a cookbook to help poor families prepare meals for $2,000 Chilean pesos (approximately $4 USD). A 1,000 pesos note is colloquially called “luca,” hence the name lucrecia.
#NombreDeFondas jaaaahajaja excelentee pic.twitter.com/vzUyBkOhv9
— HEMBRA (@lanotable1) septiembre 17, 2014
[In the photo: “The Egg: If you don't leave high, you leave drunk.” (Literally, “If you don't come out boiled, you come out a hard-boiled egg.”)]
- LOL! Excellent.
Que tal el nombre de esta fonda ???!?…jajajaja….weeena pic.twitter.com/LHvGAOEH4Z
— chistosoto (@Chistosoto) septiembre 10, 2014
What do you think of the name of this fonda [Pinillas's post]???!?.. LOL!…. awesome!
“El Palo de Pinilla” (Pinilla's Post) references the Chilean national footballer Mauricio Pinilla. During a World Cup match against Brazil he missed a goal that bounced off the post, leaving Chile eliminated from the tournament.
IPhonda #100CosasTipicasDeMiPais pic.twitter.com/U1rS7xc78X
— Victoria Aranibar (@vickyaranibar) septiembre 17, 2014
IPhonda, 100 typical things from my country.

author: Elizabeth Rivera


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A Japanese Man Pops the Question With the Help of a Dancing Flash Mob in Osaka · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

Screenshot of a viral flash mob marriage proposal in Japan.
This viral flash mob marriage proposal in Osaka Station will leave you blinking back tears, and wondering if she'll “yes.”
The translated title of the video is “Flash Mob Surprise Proposal at JR Osaka Station.” The video has racked up nearly a million views since being posted on YouTube.
The video starts out with a couple sitting at a table on a plaza at Osaka radio station. A crowd of people are passing by as the couple chats quietly. Suddenly, passers-by start to freeze in place, catching the attention of everyone in the square.
Soon, a crowd of people is dancing to the tune of Louder by Philippine pop star Charice.
When the man sitting at the table joins in, his female companion is mystified, until she herself is pulled up onto the read carpet.
The man proposes and the woman (spoiler warning!) accepts, with much weeping among the onlookers, whether they are part of the pre-organized flash mob or not.
The innovative approach to marriage proposals is the brainchild of Osaka events and promotion company Emotion Rise, which has so far organized more than 300 flash mobs.
A lot of the flash mob proposal and events organized by Emotion Rise can be viewed on their YouTube channel.
Thanks to reader @FromNazWithLove for pointing out Charice is from the Philippines, and not Japan!


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The Heartbreaking Story of Palestinian Football Comes Into Focus, as Israel’s Bid for UEFA 2020 Fails · Global Voices
Elia J. Ayoub

A tribute by Israeli artist Amir Schiby to the four Palestinian children killed on a Gaza beach by an Israeli air strike while playing football
In its latest move, the Boycott, Divest and Sanction (BDS) movement aimed to financially penalize Israel for its ongoing occupation of Palestinian land by targeting Israel's bid to host the 2020 Union of European Football Associations (UEFA)‘s Championships.
The bid has since been rejected. It remains unclear whether the BDS movement had a hand in this decision, but it has succeeded at highlighting the plight of Palestinian football which, alongside Palestinian sport in general, has repeatedly suffered from Israeli restrictions.
Using football imagery under the ‘Red Card Israeli Racism‘ campaign, supporters of the BDS movement urged UEFA to reject the bid on account of Israeli restrictions on Palestinian football. Red Card israeli Racism had over 17,000 supporters on its Change.org page.
Activists Rachel Michelé Green and Nalan Al Sarraj joined the so-called ‘Twitter storm’, tweeting to their respective 9,000+ and 22,000+ followers:
Time to Twitter storm @UEFAcom & tell them to NOT let apartheid Israel host 2020 games. #RedCardIsrael #NoIsrael2020 pic.twitter.com/4hIJCzD8kN
— Rachel Michelé Green (@RMicheleGreen) septiembre 17, 2014
#Israel killed 4 children playing soccer on the beach of #gaza @UEFA, don't reward them! #NoIsrael2020 #RedCardIsrael http://t.co/iLeNSdi42T
— Nalan Al Sarraj (@NalanSarraj) septiembre 17, 2014
The incident described by Al-Sarraj is the most recent, and perhaps the most notorious, example of the tragedy associated with Palestinian football since it involved the killing of four children of the Bakr family in Gaza on 16 July 2014.
The four Bakr children were playing football on a beach near a row of hotels hosting numerous foreign reporters when two Israeli air strikes hit them. The first blast killed 9-year-old Ismail Bakr as he ran to retrieve a ball and the second killed Ahed, 10, Zakariya, 10 and Muhammad, 11.
Ayman Mohyeldin of NBC recalled the incident:
4 Palestinian kids killed in a single Israeli airstrike. Minutes before they were killed by our hotel, I was kicking a ball with them #gaza
— Ayman Mohyeldin (@AymanM) July 16, 2014
Almost a month later, friends and family of the four children commemorated the beach massacre with a symbolic football match.
#Gaza beach massacre commemorated by child survivors: http://t.co/7d1m2rT1nc @jncatron | @intifada http://t.co/rzPkXkCdK1
— JewishVoiceForPeace (@jvplive) September 10, 2014
When UEFA announced that the Israeli bid was rejected, the move was taken as a victory by the BDS movement:
UEFA has decided NOT to award Israel the right to host UEFA 2020 football games http://t.co/NuB6uFzyle #RedCardIsrael #NoIsrael2020
— BDS Movement (@BDSmovement) September 19, 2014
Palestinian Football
Due to the physical separation between a blockaded Gaza Strip on the one hand and an occupied West Bank on the other, the Palestine national football team often finds it hard to have all of its players training in one location. This difficulty is further exacerbated by the fact that, due to Israeli-imposed visa restrictions, the Palestine national team has had to include players of the Palestinian diaspora from as far as Chile and the United States.
Denied access, maimed or even killed, Palestinian football players have lived through it all. To name but a few:
Ziyad Al-Kord, striker for the national team between 1998 and 2006, was banned from traveling and had his house destroyed. Mahmoud Sarsak was imprisoned for three years before entering a hunger strike which led to international pressure against Israel and his subsequent release.
Others were not as lucky as Al-Kord or Sarsak. Tariq al Quto was killed by the Israel Defence Forces. During the 2008-2009 Gaza War, three Palestinian footballers, Ayman Alkurd, Shadi Sbakhe and Wajeh Moshtahe, were also killed.
Being denied exit visa is also a common practice. For example, in October 2007 the Palestine National Team was disqualified during the 2010 World Cup qualifier simply because they were not allowed to attend the match against Singapore.
The list of abuses goes on. In response, FIFA president Sepp Blatter established a task force in July 2013 to address Palestinian concerns. On June 11, 2014, the FIFA Congress decided to form a committee to monitor Israeli violations against Palestinian sports, without actually sanctioning Israel yet.

