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Does Peru have Internet Freedom? · Global Voices
Juan Arellano

[All links lead to Spanish-language pages, except where otherwise noted.]
It is increasingly common to hear that a particular country is considering or actually enacting some type of law that affects Internet freedom. Peru is not immune to this. A few months ago, the country's Cybercrime Law (Ley de Delitos informáticos [en] or Ley Beingolea) sparked concern and debate over the possibility that it posed a threat to Internet privacy and freedom of expression.
More recently, another controversy has arisen over #SOPAcriolla, an attempt to gather input geared towards establishing copyright regulation and ISP (Internet Service Provider) responsibility that ended up instead focusing attention on Internet freedom in Peru and the potential threats against it.
Why is this happening? There are many reasons, ranging from corporations with a vested interest in intellectual property [en] putting pressure on other institutions and government bodies to combat Internet piracy to those same governments seeking [en] to fight perceived opposition and dissidence by sometimes cloaking it in national security measures—all the while telecommunication companies are themselves restricting user access in order to reap maximum economic benefits.
Picture courtesy of Daniela Goulart, asleeponasunbeam on Flickr, Creative Commons-licensed (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
The idea that “the web is a fundamental human right” [en – all links in paragraph] and the notion of net neutrality , including such basic tenets as freedom of speech and the right to privacy, are affected by proposed North American legislation such as SOPA, PIPA, the free-trade agreements and other pacts (ACTA, TPP) between various countries.
Even though it would appear that Peru's social networks are actively discussing the question of Internet freedom, in reality there is little large-scale awareness or interest. And why should there be? Because it affects us all, especially considering how much we pay for our home and mobile Internet access and how little we receive in return.
A while ago, Internet blogger Chillinfart wrote about telecommunications companies in Peru and their rates:
siempre hablé de lo perjudicial que son las limitaciones de tráfico que el oligopolio en telecomunicaciones busca imponer (sea Claro, Movistar, Nextel o Velatel, […] Por el otro lado, es importante entender lo vital que es la tarifa plana en el Perú, donde pese al despegue del uso de internet mediante los cibercafés (o cabinas como decimos acá) y algunos logros a nivel local, la penetración de internet en el Perú sigue siendo bajísima y donde las limitaciones de tráfico terminarán deprimiendo aún más los intentos por acceder a la información.
I have always pointed out the detrimental nature of restrictions on traffic, which the telecommunications oligopoly tries to impose, be it Claro, Movistar, Nextel or Velatel, […] On the other hand, it is important to understand how vital the flat rate is in Peru. Despite the increase in Internet use through cybercafés and other gains made locally, Internet penetration in Peru is still very low, and restrictions on traffic will only end up undermining further attempts to access information.
He added:
¿En qué afecta a los peruanos medidas como las limitaciones de tráfico? Lo primero es lo más obvio, nuestro bolsillo, al encarecer el acceso a internet de la misma forma que en los tiempos de los módem analógicos (costos por conexión y llamada o consumo). Segundo, permite que los operadores pongan trampas para entorpecer el acceso a ciertos servicios (ej. Redes p2p, páginas de multimedios, servicios VoIP como Skype), crear saturaciones artificiales para excusarse cuando las cosas andan mal o hasta vender información sobre la actividad de sus clientes a terceros.
How are Peruvians affected by measures to limit traffic? The most obvious way is hitting us in our pocketbooks, by making Internet access costlier in the same way as when analog modems were billed by connection, call frequency and consumption. Second, restrictions allow operators to deceive users by slowing access to certain services (e.g., P2P networks, multimedia pages, and voIPs such as Skype), by generating artificial saturation to divert attention when things are not working properly, or even by selling user activity to third parties.
So we see that despite the significant digital divide in Peru, the telecommunications companies continue to place hurdles in the way of Internet access. Moreover, they often abuse their power and block particular sites for reasons not clearly explained (the most recent case involved Bitly, a URL shortening and bookmarking service, that was mysteriously inaccessible in Peru for several days).
In this regard, journalist José Soriano, an Internet pioneer in Peru, outlined the following issue on Facebook:
Si los DNS y los servidores esta en manos privadas, que no tienen ningún control institucional ¿Cuanto aumenta la vulnerabilidad del Internet del Perú? ¿No será tiempo de poner genuinamente en manos de la sociedad civil un Comité Peruano de Gestión de Internet, con la participación del Estado y las empresas proveedoras con representantes de usuarios y ONG´s?
If the DNS and the servers are in private hands, with no institutional oversight, does this not increase the vulnerability of the Internet in Peru? Is it not time to put a Peruvian Internet Management Committee in the hands of civil society, through joint participation of the state and commercial providers with representation by users and NGOs?
Looking at it another way, just a few months ago, the Congress of Peru passed a law to promote broadband and establish a national fiber optic backbone (Ley de Promoción de la Banda Ancha y Construcción de la Red Dorsal Nacional de Fibra Óptica) without meaningful public debate. And while one section of the law recognizes net neutrality, another section increases regulation beyond what already exists. Lawyer Miguel Morachimo explains in Blawyer:
la nueva Ley de Banda Ancha intenta regular un tema que ya está regulado por OSIPTEL hace siete años. Pero incluso, se trata de una regulación mucho más restrictiva que la que tenemos vigente. (Establece bloqueos de aplicaciones por parte de los operadores “a solicitud expresa del abonado o usuario y/o algunos casos excepcionales por motivos de seguridad” Art.7) […] Resulta una verdadera lástima que, mientras en otros países se llevaron a cabo procesos de consulta pública y se realizaron serias investigaciones de mercado, en Perú se haya vuelto a tocar legislativamente este tema sin mayor debate ni difusión.
The new broadband law aims at regulating a matter that has already been under the auspices of OSIPTEL for seven years. What's more, it entails regulation that is far more restrictive than what is currently in effect. (It enables operators to block applications at the “request of the subscriber or user and, in exceptional cases, for security reasons” Art. 7) […] It is a great pity that while other countries carried out public consultation and undertake serious market research, in Peru, we have gone back to legislatively addressing this topic without significant debate or transparency.
Again José Soriano argued on Facebook that the Internet laws recently being considered in Peru would at best only serve to confuse the issue, as evidenced by prior attempts:
La legislación nacional ya es abundante y suficiente, cualquier intento de adicionar una ley es para restringir los derechos ciudadanos. […] Internet ha crecido gracias a su autoregulación y libre tránsito de la información sin rompimiento de la neutralidad de la red. Cualquier intento de regulación o legislación es en sí mismo un atentado a las libertades públicas, ya que los usuarios de todas maneras se rigen por las leyes civiles y penales pre-existentes, con procedimientos, reglamento, y autoridades de aplicación y policía.
There is ample and sufficient national legislation; any additional law would only restrict the right of citizens. […] The Internet has grown thanks to self-regulation and the free flow of information without violating net neutrality. Any attempt at regulating or legislating it is itself an assault on civil liberties, as users must already comply, in any event, with pre-existing criminal and civil laws, due process and regulation as well as enforcement and policing authorities.
Meanwhile the press would appear to be magnifying instances of cyber crimes in order to promote an environment in which restrictive Internet laws could be justified. At the same time, instances such as the signing of the free trade agreement with the European Union are not given due diligence or worse still, articles critical of such treaties simply “disappear“.
As we can see, the notion of Internet freedom is as technical as it is legal, which may explain why so few people pay attention to or even understand what is at stake. Even lawmakers fall into this category. As Miguel Morachimo wrote recently:
Al igual que muchos países en América Latina y otras regiones, Perú es un estado cuyos representantes políticos no están familiarizados con Internet y tecnologías en general. Nuestras políticas nacionales al respecto siguen siendo directrices genéricas que no sirven de guía para soluciones innovadoras y leyes inteligentes. A diferencia de otros asuntos de interés público, como la violencia política o la discriminación, existen pocas voces que contribuyen al debate público sobre política de Internet en el Perú desde la perspectiva de la sociedad civil. Como resultado de este vacío, los intereses de los usuarios no se ven representados en el Congreso cuando se proponen proyectos de ley que afectan a nuestros derechos.
Just like so many countries in Latin America and elsewhere, Peru's political representatives are not well versed in the Internet or technology in general. Our public policy in this regard tends to follow generic guidelines that do not lead to innovative solutions and intelligent legislation. Compared with other matters of public interest in Peru, such as political violence or discrimination, few voices are heard in the public debate about Internet policy from the perspective of a civil society. As a result of this vacuum, when a legislative bill that affects all our rights is put before Congress, the interests of Internet users are not represented.
We recently spoke to Miguel Morachimo about this issue:


