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Myanmar NGO launches tool for voters to compare human rights programs of parties competing in election · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Screenshot of the Free Expression Myanmar website
Free Expression Myanmar (FEM), an NGO advocating for freedom expression in Myanmar,  has launched a digital tool enabling voters to read and compare the human rights programs of political parties.
Myanmar’s election is scheduled for November 8.
FEM has engaged around 21 major parties in the last six months about their commitment to seven topics: human rights, free speech, media freedom, right to information, digital rights, protest, and hate speech.
There are 90 parties competing in the election.
FEM clarifies that it is neither endorsing any party nor it is claiming that the promises made by parties will be implemented after the election. FEM Director Yin Yadanar Thein said the tool is meant to simply inform voters:
Our aim is to give the electorate complete, verified, and comparative information about the political parties’ human rights promises – or lack of promises – so that voters can make a fully informed decision in this vitally important election.
The tool lists the programs of each party for a particular human rights topic and compares it with its stands in the 2015 election. FEM gives a rating of 5 stars if the current program is comprehensive and adheres to international standards, while one star is given if there’s no explicit commitment.
Aside from providing readers with an overview of the human rights agenda of parties, the tool can show if a party has adjusted its stand on a particular issue since the previous election.
For example, the program of the Union Solidarity and Development Party or USDP to address hate speech in 2015 was limited to preventing bullying and discrimination against women. But their program this year included a reference on combating religion-based violence. USDP, a military-backed party, ruled Myanmar from 2011 until its defeat in 2015.
Screenshot of the Free Expression Myanmar website
The Shan Nationalities League for Democracy had no program for media freedom in 2015 but it got five stars this year for its strong pledge to protect free speech:
Screenshot of the Free Expression Myanmar website
Meanwhile, several commitments made by the ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) in 2015 are missing on its agenda for this year’s election.
Screenshot of the Free Expression Myanmar website
Screenshot of the Free Expression Myanmar website
This lack of pledges reflects statements and reports from activists and civil society groups critical of the failure of the NLD-led government to reverse draconian policies of the previous military regime. They point out that critics continue to face arbitrary arrests and prosecution based on military-drafted laws like 66(d) of the 2013 Telecommunications Law. Artists and activists who protest against military abuse are jailed for violating the law that prohibits insulting the Tatmadaw (Myanmar armed forces).
As election nears, various civil society groups are urging parties and candidates to take a stronger stance in favor of human rights. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), Amnesty International and Athan, a free-speech advocacy group, released a joint statement demanding candidates to promote media freedom and civil liberties:
Despite some positive reforms in the early years of the current administration, a number of laws that arbitrarily restrict the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly remain on the books and continue to be regularly used to arrest, prosecute, detain and imprison human rights defenders, activists, and others peacefully exercising their human rights.
As Myanmar heads toward a general election on 8 November 2020, it is imperative that political parties, parliamentary candidates, and campaign groups focus on the urgent human rights situation in the country. The next government must champion human rights.


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Some Hongkongers despair as US President Donald Trump’s election hopes fade · Global Voices
Hong Kong Free Press

Protesters holding US national flags in anti-China extradition protests. Photo from the Stand News, used with permission.
The following post was written by Rachel Wong and originally published on Hong Kong Free Press (HKFP) on November 6, 2020. This edited version is published under a content partnership agreement with Hong Kong Free Press.
Faced with the failure of successive city-wide protests in recent years, a draconian security law and an intensifying crackdown on opposition figures and the media, Hong Kong activists have increasingly pinned their hopes for democracy on foreign leaders — especially United States President Donald Trump.
Now, with Trump lagging behind in the US election, some activist netizens are near despair, while others caution that it’s not their place to get involved in an American political battle.
China’s fast-tracked encroachment of Hong Kong’s autonomy via the security law and the frequent arrests of politicians, activists and journalists, has left the pro-democracy movement at a low ebb — and Trump seems to be a figure to depend on in the fight against Xi.
However he is viewed elsewhere, the former businessman and reality television star has won support in Hong Kong for appearing to stand up to President Xi Jinping (and China in general).
For one thing, Trump signed into law the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act, which imposes sanctions on officials for human rights violations. In the past year, the US has also passed legislation targeting Chinese Communist Party (CCP) officials — not just over Hong Kong, but also over abuses against the Uighur population in Xinjiang.
The Treasury Department imposed sanctions on 11 Hong Kong and mainland officials — including Chief Executive Carrie Lam — for rights violations after the Beijing-drafted national security law, which criminalises subversion, secession, terrorism and colluding with foreign forces, was enacted on June 30.
Washington has cancelled Hong Kong’s special trade status, deeming it no longer sufficiently autonomous from mainland China, and Trump has also waged his own trade war against Beijing: he sent senior officials to Taiwan and sold the island weapons despite China’s fury, and harshly attacked Bejing for its secrecy and slow response to the emergence of the COVID-19 virus.
This accumulation of hard blows to Beijing has led many Hongkongers to believe that Trump is their only hope of defeating the CCP and eventually achieving democracy. If Democrat Joe Biden is elected, as seems increasingly likely, they fear he will adopt a softer stance in China-US diplomatic relations.
“Before he was formally elected, Biden already said he would rejoin the Paris Agreement on climate change. The Human Rights Act will also be doomed,” a netizen on the LIHKG forum wrote, expressing concerns shared by many that Trump’s moves against Beijing may be rescinded.
“If Trump loses, it means the entire world will be fascist and ‘red’ [inclined to Beijing] in the name of fake democracy,” another netizen wrote, adding that Taiwan’s sovereignty and East Asia’s autonomy would be under threat:
The governments of European countries and Korea will continue bowing down to the Chinese Communist Party. The entire world is doomed, as we are moving into a worse situation than World War II and the Cold War when there were still liberal countries on our back.
According to the narrative of these netizens, China has seized control of major world organisations and Western media outlets. Some also expressed fears that Biden may take revenge on Hong Kong after several high-profile members of the local, pro-democracy media expressed support for Trump.
Another netizen questioned why so many Americans hate Trump so much:
During his term, the US has been the most domineering in the international community, has been pressuring China, and its stock market keeps going up. True, the pandemic took away many lives, but it’s the same for all countries.
Scholars and politicians across the political spectrum have suggested that the influence of social media reporting can create an echo chamber, with the power to persuade supporters of both camps that they are in the lead.
Some netizens, meanwhile, expressed frustration with Twitter and Reddit, which they view as a hotbed of leftism. An account named “PolyU Associate Tertiary Degree” asked:
Why don’t you browse on pro-Trump 4chan and instead torture yourselves with leftards’ Reddit?
‘Leftards’ is a term which refers to unrealistic leftists.
Amid all the fervent support for Trump and frustration over Biden’s likely victory, one netizen wrote a post urging others not to pick fights with the Democrats in the US, but instead, to tell the world why it should not stand in line with the Communist Party:
Hongkongers should not directly interfere in the rivalry between the two [US] parties. Rather, we should focus on promoting how the Chinese Communist Party and communism [are] destroying universal values of the world, committing crimes against humanity, violat[ing] human rights. Do not vent anger on the US elections. You are indirectly disparaging the image of the country.
The post continued:
Please believe that the 200-year-old democratic system in the US can resolve problems. […] You may discuss among yourselves but don’t go and pick fights with US leftists. We should learn from history and not make the same mistake as Chiang Kai-shek.
Chiang was president of the Republic of China and Kuomintang leader during the civil war with the Chinese Communist Party. In 1948, when Democrat Harry Truman and Republican Thomas Dewey vied for the presidency, Chiang‘s aides campaigned for Dewey. After Truman won the election, Chiang’s government was considered unsalvageable and retreated to Taiwan the following year.
Several prominent pro-democracy activists, such as Sunny Cheung, who left the city after the security law was enacted, and Frances Hui, who wrote a column titled, “I am from Hong Kong, not China”, also came under fire from netizens. Their earlier Facebook posts, which clarified some of the disinformation about voter fraud and suggested how Hongkongers should position themselves during the US elections, were labelled as pro-Biden.
Several outraged social media users slammed them for being opportunist and licking the Democrats’ boots, saying that they have betrayed the movement. In response to the attacks, Hui questioned whether pro-democracy netizens had turned into a “government-support-style propaganda machine” and urged critics not to root for any one candidate.
Pro-democracy activist Joey Siu, adviser for the international cross-party group Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China, wrote on Facebook that Americans are electing their own leaders and have other policy considerations than just their country's stance on China:
Don’t you think they should consider abortion rights, LGBTQ rights, racial justice, climate change, taxation, employment opportunities when voting?
In another post, she urged netizens to respect the results, favourable or not, and to stop spreading fake news.
Samuel Chu, founder and managing director of the Hong Kong Democracy Council, told Stand News that no presidential candidate can single-handedly save Hong Kong, and suggested that Hongkongers should not get bound up with the idea that one candidate would be better than the other.
In a separate statement, he added that regardless of the final outcome of the presidential poll or which party controls the Senate, both US parties and their leaders have pledged continued support for the democratic aspirations of Hongkongers.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Hong Kong Free Press


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‘What a Bam Bam!’ Jamaicans celebrate Biden/Harris victory · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