author: Elia J. Ayoub


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How Not to Understand the Kremlin’s Internet ‘Kill Switch’  · Global Voices
Kevin Rothrock

How far will the Kremlin go with its efforts to dominate the Russian Internet? Images mixed by Kevin Rothrock.
The Kremlin is worried the West might try to shut off Russia’s access to the global Internet. According to a report by Russian newspaper Vedomosti on Sept 19, the Kremlin might soon deploy a new set of tactics in an effort to defend the country’s “digital sovereignty.”
Vedomosti’s anonymous sources say the Kremlin may require Russian Internet service providers to install “equipment that would make it possible to sever Russia’s access to the global Internet, in the event of an emergency.” According to the newspaper, Russian ISPs might be ordered to kill access to websites hosted in outside of Russia during “military actions” or “serious domestic protests.”
Moscow’s fears of a foreign-engineered RuNet shutdown are in part a response to Edward Snowden’s claim last month that the NSA accidentally caused a national Internet outage in Syria in 2012. In an interview with James Bamford, Snowden told Wired magazine that NSA hackers unintentionally crashed the Syrian Web while trying to install remotely “an exploit in one of the core routers at a major Internet service provider.”
Anastasia Golitsyna, the reporter who broke the September 19 story in Vedomosti, told RuNet Echo that some officials in Moscow might worry about American Internet hegemony the way they fear Russian aviation’s reliance on America’s space-based positioning system, GPS. Just last month, for example, 12 planes flying over Moscow reported a sudden GPS outage, leading to some confusion in the air. There were no accidents or injuries, but some of Russia’s more hawkish elements speculated that the United States cut GPS service over Moscow on purpose, to convey to the Kremlin the might of American technology.
Claiming domains for the Motherland
Moscow also plans to push for control over the distribution system that connects domain names in Russia’s ccTLDs (Country Code Top-Level Domains)—.ru, .рф, and the discontinued .su—to the DNS (Domain Name System) of the global Internet, which forms the basis for Latin-alphabet Web addresses instead of forgettable IP addresses. In other words, Web users can visit “www.runetecho.org” instead of the far less memorable “69.163.200.55.”
The impetus behind Moscow’s effort to wrest from the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) greater control over DNS operations is nebulous. Russian officials have justified the move by demonizing ICANN as an American-controlled outfit, despite the organization’s decentralized leadership structure and the US government's plans to dial down its influence in the organization. Key functions of ICANN have fallen under the power of the US Commerce Department since the administration of Bill Clinton established the entity in the mid-1990s.
More involvement in the Web’s domain operations would grant the Kremlin some additional capacity to disrupt how the RuNet functions, but the shift would not “surrender control of the Internet to Russia,” claims ICANN President Fadi Chehadé. Harvard law professor Jonathan Zittrain agrees, saying the Internet works on a “consensus,” of which “numbering and naming” is only a “tiny part.”
Even as the US disengages from its role in Internet domain administration, there are obstacles to putting the RuNet's DNS in the hands of the Kremlin. According to a report today by Kommersant newspaper, ICANN won't surrender control of the older and more popular .ru domain without broad agreement among Russia's Internet society and human rights authorities. Transferring .ru DNS maintenance to the Russian federal government would require “consensus across all [Russian] Internet society,” an anonymous ICANN source told Kommersant.
Does it make sense to build an Internet ‘kill switch’?
If we dismiss Russia’s talk about DNS sovereignty as patriotic bluster, we’re left with the Security Council’s plan to install special equipment at the ISP level, creating the so-called “Internet kill switch.” Ostensibly, this tool would protect the RuNet from malicious attacks like the one that Edward Snowden asserts brought down Syria’s Internet two years ago. A RuNet ready for total autonomy would also be better protected against theoretical “Internet sanctions” against Russia, which Putin’s press secretary has intimated are a possibility, given the West’s sudden “unpredictability.” (Indeed, one of the catalysts for next week’s Security Council discussion is apparently a series of “exercises” by the Communications Ministry, Defense Ministry, and Federal Security Service, which discovered certain vulnerabilities in Russia’s Internet infrastructure.)
The idea that America would disconnect Russia from the Internet, however, is antithetical to Moscow's own apparent understanding of US foreign policy. Indeed, Russian officials themselves have accused the West of using the Internet to orchestrate the Arab Spring. (In February 2011, for instance, Igor Sechin—perhaps the most powerful man in Russia after Putin—accused Google of “manipulating the energies of the [Egyptian] people.”) Even in Syria, if Snowden is telling the truth, crashing the Web was unintentional—an “oh shit” moment, as he put it.
The justifications for preparing a “self-sufficient RuNet” are weak. The tools necessary for such a feat, moreover, would empower the Russian government to restrict the country’s most vital communication network in an instant, presumably to interfere with mass protests, like the kind that swept Moscow in 2011 and 2012, or the demonstrations that recently brought about regime change in Ukraine, the Middle East, and North Africa. Yesterday, Russia’s Security Council was supposed to discuss the prospect of a RuNet shutdown “from the outside,” but the Putin Administration postponed the debate until at least October 1. Given the crackdown on Internet openness and online speech in Russia over the past two years, putting an “Internet kill switch” in the hands of the Kremlin should give RuNet users plenty to worry about.