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Japan’s Indigenous Ainu Head to New Zealand · Global Voices
Keiko Tanaka

Ainu, the indigenous people of Northern Japan seek cultural exchange with Māori, the indigenous people of New Zealand.
Aotearoa-Ainumosir Exchange Program, will send 7 Ainu youth to study from Maori people who have successfully revitalized their rights as indigenous people while living with strength in the society of New Zealand. More about the program can be found on Facebook and their fundraising campaign on indiegogo.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Keiko Tanaka


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Kuku’s Case Reignites Racism Debate in Portugal · Global Voices
Mário Lopes

[All links lead to Portuguese language pages except when otherwise noted.]
On December 5, 2012, the Criminal Court of Lisbon acquitted a Public Security Police (PSP) agent accused of negligent homicide of a 14-year-old boy in the suburbs of Amadora, in 2009. The announcement of the court's decision reignited the debate about racism and marginalized communities in Portugal, particularly in the outskirts of Lisbon, and multiplied the amount of social media commentary repudiating the Portuguese judicial system.
In January 2009, three PSP agents were patrolling the surrounding areas of Amadora (dressed in plainclothes and in an uncharacterized vehicle), when they cornered a vehicle carrying five robbery suspects, including a minor named Elson Sanches, or Kuku, the son of Cape Verdean immigrants. A chase unfolded, which ended with Kuku shot dead. No one witnessed the incident, except the agent who fired in alleged self-defense.
A few days later, a protest against racism and police violence was organized in Amadora. Passa Palavra collective reported on it and shared a video that features rapper Chullage reading a manifesto asking for justice:
Prepararam-se e orquestraram a propaganda para que tudo o que os media dissessem sobre aquele jovem fosse: era um criminoso. E por isso era legítimo que a polícia o tivesse atingido com uma bala, porque era criminoso. Mas aqui em Portugal existem tribunais, portanto até os criminosos têm que passar pelos tribunais (…). No caso do Kuku foi a pena de morte, executada pela polícia.
They prepared and orchestrated the propaganda so that all that the media would report about that young man was: he was a criminal. And so it was right that the police had struck him with a bullet, because he was criminal. But here in Portugal we have courts, so even the criminals have to go through the courts (…). In the case of Kuku it was the death penalty, executed by police.
Plataforma Gueto collective, which has been closely following the case, stated last November that the ongoing trial was “on the way to becoming yet another case of impunity for the racist executions by the police”. The collective organized a “HIP HOP for justice” concert in solidarity with of the aim of raising funds for the legal costs of the proceedings. Plataforma Gueto is also preparing a documentary titled “Violência Policial e Racismo: O Caso do Kuku” (Police violence and racism: Kuku's case), with the objective of “giving voice to the case of Kuku and to the violent racist situation that runs in the streets, police stations and Portuguese prisons”:
In the verdict, read on December 5, the judge stated that the environmental factors surrounding the incident indicated that the agent's life was in danger, which prompted him to act in such a manner, as reported in more detail by Público newspaper.
SOS Racismo was one of the first organizations to react, calling the agent's acquittal “scandalous” and stressing that this verdict “portrays the profound racism in the Portuguese society”.
Stencil in a wall in Amadora. Screenshot of the documentary “Violência Policial e Racismo: O Caso do Kuku”.
Buala also republished a note of protest by Chullage, which underlined:
Do ponto de vista Racial [a justiça] também tem funcionado perfeitamente. Legitimando a violência estrutural racista da qual a violência policial é uma parte, ou os desalojamentos e remoções de pessoas é outro. Legitimando o uso da forca para manter-nos no nosso lugar. O Não lugar.
From the racial point of view [the justice system] works just perfect. Legitimizing the institutional racist violence from which police violence is [only] a part, or the eviction and removal of people is another. Legitimizing the use of force to keep us in our place. The No Place.
“For those who believe in justice, today is a sad day”, pointed out the blog Crise Maria, which stated that “keeping in mind all the flagrancies  of the situation surrounding the death of Elson Sanches, it is surprising that there isn't even one condemnation”:
se a Justiça deixa de funcionar, o beco sem saída para onde nos empurram não deixa margem para mais nada a não ser uma revolta generalizada.
if Justice stops working, the dead end into which they shove us leave us any room for anything but a generalized revolt.
Throughout the post, the various arguments cited by the judge to justify acquitting the agent are deconstructed, such as that “everything took place in a dangerous neighborhood”:
O que é isso de bairro perigoso? Um sítio onde moram negros, famílias trabalhadoras, exploradas e sem acesso a documentação, com vínculos precários, de famílias sem capacidade financeira para que os filhos frequentem a universidade? Há mais assaltos e crimes violentos na Baixa de Lisboa ou na Quinta da Lage na Amadora? E se numa classificação qualquer preconceituosa isso existe, não é suposto a PSP ter treino adequado se o seu quotidiano é patrulhar esses bairros? Já agora, os jovens moradores desses locais perigosos também são abonados pela justiça por aí morarem quando vão a julgamento? Ou se calhar vão para a prisão mais rápido quando comparado com os que moram noutros locais?
What about this dangerous neighborhood business? A place where blacks live, working families, exploited and without access to documentation, with precarious contracts, families without financial capacity so that their children can attend the university? Are there more robberies and violent crime in downtown Lisbon or at Quinta da Lage in Amadora? And if a prejudiced classification does exists, isn't the PSP supposed to have appropriate training if their assignment is to patrol these neighborhoods? By the way, are the young residents of these hazardous locations also benefited by the justice when they go to trial because they live there? Or perhaps they go to prison faster when compared to those living elsewhere?
In an article published on 5dias, under the title “Nenhum homem é estrangeiro” (No man is a foreigner), Bruno Carvalho wrote about visits he made to the outlying neighborhoods of Santa Filomena and Cova da Moura, where families and “children of those who left Africa for Europe searching for a better life” live, and what those experiences taught him about “what black people feel when they leaves the neighborhood”.
Some online reaction to the case has commented on the stereotype attached to place where Kuku was killed: a social housing in the outskirts of Great Lisbon. An Amadora resident, Jakilson Pereira, shared a note on Facebook:
Nestas bandas chamadas subúrbios, habitadas por negros, ciganos e brancos pobres, são constantes os KUKU, são constantes os Caxineiro [agentes da polícia] absolvidos.
In these whereabouts called suburbs, inhabited by blacks, roma and poor whites, the “Kuku” are constant, the acquitted Caxineiro [police] are constant.
Screenshot of the documentary “Violência Policial e Racismo: O Caso do Kuku”. Kuku's mother next to a graffiti in tribute to her son.
Recently launched newspaper Mapa reported that “the neighborhoods in Amadora are a laboratory of experimentation available to authorities so that they may rehearse techniques and methods of action”. The article quotes a young resident from Amadora who stated:
Devido à enorme estigmatização que existe em relação aos bairros sociais, as operações repressivas e desmedidas têm uma aceitação bastante maior por parte da opinião pública do que se fossem executadas num bairro de classe média-alta, por exemplo. (…) Essa experimentação existe diariamente, a uma menor escala, com identificações, detenções, ou provocações, mas também se dá a uma larga escala como por exemplo as operações policiais levadas a cabo no mês de Agosto em que foram utilizados veículos blindados em rusgas, algo inédito em Portugal. Devido à situação económica e social que se vive neste momento, estes bairros sociais são o local ideal para a experimentação e utilização da força como modo de treino para situações futuras.
Due to the enormous stigma that exists in relation to social housing, the unreasonable and repressive [police] operations have a much greater acceptance by the public than if they were performed in a neighborhood of upper-middle class, for instance. (…) This experimentation happens daily, to a lesser extent, with identifications, arrests, or provocations, but also takes place in a larger scale such as the police operations carried out in August in which armored vehicles were used in sweeps, something unheard of in Portugal. Due to the economic and social situation we are experiencing at the moment, these social housing projects are ideal for experimentation and use of force as a means of training for future situations.
The post by Bruno Carvalho mentioned above added that those who live in the outskirts already knew what goals the armored vehicles acquired by the state for the NATO Summit in 2010 [en] were supposed to serve – “they didn't arrive on time for the meeting but they arrived in time of invading Amadora”. He concluded:
Claro que há negros criminosos como há brancos criminosos. Há-os ladrões e há-os traficantes. Não têm colarinho branco e não vêem as suas dívidas nacionalizadas. Mas há, principalmente, inocentes. E se o crime não iliba os que o cometem, a culpa deveria, pelo menos, não dar sequer azo à violência policial. Para a comunicação social, nos bairros não há inocentes e a vida dos criminosos, verdadeiros ou não, vale menos. O Estado ordena, os jornais apontam e a polícia dispara.
Of course there are black criminals as there are white criminals. There are thieves and traffickers. They don't have white collars and they do not see their debts nationalized. But there are mainly innocent [people]. The ones who commit crime aren't forgiven for doing so, but police should keep in mind that they already feel guilty enough and don't need to beat them. For the media, in the neighborhoods there are no innocents, and the lives of criminals, real or not, is worth less. The state orders, the newspapers report and police shoot.