Images of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris by Ted Eytan on Flickr, both CC BY-SA 2.0.
On a gloomy Saturday morning, as the island continued to feel the effects from the outer bands of Tropical Storm Eta, and as COVID-19 cases continued to climb, Jamaican netizens erupted in celebration as Joe Biden and Kamala Harris were announced as president-elect and vice president-elect of the United States.
As was the case across the region, there was a flurry of humorous memes shared on social media channels, including via WhatsApp groups, but Jamaican social media — which enjoys a musical take on things — put their own stamp on the victory by sharing a video of a Philadelphia street party playing the music of the late “Toots” Hibbert‘s famous feel-good song “What a Bam Bam” (a title that means “What excitement”):
What a Bam Bam!!! Jamaica run di worl' #CountTheVotes ????????? pic.twitter.com/pO4oZgE9yj
— TWill?????? (@TWill876) November 7, 2020
Others thought a favourite Jamaican folk song seemed appropriate:
Hold 'im Joe
Don't let 'im go!
from ‘Jamaican Song and Story’ 1907 by Walter Jekyll; English clergyman & planter in Jamaica; collected songs and stories from descendants of enslaved Africans. Covered over the years by countless mento and calypso singers.https://t.co/OQMG42F99w pic.twitter.com/eyNjOo5HMN
— Wayne Chen (@wcchen) November 5, 2020
Performer Nadine Sutherland updated one of her old dancehall hits in honour of Kamala Harris and posted the remix to Twitter:
Raaaaae! Vice President Harris! Step Up! pic.twitter.com/rhLGJFxnr3
— NadineSutherland (@Nadinesutherlan) November 7, 2020
Prime Minister Andrew Holness’ congratulatory tweet emphasised Vice President-Elect Kamala Harris’ Jamaican heritage and called her historic achievement a “monumental accomplishment for women all over the world”:
(1/2) I extend congratulations to the President-elect and Vice President-elect of the United States, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris.
America will have its first female Vice President in the person of Kamala Harris, and we are proud that she bears Jamaican heritage. pic.twitter.com/1Ovte7F2YP
— Andrew Holness (@AndrewHolnessJM) November 7, 2020
A resident of St. Ann (the birthplace of Harris’ father) followed up:
1. Covid-19 has a lot of people staying inside.
2. Brown’s Town, ST. ANN Jamaica is also in the house. ?? pic.twitter.com/uDxhWbmhYn
— ST. ANN 360 (@stann360) November 7, 2020
Another popular Jamaican-born American — the TikTok comedian famous for her “Trump mimes”, Sarah Cooper — tweeted:
Congratulations Madame Vice President @KamalaHarris and Second Husband @DouglasEmhoff pic.twitter.com/D0RhfV58Pp
— Sarah Cooper (@sarahcpr) November 7, 2020
However, one local media personality felt that Jamaicans should not be so quick to claim Harris:
She is an American. She is the VP of America. She worked as a Prosecutor in America. She was an American Senator. She has a job now to protect American interests. The American people put her there.
Ya'll gonna get your feelings hurt if you believe she's Jamaican too.
— Jodi-Ann Quarrie (Yoo Need More Jodi) (@yooneedmorejodi) November 7, 2020
Nevertheless, there was acknowledgement of Harris’ Indian heritage too, and several social media users got quite emotional:
I have one word K A M A L A ???????????????? @KamalaHarris #jamaica #india #KamalaHarris #JoeBiden @JoeBiden. Yes. We Jamaicans are proud as ra$$ #jamaicantwitter
— JaDoll876 (@JADoll876) November 7, 2020
So beautiful ?? #KamalaHarrisVP https://t.co/bLhzsoKF2J
— J A Lowrie-Chin (@LowrieChin) November 7, 2020
Many social media users, who loved Harris’ reaction to the news of the Democrats’ victory, retweeted her:
We did it, @JoeBiden. pic.twitter.com/oCgeylsjB4
— Kamala Harris (@KamalaHarris) November 7, 2020
The US election eclipsed a smaller, local political poll, in which delegates to the  People's National Party — currently in opposition — chose a new leader. People were generally much more inclined to discuss their disappointment in how Florida voted than their views on local party politics. South Florida is sometimes called “Kingston 21″ as around 300,000 Jamaicans live there.
Jamaicans were delighted with the final result, however, and took little digs at the outgoing president:
BREAKING NEWS
Jamaica to send JUTC [Jamaica Urban Transit Company] buses to assist with speedy removal of all that stuff from 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. Thanks to Kamala Harris’ connections.

author: Emma Lewis


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European Court of Human Rights verdict vindicates Macedonian columnist convicted of defamation in 2010 · Global Voices
Metamorphosis Foundation

Nikola Gelevski. Photo by Nebojša Gelevski, used with permission.
This story was originally published by Meta.mk. An edited version is republished here via a content-sharing agreement between Global Voices and Metamorphosis Foundation.
In September 2020, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) issued a verdict that ordered the Republic of North Macedonia to pay compensation in the amount of 3.000 euros to Nikola Gelevski for the violation of his freedom of expression, announced the portal Okno.mk.
The Strasbourg-based court’s verdict is related to a defamation case filed by Dragan Pavlović, widely known by his nickame Latas, the former editor-in-chief of the newspaper Večer and Sitel TV, against the columnist for his article titled “The Megaphones from the Führer’s alley”, published by “Utrinski vesnik” on March 31, 2009.
Leaked wiretaps published in 2015 showed that high official of ruling populist party VMRO-DPMNE directly influenced the daily editorial policy of media outlets managed by Dragan Pavlović – Latas.
In one of these conversations, with then minister of culture, Latas personally complained that his Sitel TV serves as “a condom for VMRO-DPMNE’s propaganda.” In another conversation, Secret Police Chief  Sašo Mijalkov reminded him that the regime funnels 2 million euros annually to the outlet he runs. Latas replied that they earn that money by “delivering” the requested propaganda services, unlike other less effective media.
According to open data released by the new government established by social democratic SDSM party in May 2017, the VMRO-DPMNE regime gave 10.2 million euros of taxpayers’  money to Sitel TV during the period 2010-2017.
Gelevski's article documented the behavior of media personalities,  including Latas, who provided incitement and justification for the violence organized by the then-ruling party against protesting students on the main square of Skopje on March 28, 2009.
In the column he draw parallels with rise of Nazism in 1930s Germany, including use of propaganda and thugs to beat up political opponents, warning that the country is slipping into dictatorship that might cause a civil war. Gelevski boldly demanded accountability of the likes of ruling party apparatchik Aleksandar Bičikliski and TV show host Janko Ilkovski. At the time one of the most powerful among persons he named was Latas, a member of inner circle of power around then Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski and his cousin, then Secret Police Chief Sašo Mijalkov.
In 2010 Latas won a private lawsuit for defamation against columnist Nikola Gelevski in the trial that lasted for a year. Gelevski tried to contest the ruling of judge Ljubinka Baševska and filed an appeal to all higher instances of domestic courts, including the Constitutional Court in 2012, but none ruled in his favour.
At the time, defamation was part of the criminal law, and the conviction brought a status of felony. In 2012 defamation was decriminalized – moved from the Criminal Code into the sphere of civil law, which meant it no longer carried danger of prison sentences, but allowing steep fines that also had chilling effect.
In the aftermath of his appeals to domestic courts, Gelevski filed a lawsuit to the ECHR in December 2012. Almost eight years later, the court stated that the “Government has admitted there was an interference in the applicant’s freedom of speech.”
Among the remaining parts of the verdict’s explanation, ECHR reiterated that “individuals, and in particular journalists, who take part in a public debate on a matter of general interest are allowed to have recourse to a degree of exaggeration or provocation” and also states that “the applicant’s criminal conviction could undoubtedly have a chilling effect on the political debate between members of the media on matters of importance.”
In a statement published by cultural portal Okno.mk, Gelevski wrote:
Задоволен сум, се разбира, од пресудата на Судот за човекови права. Исто така, се разбира, задоволен сум што оваа пресуда има пошироко општествено значење, не е само моја лична сатисфакција.
Со пресудата добивме уште еден доказ за недемократската природа на режимот на Груевски кој 11 години управуваше со сè во Македонија: од урбанизам и култура до судство и медиуми. Управуваше со својата послушна војска, не сам, и сигурно не е единствениот виновник за ужасните 11 години кои нè уназадија, како општество, на сите рамништа.
Пресудата е важна и за македонските новинари, колумнисти и, воопшто, луѓето што се појавуваат во јавноста, охрабрувајќи ги да бидат принципелни, чесни, храбри и упорни.
Пресудата треба да го замисли и македонското судство кое безрезервно цела деценија беше во функција на еден исклучително деструктивен и опасен режим.
За жал, во многу сфери сериозно не се оддалечивме, во овие три години, од злокобните стратегии и практики на груевизмот. Ова особено се однесува на судството и медиумите. Така што, и од тој аспект, оваа пресуда од Стразбур, дури и после десет години од настаните, можеби може да биде барем мал поттик да почнат да се менуваат лошите состојби кај нас, не само во сферата на човековите права.
I am pleased with the verdict of the European Court for Human Rights, of course. I am also pleased that this verdict has wider meaning in society, beyond my personal satisfaction.
The verdict provided yet another proof about the undemocratic nature of the regime of Nikola Gruevski which ruled everything in Macedonia for 11 years: from urbanism to culture to judiciary to media. He didn't rule alone, but he ruled with his own obedient army of followers, so he's not the only culprit for the terrible 11 years which set us back, as a society, at every level.
This verdict is important for Macedonian journalists, columnists, and overall, for the people that appear in public, as it encourages them to be principled, honest, brave and persistent.
The verdict should provide food for thought for the Macedonian judiciary which, without reservation, for a whole decade served an extremely destructive and dangerous regime.
Unfortunately, over the last three years, we didn't venture very far from the malignant strategies and practices of Gruevism. This is particularly valid for the judiciary and the media. Therefore, from this perspective, this verdict from Strasbourg, even though came about ten years after the events, might be a small incentive to start changing the bad situation in our country, and not only in the sphere of human rights.
While reform of the judiciary was one of the key election promises of the government that replaced Gruevski's regime in 2017, it cited lack of support from the opposition for masive overhaul of the legislature that would enable vetting of judges and prosecutors. Many of the enablers of the state described by the European Union as ‘state capture’ in 2016 still hold decision-making positions within state institutions. Judge Ljubinka Baševska, who ruled against Gelevski, still holds the judicial position within the Basic Criminal Court in Skopje.
A 2020 European Commission report on North Macedonia acknowledges some progress in the area, adding that “efforts are still needed to ensure systematic implementation of the updated action plan of the judicial reform strategy” while the US State Department Country Report on Human Rights Practices states that “limited judicial independence, politicization of the judicial oversight body, and inadequate funding of the judiciary continued to hamper court operations and effectiveness.”

author: Metamorphosis Foundation


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In the heart of Europe, an endangered Turkic language lives on · Global Voices
Filip Noubel