author: Kevin Rothrock


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Singapore Bans Film Featuring Political Exiles Saying it ‘Undermines National Security’ · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Photo from official website of the film.
Singapore's top media regulator has forbidden the public screening of the documentary ‘To Singapore, With Love’, claiming “the contents of the film undermine national security.” The 70-minute documentary by independent filmmaker Tan Pin Pin featured interviews with political exiles, most of whom have not returned to Singapore in 35 to 50 years.
To Singapore, With Love has been screened in other countries and has received positive reviews at several film festivals.
Some of the exiles featured in the film were activists, opposition leaders, and communists who challenged the leadership of the ruling People's Action Party (PAP) in the 1960s and 1970s. The PAP has continued to be in power since then, for about 50 years. According to PAP, Singapore became a prosperous city state by surviving and defeating a communist plot to overthrow the government in the 1960s.
Singapore's Media Development Authority (MDA) explained in a press release that it classified the film as “Not Allowed for All Ratings” because it distorted the truth about a period in Singapore history:
The individuals featured in the film gave the impression that they are being unfairly denied their right to return to Singapore. They were not forced to leave Singapore, nor are they being prevented from returning. The Government has made it clear that it would allow former CPM [Communist Party of Malaya] members to return to Singapore if they agree to be interviewed by the authorities on their past activities to resolve their cases. Criminal offences will have to be accounted for in accordance with the law.
Director Tan Pin Pin was disappointed with the decision of the government. She said the film was meant to stir conversations about Singapore’s rise as an independent nation:
I made this film because I myself wanted to better understand Singapore. I wanted to understand how we became who we are by addressing what was banished and unspoken for. Perhaps what remains could be the essence of us today. I was also hoping that the film would open up a national conversation to allow us to understand ourselves as a nation better too.
We need to be trusted to be able to find the answers to questions about ourselves, for ourselves.
Singapore’s art community protested the ban and signatures are being gathered to appeal the film rating given by the MDA:
We would like to suggest that rather than banning the documentary, authorities release their version of the events in question, so that viewers can make up their own minds.
…we would like to emphasize that censorship does nothing to promote a vibrant, informed society.
Tan Wah Piow, one of the exiles interviewed in the film, accused the government of preventing the people from learning an alternative version of history:
The plain answer is that the powers that be can tolerate only one narrative for the history of Singapore – the PAP story. The film sets out to present the lesser known aspect of the Singapore political fabric, and in the process, inadvertently presents an alternative version of history.
Activist writer Kirsten Han called the ban a blatant act of censorship:
…how can the reminiscing of exiled Singaporeans cause any credible threat to the country’s safety and stability?
What is happening here is just a blatant act of censorship, pure and simple.
After watching the film, historian Pingtjin Thum disagreed with the censors that the film poses a threat to national security:
Having seen this film last week, the one thing that all the interviewees have in common is a deep, abiding love for Singapore. This movie reinforces national security by demonstrating the deep loyalty and commitment of Singaporeans to Singapore, even those forced unjustly into exile.
Media Asia urged the government to be more tolerant instead of doing a “commie-style censorship”:
We would honour those who defended Singapore against communist overthrow by living up to their faith in the young nation’s capacity to deal with ideological differences through open competition – not by grasping at commie-style censorship.
Writing for The Independent, Ethan Guo said the ban would make the film even more popular among the public:
MDA has unintentionally diverted attention to a film that would otherwise be largely ignored by most Singaporeans. Now more people than ever will attempt to download and circulate it, yearning for this forbidden fruit of “hidden truth”.
This fiasco should never have happened; a silly move leading to more distrust between government and the artistic community.
Since Singapore will soon celebrate its 50 years as a free nation, the Singapore-based blogger who runs Everything Also Complain thinks it’s time for the government to promote reconciliation:
…maybe it’s the perfect opportunity for the government to exercise some graciousness and compassion by reconciling and engaging our political exiles and bringing them home, absolve them of alleged crimes, let them spend some time with their loved ones rather than whitewashing them off our history books as cowardly fugitives instead of the ‘pioneers’ that they deserve to be.
Some Singaporeans can still watch the film by going to Johor Baru in Malaysia where the film will be presented this week.


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Wanna Learn the Khmer Language? Check Out this Audio Dictionary · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Kheng.Info is a useful portal to learn Khmer, the official language of Cambodia. Aside from word translation, the website also offers an audio recording of Khmer words which is helpful to understand the meaning of the Khmer script. Check out how the word ‘love’ translates to Khmer:


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Are Madagascar’s Health Care Facilities Ready for Possible Ebola Outbreak? · Global Voices
Rakotomalala