author: Mário Lopes


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Boycott of Puerto Rico’s Popular TV Show “La Comay” · Global Voices
Luis Trelles

[All links lead to Spanish language pages, unless otherwise noted]
“I ask myself if this killing was not involved in sex, drugs, homosexuality, and prostitution. Did he get what he was looking for?”
These comments [es] were made on one of Puerto Rico's most popular TV shows, by the irreverent newscaster  puppet “La Comay” about the gruesome death of a publicist José Enrique Gómez Saladín in a remote sector outside the island’s metropolitan area last month.
The death has led to an ongoing saga in which the Puerto Rican public has turned from alarm to shock, anger, and finally to the internet in a bout of activism that now threatens to overthrow one of the top rated TV programs here.
José Enrique Gómez Saladín's death
Through it all, in a whirlwind week and a half full of sombre twists, social media has played a leading role. It all started on Friday November 30, when the news of a missing publicist, 32 year-old José Enrique Gómez Saladín, went viral. A picture of Gómez Saladín accompanied by a hooded, unidentified man while taking out cash from an ATM became an instant call to action, the image was massively shared in Facebook and Twitter in the hopes of finding him alive.
Those hopes came crashing down by the following Monday, when Edwin Torres Osorio was turned in to the police by his mother, who recognized his son after seeing his picture in the news. It was through this initial confession that Gómez Saladin’s body was found, even as other assailants turned themselves in. An FBI sworn statement that was leaked to the press revealed that Delgado Ortiz teamed up with three others: Rubén Delgado Ortiz, Alejandra Berríos Cotto and Lenisse Aponte Aponte in a possible carjacking that led to the killing. The murder took place after the victim was forced to withdraw $400 from an ATM machine. Gómez Saladín was then driven to an isolated rural area where he was first doused in gasoline and set on fire before being beaten to death.
Puerto Rico has been racked by a violent crime wave that has seen the murder rate soar in the last four years. All records were broken in 2011, when more than one thousand murders were committed in an island with just over 3.5 million residents. The killing of Gómez Saladín, a young professional whose wife is an olympic archer, crystallized for many the violence that has become common place. Spontaneous reactions quickly sprang up in the web, where the hashtag #TodosSomosJoseEnrique (We Are All José Enrique) became a trending topic in Twitter. The chorus of voices expressing solidarity with the victim has kept growing, making way for a movement in which Puerto Rican internet users from all over the island and in the United States have posted profile pictures of themselves with signs that echo the hashtag. Celebrities like Ricky Martin and salsa singer Victor Manuelle have joined the campaign [en], giving it a higher visibility in the process.
A Netroots Boycott
One of the memes that have been going around the internet in support of the boycott against La Comay. Taken from the blog Latino Rebels.
The anger over Gómez Saladín’s death then turned on one of the most familiar faces in Puerto Rican television last week. The gossip and news program SuperXclusivo features a five foot puppet called La Comay [en] made to look like an older woman. Both the program and the puppet are the creation of Antulio “Kobbo” Santarrosa, who has held the top spot in Puerto Rican television for nearly two decades. His show, a mixture of gaudy visuals, occasional homophobic and mysoginistic taunts, and breaking news mixed indiscriminately with uncorroborated rumors has proven to be a consistent hit among a wide swath of the island’s TV audience. The program is broadcast on local station WAPA, but reaches a larger stateside public through WAPA America. Celebrities and local politicians often visit the show, making La Comay one of the most powerful figures in the Puerto Rican media landscape.
However, her preeminence is now threatened by a boycott of the program’s sponsors that started as a response to the offensive treatment that La Comay gave Gómez Saladín after his death. After taking up the coverage of the killing, La Comay hinted that the publicist got what he deserved for picking up male and female prostitutes in the street, an assertion that has not been verified. Blaming the victim is a classic move on the TV show, which has been involved in similar scandals in the past. This time Santarrosa may have finally gone too far.
“I ask myself if this killing was not involved in sex, drugs, homosexuality, and prostitution”, expressed Santarrosa through his character last Tuesday on the show. “Did he get what he was looking for?” (You can hear La Comay’s statements in the following clip, 6 minutes and 48 seconds in).
That statement ignited an immediate response. Less than 24 hours later a Facebook page had been set up calling for a boycott of SuperXclusivo’s sponsors. Within a couple of days the group had grown to more than sixty thousand. And then something unexpected happened. What might have been seen as a case of hashtagtivists throwing a fit on Facebook started to yield results beyond social media. Facing a deluge of phone calls and emails, one company after another started announcing that they would pull its ads from the show. Dish Network, Triple-S Insurance, Banco Popular, ATH, Lanco Puerto Rico, Borden Dairy, Palo Viejo Rum, and Claro telecommunications all withdrew from the time slot and Walmart’s support started to waiver.
According to a December 5th post [en] on the blog News Is My Business, some of the companies that have upheld their suppport for SuperXclusivo are: AlphaOne Security Solutions, Xtreme Hair Gel, Joyerías Borroto, Cre-c hair growth product, Le’dermis Skin Solutions, Oro Centro in Mayagüez, Ashley Furniture, Disney Live, Expo Manualidades, La Feria, Lenel Restaurant in Arecibo, Vanilla Gift Card, Lanco Paints, FirstPlus, Batteries Plus, Aquafresh (GlaxoSmithKline) and Casas Mi Estilo.
In the Web and On the Streets: An Outpour of Solidarity
Meanwhile, other demonstrations of solidarity have taken place. What started with the tag line “We Are All José Enrique” evolved into an international event that took place this past Sunday. Dubbed “Un Abrazo Para Puerto Rico” (An embrace for Puerto Rico), groups of Puerto Ricans in New York, Los Angeles, and elsewhere lit candles next to their own “We are all Puerto Rico” signs in an act of rememberance for all the victims of violent crimes in the island. Another event, “Marcha por la paz” (March For Peace), has been scheduled for December 15 in Puerto Rico.
Antulio “Kobbo” Santarrosa, for his part, has countered the increasing pressure on La Comay and SuperXclusivo by arguing that those who would have his program cancelled are engaging in an act of elitist censorship. He has opened his own Facebook group dedicated to amassing support for his TV show. So far it lags far behind both the boycott group, which is over seventy thousand strong and has now started its own Twitter account (@BoicotLaComay), and the massive “We Are All José Enrique” movement.
[All links lead to Spanish language pages, unless otherwise noted]