Plaque on the administrative building for the Karaim community of Trakai, Lithuania, with Karaim (top) and Lithuanian (bottom) language inscriptions, as well as the Karaim coat of arms. Photo (c): Filip Noubel, used with permission.
Turkic languages are spoken by an estimated 200 million people in countries and territories extending from Siberia, China, Central Asia to Turkey, the Middle East and the Balkans.
But perhaps surprisingly, one of them lives on in the heart of Europe. Karaim is still spoken in small communities in Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine — but only just. According to Ethnologue, there may now be less than 100 speakers of Karaim worldwide.
Historically, the Karaim language was the vernacular of the Karaim people, an ethnoreligious group who practice a variant of Karaism, a faith close to but distinct from mainstream forms of Judaism. The origins of the Karaim people are widely debated; in the early 20th century their leader, Seraya Shapshal, advanced the theory that the Karaites were of Turkic origin. Partly on this basis, the Karaim were spared the fate of their Jewish neighbours during the Nazi occupation of Lithuania.
To make this history even more complex, not all those who practice Karaite Judaism are of ethnic Karaim origin, nor are they Karaim speakers. In this sense, Karaim is sociolinguistically similar to Jewish languages such as Ladino, Judaeo-Tajik and Yiddish which contain many Hebrew words but are not part of the Semitic language family.
Lithuania is home to one of the largest community of Karaims, whose name means “the ones reading“. The country's estimated 300 Karaims have been established here since the 13th century, many of them in the old fortress town of Trakai. They are now recognised as one of Lithuania's national minorities.
To find out more about the current status of the Karaim language and its chances for survival, I spoke to Romuald Čaprockij, one of the few remaining native speakers of Karaim. Čaprockij, a Sinologist, linguist and translator, is based in the Lithuanian capital of Vilnius.
Romuald Čaprockij (right) in Trakai, Lithuania. Photo (c): Filip Noubel, used with permission
Ромас Чапроцкис (РЧ): Караимский язык (къарай, карай тили; karaj tili) – относится к кыпчакско-половецкой подгруппе тюркских языков. Исторически караимский язык использовался носителями на Украине – в Луцке, в Галиче Львовской области и в Крыму,  в Литве (Вильнюс, Паневижис, Тракай) и в Польше. Генетически связывают караимов с той частью тюркоязычных хазар, которые исповедовали иудаизм караитского толка.
Караимский язык имеет три диалекта: крымский, который полностью совпадает со средним (орта йолакъ) диалектом крымскотатарского языка, за исключением иудаизмов, тракайский (диалект литовских караимов) и галицко-луцкий (галичский).
Все диалекты караимского языка использовались в трёх регистрах: 1) разговорный язык; 2) литературный язык; 3) книжный язык — язык переводов Библии. Библия переводилась на караимский язык до 19 в., а печатный перевод Танаха появился впервые в 1841 г. в Гезлёве (Евпатория). На всех диалектах караимского языка имеется обширная литература, включая периодические издания. Караимский язык ранее пользовался еврейским алфавитом, затем — латинским. В последние столетия (в русскоязычных изданиях) использовался русский алфавит.
Караимский язык содержит значительное количество слов, характерных только для древних тюркских языков. Поэтому, для обогащения словарного запаса турецкого языка в 1924 г. по инициативе президента Турции Мустафы Кемаля Ататюрка специально созданная комиссия, Türk Dil Kurumu, прибыла в Тракай, а результатом работы данной комиссии было введение 330 караимских слов в турецкий академический словарь.
Первые знания о караимском языке появились в Европе в XVII веке. Уже на рубеже XVI-XVII веков немецкий востоковед пастор Буксторф впервые сообщил, что крымские караимы читали Ветхий Завет на тюркском языке.
Romuald Čaprockij (RČ): The Karaim language, called къарай, карай тили or karaj tili in Karaim is a Turkic language of the Kipchak-Polovets subgroup. Historically, it was spoken by people in Lutsk and Galich in the Lviv region of Ukraine, on the Crimean peninsula, in Lithuania (in the cities of Vilnius, Panevėžys and Trakai) and in Poland. Genetically, the Karaim are connected to Turkic-speaking Khazars who practiced Karaite Judaism.
There are three Karaim dialects: the Crimean, which is similar to the middle dialect of the Crimean Tatar language, except for words related to Judaism; the Trakai dialect (as spoken by Lithuanian Karaims), and the Galician Karaim dialect.
All the Karaim dialects have been used in three different registers: as a spoken language, as a literary language and as a religious language for the translation of the Bible. By the 19th century the bible had already been translated into Karaim, while the first translation of the Tanakh or Hebrew Bible was made in 1841 in Yevpatoria, Crimea. One can find a great deal of literature printed in all Karaim dialects, including periodicals. In the past, the Karaim language used the Hebrew alphabet, and later the Latin. In the last century, Cyrillic was also used for content printed in Russia.
The Karaim language contains a significant quantity of words that are typical of ancient Turkic languages. So when in 1924 the Turkish President Mustafa Kemal Atatürk founded a commission, the Türk Dil Kurumu, in order to enrich the vocabulary of the new Turkish language, its specialists visited Trakai and ended up adding 330 Karaim words to the academic dictionary of the Turkish language.
The first mentions of the Karaim language appeared in Europe in the 17th century. In the late 16th to early 17th centuries, the German pastor and orientalist Johannes Buxtorf was to first to note that the Crimean Karaims read the Old Testament in a Turkic language.
This Russian-language video details the cultural heritage of the Karaims of Crimea, including their clothes, architecture and food:
FN: What is the current status of the Karaim language today in Lithuania? What efforts are being made to save the Karaim language?
РЧ: С 2002 года традиционно в июне или в июле проводится летняя школа караимского языка и культуры в Тракай. На школу собираются караимы не только из Литвы, но и представители из других стран Европы, главным образом из Польши, Украины, России. Караимскому языку уделяется очень мало внимания и времени. Отсутствие надлежащих пособий, методов преподавания и другие причины, полнейшая немотивированность – не дали ощутимых результатов по развитию и сохранению караимского языка. На сегодняшний день живым считается тракайский диалект на котором и ведутся занятия по языку во время летней школы. Примечательно и то, что с конца 80-х и начала 90-х годов попытки организовывать воскресные школы или же индивидуальные занятия с носителем языка не увенчались успехом. В настоящее время отмечено немногим более 20 носителей родного языка в разной мере или по уровню владения в Литве. Язык не сохраняется, и  никакие меры ни кем не принимаются. Язык не исследуется, а состояние дел с К.Я. Вообще не обсуждается общиной. Одной из последних работ по караимскому языку является учебник караимского языка “Mien karajče ürianiam”, изданный в 1996 году и составленный покойным председателем литовской караимской общины Миколасом Фирковичюсом. Недавно также перевели Маленького Принца Антуана де Сент-Экзюпери на караимский язык.
Конечно на караимском языке всё ещё ведутся богослужения в Кенасах в Тракай либо в Вильнюсе где читаются молитвы. Но понимающих суть слов увы можно сосчитать на пальцах, так как молитвенный язык имеет его литургическое содержание, а не разговорную речь.
RČ: Every June and July since 2002, a summer school of Karaim language and culture has been held in Trakai. Karaims from Lithuania, Poland, Ukraine, Russia and other European countries attend. But little time is dedicated to the Karaim language. The lack of teaching material and motivation have visible results when it comes to the development and protection of the Karaim language. Today the living dialect is the one from Trakai, which is used during the summer school. It is interesting to note that attempts dating back to the late 1980s and early 1990s to organise Sunday schools or individual classes with native speakers have failed. Today there are about 20 native speakers left in Lithuania. The language is not being maintained, and no measures are being taken [to preserve it]. It is not being researched and the community does not discuss the state of the language. One of the latest works about the Karaim language is a manual of the language, called “Mien karajče ürianiam”, published in 1996 by the late spiritual leader of the Karaim community in Lithuania, Mikolas Firkovičius. More recently, Antoine de Saint-Exupery's Little Prince was also translated into Karaim.
Of course, Karaim is still used during prayers in the Kenasas [Karaite prayer houses] in Trakai and Vilnius. But you can count on the fingers of one hand the number of people who actually understand the words, as the language of the prayers is primarily liturgical and has less in common with the spoken language.
Nevertheless, there has been a resurrection of interest in Karaim among some artists and scholars in central and eastern Europe. This year, the Polish singer and composer Karolina Cicha, whose work pays tribute to Poland's ethnic minorities, released a virtual album of traditional songs in the Karaim language. The following is a traditional Karaim banquet song:
FN: How would you describe your experiences as one of the last native speakers of Karaim?
RČ: I was born in a Karaim family in Panevėžys, Lithuania. From my earliest years, I heard Karaim not only at home, but during visits by members of our local Karaim community and by those from other cities in Lithuania. As they were all older than me or already elderly, they all spoke in their mother tongue. According to my mother, when I was sent to Kindergarten, the teacher asked her: “Isn't your kid Lithuanian? He spoke in a language we couldn't understand.” My mum responded: “Indeed, he is not Lithuanian, he is Karaim.”
Until the late 1990s, I could speak Karaim with older members of the family and the community. Now I have almost no opportunity to do so. But because I am personally interested in Turkic languages, and Karaim, I cannot betray тувгъан тиль [tuvgan til’] — my mother tongue. This summer, I started teaching the Trakai dialect version of the language online in English, thanks to an initiative launched by activists.
FN: Where can online resources about the Karaim language be found?
РЧ: На данный момент никаких цифровых платформ по караимскому языку как таковых не существует кроме как на странице общины польских караимов и на странице караимско-русского словаря.
RČ: As of now, there are no online platforms for [learning] the Karaim language, except the page of the community of the Polish Karaims and two pages of a Karaim-Russian dictionary.

author: Filip Noubel


text:
Shutdowns, throttling and stifling dissent online: Africa’s new normal, Part I · Global Voices
Khattab Hamad