Madagascar bat via Wikipedia Public Domain
The fight against the Ebola epidemic is increasingly turning into an international emergency. The number of victims is growing rapidly in the three most severely affected countries in West Africa: Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone. Patients have also died in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Nigeria. The World Health Organization reports that the most serious epidemic in the history of this hemorrhagic fever has already killed more than 2,800 people out of 5,833 cases as of 20 September.
The United Nations Security Council has adopted Resolution 2177 to deal with the public health crisis. On 18 September, 131 countries co-sponsored the resolution, which recognizes “the unprecedented extent of the Ebola epidemic in Africa” and describes the creation of a special mission, the United Nations Mission for Ebola Emergency Response (UNMEER). US President Barack Obama has announced that he is sending 3,000 American troops to West Africa, in view of the worsening crisis, with the virus spreading exponentially.
Other countries in Africa are concerned about the possibility that the epidemic will spread to them as well, although their health facilities are not ready to deal with it. A study states that 15 African countries are potentially at risk, due to having the same environmental conditions as the affected countries.
This is the case for Madagascar, where a boat from Liberia suspected of carrying the Ebola virus docked recently in the port of Toamasina. An emergency meeting was held in Antananarivo on 5 August to look closely at the precautions that need to be taken.
Secretary General of the Madagascar Ministry of Health Philémon Tafangy recognized the risk:
Un pays comme le nôtre n’est pas à l’abri des risques, même si la zone d’expansion du virus est assez éloignée de nous
A country such as ours isn't safe from the risks [of Ebola], despite our distance from the affected region
Prime Minister Kolo Roger, however, has stated that the health system is ready to deal with such an eventuality and has a contingency plan in place:
Ce plan contient les scénarios et les dispositions nécessaires pour faire face notamment aux épidémies de fièvres hémorragiques virales telles que la maladie à virus Ebola.
This plan incorporates the scenarios and steps required to tackle epidemics of viral hemorrhagic fevers such as the viral disease Ebola.
Hospital room in Mandritsara, Madagascar – CC BY 2.0
But it appears that the Malagasy health infrastructures will not be able to cope if the disease spreads dramatically. The PM is choosing to ignore the warnings of scientists, relying instead on airport controls, noting that Madagascar’s public health environment is protected by the lack of flights from the areas affected by the virus.
Scientists point out that the virus can spread in a different way. Indeed, a recent publication explains how the disease could be spread from the animal kingdom to humans: fruit bats can carry the disease without displaying any signs of it, and are able to migrate and transfer it to other animals, such as monkeys and rodents. Monkeys are sometimes eaten as bushmeat in Madagascar. Although consumption of meat may not necessarily cause Ebola, preparation of raw infected meat increases the risk of infection. Ilaym, an Antananarivo-based blogger for the DailyMg, explains why Malagasy people are specifically vulnerable to an Ebola outbreak. He lists a few reasons: Some Malagasy people hunt and eat bats and lemurs; and the practice of famadihana, a tradition that consists of exhuming the deceased from their tombs.
Léa Ratsiazo in Antananarivo questioned in a column for newspaper the Madagascar Tribune the country’s real ability to counteract the potential arrival of Ebola in Madagascar, in the light of a recent event in a hospital in the capital:
On ne demande qu’à le croire car quasiment au même moment où il fait cette déclaration à la presse, une équipe de chirurgiens étrangers oeuvrant dans l’humanitaire le contredit involontairement. Il s’agit d’une équipe composée de 11 chirurgiens qui réalisent des œuvres humanitaires à travers plusieurs pays du monde dont Madagascar. Ils réalisent gratuitement des interventions chirurgicales en faveur des patients qui en ont besoin dans les pays qu’ils visitent en partenariat avec les hôpitaux locaux. L’hôpital HJRA d’Antananarivo, qui est le plus grand centre hospitalier de Madagascar est choisi pour ce partenariat sauf que les responsables de HJRA ont oublié de communiqué au public l’évènement. Résultat : aucun patient n’est venu. Ils ont quand même pu avoir 2 patients de HJRA au lieu des 25 prévus quotidiennement. Agacés, ces chirurgiens ont précisé qu’ils ne sont pas venus pour passer ici des vacances mais pour aider les autres, le moindre des choses serait de communiquer et de sensibiliser le public, d’ailleurs ils ne comprennent pas du tout que les patients à opérer prennent en charge tous les médicaments et autres outils nécessaires pour l’intervention. Ils notent aussi d’ailleurs que le HJRA manque cruellement de matériels de base pour des interventions chirurgicales.
That takes some believing, because almost at the same time as he was issuing that press statement, a team of foreign surgeons engaging in humanitarian work inadvertenlty contradicted it. This was a team made up of 11 surgeons, doing humanitarian work across several countries in the world, including Madagascar. They carry out surgical procedures free of charge for patients that need them in the countries they visit, in partnership with local hospitals. The HJRA hospital of Antananarivo, which is the largest health care centre in Madagascar, was chosen for this partnership, but the HJRA officials forgot to inform the public of this fact. As a result, no patients turned up. They ended up with just two HJRA patients instead of the 25 anticipated daily. These surgeons were annoyed, stating that they had not come here for a holiday, but to help others, and that the least the hospital should have done was to inform the public and raise awareness. They were also concerned that patients requiring an operation have to pay for all the drugs and other supplies needed for the procedure. In addition, it was  noted that the HJRA had an acute shortage of basic materials for surgical procedures.
Le Mouvement des Citoyens Malagasy de Paris MCM (The Coalition of Malagasy citizens in Paris) also wonders whom to believe regarding the risk of an Ebola outbreak in Madagascar: the Prime Minister Kolo who says the risks are minimal or the research scientists who included Madagascar in the nations at risk?
So, while a contingency plan exists, it remains to be seen if Madagascar has been able to put in place the resources needed to implement it.