author: Luis Trelles


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Radio Okapi Interfered with by Authorities in Democratic Republic of Congo · Global Voices
Abdoulaye Bah

The website journaldekin.com, commenting on the interference on the national Radio Okapi, a station which has been sponsored by the UN in the Democratic Republic of Congo since December 1, recalls [fr] that:
Radio Okapi, which this year celebrates its tenth anniversary, is born from a partnership between the Swiss foundation Hirondelle, specializing in media services in post-conflict zones, and the UN, who deployed its most important peacekeeping mission worldwide in the RDC. Launched in 2002, the radio broadcasts throughout the entire country in French and four other local languages, thanks to the United Nations’ network. It is the most widely listened-to national radio station, with 22 million listeners.

author: Abdoulaye Bah


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Reflections on Teaching in Portuguese in East Timor · Global Voices
Sara Moreira

Valdir Lamim-Guedes, a Brazilian biologist, who blogs at Na Raiz [pt], shared an article he published together with Carlos Junior Gontijo-Rosa on the Global Education Magazine about their experience as visiting professors at the National University of Timor-Leste in 2012, focusing on the challenges of teaching in Portuguese. Despite being one of the official languages, the majority of the population doesn't speak it.

author: Sara Moreira


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Russian Web Censorship Got You Down? Fight It With “Counter-Absurdity”! · Global Voices
Andrey Tselikov

It has now been more than a month since the blacklist of the Russian Internet [ru] went live. During this time, ROSKOMNADZOR (the agency in charge of administering the registry of websites deemed unlawful) has blocked more than 600 websites [ru]. Some of these were blocked legitimately (online narcotics distributors and the like), but others highlight the absurdity of the blacklist's premise. Such was the case with satirical wiki Lurkmore (covered by RuNet Echo here [GV]). A more recent example is a banned web-comic that intentionally satirized the registry [ru].
Censorship. © Isaac Mao. April 18, 2005. CC 2.0
In fact, it seems that humor is the only recourse available to supporters of an uncensored Internet. That, at least, was the approach taken by Moscow-based ISP RiNet. (Note that Russian ISPs are the parties formally charged with the technical aspects of enforcing the blacklist). On November 30, 2012, RiNet made the following announcement [ru]:
Мы понимаем, что последние законодательные инициативы направлены на формирование нового – конструктивного Интернета. Однако как профессионалы вынуждены признать, что с технической точки зрения эти меры совершенно недостаточны. Идя навстречу тем, кто нуждается в доступе к ресурсам исключительно проверенного содержания, RiNet первым из российских провайдеров предлагает вам уникальный тарифный план «Чистый Интернет». […] Если вы выберете тариф «Чистый Интернет», у вас будет уникальная возможность посещать только сайты с гарантированно благопристойным содержимым.
We understand that recent legislative initiatives are aimed at forming a new, constructive Internet. But, as professionals, we are forced to admit that, from the technical point of view, these measures are insufficient. In deference to those who need access to resources with purely trusted content, RiNet is the first Russian provider to offer a unique payment plan: “Clean Internet.” […] If you choose the “Clean Internet” plan, you will have the unique opportunity to visit only sites with decorous content, guaranteed.
RiNet's friendly green man logo. Screenshot. December 11, 2012.
The plan, which costs around 26 USD per month, and the list of “decorous” websites can be found here [ru]. It includes such perennial favorites as www.kremlin.ru, www.gov.ru, www.government.ru, www.minjust.ru, www.fskn.gov.ru, www.minzdrav.gov.ru, and little else. (Readers, you get the idea.) Granted, RiNet made it look official, even going as far as to establish a contest for best “Clean Internet” viral marketing [ru]. Nevertheless, the clearly tongue-in-cheek announcement managed to fool some people. LiveJournal user russel8 rolled his eyes [ru] in response to the news:
В принципе – на сумасшедших можно было бы и не обращать внимание, но что-то меня пугает, что ещё немного – и это будет нормой.
In principle, we shouldn't take note of the crazies, but something tells me that one more drop — and this will become normal.
Writer Kirill Eskov was also taken in and lamented it [ru] as “symptomatic,” while user kotmatraskin mused ironically [ru]:
Идея мегапозитивная, отражает нашу российскую ментальность и как мне кажется просто обречена на коммерческий успех.
A super-positive idea, it reflects our Russian mentality and, I think, is doomed for commercial success.
LJ user abspro on the other hand, didn't think it was a big deal [ru]:
ну, а что такого? я например, пользуюсь для своего сына специальным детским браузером, ЗакБраузер. Только развивающий детский контент. Жаль, что нет его аналогов на русском.
So what? I, for one, use a special kids browser for my son, ZakBrowser. Only developmental content for children. Too bad there are no Russian analogues.
Of course, many saw RiNet's statement for what it is — an elegant exercise in trolling. Echo Mosky elder Vladimir Varfolomeev commented [ru]:
Если возможностей оспаривать идиотские решения больше нет, остаётся их только высмеивать. Браво, провайдер!
If there is no longer a means to argue with idiotic decisions, the only thing left is to make fun of them. Bravo, ISP!
A few days later, RiNet Director Sergei Ryzhkov, who blogs as timhydr, confirmed that the exercise was a practical joke of sorts, and explained his reasoning [ru]:
[…] у общества нет работоспособного интерфейса взаимодействия с регулятором. […] Собственно в основе этой акции – “Чистый интернет” – лежала простая мысль – творится абсурд. Как можно ответить на исходящий сверху абсурд? Только встречным абсурдом. […] Ну вот еще можно попиариться :-/
[…] society has no working interface of interacting with the regulator. […] Strictly speaking the basis of “Clean Internet” was a simple thought — absurdity is being created. How can we respond to absurdity that's coming from the top? Only with counter-absurdity. […] Well, we can also do a little bit of marketing :-/
A shrewd move, sure. And an amusing one.

author: Andrey Tselikov


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Trinidad & Tobago: Hunger Strike was Never a Lost Cause  · Global Voices
Matthew Hunte