Connecting to the internet in Nairobi national park. Image by Erik (HASH) Hersman, May 23, 2009 (CC BY 2.0)
Editor’s note: This is a two-part analysis on the growing trend of using school examinations, mass protests or elections as a ruse to either switch off the internet or clamp down on digital media in six African countries: Algeria, Ethiopia, Guinea, Nigeria, Sudan and Tanzania. Read Part II here.
In the last four months, full or partial internet blackouts occurred in five African countries: Algeria, Ethiopia, Guinea, Sudan, and Tanzania. The Nigerian government is currently considering legislation to clamp down on social media.
Total shutdowns result from a full internet blackout while partial includes restricted access or throttling, which intentionally shrinks data bandwidth.
Since 2007, when Guinea became the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to switch off the internet, digital blackouts have gradually grown to become the new normal on the continent.
During the coronavirus pandemic, African governments have exploited the public health crisis as a ruse to limit digital rights while entrenching their power, according to the 2020 State of Internet Freedom in Africa report by the Collaboration on Internet ICT Policy in East and Southern Africa (CIPESA). Ironically, these blackouts during a pandemic exacerbated the mis- and dis-information problem within many multilingual, online communities.
However, the coronavirus pandemic was not the only excuse employed by African governments. There is a growing trend to instrumentalize school examinations and politically charged moments like mass protests and elections to stifle digital freedom.
With these growing authoritarian tendencies to switch off or throttle the internet, what is the social and political impact within each context and country?
Here’s a round-up of some of the most recent scenarios across the continent:
Algeria recorded a nationwide disruption of internet access on Sunday, September 13, which left many users with “unusably slow service for several days”, reports NetBlocks.
Confirmed: Internet cut in #Algeria following social media restrictions earlier today; real-time network data show significant impact to state-run operator Algeria Telecom (AS36947) in apparent bid to counter baccalaureate school exam leaks #Algérie ?
? https://t.co/yaxxwBjJo4 pic.twitter.com/mrMfCzZbJc
— NetBlocks.org (@netblocks) September 13, 2020
More than half a million Algerian pupils started their baccalaureate exams on September 13. The internet restrictions were part of measures to restrict the distribution of leaked examination papers.
Those not taking exams were still forced to bear the brunt of a digital blackout and this violation of users’ rights was disregarded by the government.
Algeria is a “leader” of internet shutdowns in Africa in 2019, according to digital rights advocacy group Access Now.
In March 2019, the country experienced a digital blackout following protests against the former president Abdelaziz Bouteflika’s desire to seek a fifth term in office. Internet disruptions were also recorded during last year’s school examinations.
The cost of the shutdown this year hit an estimated $388 million United States dollars, states the Geneva Internet Platform, and these are conservative estimates.
A man receives warning about the return of rains in the Somali Region of Ethiopia. Mobile phones are now increasingly used to communicate warnings and coordinate preparation activities. Flickr image by Edwina Stevens/UN DRR/Small World Stories/Ethiopia Delivering as One, March 28, 2013, (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
The Ethiopian government disabled internet services on June 30, following protests in the capital city of Addis Ababa, and other Ethiopian cities after the assassination of famous singer and activist Hachalu Hundessa.
In the wake of Hundessa's murder, the nation struggled with violence that erupted along ethnic and religious lines. Social media, particularly Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, became the epicenters of conspiracy theories, hate speech and mis- and disinformation.
This total shutdown affected mobile internet, wireless broadband and asymmetric digital subscriber line, or ADSL, a broadband connection via copper wire lines.
On July 16, wireless broadband and ADSL services were partially restored. But, since the majority of Ethiopians access the internet using mobile networks, they lingered in digital limbo. This suggests that the government may have only restored service for the business sector. On July 23, internet service was fully restored all over Ethiopia, after a three-week blackout.
This graph by the Internet Outage Detection and Analysis (IODA) project shows the shutdown and restoration date. The pink background is the outage period; the blue area is the shutdown start date; the black connotes the restoration date of wireless broadband and ADSL services; the shaded area inside yellow is the restoration date (no pink).
An IODA graph about the Ethiopia internet shutdown, used with permission.
NetBlocks affirms that Ethiopia lost an estimated $62.4 million USD from the first 14 days of the blackout.
During this period, human rights violations were documented. About 200 people died as a result of the protests and civil unrest, and police violence that followed Hundessa’s assassination. This is in addition to the people who were earlier arrested or charged with criminal offences related to their opinions online about the government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Freedom House ranks Ethiopia 29/100 in internet freedom.
The government also has a record of cutting off internet access only in specific areas of the country. From January to March, the internet was disrupted in the Oromia region. Now, there is a subnational telecommunication shutdown in the Tigray region, northern Ethiopia since November 5, as political and civil unrest in the area continues.

author: Khattab Hamad


text:
Shutdowns, throttling and stifling dissent online: Africa’s new normal, Part II · Global Voices
Nwachukwu Egbunike

An elderly man takes a stroll at a beach while checking his mobile phone. Photo by Muhammadtaha Ibrahim Ma'aji from Pexels, July 15, 2019, Free to use.
Editor’s note: This is a two-part analysis on the growing trend of using school examinations, mass protests or elections as a ruse to either switch off the internet or clamp down on digital media in six African countries: Algeria, Ethiopia, Guinea, Nigeria, Sudan and Tanzania. Read Part I here.
On March 20, authorities switched off the internet ahead of a constitutional referendum that paved the way for Guinea President Alpha Conde, 82, to run for a third term.
⚠Confirmed: Internet has been shut down across #Guinea as of 8pm UTC ahead of elections; real time network data show national connectivity at 12% of ordinary levels; cut comes hours after operator GUILAB assured net would not be cut for maintenance ?
?https://t.co/IDLuMipkdR pic.twitter.com/LWSnS78Nlt
— NetBlocks.org (@netblocks) March 20, 2020
A three-hour internet outage preceded a social media blackout on March 20, which was followed by a complete internet shutdown that lasted 24 hours throughout the voting period for the constitutional referendum and legislative elections on March 22.
Conde, who has served as President since 2010, was due to exit after completing two five-year terms. Conde favored a constitutional reform that reset the presidential term limits “to zero for him,” by changing the presidential term from five to six years, with a possibility of two terms in office, states the German DW news agency.
However, a coalition of politicians and activists with the National Front for the Defence of the Constitution (FNDC) widely resisted Conde’s tampering with the constitutional term limits. His proposal also ignited violent clashes along ethnic lines that left 32 people dead and about 90 injured.
Conde won a third term on October 24, with 2.4 million votes, beating his closest rival, Cellou Dalein Diallo, who secured 1.26 million votes. However, the elections were fraught with accusations of large-scale fraud that sparked violent protests across the country and claimed the lives of three policemen.
It also led to another internet shutdown, according to the BBC.
From September 16-24, the Sudanese government temporarily shut down mobile internet during the national secondary school certificate examinations. Previous digital blackouts in Sudan occurred in September 2013 and June and July 2019.
The Sudanese Telecommunication and Postal Regulatory Authority said in a press release that the “cutting off of the internet service from mobile SIM cards” was necessary to protect “the interest of students and the reputation of the Sudanese education.”
Zain, one of Sudan’s main service providers, sent a notification to customers to explain that the internet suspension was “upon the direction of the judicial authorities.”
The mechanism used for this shutdown — disabling mobile data — was the same one used in the 2019 shutdown, when local internet service providers (ISPs) in Sudan only disabled the access point name or APN. Fixed-line services like ADSL, Wireless leased line and optical fiber were working normally.
The tweet below from Khattab, shows the SMS content:
This morning at 8:15 AM. It'll comeback again at 11:00 AM after finishing the exam session. This process will continue until September 24, 2020.
Below picture is the notification from ZAIN SUDAN. pic.twitter.com/hQkhyVJrWD
— Khattab – خَطَّٰاْبّ?? (@ga800l) September 16, 2020
Widespread throttling of internet services occurred in Tanzania barely 24 hours before the country’s presidential election on October 28. The restriction confirmed digital activists’ fears back in August of a digital blackout during the election.
Incumbent President John Magufuli with the ruling Revolutionary party triumphed with over 12 million votes over the main opposition candidate, Tundu Lissu, who got less than 2 million votes. The Tanzanian poll fell “way below the acceptable international standards” of credible and fair elections, according to the Tanzania Elections Watch, a regional civic organization.
Tanzania has been on a steady decline toward authoritarianism according to Dan Paget, a lecturer in politics at the University of Aberdeen, who points to an “absence of an independent electoral commission and independent courts.”
Widespread police intimidation of the opposition confirms the emergence of “a deeper and further-reaching authoritarian agenda” by Magufuli’s government, noted Paget.
On November 3, Tanzanian police confirmed the arrest of Lissu and other members of the opposition Chadema party.
Limited internet access persisted for approximately a week after the election, as reports continued of arrests and detentions of opposition candidates with Chadema and ACT-Wazalendo.
A young Nigerian lady smiles as she surfs the internet via her smart phone. Photo by Muhammadtaha Ibrahim Ma'aji from Pexels, April 06, 2020, Free to use.
For most of October, the youth-led #EndSARS movement against police brutality held protests throughout Nigeria and the diaspora. The Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) of the Nigerian police has been complicit in arresting, intimidating, torture and extrajudicial killings of Nigerians — especially youth.
This protest was conceived, mobilized and spiraled from social media to the streets.
On October 20, police shot at #EndSARS protesters at Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos, killing at least 12 people and injuring several others.
The government, visibly embarrassed by international condemnations that trailed the shooting, is threatening to clamp down on social media in the country.
Nigeria’s minister of information, Lai Mohammed, described social media as “a time bomb” that propagates “fake news.” Mohammed called for the regulation of social media, citing China as a model to imitate: “When we went to China, we could not get Google, Facebook and Instagram.” he said during a press conference on October 27 .
Northern governors in Nigeria also support a clampdown on social media. Additionally, the federal government is already cracking down on prominent social media users who galvanized support for the protests by compiling a “no-fly list,” reports the People's Gazette, a Nigerian online news agency.
The looming crackdown on social media was exacerbated on November 4, when a court in Abuja, the nation’s capital, granted the Central Bank of Nigeria's request to “freeze the accounts of 19 individuals and a public affairs company” associated to the #EndSARS movement, says TheCable, an online newspaper.
As netizens online continue to challenge African democracies, more internet blackouts will likely occur and violations against the right to freedom of expression will continue to multiply — especially during elections and political upheaval.
Keeping the internet free and open in Africa is fundamental to building a democratic culture that many African governments claim they want.
Without a vibrant digital public sphere that holds state actors accountable, authoritarian tendencies thrive. Switching off of the internet at a whim or blocking social media is an ominous sign of a deeply problematic system of governance.
With increasing threats to online freedom of expression, democracy in Africa remains on trial.

author: Nwachukwu Egbunike


text:
Solidarity among Hondurans in wake of Hurricane Eta · Global Voices
Melissa Vida