author: Rakotomalala


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China Sentences Peaceful Uyghur Scholar Ilham Tohti to Life in Prison · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Photo taken by Wang Lixiong and shared on Twitter.
Ilham Tohti, a Uyghur Muslim minority scholar in China, was found guilty of separatism charges and sentenced to life in prison by a Chinese court on September 23. The verdict of the Urumqi Intermediate People's Court was the harshest sentence imposed on a political dissident in recent years in the country.
Ilham, who advocates for peaceful ethnic reconciliation between the Uyghur Muslims and the Han Chinese, was arrested in January. Ethnic tensions between the two groups have simmered for years and at times boiled over in deadly clashes between Uyghur activists and authorities.
The state accused Ilham of having ties to the World Uyghur Congress, an overseas group labelled an extreme separatist group by the Chinese Communist Party, and spreading dissent through the the website that he founded, Uyghur Online, which covered social issues from a Uyghur perspective.
Ilham has denied the accusations, and in court rejected the sentence and protested before the bailiffs led him out of the room. His lawyer Li Fangping has filed for appeal and helped Ilham publicize his view on the sentence (via Wei Quan Wang, a website on Chinese human right):
“1、我是为我们的民族呐喊，更是为中国未来呐喊。”
“2、进来前我一直担心自己承受不了严酷的环境。我担心自己会出卖我的良心、事业、朋友和家人。我挺过去了。”
“3、未来的监狱生活我没有经历过，但这将就是我们的生活、我的经历。我不知道自己的人生能持续多久，我是勇敢的，我不会那么脆弱，如果传出自残、自杀，肯定是虚假的。
“4、看到判决书的内容，我反而认为自己应该肩负更大的责任。”
“5、我虽已离去，但我依然期待阳光、期待未来。我坚信中国会更好、维吾尔人的宪法权利必将得到尊重。”
“6、和平是上天赠送给维汉人民礼物，唯有和平、善意才能创造彼此的共同利益。”
“7、我24小时戴着脚镣、8个月只有三小时放风、有6个汉族已决犯陪监。境况不能说不严酷，但相对我的学生，还有很多被控分裂国家的同族被告们，无疑我又是幸运的，我有自己委托的汉族律师出庭辩护、家属可以旁听、我说出了我想说的话。我希望通过我的案件推动新疆法治化，哪怕是一点点。”
“8、我昨晚睡了一个8个多月来最好的觉。我从来没有发现自己内心居然这么强大。只是老母亲不能告诉她，你叫家里说判了五年就行了。昨晚旁边监室帕哈提（学生）在撞门、大声悲叹，我也听到有不断提押的脚镣声，或许他们也判了。”
“9、（与妻书）我的爱人:为了我们的孩子，你要坚强，不要哭泣！不久的将来，我们还会拥抱在一起。你保重！爱你的哈木。”
1. I scream for our ethnic group, but I scream louder for China.
2. Before I was jailed, I worried that I could not withstand the torture. I was worried that I would betray my conscience, career, friends and family. But I got through this.
3. I was never in jail before, but the jail will become part of our life and my experience. I don't know how long I can carry on with this. I believe I have the courage and I am not weak. If anyone said I hurt myself or committed suicide, it would be a lie.
4. Upon reading the verdict, I feel that I bare a much larger responsibility.
5. I have left but I still expect the sun to shine and the future to come. I believe China will become better and the constitutional right of Uyghurs will be respected.
6. Peace is a gift to Uyghurs. Only peace and goodwill can build our common interest.
7. I was in foot chains 24 hours a day, only enjoyed three hours outside of jail cell during the eight-month detention. There were six other Chinese prisoners in the same cell. The situation is tough, but when compared with my students [some of whom were also prosecuted], and other Uyghurs who are charged with separatism, I should consider myself lucky. I could hire my own lawyers to defend for me, my family could attend my hearing, I could speak in court. I wish that my case helps the development of the rule of law in Xinjiang [where Uyghur people mainly live].
8. Last night I slept deeper than I have in these eight months. I never knew that my heart could be that strong. But I could not tell my mother. Please told her that they sentenced me to five years. Last night, I heard one of my students banging on the door and crying loudly, as well as some sounds of a foot chain. Did they receive their sentence as well?
9. (To my wife) My lover: For the sake of our children, please be strong, don't cry. In the near future, we will embrace each other. Please take care. Love you, Ilham.
The US and European Union have condemned the verdict. The EU criticized the Urumqi court for not respecting the due process of law as it deprived Ilham of his right to a proper defense. It also called for his immediate and unconditional release. John Kerry, the US secretary of state, criticized China for silencing moderate Uyghur voices and advised the government to differentiate between peaceful dissent and violent extremism, as it is vital to counterterrorism efforts.
Mainland Chinese dissidents published their heartbroken messages on Twitter over the Chinese Communist Party's extreme measure against a peaceful negotiator. @Zengjinyan re-posted a video interview of Ilham by Tibetan writer Woeser from November 2009 after the July 5 Urumqi riots, which left nearly 200 people dead and hundreds injured. In the video, he also mentioned that he anticipated 10 or 20 years in jail, a prediction he made even before his arrest on the most recent charges:
News and analysis website China Digital Times highlighted the part in the video that on the sacrifices Ilham made for his advocacy:
Woeser: A few years ago you were one of the wealthiest Uyghurs in Beijing, but now it’s said you’re one of the poorest. That’s such a dramatic rise and fall for a person to go through, both financially, but also politically and in terms of your safety. Now that you’re in such a precarious situation, what do you make of it all?
Ilham Tohti: I think these problems just need to be faced. As you well know, if you’re that sort of person, with ideals like that, you can easily imagine … [the consequences]. But initially, I didn’t give so much thought to it. I knew at the outset I’d face certain setbacks, maybe even being put in jail for 10 or 20 years. I thought, I can handle that, I’ve always been prepared for that.
[…] Whatever the government decides to do, I’m ready. We already lost our money when they froze our accounts. […]
[…] I think for a nationality there comes a point, and in this country with the way things are, where you can go to jail for what you say, for running a website, for just speaking the truth … which for me would be an honor. As I’ve said before, to trade my humble life to call for freedom … gladly, I’d be proud to do it.
Before the trial and shortly after his arrest in January 2014 he entrusted his close friend Tsering Woeser, a Tibetan writer, to release excerpts of his personal statements, in which he says he will not leave China in any circumstance:
I am not going anywhere. The issues facing the Uighur are in China, and the resolution of these issues is also in China. If I have to be imprisoned, then I will remain in a Chinese prison. After my release from prison, I will still be in China seeking a future for the Uighurs. If I die, I have only one desire: to be buried in my hometown. It would be enough of a solace for me.
When compared with the Chinese authorities attitude to Ilham in 2009 after the Urumqi riots and the current situation, Jiang Tianyong believed that the central government's attitude has changed:
【包子比方便面更无营养】有些人中国梦不醒，还在对包子抱幻想！09年75事件形势那么紧张，新疆国保到北京要带走伊力哈木，北京国保不同意，因上面不同意；强烈对比的是，2013年新疆终于从北京带走了伊力哈木，因为包子当小组长了！
— 江天勇 (@jtyong) September 23, 2014
Some Chinese are still trapped in the Chinese dream and are hopeful for President Xi Jinping. Back in 2009, the atmosphere during the July 5 Urumqi riots was so tense, the security police from Xinjiang went to Beijing to arrest Ilham, but Beijing security police disagreed because the higher-up authorities disagreed. On the contrary, in 2013, Xinjiang authorities finally went to Beijing and successfully took away Ilham because Xi is now the leader.
Political cartoonist Biatailajiao compared the life sentence of Ilham to the killing of peace — with a dove with olive leaves.
Political cartoon by Biatailajiao on Ilham Tohti's life sentence.
Wang Lixiong, a scholar on Tibet society and Ilham's friend, reposted a photo he took a few days before Ilham's arrest:
2014年1月8日我给伊力哈木时拍了这张照片，那时并未想到是最后一面。几天后（1月15日）他在在北京家中被抓走，今天他在乌鲁木齐被判无期徒刑。但我并不相信今后只能无期地从这张照片见他，因为正义的迟到一定不会是无期！ pic.twitter.com/dgWQRRVSAJ
— 王力雄 (@wlixiong) September 23, 2014
I took this photo for Ilham on January 8, 2014. I never imagined that this was our last meeting. A few days later on January 15, he was arrested from his home in Beijing and today he was sentenced to life imprisonment. However, I don't believe that from now on I will only see him in photos because belated justice will still arrive.
Su Yutong, a former reporter from Deutsche Welle who interviewed Ilham many times in the past, urged other reporters to do something for the imprisoned scholar:
#FreeIlham 作为DW曾经的记者，我多次采访伊力哈木老师，我一次次的把他那些温和理性的观点写进报道里，这些成了他被构陷的罪证吗？所有引述过他那些包含对民族之爱、呼吁和平话语的记者们，今天我们是不是该做点什么！！！
— Suyutong (@Suyutong) September 23, 2014
#FreeIlham As a former reporter from Deutsche Welle, I had interviewed Ilham on many occasions. I reported his moderate stances and perspectives in my reports. Did these reports become evidence of his crime? For those reporters who had quoted him talking about his love for his nation, his insistence on peace, shouldn't we do something for him!!!