As noted in this post, environmentalist and activist Dr. Wayne Kublalsingh ended his 21-day hunger strike on December 5,2012 after the government, the Highway Re-route Movement and various civil society groups agreed to an independent study:
After consultation with the government and the Highway Re-Route Movement, the JCC and its Civil Society Kindred Associations – Federation of Independent Trades Unions and NGOs (FITUN), Trinidad & Tobago Transparency Institute (TTTI) and Women Working for Social Progress (Working Women) – are pleased to confirm that we have appointed an independent working group to examine the several matters of concern on the disputed Debe to Mon Desir segment of the Solomon Hochoy Highway to Point Fortin.
Rhoda Bharath saw similarities between the highway issue and the recent Section 34 controversy:
Many of the issues of the Debe to Mon Desir Highway are quite similar to Section 34, in a general sense. Both issues showed us a government unwilling to act responsibly and transparently, and undertaking a project for the benefit of their financiers. Accountability, Transparency and Party Finance Reform. Kamla and them promising this since 2010, not so? And a man had was to almost kill heself to remind them and us of this!
Jamela Khan predicted that this protest could very well turn out to be historic:
History will show that a tipping point was reached in terms of the necessity for all governments to be transparent about the development path on which they embark. WE may or not support the highway but, surely, we support the right to know what is being done in our names. The previous PNM regime learnt a bitter lesson about failure to be accountable to citizens, about non-disclosure of relevant studies relating to large scale projects. We understood our rights then. So did the activists, including Wayne but not only him, who struggled against a massive state machinery. And, WON, 5 times!!! The Rule of Law prevailed. Why, because we have the right to know what is being done in our names and to reject that which is dubious or ineffectual. Comprehensive cost benefits analyses are critical to our acceptance of projects. And, sometimes, the good of a few does have to be sacrificed for the good of the majority. But, we must still understand the rationale and how negatives will be mitigated.
UWI professor Gabrielle Hosein hoped that university community would not lose interest in this issue because the strike was over:
Folks, especially UWI folks, faculty and students…now what? We know that information to be provided has to be processed and analysed, and we know that additional information and analyses have to be done. Is UWI going to contribute anything? Gathering and analysing data of national importance is our skill and our business. Are we going to put it to national use? Step up if you are interested and let's all talk about what we can do.
An anonymous activist from Barbados sent a note of solidarity :
I, along with others, fought a battle similar to your own to try to stop the national landfill being re-sited in a fragile, erosion-prone area in a designated national park zone.
I know the feeling of frustration burning a hole in your belly, convinced you are right but unable to sway the powers that be.
In our case, the Chief Agricultural Officer, the Chief Town Planner, the Head of the Soil Conservation Unit and several experienced experts, local and overseas, opposed the proposed landfill. Local residents were up in arms. The MP for the area, a member of the ruling party, called it “environmental madness”. The minister responsible admitted after she left office that she was always against it.
Nevertheless, the landfill was constructed at a cost over Bds$50 million. Several years later, not a pound of garbage has gone there. The government changed and the new guys declared it would never be used.
The note ended, however, with a plea for Kublalsingh to end the hunger strike:
In conclusion, I am begging you to discontinue your hunger strike. Your country and this region needs people who will stand up, not like opposition politicians who oppose for opposing sake, but as independent thinkers. You will win some battles, you will lose some. But if you lose your life over this issue, there will be one less soldier to fight other, and maybe more crucial, issues. You have done your part. Back off and let the chips fall where they may.
The Laughing Gull thanked all those who played a part in resolving the situation but  he also let the Prime Minister know that her legacy is at stake:
A problem remains and if our PM still dreams of leaving a legacy that will be praised and remembered with gratitude, it will not be as a result of constructing highways but of laying the foundations for another sort of infrastructure, one based on transparency and accountability that will invite, accept, process, include and respond to citizen participation in the running of our affairs. No one should ever again have to resort to a hunger strike to get the attention of his countrymen and his government.
Brendon Jeremy O’Brien wrote an open letter to activist Ishmael Samad in response to Samad's attempted citizen's arrest of Kubablalsingh for “attempting suicide”:
I still remember standing in the hot sun with you and your twenty-something anti-death penalty posters. It was only five of us in the party, marching up and down Woodford Square opposite the Red House, getting cuss from passersby and run from police officers.
Was that a lost cause? Yeah, in the greatest sense. All we had to show for it was a few pictures from a journalist and each other’s own friendship. It’s been more than a year since then, and nothing’s changed where the death penalty is concerned. But those Christmas days where you stood outside the jail on your own were not impeded by the idea of a lost cause. The idea that you could hold maybe the most infamous ‘ole thief’ in T&T’s history was not impeded by the idea that if the government wasn’t holding him, you sure as hell couldn’t. That was a lost cause. But it was a cause you were willing to win, at costs that no one could expect. But you paid those costs and then some…
O'Brien refused to accept that standing for what one considers to be right could ever be a lost cause:
I never want to think I fight a lost cause. Not for the rights of all sexualities, or to bring an end to life-changing pandemics, or to end cruel and inhumane punishments. It does not phase me that the road is long and painful. I can see my future – I could very well get a fine like you, and one day might get so mad I sit in Parliament with a noose for a tie around my neck. And I could see myself right where Wayne was, so hungry for the civil right and privilege he’s owed that he couldn’t eat anything else.

author: Matthew Hunte


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Trinidad & Tobago: Reporting Standards · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

Trinidad and Tobago’s news media has a serious credibility problem.
Catherine Young, blogging at Outlish, explains.

author: Janine Mendes-Franco


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University in Benin Changes its Name after Equatoguinean Dictator  · Global Voices
Lova Rakotomalala

You can now call him Doctor Teodoro Obiang  Nguema Mbasogo.
MyGab.Tv reports that [fr] the Univesité internationale du Bénin UPIB is now called Teodoro Obiang  Nguema Mbasogo University after the Equatoguinean dictator. Teodoro Obiang  Nguema Mbasogo has been the benefactor of many schools in Benin [fr] and has received a doctorate degree Honoris Causa from the university at the inauguration ceremony.

author: Lova Rakotomalala


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Venezuela and the WCIT-12 · Global Voices
Silvia Viñas

Who will govern the Internet and how? What is Venezuela's position in this debate? These are two questions that Luis Carlos Díaz tries to tackle in a post for Prodavinci [es] where he looks at the World Conference on International Telecommunications (WCIT-12) and Venezuela's position regarding these issues.

author: Silvia Viñas


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Xinhua Is On Twitter · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Anthony Tao from Beijing Cream blogs about Chinese netizens’ reaction of the Chinese government official news outlets, Xinhua, being active on Twitter, an social media platform which is blocked in China. As the blogger pointed out:
it does seem slightly ironic for a government agency to be using Twitter when none of its people, technically, are allowed to. Twitter has been blocked by the Great Firewall since July 2009, and with recent upgrades to said firewall, several VPN services have been crippled as well.

author: Oiwan Lam


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Bhutan’s Journey From Monarchy To Democracy · Global Voices
Rezwan

Bhutan's Flag. Image courtesy Sabrina
Sabrina Soares explains how Bhutan progressed from a monarchy to a parliamentary democracy.

author: Rezwan


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China’s ‘Luxury Disease’ Extends to Lavish Government Buildings · Global Voices
Abby Liu