Screenshot of the YouTube video of Noticias Telemundo of Honduran images, November 5, 2020
When Hurricane Eta ravaged Central America, it hit an already severely battered region. What had sprung as a Category 4 hurricane soon turned into a tropical storm and as of November 9, 235 people have been reported dead due to floods, mudslides, and crumbling houses. The numbers, however, are being updated every day.
In Honduras, 1.6 million people have been affected and thousands are in need of shelters. On the ground, people are feeling a “combination of anguish, indignation, and solidarity”, according to Maite Matheu, Honduras’ country director for the humanitarian organization CARE. Speaking with Global Voices by phone from the capital Tegucigalpa, she said, “There is quite a lot of solidarity among Hondurans, among families, people helping other families get them out of the water, even the little animals.”
Matheu explained that there is a pervasive feeling of indignation because Honduras — like the rest of Central America — saw the hurricane weather forecasts a week before the storm hit the ground. Yet, it appears that the state did not take preventive measures, or evacuate people ahead of time.
On Twitter, journalist Jennifer Avila explained:
Como cada año, las instituciones no están preparadas para las lluvias, #ETA nos sorprende como nos sorprende cualquier otra depresión tropical. Cada año, las familias buscan salvar sus vidas. Cuando termine de llover veremos allí a los políticos haciendo sus campañas.Lean este ? https://t.co/byjCabImVK
— Jennifer Avila (@jenalear) November 4, 2020
As is the case every year, the authorities are not prepared for the rains, #ETA surprises us like any other tropical depression. Every year, families are looking to save their lives. When the rain stops we will see the politicians there doing their campaigns. Read this thread ?
For its part, the media focused on the damage in the north, where most of the country's free-market economic activity — including the maquiladoras (factories) — are located.
CARE, meanwhile, is focusing its attention on the most vulnerable communities in Honduras’ Dry Corridor, in the south and southwest of the country, which has been devastated by drought for the last five years. At the time Matheu spoke with Global Voices, there were still as many as 200 women, children and elderly people who had been on rooftops for more than 30 hours in that region. She said the situation was so dire that local Hondurans were renting private boats to save them.
Hurricanes are a natural weather disaster made worse by human-caused global warming, and Central America is one of the regions most vulnerable to climate change. Many small family farmers throughout northern Central America have trouble growing food, pushing them to migrate to Mexico and the United States due to food insecurity.
The COVID-19 pandemic has also exacerbated poverty and extreme poverty. as the economy shrinks and the inequality gap rises, CARE is concerned about a mass exodus of displaced people. Matheu explained, “If the poorest and most marginalized populations are not prioritized in the recovery, there will be thousands of people in caravans going the north.”
The force of Hurricane Eta has been compared to a 1998 hurricane that destroyed entire neighborhoods and claimed more than 20,000 lives: “The images we have seen have reminded us of Hurricane Mitch,” Matheu said.
In 1998 hurricane Mitch erased an entire neighborhood in Tegucigalpa; 7K people died & 11K disappeared. Some say Eta will be worse than Mitch. The northern part of Honduras is flooded, rains likely to pick up again in the evening. #HurricaneEta #HuracanEta #Tegucigalpa #Honduras pic.twitter.com/z8My9N1Fal
— Ellen Van Damme (@EllenEVD) November 5, 2020
Analysts believe that the devastation of Hurricane Mitch was a crucial factor in Honduras’ impoverishment, the consequences of which are still felt today. The United States Temporary Protection Status (TPS), of which 83,836 Hondurans and Nicaraguans are beneficiaries, was originally intended for victims of Hurricane Mitch.
#hurricaneeta #huracaneta there are many reasons for the deep problems in Honduras today, but I tend to think a lot can be traced back to the devastation of Hurricane Mitch in 1998 – which displaced millions and killed thousands 1/4https://t.co/XWZfacigyE
— amelia (@gringacolocha) November 6, 2020
To deal with Hurricane Eta, the Honduran government requested that the Inter-American Development Bank advance part of its funds — to the tune of 35 million United States dollars — originally earmarked to deal with the climate crisis. However, allegations of corruption regarding the use of international funds intended for COVID-19 assistance already plague President Juan Orlando Hernández's administration.
Misusing funds for disaster relief is not unheard of in the region. The former President of El Salvador, Francisco Flores, was investigated for allegedly misusing millions of dollars from Taiwanese funds meant for relief from earthquakes and Hurricane Mitch. He died while under house arrest in 2016.
Honduran politics have been increasingly unstable since the 2009 political coup which saw the ousting of leftist Manuel Zelaya. The United States, along with other Latin American countries, had eventually recognized the new government.
In 2017, President Hernandez was sworn in for a second term amidst a backdrop of heavy fraud allegations and protests — including allegations by US prosecutors that he is a co-conspirator in drug-trafficking schemes. In 2019, his brother, Tony Hernandez, was convicted for trafficking cocaine to the United States.
Because human rights activists, analysts, and journalists consider Honduras to be co-opted by organized crime and corporate interests, local solidarity is key for most Hondurans’ survival.
HONDURAS
El pueblo hondureño se enfrenta al huracán Eta
con una ola de solidaridad ante un estado ausente-https://t.co/ks8xB1c2g7
— Radio PICA (@RADIOPICA) November 7, 2020
HONDURAS
The Honduran people face Hurricane Eta
with a wave of solidarity in the face of an absent state
No sé si sabían de esto pero vi la necesidad de postearlo.
Honduras se está hundiendo, gente en los techos de las casas gritando ayuda, el gobierno brilla por su ausencia y el mundo sigue sin saber de esto. #ETAenHonduras #PrayForHonduras #HondurasResiste pic.twitter.com/M7zbZhbGu2
— Wheein is bae (@wheeinisbae11) November 6, 2020
I don't know if you knew about this but I saw the need to post it.
Honduras is sinking, people on the roofs of houses shouting for help, the government is conspicuous by its absence and the world still does not know about this. #ETAinHonduras #PrayForHonduras #HondurasResists
La imegen que representa la bondad que existe en el corazón de la mayoría de los hondureños. ?? pic.twitter.com/bkkxZDAzNc
— Michelle E. Gálvez (@_michellegalvez) Novemberhttps://www.gofundme.com/f/hurricane-eta-fundraising-for-coastal-honduras 7, 2020
The image that represents the goodness that exists in the hearts of most Hondurans. ??
Local organizations and the Honduran diaspora have also been active in fundraising. The funds are reaching affected communities that are difficult to access due to power outages and floods.

author: Melissa Vida


text:
Armenia plunges into crisis after deal ends fighting in Karabakh · Global Voices
Maxim Edwards

Protesters storm the podium in Armenia's Parliament Building in Yerevan, November 10, 2020. Image still via Radio Azatutyun / YouTube.
Armenia and Azerbaijan have agreed to cease hostilities, putting an end to fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh.
“I took a very difficult decision for myself and for us all”, stated Armenia's Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in a Facebook livestream in the early hours of November 10. “I took this decision as a result of a deep analysis of the military situation and assessments by people who know it best”.
This war has gone badly for Armenia. It has reversed most if not all of the gains of the first Karabakh War, fought against the backdrop of the collapse of the Soviet Union. By 1994, that war left Karabakh itself, as well as several surrounding regions of Azerbaijan, under the control of the ethnic Armenian population as a de-facto state known as the Republic of Artsakh. Hundreds of thousands of ethnic Azerbaijanis and Kurds fled or were expelled into territory controlled by the Azerbaijani government.
The war which erupted on September 27 was Baku's latest bid at reconquering Karabakh, and the most serious fighting since the 1994 ceasefire. An Azerbaijani armoured offensive first took swathes of low-lying territory along the border with Iran, before turning north to more mountainous territory in the heart of Nagorno-Karabakh. By early November, Azerbaijani soldiers were close severing the Karabakh's only remaining road link with its Armenian allies via the town of Lachin — a road which thousands of civilians have used to flee Nagorno-Karabakh as its cities came under intense bombardment from the Azerbaijani military.
Nowhere was this more pronounced than in Stepanakert, the capital of Nagorno-Karabakh. Accordingly, a turning point in the war came when Azerbaijani forces looked poised to capture Shusha, an imposing hilltop city which overlooks Stepanakert. On November 9, Azerbaijan's Ministry of Defence released a video showing Azerbaijani soldiers outside the mayoralty building in Shusha. Meanwhile Azerbaijanis, particularly those displaced from the city, celebrated in the streets of Baku.
These developments prompted de-facto President of Artsakh Arayik Harutyunuyan to support Pashinyan in a public statement on November 10. The peace deal, he stated, was a necessary evil given the parlous state of the Armenian armed forces in Karabakh and the likelihood that an agreement later on would be even less favourable.
The deal brokered by Russia essentially amounts to a capitulation, demanding the withdrawal of Armenian forces from regions surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh in three stages until December 2020. Importantly, 2,000 Russian soldiers are to be deployed to the region, along the road connecting Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh, and in those three districts of Nagorno-Karabakh which remain under Armenian control. The status of those Armenian-controlled territories is not addressed in the text of the deal, and will presumably be established in future negotiations. Furthermore, Azerbaijan will also be guaranteed use of roads across southern Armenia, offering a land connection to its exclave of Nakhchivan.
Quick map of what parts of #Artsakh/#Karabakh Armenians keep (yellow), what's already militarily seized & kept by Azerbaijan (green/blue) and the rest, which is surrendered to Azerbaijan; terms also include returning the Armenian-occupied Qazakh enclaves and a route to Nakhchivan pic.twitter.com/qRmwaZTLwH
— Ryan O'Farrell (@ryanmofarrell) November 9, 2020
Russian peacekeepers are already on their way to Nagorno-Karabakh. Their formal presence in the territory is now being seen as an important sign of redoubled Russian influence in the South Caucasus — an influence which Armenians may come to resent after Russia, which is formally their military ally under the CSTO, did not provide the military aid as they had hoped. Turkey's enthusiastic support for Azerbaijan's war effort has also entrenched Ankara as an actor in the region, with multiple sources suggesting that the presence of Turkish peacekeepers would be regulated in a separate document with Azerbaijan.
But for many in Armenia, the deal is seen as an utter humiliation.
Not long after it was announced, thousands of people flocked to Republic Square in the capital Yerevan and broke into government buildings. The crowd soon entered the parliament building and, in a search for Pashinyan, briefly entered the prime minister's residence. The Speaker of Parliament Ararat Mirzoyan, a key ally of Pashinyan, was dragged from his car and severely beaten.
Some of the prime minister's colleagues appear to be distancing themselves from Pashinyan. Armen Sarkissian, the President of Armenia, claimed in an official statement this morning that he had not been aware of the deal until he had learnt about it from the media.
Pashinyan has tried to strike a tone of contrition in recent Facebook livestreams — his favourite mode of communication with ordinary citizens. However, Armenian society appears deeply divided. On Armenian-language social media networks, the word ամոթ (“shame” in Armenian) can be seen beside his name. But so, too, can #IStandWithNikol from supporters.
A common refrain on Armenian social media is now one of betrayal — that as government spokespeople cried Հաղթելու ենք (“We will be victorious”), the situation on the frontline was far less rosy than they were prepared to admit.
So while Armenia's opposition rallied behind the flag during the conflict in Karabakh, they now appear to be mobilising against the government. On November 9, some 17 opposition parties released a statement demanding Pashinyan's resignation as prime minister. All of these parties are extra-parliamentary with one important exception: Prosperous Armenia (PAP), led by the influential oligarch Gagik Tsarukyan. The PAP was one of only two opposition parties to enter parliament in the 2018 elections, alongside Bright Armenia. Although the latter did not sign the November 9 statement, several of its lawmakers have also called for Pashinyan's resignation.
Several of these parties represent the former elite which was overthrown in Armenia's 2018 Velvet Revolution, which swept Pashinyan to power on a mandate of tackling corruption and impunity. But Pashinyan's vigour in pursuing that goal surprised and delighted many — particularly when anti-corruption probes targeted oligarchs such as Tsarukyan and an investigation into the violent suppression of protests in 2008 led to the detention of former President Robert Kocharyan. But these moves also earnt Pashinyan powerful domestic enemies. Furthermore, they fuelled the enduring perception that Moscow was perturbed by the prospect of Pashinyan's success in cleaning house — and may have been less eager to come to his aid on the frontline.
With fears of opposition schemes afoot, observers of Armenian politics such as the sociologist Dr. Artyom Tonoyan now wonder whether a new struggle will begin for the legacy of the Velvet Revolution:
Whatever else may happen, one thing is for damn sure red lights flashing on Armenia's experiment with democracy. It is in peril and may not survive this. I hope I am wrong. I pray I am wrong.
— Dr. Artyom Tonoyan (@ArtyomTonoyan) November 10, 2020
Although many in Armenia are deeply dismayed by the deal, they appear equally dismissive of those who seized government buildings last night. In the opinion of Samson Martirosyan, a journalist for the independent website Hetq, they represent a disgraced old guard:
Ես ոնց հասկանում եմ նույնիսկ եթե սկզբից հրապարակում կային իրոք անկեղծ իրենց ցավն ու վիշտը արտահայտող մարդիկ, արդեն մնացած վայրագությունները արել են բհկ-դաշնակցական-քոչարյանա-հանրապետական կրիմինալ զզվելի մնացորդները։
Մարդկանց մեծ մասը երեկ գիշեր լուռ էր, սգում էր զոհվածներին։
— sam martirosyan (@mrtrsyns) November 10, 2020
As I understand it, at the beginning those on [Republic Square] were earnestly expressing their pain and sorrow. But the vandalism was committed by the disgraceful hangers-on of Prosperous Armenia, the Republicans [former ruling party], the Dashnaktsutyun, and Kocharyan. Most people were actually silent last night, mourning the victims.
Several thousand civilians and soldiers have been killed in what has become known as the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. Whatever their reservations, Armenians who have lost friends and family in the conflict will be relieved with an end to the bloodshed.
But the absence of war is not a lasting peace. Over the past three decades, the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh has made and broken leaders in Armenia and Azerbaijan, whatever their political allegiances or the political systems which constrain them. Will Pashinyan be next?