author: Oiwan Lam


text:
Egypt’s Escalating War on Gays Just Landed 6 Men Behind Bars for 2 Years · Global Voices
Amira Al Hussaini

Egyptian gay activist protesting against the arrest of young men who appeared in the alleged gay marriage video, tweets @TheBigPharaoh
Six men accused of “committing debauchery” have been sentenced to two years in prison by an Egyptian court today. The men, who included a Moroccan national, were accused of using their apartment for homosexual activities, promoted through Facebook, reported AhramOnline.
The six were among eight men arrested last month after a video featuring what looked like a gay wedding went viral. While Egypt doesn't have a specific law to prosecute same-sex relationships, the government has been vicious in its crackdown on gays under vague laws such as committing “indecency” and “debauchery.”
According to Human Rights First, Egyptian police have arrested more than than 80 people for the “crime” of being gay/transgender since October 2013.
Many Egyptians took to social media to express their anger at the targeting of gay people and this most recent sentence. Under the the hashtag #stopjailinggays and its Arabic translation #ضد_حبس_المثليين, hundreds of people expressed their anger as part of a two-day Twitter and blogging storm to protest “the massive wave of brutal repression of LGBT people.”
The event's Facebook page states:
Since the Egyptian government is recently focusing its efforts on monitoring people's private lives whether in the bedroom or on their facebook accounts, and since the police instead of chasing terrorists are going after people for their sexual orientation and gender identity. From October 2013 until now, the police has arrested more than 80 people for the “crime” of being gay or transgender. Some of these people receive humiliating treatment including physical violence and rape threats inside detention.
The forensic medicine authority conducts anal examinations on these people which is considered sexual assault and a violation of human rights and medical ethics.
They are sentenced for up to 10 years with charges of debauchery which is a vague word.
Because the media has been waging a sensational campaign against LGBT people in Egypt and violate people's privacy by publishing their names and photos.
because of all of this, on September 24 and 25 we will be tweeting and blogging using the hashtag
#ضد_حبس_المثليين which means Against the Jailing of Gays
On that Facebook page, Tamer Adel explains the social stigma of being gay in Egypt. He writes:
كان نفسي أكتب البوست ده من اﻷكونت التاني بتاعي
اللي عليه أهلي وأصحابي .. بس عشان زيي زي باقي المصريين بخاف هكتبه من اﻷكونت ده
بخاف ؟ اه بخاف … بخاف على أمي اللي ممكن تروح فيها لما تعرف انها مش هتشوف ابن ليا زي باقي اخواتي
بخاف على أختى عشان مكسفاش وسط أهل جوزها واختى اللي لسة صغير عشان حد يرضى يتقدملها
بخاف على أخويا اللي هيعتبرها فضيحة ليه .. وبخاف على صحابي اللي هنزل من نظرهم
وسط كل البؤس ده مش فاكر اني في كلية هندسة .. واني ليا ترتيب على دفعتي
مش فاكر اني قدمت مشروع للحكومة لتطوير شئ معين هيوفر وقت ومجهود وهيجيب ربح
مش فاكر اني كنت متقدم ﻹختبار منحة من جامعة كندية ورفضت اسافر ﻷسباب احتكار أفكاري للبلد دي
مش فاكر اني بتوصف بمساعدة الناس والعبقرية
مش فاكر اني كان ليا موقف اني صححت معلومات لمعيد ودكتور عندي في الجامعة
..اللي عاوز أقوله ان كل الناس اللي تعرفني كلهم بشهادتهم بيعتبروني قدوة ومثل اعلى
لكن لو تخيلنا انهم عرفوا اني مثلي اكيد هتتغير نظرتهم ليا تماما
انا هو هو نفس الشخص على فكرة … ياريت تبصوا على اﻹختلاف ده زي اتنين بيشجعوا فريقين مختلفين
احنا مش فاسدين ولا منحلين أخلاقيا
احنا أعضاء فعالين جدا في المجتمع ومؤثرين
احنا مختارناش نكون فئة منبوذة ومطاردة وبيترصدوا لينا بدرجات توصل للمطالبة بالقتل
ولو يا سيدي عندك علاج ليا اكتبهولي دلوقتي وانا انزل اصرفه من الصيدلية حالا
#ضد_حبس_المثليين
I had wanted to write this post on my other account, the one which has my family and friends, but just like other Egyptians I am afraid of doing that and will post it here instead.
Afraid? Yes. I am afraid for my mother who could die if she knew that she will not see my children, like my other siblings.
I am afraid of embarrassing my sister in front of her in-laws, and my younger sister, who may not find anyone to marry her
I am afraid for my brother, who will consider it a scandal. And afraid for my friends, who will look down at me.
In the midst of all this misery, I don't remember that I am at the College of Engineering. I don't remember being a successful student. I don't remember submitting a project to the government to develop something which would save time and effort and generate a profit.
I don't remember being accepted for a scholarship in a Canadian University, which I turned down, so that I can remain home and serve my country.
I don't remember that people describe me as helpful and a genius.
I don't remember that I correct mistakes my professors and teachers make.
What I am trying to say is that all those people consider me a role-model but if we imagined that they knew that I am gay, their view will definitely change.
I am the same person. I hope you would view this difference like two people cheering for two different football teams.
We are not corrupt or morally decayed.
We are effective people in our society.
We did not choose to become an unwanted and persecuted segment of society, with people calling for us to be killed.
If you have a treatment for me, write me a prescription, and I am willing to go to the pharmacy immediately to get it
On Twitter, Sara Labib lashes out at the government, which should scrutinise it's own shortcomings instead:
#NoToJailingGays #ضد_حبس_المثليين #مصر #Egypt The immoral, corrupt government has no place regulating societal morals, anyway or anytime.
— Sara Labib (@SaraLabib) September 25, 2014
Sherif El Ramly notes:
#ضد_حبس_المثليين Stop gays persecution in arab countries. No one chooses his sexual orientation!
— Sherif El Ramly (@Armanossah) September 24, 2014
And The Big Pharaoh shares this photograph of a gay activist who carries a placard stating his name and position against the jailing of the young men.
Egyptian gay activist protesting against the arrest of young men who appeared in the alleged gay marriage video. pic.twitter.com/NoQbi6OS1p
— The Big Pharaoh (@TheBigPharaoh) September 24, 2014
The placard [ar] reads:
I am Asem El-Tawodi. I am not a criminal or ill. I am gay. I am an Egyptian citizen. [I am] someone normal in society. Just like you.
Such open support for gays in conservative Arab societies is new.