Lavish government buildings is nothing new in China, however, nothing can be compared to the new government building in Jinan, capital of East China's Shandong Province.
According to media reports [zh], the “Long Ao building” cost 4 billion RMB (US$640 million), and is now the largest and most expensive government building in China.
The 4 billion RMB Long Ao building is the largest and most expensive government building in China. A screenshot from the media report on youku.
Many netizens compared the buildings’ 4 billion budget with the 180 million budget the city spent on the poor in villages since 2003.
A Jinan government officer explained on December 11, 2012 that the 4 billion investment included costs of the demolition of the old site and land consolidation. He claimed that “not a penny of government money was used” because the money came from replacing old government buildings.
His insensitive comment further triggered online anger with many netizens urging for transparency. Below are some comments from experts and well-known bloggers and reporters.
Sarcastic dialogue:
于建嵘: 要好好查一下，是哪一个缺心眼的设计师，为何不是全球第一呢？！不第一，如何对得起咱们伟大的国家和伟大的时代啊！
于建嵘: What’s wrong with the architect? We should track him down. Why doesn’t he make this the world's  biggest individual structure in the world?! How is he worthy of this great country and its great time!
抚顺李明律师：因为他们的家人都在美国，只好谦让一下了。
抚顺李明律师: Because their families are in the US, so they have to be a little modest.
Call For More Transparency:
恩吉尔斯奈特：说实话，第一次看到龙奥大厦这么大的行政办公大厦的时候我也震撼了，其经费来源的确有必要向公众公示。
恩吉尔斯奈特: Honestly, it's my first time seeing such a huge government office, I was shocked. It is necessary to make the source of the funds public.
菁菁远山：如果说政府大楼”没有花政府一分钱”，这只能证明济南政府具备了超强的掠夺实力，政府成了一个超级“权力公司”，其权力资本的运作能力和水平可谓达到了一个令人生畏的程度，因而龙奥大厦无疑成为观察中国社会的一个窗口。
菁菁远山: If the government says “not a penny of government money is used”, it means Jinan government has a strong ability to seize, the government has become a super “power company” whose operational capability and level is daunting. Long Ao building has undoubtedly become a window to Chinese society.
吴龙贵：“没花政府一分钱”的辩解，比之豪华办公楼更让人无法容忍。因为这不仅是民意的公然无视和挑衅，更表明地方政府对公共财政和公共资源的使用缺乏理性的认识。公众有理由质疑，在豪华办公楼的背后，有多少纳税人的钱是以“没花政府一分钱”的名义理直气壮地挥霍掉的？
吴龙贵: “ This “not a penny of government money is used” claim is even more intolerable than the lavish building itself, because this is a provocation, a blatant disregard for public opinion. It shows that the local government doesn’t have a rational knowledge of the use of public finances and resources. The public has every reason to question that, behind this luxury building, how much taxpayers’ money has been squandered in the name of “no a penny of government money is used”?
和讯网评论：从程序看，根治政府办公楼建设中的“豪华病”，有必要通过制度建设加强对相关人的责任追究，形成制度性压力。从财政开支看，政府大楼建设花的是纳税人的钱，需要人大依法进行预算监督，推动预算的公开透明化。
和讯网评论:How to cure the “luxury disease” in the construction of government buildings? It is necessary to strengthen government officials’ accountability through rule of law. Government building construction used taxpayers’ money, it is necessary for the National People's Congress to practice budget supervision in accordance with the law and promote public transparency of the budget.

author: Abby Liu


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Egypt: Graffiti Over Presidential Palace Walls  · Global Voices
Ahmed Awadalla

It seems like the revolutionary spirit is galvanized in Egypt, thanks to President Mohammed Morsy's power grab – his recent decision that gave him broad decision-making power.  The decision sparked nation-wide protests, most notably a sit-in was staged around the presidential palace.
Photographer Jonathan Rashad, who has been actively using his camera to document major events since the beginning of the Egyptian revolution, shared the following photographs  of graffiti which tell the story on his Flickr account.
Here is a selection:
Graffiti portraying President Morsi as an octopus swimming in a sea of blood. (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
‘Leave, sheep’ referring to President Morsi, in an allusion to the herd-like behavior of Muslim Brotherhood. (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
‘Leave, you idiot’
‘Illegitimate’ (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
Depiction of military police, accused of committing grave human rights violations against protesters during transition period in Egypt (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
The sit-in in front of the palace was attacked on December 5th, which resulted 6 deaths and much more left injured. Testimonies of anti-Morsi protesters being tortured at the hands of Morsi supporters began surfacing later. Various walls were erected around the palace to prevent protesters from approaching. These walls were targets of graffiti artists as well.
‘Your walls won't protect you from the revolutionaries’ (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

author: Ahmed Awadalla


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Global Voices and the Power of We · Global Voices
Georgia Popplewell

Have you ever wondered how we at Global Voices do what we do? Here's a behind-the-scenes look at how the 700-plus members of our diverse, global and entirely virtual community pull together stories. Every day our section leaders, editors and volunteer authors and translators work together across borders, time zones and language barriers to amplify the best of citizen and social media, report on online freedom of expression and support others in joining the global conversation.
To kick off this year's holiday fundraising campaign, this breakdown of how one article came into being shows how the coordinated efforts of many people combine to make GV so unique.
October 23, 2012: João Miguel, from his home in Fortaleza, Brazil, e-mails his fellow volunteers on the Portuguese language team mailing list about an incident involving the Guaraní Kaiowá, the second largest indigenous ethnic group in Brazil, who are under threat of eviction from their ancestral lands in the Brazilian state of Mato Grosso do Sul. Janet, in the UK, quickly writes up a short post in English, while six other members of the group in five different cities in Brazil, Portugal and Spain get to work researching the story.
October 24, 2012: Sara, Global Voices’ Portuguese language editor, publishes the story in Portuguese in collaboration with Diego, Elisa, João Miguel, Luís and Raphael.
October 25, 2012: Janet begins translating the piece into English, leaning on our Multilingual Editor Paula in London and João Miguel in Fortaleza for help with subtitling the embedded video. The English version is sent to the sub-editor mailing list, where it's picked up by Kevin in Melbourne, Australia. Kevin proofreads the post, and it's published on the Global Voices in English site.
In just a few hours, nine people on three continents, five countries and seven cities have collaborated to spread the story of “The Cry of Resistance of the Guarani Kaiowa” to the world in Portuguese and English.
October 26, 2012: Ines translates the post into French.
October 31, 2012: Cristina, Mario and Gabriela translate the post into Catalán, German and Spanish, respectively.
November 2, 2012: Giulia translates the post into Italian.
Right now, other Global Voices teams are doing exactly the same, across borders and time zones and languages, to amplify important citizen-driven stories the mainstream media doesn't have the time or interest to cover.
We're thankful for the funding we receive from the foundations who've supported us over the years, but in order to keep doing what we do, and to stay independent, free and sustainable, we also depend on the generous support of independent friends and readers like you. Your donations help cover the cost of server space, administrative costs, our microgrant programs and Global Voices staff.
This holiday season, please consider a gift to Global Voices.
Donate now »

author: Georgia Popplewell


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Latin America: Top 5 News Stories from 2012 · Global Voices
Silvia Viñas

In World Policy Blog, Global Voices contributor Robert Valencia highlights five “top stories from 2012 that will have an impact in 2013 and beyond”: the war on drugs, Hugo Chávez's re-election, the Colombia-Nicaragua dispute over the San Andrés Archipelago, the Colombian peace process, and Brazil's booming economy.


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Meet Global Voices Contributor – Janet Gunter · Global Voices
Juan Arellano