author: Maxim Edwards


text:
Brazilian food delivery drivers strike against employers, citing poor working conditions · Global Voices
Agência Mural

Delivery workers take a break on a street corner in São Paulo, Brazil. Photo by Roberto Parizotti/Fotos Públicas, CC BY-NC 2.0
This article was written by Lucas Veloso and Jéssica Moreira. It is published here under a content partnership between Global Voices and Agência Mural.
As soon as he turned 18, Michel da Silva, a resident of Cidade Tiradentes in eastern São Paulo, registered to work as a delivery driver for iFood, one of the main delivery apps operating in Brazil.
In the six months since Silva began, the work routine has not been easy. Although he delivers food every day, he does not always find time to feed himself. “There is no time for lunch, maybe a coffee, because I wake up early to leave. When I get to have lunch, there is no specific place to eat,” Silva said.
The only way is to sit on the pavement, stop in the middle of the street, or in some public square to get some food. According to Silva, other basic needs are also difficult in the street, such as the lack of toilets.
The conditions he highlighted are common among the complaints of delivery drivers who spoke with Agência Mural. The fall in income due to the COVID-19 pandemic is also one of the reasons mentioned by workers to register on apps like Rappi, iFood, UberEats, Loggi, and James.
On July 25, delivery workers staged, for the second time in 2020, a national strike seeking better work conditions. Drivers from major Brazilian cities, such as São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Belo Horizonte, Porto Alegre, Salvador and Recife, joined the movement.
Illustrations by Agência Mural. English translation by Liam Anderson.
The COVID-19 crisis and the lack of support from apps for delivery drivers are among the main issues that drove the winter protests.
With the pandemic, the number of delivery drivers for apps in the greater São Paulo area, a metropolis of over 20 million people, increased by at least 20 percent, according to SindiMotoSP (Motorcyclist Couriers Union of São Paulo State). The organization's data shows that there are about 280,000 people working on motorcycles or bicycles in the region.
Despite the health dangers, a decree by President Jair Bolsonaro deemed delivery services to be essential activities.
Source: Aliança Bike, survey conducted in six regions of greater São Paulo in 2019. English translation by Liam Anderson.
Adriano Almeida, 35, saw the delivery apps as an opportunity to guarantee an income. He is a resident of Capão Redondo, in the south of the city, and has been working on a motorbike for two years. Every day he leaves home about 8:00 a.m. and heads to the city centre where he spends the day, returning only after 10:00 p.m.
With bills to pay and no fixed income, Almeida says he makes about 15 deliveries a day. The monthly income covers the bills, but the earnings are low. “We earn very little from deliveries. I can barely pay for fuel,” he told Agência Mural.
Researchers at Remir Trabalho (Network for the Study and Monitoring of Labour Reform) interviewed 252 workers in the sector from 26 cities through an online questionnaire, from 13 to 20 April.
Source: Aliança Bike, survey conducted in six regions of greater São Paulo in 2019. English translation by Liam Anderson.
Among those interviewed, 60.3 percent reported a decrease in pay compared to before the pandemic. Another 27.6 percent said earnings remained stable and 10.3 percent said income increased during the quarantine.
Entering this business requires an investment from the deliverer himself or herself. iFood, one of the used delivery apps in Brazil, cites the items required for anybody registering: a mobile phone with android and a data package, a vehicle for deliveries (motorbike or bicycle), as well as a thermal box and mandatory traffic safety equipment, such as helmet and jacket with reflective strips.
Allan de Almeida Lima, 24, from Guarulhos in greater São Paulo, has been working as a delivery driver since December 2019. A former driver for a logistics company, he thought that as a courier his financial life would improve, but after six months registered on three app platforms, he was disappointed with the reality. “I went in thinking that I would set my own hours and that I would get money working eight hours, but it's relative.”
Lima says his income does not exceed 1,000 BRL (around 192 US dollars) per month. To compensate, he works in other informal jobs, such as a plumber and bricklayer's assistant to increase his income. “It's hard to go out to work, not see results and be badly treated in some places,” Lima says.
Source: Aliança Bike, survey conducted in six regions of greater São Paulo in 2019. English translation by Liam Anderson.
A survey by the Bike Alliance (the Brazilian Association of the Bicycle Sector), based on a sample taken in six regions of São Paulo, shows the social profiles of delivery drivers. According to the survey, the majority live in the outskirts, are young men (50 percent are under 22-years-old), black (71 percent), with up to high school education (53 percent), and are unemployed (59 percent).
Currently, more than half of these workers (57 percent) work seven days a week.
On average, the working day lasts 9.24 hours, making nine deliveries, with a monthly salary of 936 BRL (around 168 US dollars). Those who use a bicycle pedal more than 60km every day, of which 40km are running deliveries and 20km to travel from their home in the outskirts to the city centre.
Source: Aliança Bike, survey conducted in six regions of greater São Paulo in 2019. English translation by Liam Anderson.
Delivery workers report that they had their account in the apps deactivated during the weeks that they didn't work every day or due to a drop in their ratings. Some refused to talk to Agência Mural for fear of reprisal. The delivery companies deny engaging in retaliations.
Over five days, Agência Mural joined a group of delivery workers’ messaging on Whatsapp. Uncertainty about their daily income is a common problem.
“I arrived at 6:30 a.m. in Vila Madalena, by 10:00 a.m. I had only made two deliveries,” a delivery driver lamented. “I gave up and left. Burning fuel for nothing, I'm out”.
Another delivery driver wrote:
Esse trabalho nosso não é muito valorizado. É taxa pequena, você pode ser assaltado, atropelado, pode morrer aí na rua e eles não se responsabilizam por nada, eles não vêm com nada, não te dá vínculo de ajuda, se você sofrer um acidente, a única coisa que eles fazem é mandar para você “umas melhoras” e acabou. Você tem que arcar com tudo, com custo de hospital, com custo de tudo, então, são coisas que deveriam mudar no iFood. Agora, vou me jogar nas pistas e 10h da noite, nóis para, se Deus abençoar, com aquela quantia que a gente tem na mente.
Source: Aliança Bike, survey conducted in six regions of greater São Paulo in 2019. English translation by Liam Anderson.
Our work is not highly valued. It is a small wage, you can be robbed, run over, you can die out there on the street and they don't take responsibility for anything, they don't come with anything, they don't give you any help, if you have an accident, the only thing they do is say “get well” to you and it's over. You have to pay for everything, for hospital costs, for everything, so these are things that should change with iFood. Now, I'm going to get myself out on the road and at 10:00 at night, we'll stop, if God blesses us, with the amount of money we want.
Contacted for comment, the apps Rappi, UberEats, Loggi and James did not respond to Agência Mural about the strike or working conditions during the pandemic.
Source: SindiMotoSP. English translation by Liam Anderson.
iFood said in a statement that “the average monthly earnings of those who have deliveries as their main source of income increased 70 percent in May, compared to February. According to the company, the average amount per hour is 21.80 BRL (3.92 US dollars) and the average amount paid per journey is 8.46 BRL (1.52 US dollars).
Regarding the delivery worker strike in July, the company says that in cases where it is necessary to deactivate their accounts, the delivery worker receives a message via the app and is directed to a specific chat to understand the reason and to request a review of the case. If an error by the app is proven, the account is reactivated.
The company also says it has taken measures to tackle COVID-19, such as financial aid for those with symptoms and in risk groups, as well as distributing PPE (personal protective equipment).