author: Amira Al Hussaini


text:
How Climate-Smart Villages in Bangladesh, India and Nepal Are Preparing Farmers for the Future · Global Voices
Rezwan

56-year-old Kamla Devi listens to messages about the weather and best climate-friendly crop practices on her mobile phone while working in the cowshed at her home in Anjanthalli village. Image by Prashanth Vishwanathan. Used with permission.
One of the initiatives to come out of the United Nations’ summit on climate change on September 23 was the Global Alliance for Climate-Smart Agriculture, a group of 16 countries and 37 organizations that aim to enable 500 million farmers around the world to practice climate-smart agriculture by 2030.
What is climate-smart agriculture? It's the idea of helping farmers adapt to changing climates while weaning them off techniques and technologies that produce greenhouse gases. In a number of countries in Africa and Asia, Climate Change Agriculture and Food Security (CCAFS), a research program of CGIAR (a global partnership dedicated to agriculture research), has already set up “climate-smart villages” to put the idea into practice.
Farmers in northern India have grown used to a wide range of weather, and work their fields around monsoon seasons that regularly bring them torrential rains. But as climate change begins to change the weather, scientists predict that growing conditions in the country are likely to become even more challenging and could alternate abruptly between periods of severe rainstorms and drought, according to the group.
In response to the farming challenges brought on by climate change, Climate Change Agriculture and Food Security (CCAFS), together with the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre and partner organizations are introducing a portfolio of climate-smart agriculture practices and technologies in their climate-smart villages.
Paramjeet Singh uses the “Green Seeker” to check the nutrient levels of his paddy fields in Uncha Samana. The device helps him decide the most appropriate dosage of nitrogen fertilizers (Urea) for his crops. Image by Prashanth Vishwanathan. Used with permission.
Researchers, farmers’ cooperatives, government bodies and private sector partners are working together at these villages to identify which agriculture practices and technologies can improve productivity and incomes and build resilience to climate risks. “Climate-smart” agriculture is highly localized; interventions that work in one place will not necessarily be suitable for another.
In India the project is undertaken currently in Haryana, Bihar and Punjab. The same model also operates in Khulna, Bangladesh and Rupandehi in Nepal. This video explains the idea behind the villages:
In the climate smart villages in India, farmers have begun to alter their use of mobile phones, the Internet, and basic measurement devices to adapt to the changes initiated by climate change, according to CGIAR. An interesting aspect is that farmers are actually not talking much about climate change, but rather are engaging themselves in alternative and innovative practices. The money that they are saving by doing things like using new planting methods for rice that reduces the amount of labor and water needed are resulting in a significant cost savings, CGIAR says.
Harpreet Singh checks the water level through a Tensiometer in his paddy fields in Birnaryna as a part of the Climate Smart Village (CSV) programme. Image by Prasanth Viswanathan. Used with permission
Under the project, voice and text messages are sent to farmers twice a week in Hindi or in other local language. The text messages include information on weather forecasts and suggestions for farmers, information on pests and remedies, etc. Last year messages were sent to 1,400 farmers in 50 villages in Karnal and Bihar and 10 villages in Punjab, according to the group.
Anjantheli, the first climate-smart village in Haryana, where every person has #weather forecasts on their fingertips http://t.co/dSpBcwqnJY
— India Water Portal (@indiawater) September 9, 2014
Farmers are being encouraged to improve their nutrient management, for example through the use of a leaf color chart:
27-year-old Vinod Kumar (L) uses the Nutrient Expert computer programme to ascertain his farms nutrient needs being part of the Climate-Smart Village programme in Anjanthalli. Image by Prashanth Vishwanathan. Used with permission.
The CCAFS South Asia Program has also successfully implemented a climate insurance program  as part of their climate-smart village model to save farmers from losses due to failed crops as a result of natural calamities.
The success of the models in India has prompted replication of the initiative under climate smart village in various South Asian and African countries. The CGIAR's blog narrates a lot of initiatives and challenges that the climate-smart villages face.