Whenever members of the Global Voices community travel to another country, they usually find a way to meet one or more fellow ‘GVers’. A few days ago, contributor Janet Gunter was in Lima, Peru, and I arranged to meet over some typical Pisco Sours, and talk about her involvement with GV.
Here are some questions and answers based on our conversation; alternatively watch Janet's interview on video (English subtitles available):
Juan Arellano (JA): How did you get involved with GV?
Janet Gunter (JG): Through Sarita [GV Portuguese Language Speaking Countries Editor], and our blogs about East Timor. We actually met in person for the first time in East Timor. Then I met Paula [GV Multilingual Editor] here in London. GV has always been for me about meeting and working with good people. On the GV Portuguese email list, I feel like I have dozens of friends around the world with similar interests and values. That's something really rare for me.
Janet Gunter, photo by pattamanuch.com used with authorization.
JA: So you started collaborating with GV Portuguese as a translator, an author, or both?
JG: As an author – covering Portuguese speaking Africa. Then when people started writing in Portuguese, I started translating their work into English. I mostly translate our African authors.
JA: Tell us about your role in GV's special coverage “Europe in Crisis“.
JG: I'm the instigator / cheerleader! I lived in Portugal for three years and I feel things that are happening there have a personal importance to me. Sara and I thought that there needed to be more coverage of citizen voices with the deepening crisis in Europe in 2011. And so we just started a Special Coverage page, and there has been a tremendous response from authors, translators and from our audience. Plus Greek, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and French GV sites all have very “engagé” [engaged] editors. It's been a real pleasure linking and getting to know everybody across Europe. We're now 60-70 authors and translators collaborating and communicating.
JA: Is there something new you think could be done to improve GV's coverage of Europe (in crisis)?
JG: We need an RSS feed, and ideally we need an editor but we are looking for institutional sponsorship for this.
As a freelancer you work with NGOs whilst at the same time keeping another foot in other areas. How do you reconcile these sometimes very different worlds?
JG: With 30 columns on my Tweetdeck and having no “personal life”! In all seriousness, I realize that a lot of my activist skills – especially around networking and communication, are useful in my professional life. In the “professional sphere”, many respond increasingly favorably to my description of myself, which is very real about what motivates me and what kind of person I am. The person and professional are mutually reinforcing. If that makes sense. (This really came out when I “mapped” my interests.)
JA: Two questions then: What really motivates you? And, what challenges have you faced in your different jobs?
JG: What motivates me? First, other people! I want to work with dynamic, good people. Beyond people, a combination of reacting to injustice, creativity, and wanting to be out in the world. Challenges are dealing with burnout, systems that are not responsive or made for real people, convincing management and institutions to take risks.
JA: You say you're a bad tourist but at the same time you have travelled a lot. Tell us something about this.
JG: The only reason to accumulate money or wealth is to then spend it on experience! I don't own a house, don't have a car, don't own much at all. I travel a great deal for work. But I also enjoy slow train journeys and visiting my many friends in far flung places.
JA: Can you share some of those great travelling experiences with us?
JG: Too many – that would be a book in and of itself! Last winter I took the train from Los Angeles to New Orleans, departing from my California family, stopping in the west Texas plain for a couple of days and ending up with friends in New Orleans. It was slow, magical, meditative. I love empty spaces, so west Texas was a perfect interlude. There is nothing like travelling alone in short spells, then arriving to friends or family. In New Orleans I finally reconnected with a long lost friend, and New Orleans meant so much more to me, after having worked and travelled in Brazil and other places. Then I went to see my 94 year-old grandfather who was born in New Orleans, and drove two days back to my hometown of St Louis, with my dad, dodging tornado warnings and listening to country music on AM radio, arriving in time for my mother's warm soup for dinner. This is the kind of trip I love.
Apart from all the things she is currently doing, Janet finds time to work on a personal project: the restart project. She talks about this project in the following video:
You can find Janet online here and also on Twitter (@JanetGunter).

author: Juan Arellano


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Presenting the Balkan Minorities · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

A screenshot of the Face the Balkans website.
Fifteen young journalists from six different countries have produced a series of personal stories about representatives of the minorities (in a broad sense) from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Serbia, and Macedonia. The stories are available in English, German, and French on the Face the Balkans website.

author: Filip Stojanovski


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Students Rally All Over Hungary to Save Tuition-Free Education · Global Voices
Marietta Le

In Hungary, the once free-for-all education system has always been a subject of heated debates. This week, the debates have grown into student protests that are taking place all over the country.
The protests began on Monday, Dec. 10, and have so far continued through Thursday, following the government's announcement [hu] that in 2013 it would provide state-financed education to only 10,480 undergraduate students. Those who cannot afford to pay tuition are offered to take student loans, while the “lucky” ones have to sign contracts promising to stay and work in Hungary upon graduation for several years in exchange for their state-financed studies.
Hundreds of Hungarian students have taken to the streets to protest against these ‘student contracts’ (an English-language sample [.pdf] is here) – as well as against the significant cutbacks in higher education admission quotas (in 2011, the undergraduate quota was 40,610 students; in 2012 – 33,927 students).
The new figures also demonstrate the government's stance on students majoring in humanities, social sciences, law, and economics: their numbers are to decrease. The government seems to believe that the humanities and social studies are of a less productive value for the country, while degrees in law and economics normally lead to well-paid jobs and these students can, therefore, afford to finance their education [hu]. In June 2012, the Hungarian PM Viktor Orbán talked [hu] about the “humanities students [spending their time in the pubs].” The quota of state-financed informatics, engineering and natural science students, on the other hand, was increased in 2011, according to the student news site Eduline [hu].
Students rally in Budapest to save tuition-free higher education. Photo by David Ferenczy, copyright © Demotix (10/12/2012).
The current protests [hu] in Budapest and other big cities were organized by the grassroots student union called Hallgatói Hálózat (“Network of Students”) or HaHa, the National Union of Students (HÖOK), the Network of Academics (Oktatói Hálózat, OHA), the Network for the Freedom of Curriculum (Hálózat a Tanszabadságért, HAT) and the Network of Parents (Szülői Hálózat).
Up until now, the official student unions have kept a distance from the grassroots student union and its initiatives. Members of the latter occupied a university in Budapest [hu] in February, but their actions were condemned [hu] by the university's official student union. Now all student unions seem united in their support for self-organized protests.
The protests started on Monday in the southern Hungarian city of Szeged, where students held a sit-in at a government office:
Later on, HaHa and the other organizations held a forum at one of the ELTE University's campuses, where students decided on the five-plus-one [hu] core issues to promote:
1. We demand a sweeping reform in the public and higher education!
2. Admission quotas are to be set back to at least the 2011 levels!
3. Stop the decrease of funding, compensate the withdrawals!
4. Eliminate the student contract!
5. Don't limit the universities’ autonomy!
+1: The sweeping reform should provide a chance for students from low-income families to receive higher education.
Student protesters marching down the Petőfi Bridge over the Danube River in Budapest. Photo by David Ferenczy, copyright © Demotix (10/12/2012).
On Monday, the protesters blocked a bridge over the Danube River, then marched to the Parliament, where the “five-plus-one points” were announced, and then they finished the rally by blocking another bridge. According to Eduline [hu], the rally in Budapest started at around 3PM and ended at around 8:30PM at Adam Clark Square.
Kettős Mérce blog summarized the outcome of the Monday protests in a post titled “The future has started” [hu]. They pointed out that the rally wasn't only a sign of a strong democratic attitude present among the young citizens, but the “five-plus-one points” symbolized solidarity with the poor:
[…] The victory of yesterday wasn't only the thing that will be printed on every daily's front page, but two other things as well. Yesterday's protest came off in the democracy running at its fullest; always choosing the most democratic solutions, even if the organizers didn't want exactly the [same] thing that happened. Because the organizers wanted to occupy a university. But the majority of the people wanted [to occupy] a bridge. And the majority of the organizers argued in vain; democracy made the decision after a debate, after arguments, and was not led by the words of one person, but followed the decision of the really autonomous people who weren't influenced by anything.
But the victory of yesterday, in addition to this, was when the extra point came up next to HaHa's five points that had been drafted in advance. Someone came up with the idea that students shouldn't only talk about themselves, but also about the whole society. About social mobility, that if someone is poor, he/she isn't worth the same, that the education system today, yesterday and ten years ago has been confined and is becoming more and more confined, favoring the people who live in better conditions. Yesterday, this point was up against the point that said that competition was to be the basic principle of public education. And this young crowd articulated its opinion and unanimously agreed on social solidarity, and unanimously said that competition should not be the first standpoint in obtaining knowledge. […]
The strange position that the official student unions had taken was demonstrated by the reaction of the president of Szeged University's student union, Márk Török, who tried to convince the students gathering to join the sit-in that their act was illegal. HaHa reported this on their Facebook page and demanded [hu] real representation of the students’ interests. To help the young citizens, the Hungarian Helsinki Committee posted on their blog the FAQ [hu] on the right of assembly.
On Tuesday, high school students also started to organize themselves, starting Facebook pages [hu] and protesting. HaHa reported that high school students went to the streets in the south-western Hungarian city of Pécs and in the south-eastern city of Békéscsaba as well. HaHa promised to continue to protest on Facebook [hu] in response to the press release of the Ministry of Human Resources:
[…] According to the government, what they are doing now is an “investment in the future.” No. What they are doing now is an infallible investment in a disastrous future. They are building a country where only the wealthiest children can receive higher education, a country from which the talented youth are escaping en masse, where the proportion of those holding a diploma is a snippet compared to that in the developed countries, and where there will never be a boom.
We admonish the government to stop lying and to start conceiving that what they are doing to the education, they are doing it not only against themselves but against the homeland as well. We won't allow them to take away our future!