author: Agência Mural


text:
Five new digital media platforms for uncensored news from Colombia · Global Voices
Lully

Photo by Ahdieh Ashrafi/Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Colombia is one of the world’s most dangerous countries for journalists and broadcasters. Threats and harassment by those involved in drug trafficking and armed groups are commonplace, and journalists frequently self-censor in order to avoid reprisals.
In addition, Colombian mainstream media's close links to business empires and politicians undermine editorial independence, according to Reporters Without Borders. Most media outlets in Colombia are owned by only three conglomerates.
Limitaciones estructurales de la democracia y la función social de los medios en Colombia. Cuánto hace falta una regulación que, por ejemplo, impida a grupos económicos adueñarse de forma mayoritaria los medios. pic.twitter.com/HZ1QcMTd31
— Catherine Juvinao C. (@CathyJuvinao) January 24, 2019
Structural limitations of democracy and the social purpose of the media in Colombia. How much regulation is needed in order to prevent, for example, economic groups from taking over the majority of the media.
Recently, new media outlets have sprung up, challenging the traditional media monopolies. Below is a list of five independent digital media platforms in Colombia to follow.
Every Sunday, three well-known journalists in Colombia, all of them named Daniel, read their columns live on social media. Their posts have become very popular: One recent video, which features the journalists Jorge Ramos and Enrique Santos Calderón as guests, received over 65,000 views on YouTube. From November, the award-winning journalist Santos Calderón will officially remain as the fourth columnist of Los Danieles, which means “the Daniels.”
Los Danieles began after Daniel Coronell was fired in April 2020 from the Colombian magazine Semana for writing about the publication's shareholders. On his last column at Semana, he wrote: “Semana’s shareholders own the brand, its magnificent office building, the equipment, the furniture and fixtures, but not the information. The information is public property and can only be used for the benefit of the citizens, not for corporate retaliation.”
Coronell’s dismissal, which he announced on Twitter, sparked outrage on social media. He also gained the support of one of his colleagues, the writer and YouTuber Daniel Samper Ospina, who handed in his resignation to Semana out of solidarity with Coronell. Together they decided to set up an independent, virtual media platform and were later joined by the journalist and writer, Daniel Samper Piza.
#LosDanieles
A post shared by  Los Danieles (@losdanielesop) on
Euphemisms for [Colombian President] Duque
It is therefore noteworthy that during his term of office there are no assassinations but conflicts; there are no massacres but collective homicides; there is no talk of corruption but of rotten apples.
The three Daniels named their column “Columnas sin techo” (“columns with no ceilings”), for having developed this project without sponsorships or assistance from any traditional media outlet. They say on their live broadcasts that their “techo” (roof) is made up of their following and readership, which have been increasing significantly.
La Nueva Prensa, or “the new press,” whose motto is “la verdad sea dicha” (“truth be told”), is a news site created by Gonzalo Guillén.
The site has been very critical of the former right-wing president Álvaro Uribe Vélez, as well as President Ivan Duque's government. La Nueva Prensa is supported by crowdfunding and donations by organizations.
This year, Guillén and other Nueva Prensa colleagues received death threats after reporting on the murdered drug trafficker Ñeñe Hernández, who was allegedly involved in a vote-buying scheme in favor of President Duque at the latest elections.
? | #NuevaEntrega #ElPilotoDeDuque
Tiene contratos con Aerocivil empresa con la que volaba el piloto del Cartel de Sinaloa que transportaba a Álvaro Uribe e Iván Duque
Por @HELIODOPTERO y @JulianFMartinez #LaVerdadSeaDichahttps://t.co/5Bco1LpLeZ via @lanuevaprensaco
— La Nueva Prensa (@lanuevaprensaco) October 20, 2020
Pilot from the Sinaloa Cartel who transported Álvaro Uribe and Iván Duque worked for a company that has contracts with Colombia's Civil Aviation Department.
Vorágine’s slogan is “Periodismo Contracorriente” (“counter-current journalism”). The main aim of this new investigative journalism portal is to highlight Colombia's human rights violations. It was created by the journalists José Guarnizo, formerly an editor at Semana magazine, María José Jaramillo, Juan Sebastián López (Morphart), Angélica Penagos (Angie Pik), Laila Abu Shihab, Juan Pablo Barrientos, and Pacho Escobar.
Escobar stressed that the objective of the new site, which was launched in the midst of the pandemic on June 1, is “to not do business with the state, not because that would be bad, but in order to stay independent.” The site is funded by the sale of tickets for workshops and donations from readers.
#NuevaHistoria. En alianza con @fes.col en Colombia, Vorágine presenta la increíble historia de Ladicel Mosquera, líder regional de uno de los sindicatos de trabajadoras domésticas más grandes del país. Los invitamos a que lean la historia completa en www.voragine.co Textos: @joseguarnizo Ilustraciones: @c3lofan.
A post shared by  Vorágine (@voragineco) on
In partnership with @fes.col in Colombia, Vorágine presents the incredible story of Ladicel Mosquera, regional leader of one of the country's largest trade unions for domestic workers. We invite you to read the full story at www.voragine.co
Notiparaco is run by Levy Rincón, who invites a wide range of well-known personalities on to his live shows for open, uncensored debates on current affairs. Levy Rincón has received numerous threats but continues to conduct interviews and to speak out on social media against what he calls the dictatorship of the party led by the former president, Álvaro Uribe Vélez. Rolling Stone magazine described Levy as “one of the online personalities who speaks from the fringes without fear of those in power.”
The following video features an interview with the Colombian lawyer and activist Miguel Angel del Río, who also refers to the growing power of alternative media sources. Furthermore, del Río stresses the importance and potential of these new forms of media, as they are distinct and independent from the traditional media, which is influenced by the government. He calls for people to be critical and “to put everything under the microscope” in order to create a new model of society.
Tercer Canal‘s slogan is “everything remains to be seen.” This YouTube channel features critical analyses of current affairs from a progressive perspective. It was co-founded in March 2020 by Hollan Morris, a journalist and former candidate for Mayor of Bogotá who returned from self-exile in 2012, having left Colombia due to death threats. On his channel, he aims to “promote and value the 1991 Constitution of Colombia, a culture of peace that respects the environment and the defense of human rights.”
Through the use of a song, the following video draws attention to the Minga Indígena, a movement formed by indigenous peoples from across Colombia, in particular from the department of Cauca. At the end of October, the group traveled to the capital Bogotá with the aim of meeting President Duque, who chose not to receive them. The group demands the state puts a stop to the massacres of their communities and murders of their leaders.

author: Lully


text:
Four ways Brazilians turned to social media to question racism and corruption · Global Voices
Giovana Fleck

Montage of screenshots of tweet campaigns, made by Global Voices.
During the pandemic, in-person protests around the world have gone digital due to confinement and social distancing measures. In Brazil, people have been coming together around hashtags and live sessions on Facebook to make themselves heard in 2020.
Here are four examples of how Brazilians have questioned corruption, racism and inequality in Brazil during the pandemic:
Starting in late August, Brazilian Twitter users began tagging President Jair Bolsonaro about alleged illegal money transfers to his wife's bank account. Twitter, Facebook, WhatsApp groups, and the media in general, were flooded with a single question:
Presidente Jair Bolsonaro, por que sua esposa Michelle recebeu R$ 89 mil de Fabrício Queiroz?
President Jair Bolsonaro, why did your wife Michelle [Bolsonaro] receive a deposit R$ 89K deposit from Fabrício Queiroz?
The controversy began during an official visit by President Bolsonaro to the Brasília Cathedral on August 24. A reporter from O Globo asked the president about the origins of 89,000.00 BRL (about 15,719.11 US dollars) which was deposited into his wife Michelle Bolsonaro's account. In response, the president verbally threatened the reporter by saying, “I feel like punching you in the mouth”.
On Twitter, the journalist's question was repeated more than one million times in less than 24 hours and became the most discussed subject on the platform in Brazil during the month of August. This data was obtained by a survey conducted by professor Fabio Malini, from the Federal University of Espírito Santo. According to his research, the same sentence was reposted a thousand times every 40 seconds — although Malini doesn't specify if some of them were bots. The same question was then spread to other platforms (and was satirized in the rock song “Micheque”, wordplay combining Michele, the first lady, and the Portuguese word for “check”).
This graph shows that, even after the first waves of posts, the sentence kept being posted on Twitter and exploded again with the release of the song “Micheque,” on September 30. The data was collected using Twitter's API and analyzed with Python. It represents the number of users reproducing the sentence:
The hashtag #600peloBrasil (#600forBrazil) took off after Federal House member André Janones published a Facebook video on September 1 advocating for a monthly 600 BRL (approximately 105 US dollars) COVID-19 relief subsidy.
On September 1, Janones’ Facebook received more Facebook comments than any other Facebook post in the world according to Facebook's social media insight tool, Crowdtangle. Below is the Crowdtangle graph from September 1, which shows the number of interactions in Janone's Facebook posts:
Sleeping Giants is a United States-based Twitter account that pressures companies to remove their ads from websites known to spread misinformation or hate speech. The same principle was adopted by Sleeping Giants Brazil which began targeting ultraconservative news sites in early May, many of which are known to promote a pro-Bolsonaro agenda. Bolsonaro supporters and family members campaigned for a national investigation to discover who is behind the profile. This led to a brief Federal Police investigation, beginning on May 25,, on whether the page had engaged on slander or on undermining freedom of expression.
To counterattack the Federal Police investigation against Sleeping Giants Brazil, users began using the hashtag #EuSouSleepingGiantsBrasil (“I am Sleeping Giants Brazil”) starting in September.
Alô @TwitterBrasil proteja o @slpng_giants_pt !!#eusousleepinggiantsbrasil https://t.co/sI5qCsyLKY
— Historiadora sem fronteiras?♻??? (@MargotBM13) September 19, 2020
Hey @TwitterBrasil protect @slpng_giants_pt!! #IAmSleepingGiantsBrasil
This initiative reached a wide audience of thousands of people and provoked people to question the validity of the federal investigation. The movement brought awareness about what was happening but had little to no practical influence in stopping the investigation into the identity of Sleeping Giants profile's creator.
In June, journalist Ashley Malia started the hashtag #SoltemGabriel (#ReleaseGabriel) to bring awareness to the case of Gabriel Silva Santos, a young black man who was accused of stealing a car that same month in his hometown of Salvador. The woman who reported her car stolen told police that the suspect was black, young, and tall. The arrest occurred a day after a major Black Lives Matter protest in São Paulo.
RACISMO | na foto vemos Gabriel Silva, 22 anos, que foi preso em Salvador acusado de roubar um carro. Ele não sabe dirigir. Estava no banco sacando seu seguro desemprego. Mas por ser preto, “loiro”, tatuado e favela, foi preso por parecer com a “descrição.” #SoltemGabriel ?? pic.twitter.com/8CrKM5vv3e
— Santiago, Raull #NossaCasaEstaEmChamas (@raullsantiago) June 14, 2020
RACISM|in the photo we see Gabriel Silva, 22 years old, who was arrested in Salvador accused of stealing a car. He doesn't know how to drive. He was in the bank withdrawing his unemployment insurance. But for being black, “blond”, tattooed and from the favelas, he was arrested for looking like the “description”. #FreeGabriel ??
After social media pressure, Gabriel was released a day later due to a lack of evidence. Gabriel's story also made other people share their stories about racism on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook. With that, a new hashtag started to circulate. Since the beginning of the Black Lives Matter movement in Brazil, the #RacismoÉPecado (#RacismIsaSin) has been shared on Twitter.