author: Rezwan


text:
Here’s Why Mail.Ru’s Complete Control Over VKontakte Is Bad News · Global Voices
Sergey Kozlovsky

Now that Mail.Ru group owns all of VKontakte, what should the network's users anticipate? Images mixed by Tetyana Lokot.
Russia’s Internet group Mail.ru has acquired the remaining stake in VKontakte (VK), making it the sole owner of the country's largest social network. This concludes the drawn-out battle for control over the lucrative business and the data of millions of users inside and outside Russia.
Mail.Ru group, which until recently owned 52% of VK, bought the remaining shares of the company for $1.47 billion from the Moscow-based fund United Capital Partners (UCP). UCP became owner of this stake in April last year, after it bought the shares from VKontakte co-founders Lev Leviev and Viacheslav Mirilashvili for an undisclosed amount of money.
Almost immediately, UCP started to pressure Pavel Durov, VK's founder and CEO, accusing him of various misdeeds. UCP claimed that the messenger app Telegram, a separate venture launched by Durov and his team, in fact belonged to VK, because the founder allegedly used the social network’s equipment and technology to create it. Durov, in turn, announced that VK had fallen under the control of Russian authorities and that he himself was a victim of political games.
Of course, it’s hardly possible to verify his accusations, but a few details about VK's owners do suggest some ideas. The head of UCP, Ilya Shcherbowich, is said to have close ties to the Kremlin. He was previously a board member of state-owned oil giant “Rosneft.” The head of “Rosneft”—Igor Sechin—is a close ally of the Russian president Vladimir Putin. Sechin and Shcherbowich are intimate friends, according to some reports in the Russian media.
The main shareholder of Mail.Ru group—billionaire Alisher Usmanov—isn’t a fan of the opposition, either. One episode from recent Russian history illustrates his unwillingness to fall out with the authorities quite well. In December 2011, Kommersant-Vlast (a magazine owned by Usmanov) published an article about the Russian legislative elections with a photo of a bulletin, where a voter wrote “Fuck you, Putin.” Soon afterwards Usmanov commented to the media that such behavior was totally unacceptable. The editor-in-chief of Kommerdant-Vlast and the CEO of Kommersant holding were then fired in a rather emphatic manner.
The next change in VK ownership happened in December 2013: Durov sold his stake (12%) to Ivan Tavrin, CEO of mobile carrier Megafon, which, like Mail.Ru, is controlled by Usmanov. At the time, Durov also claimed that Russia's Federal Security Service came to him demanding the personal data of Ukrainian protesters who had accounts on VK, and that he'd refused to hand it over. While in conflict with the FSB, and feeling under pressure, Durov said he felt compelled to sell the shares. Later on, in spring 2014, he resigned.
In March 2014, Tavrin sold his stake to Mail.Ru. The group had made earlier attempts to increase their stake by making offers to Durov, and he refused to acquiesce by making a public (and graphic) comment on his Instagram account (the photo was later deleted).
Durov's Instagram reply to Mail.Ru: “The official answer to the trashy Mail.Ru holding, as they try in vain to take over VKontakte. Pavel Durov.” Screenshot from Instagram.
Now that Mail.Ru has reached their goal, and Durov is trying to make a new life for himself abroad, the network's users are left speculating about the future of VKontakte. Mail.Ru group happens to also own Russia’s other large social network, Odnoklassniki.ru.
Unlike VK, Odnoklassniki is viewed by many Russians as a “redneck network.” Its users are typically older, more conservative, and spend their network time spreading jokes, videos and images, most of which fall short of the standards of VK and Facebook audiences. The social network platform is full of ads, and its interface is far from friendly.
Odnoklassniki users are also characterized by very strong support of Putin’s actions in Ukraine, and most of the questionable reports and rumors about events in Eastern Ukraine find a faithful audience here.
After the deal between Mail.Ru and UCP was announced, users flooded the RuNet with indignant remarks. VK is now full of messages saying “it’s about time to delete my page” and “let’s register on Facebook.”  “It is as if Huawei bought Apple,” lamented one TJournal reader.
VK users fear that Mail.Ru might decide to merge the two social networks or at least make VK more similar to Odnoklassniki. Indeed, the same day the deal was announced, VKontakte began to include off-site ads in the feeds of its Android application users.
The ads are not the worst of the trouble, however. What may be more disturbing is that one of the social network’s main uses—political activism—is under threat of suppression. The Russian State Security Service (FSB) had demanded user data even when Durov was VK's CEO. He had opposed it, and ended up having to sell his stake and resign. The new CEO of VK, who was recently appointed, has direct ties to the Kremlin propaganda machine: Boris Dobrodeev is the son of Oleg Dobrodeev, who is in charge of VGTRK, the Russian state TV and radio broadcaster. We can only guess how much access to user data FSB will get now, and how much control the new management will exert over the free flow of politically charged information.
For Russian Internet users, the Mail.Ru acquisition of the remaining stake in VKontakte is a big deal, as many of them spend quite a lot of time on the network. But it matters little for foreign investors. The main shift in the VK narrative occurred quite a bit earlier, when the network fell under the control of two businessmen with ties to the Kremlin. The recent deal changes little, as room for independent online entrepreneurs in Russia shrinks dramatically and loyalty to the regime becomes the main criterion of achieving any kind of success.

author: Sergey Kozlovsky