author: Giovana Fleck


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Hong Kong’s opposition resigns en masse following unprecedented Beijing ruling · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Pro-democracy lawmakers vowed to resign on masse. Screen capture from RTHK's video report.
All of Hong Kong's pro-democracy lawmakers resigned from the Legislative Council (LegCo) on November 11 in solidarity with four colleagues disqualified by a new directive issued by Beijing.
Passed by the National People’s Congress’s Standing Committee (NPCSC), the directive allows the Hong Kong government to unseat elected lawmakers if they “breach of the oath of allegiance” to the Special Autonomous Region.
The directive outlines four behaviors deemed “unpatriotic” and hence worthy of disqualification from the LegCo: promoting or supporting Hong Kong independence; refusal to recognize's China's sovereignty over the city; soliciting foreign forces to interfere with Hong Kong's domestic affairs; and engaging in behavior that endangers national security.
Following Beijing’s ruling, the Hong Kong government announced the disqualification of pro-democracy lawmakers Dennis Kwok, Alvin Yeung, Kwok Ka-ki, and Kenneth Leung.
This unprecedented, authoritarian decision by Beijing has effectively crushed Hong Kong's opposition in the legislature.
Chinese state news agency Xinhua reported that the directive was passed in response to a request made by Hong Kong’s Chief Executive Carrie Lam herself. Meanwhile, Lam suggested that she is merely following Beijing's orders. Radio Television Hong Kong reports:
Chief Executive Carrie Lam hints that more public officials could be thrown out of office, with decisions to be made “in due course”. But she says Beijing was behind today's Legco disqualifications and her role was only to announce the news. #HongKong https://t.co/640xBgquGA
— RTHK English News (@rthk_enews) November 11, 2020
Lam also appeared to be satisfied with the mass walk-out. Alvin Lum, a reporter with independent outlet Citizen News, highlighted one of the Chief Executive's remarks in the press conference this Wednesday:
QUOTE OF THE DAY- Carrie Lam: “there is nothing to be shameful about [facing a Legco with no opposition], we are more excited when bills are passed more efficiently.”
— Alvin Lum (@alvinllum) November 11, 2020
At another press conference, the leader of the Democratic Party Wu Chi-wai announced the collective decision of pro-democracy lawmakers to resign:
It [the NPCSC’s directive] reflects that the central government has completely given up on the Basic Law and One Country, Two Systems… Democrats are facing a whole new set of circumstances. In view of our colleagues who were ousted today, all democrats decide to stand with them and resign en masse. The move will not frustrate us, as we know democracy will not be achieved overnight. The road to democracy is especially long when confronting an authoritarian regime. But we will not be defeated by pressure and oppression. We will find a new way.
Independent journalist Erza Cheung shared the historical moment on Twitter:
It is likely the last time Hong Kong democracy figures speaking at the city’s legislature as they are expected to resign collectively. In this historic time, the room is flooded with journalists trying to capture the lawmakers’ last stay. #HongKongProtests Photo: @maksphotograph5 pic.twitter.com/WzRcc2VRZC
— Ezra Cheung (@ezracheungtoto) November 11, 2020
Benedict Rogers, the founder of the London-based advocacy group Hong Kong Watch, said Beijing has turned the Hong Kong legislature into a rubber stamp, like the National People's Congress:
Just absolutely outrageous
The Chinese Communist Party regime is turning #HongKong‘s LegCo into a local version of the National People’s Congress – nothing more than a rubber stamp with handpicked zombies
Sickeningly awful
https://t.co/i7DAELM039 via @scmpnews
— Benedict Rogers 羅傑斯 (@benedictrogers) November 11, 2020
Sophie Richardson, China director of Human Rights Watch, shared a similar view:
And with this step #Hongkong #LegCo is forced to more closely resemble #China #NPC. Beijing is clearly moving to create only the LegCo it wants and failed to achieve through other means. @hrw @hrw_chinese https://t.co/sbmE39I1tt
— Sophie Richardson (@SophieHRW) November 11, 2020
Activist Joshua Wong, who, along with 11 colleagues, was barred from running in the November district council elections, said that the new directive could prevent pro-democracy candidates from contesting future polls:
4/ Accusing candidates including myself of “soliciting interference by foreign government” with fabricated allegations, four lawmakers were banned from the election in July. They are now unseated on the same ground. pic.twitter.com/OHplIaImyu
— Joshua Wong 黃之鋒 ? (@joshuawongcf) November 11, 2020
The DC-based group Hong Kong Democracy Council described the directive and subsequent disqualification as a “death sentence” to Hong Kong’s political system:
NOW: Today, the #NPCSC and HKSAR Chief Executive handed down a death sentence to Hong Kong’s #LegCo and political system.
By banning legal legislative tactics like filibuster and quorum calls, CCP strips away the very last shred of the legitimacy of Hong Kong’s political system. pic.twitter.com/v3yJMbAvrg
— HKDC – Hong Kong Democracy Council (@hkdc_us) November 11, 2020
Independent journalist Mary Hui sees the move as Beijing’s complete takeover of Hong Kong legislature:
China has completed its takeover of Hong Kong’s legislature https://t.co/WfHBlmCfTx
— Quartz (@qz) November 11, 2020

author: Oiwan Lam


text:
Malaysian students face sedition probe over Facebook post urging the king not to interfere in politics · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Six members of the Universiti Malaya Association of New Youth (UMANY) were accompanied by human righs lawyers when they appeared at a local police station. Photo from Facebook page of Yan Ke Wong.
A student group in Malaysia is under probe for sedition after releasing a statement on Facebook urging the king not to interfere in national affairs.
On October 30, the Universiti Malaya Association of New Youth (UMANY) published a statement titled “Yang di-Pertuan Agong Should Not Interfere In National Affairs“. Yang di-Pertuan Agong or YPDA refers to the Malaysian King. Under Malaysia’s constitutional monarchy, YPDA is a unifying symbol of the country and is supposed to be apolitical and does not engage in party politics. UMANY released the statement in reaction to news reports about the king’s rejection of the prime minister’s proposal to declare a state of emergency in order to address the surge in COVID-19 cases. The king also asked Members of Parliament to support the government’s budget bill.
UMANY’s statement garnered a lot of attention and criticism from YDPA’s supporters forcing the student group to delete the post. The Universiti Malaya (UM) said it will investigate UMANY over the statement. The police said it is conducting a probe on UMANY for an alleged offence under the Sedition Act 1948 and the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998. Those convicted of sedition could face fines and jail terms of up to three years.
As of November 9, six UMANY members have been summoned by the police in relation to the probe. The police also raided the home of the UMANY president and confiscated the student leader's laptop and phone.
UMANY reposted the statement on November 3 since the original post was distorted on social media and made to appear that they are calling for the abolition of the monarchy.
It deplored the cyberbullying committed against its members by some internet users who disagree with their stance:
Certain members were physically and mentally affected because their personal Facebook accounts were made public and doxxed. Also harassed (were) members or alumni of the group by calling them or their parents, promised to look for their homes, workplace and even threatened to harm them. In addition, our female members have also been sexually harassed by netizens with foul, degrading languages.
A petition was initiated by several student groups expressing support to UMANY.
Around 261 law students across Malaysia signed a statement defending UMANY. The statement also reminded UM to uphold academic freedom:
As a public institution funded by taxpayers, UM owes it to the society to uphold and facilitate the society's pursuit of the truth. This necessarily involves allowing and protecting freedom for students to express their critical thoughts on important issues with the greatest margin possible.
The University of Malaya Law Society provided a legal briefer about the controversy while affirming the right of UMANY to express its position on the issue:
UMANY's post may appear to be controversial, yet a full reading of the statement would reveal that it sought to express their opinions on the YDPA's role and functions in a parliamentary democracy and constitutional monarchy based on their reading of the Constitution. Therefore, we believe their stance, seemingly controversial presented as it was, was an expression of the right to free speech and academic freedom.
The Centre for Independent Journalism emphasized that “freedom of expression is a key part of the higher education experience.” It added:
Academic scholarship and promotion of human rights cannot flourish in an atmosphere of censorship and disproportionate restriction of speech and expression.
The National Human Rights Network (JHAM) asserted that UMANY did not violate any law for releasing a statement about the monarchy:
…it is a matter of fact that UMANY has discussed the role of YDPA rationally without any denigrating or insulting remark towards the monarch. They insisted upon the value of democracy, the paramountcy of people’s sovereignty, and articulated the mechanism of check and balance must be defended and preserved in a constitutional monarchy.

author: Mong Palatino