author: Marietta Le


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A Timeline of 50 Years of Conflict in the D.R. of Congo · Global Voices
Anna Gueye

The current conflict between the M23 rebels and the Congolese army cannot be completely understood without recollecting the history of the genesis of conflicts in this region of great lakes. Here is a detailed chronology of the last 50 years of confrontations in this region.
On Congo Forum, Jacques Mbokani wrote [fr]:
Depuis son accession à l’indépendance la R.D.C. a toujours été en proie à des conflits de tous ordres. … L’exposé consiste essentiellement à identifier les causes des conflits en RDC. … Les causes des conflits en R.D.C. peuvent être regroupées en deux catégories majeures. … les causes externes … et d’autre part, les causes internes.
The Congo was declared independent on June 30, 1963, and renamed Congo-Leopoldville. Power was shared between the head of state Joseph Kasa-Vubu and the Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba. On November 25, 1965, supported by governments of Belgium and the United States, General Joseph Desire Mobutu deposed President Kasa-Vubu, removing him from power and naming himself president of the Democratic Republic of Congo. He would remain in power for 30 years. The country was renamed Zaire between 1971 and 1997.
This video covers the history of the assassination of Patrice Lumumba [fr]:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cOYQjegItnM
Another video tells of the coming to power of Mobutu, King of Zaïre, Conquest of Power [fr]:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tiz7egpUzUg
Important economic issues at stake
Jacques Mbokani continued [fr]:
Dans le film intitulé : « Blood Diamond » (le diamant du sang) un vieil homme soupirait en ces termes : « j’espère qu’ils ne vont pas trouver du pétrole… alors nous serons réellement en danger… ». Les propos de ce vieil homme, révèlent en réalité la question des ressources naturelles comme sources des conflits.
On the website Maps of the DRC [fr], we learn that :
Qualifié de scandale géologique, le sous-sol de la RD du Congo regorge de plusieurs minerais et d'énormes réserves énergétiques. Les ressources minières les plus connues sont celles des groupes de l'Etain, du Nobium et du Cuivre, auxquels on peut ajouter le manganèse, l'or et le diamant. Concernant les richesses énergétiques, on peut citer le pétrole off-shore de l'Atlantique et d'importants gisements du nord-est, lesquels aiguisent déjà, beaucoup d'appétits de tous les milieux mafieux aussi bien congolais qu'internationaux, au mépris des populations locales. De même, l'uranium dans le sud-est pays, ainsi que le gaz méthane du lac Kivu, font partie des ressources énergétiques dont le pays ne semble pas maitriser la gestion présente ou future. Ce manque d'autorité et de contrôle de ses propres richesses, se traduit par un trafic sans précédent à l'EST du pays, opéré par des bandes armées avec, malheureusement souvent, la complicité des congolais eux-mêmes au détriment de leur propre pays.
The causes of the internal conflicts within the DRC date from the dictatorship of Joseph-Désiré Mobutu, who remained in power until 1997:
La raison du plus fort était la meilleure, … médiocrité de la classe politique, … l’effondrement et le manque d’indépendance de l’appareil judiciaire …inexistence des services publics tant administratifs que sociaux. … Le recrutement des militaires que ce soit par le processus normal ou dans le cadre du brassage ou mixage, ce recrutement se fait sans tenir compte de la citoyenneté, de l’âge, de la moralité ou du passé judiciaire
The following video shows the hold that Mobutu had over the DRC during this period: Mobutu, King of Zaïre 2, Master of the Game [fr]:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZMElq6Pj580
Website Konexinfo [fr] traced how several countries found themselves implicated in this conflict:
La situation actuelle en RDC, dans la région du Kivu, découle de plusieurs conflits qui ont eu lieu depuis une vingtaine d’années dans la région des grands lacs africains. Ces multiples conflits sont liés les uns aux autres. De nouveaux seigneurs de la guerre prennent la relève de ceux qui accèdent au pouvoir.
Seven countries at war on Congolese soil
Meeting between Kabila, Bush, Kagame and Annan at NYC in 2002 by Eric Draper – public domain
The Ugandan Yoweri Museveni recruited and organised an army of 6,000 men at the frontiers of Tanzania, Rwanda and Uganda and overthrew the elected president of his country, Milton Obote in 1986.
In Rwanda between 1990 and 1993 the FPR with Paul Kagamé at its head fought against the regime of the sole party of the president, Juvénal Habyarimana.
In 1994, the genocide in Rwanda, which has a common border with the DRC, forced around 2 million people to migrate to Eastern DRC.
From Zaire to the Democratic Republic of the Congo [fr] and to the current chaos, website la documentation francaise gave a detailed chronology [fr] of events in the DRC:
In 1996, in South Kivu, the Banyamulenge rebellion started, involving Congolese Tutsi of Rwandan origin (who had migrated to the region from 1959 to flee the violence in Rwanda), with the military support of Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi. With others opposing the president of Zaire, Marshall Mobutu, they regrouped as the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Zaire, ADFL, led by Laurent Desire Kabila.
After 30 years of power, President Mobutu left in exile before the rebels’ victory. Laurent Desire Kabila named himself president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the new name for Zaire. The rebels took control of capital Kinshasa on May 17, 1997.
Dismantling the camps of Rwandan refugees infiltrated by former Rwandan armed forces and extremist Hutu militia – the Interahamwe – responsible for the genocide of 1994 in Rwanda.
Kabila then broke his alliances with Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi.
In 1998, a new Tutsi rebellion, among the Banyamulenge broke out in Kivu against Kabila’s government troops, supported by his ex-allies Rwanda and Uganda. A new political-military coalition was formed – the Congolese Assembly for Democracy (RCD) – led by Ernest Wamba dia Wamba.
Seven countries at war on Congolese soil, with Congolese rebels supported by Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi….capturing Kisangani, capital of the Eastern province and the country’s third city. They would be stopped in their advance towards Kinshasa by the intervention of troops from Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe.
This resulted in the partitioning of the country, with North and South Kivu falling under the control of the RDC and the West remaining under the control of Kabila and his allies Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe.
Also in 1998, another rebellion, this one led by Jean-Pierre Bemba, in the province of Equator, the Movement for the Liberation of the Congo (MLC), took control of the region. With the support of Uganda, they took the city of Kindu and the mining regions of Kasai and Katanga.
On May 17, 1999, Wamba’s RCD split into two movements: RCD-Goma, led by Emile Ilunga Kalambo and supported by Rwanda, and RCD-Kisangani, which remained under Wamba’s control, and was supported by Uganda. Uganda were also still supporting Bemba’s MLC.
Kabila’s government no longer controlled the western half of the country.
The Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement (Zambia), signed in July 1999, changed nothing with respect to the massacres. The Rwandan army occupied one part of the Eastern province, North and South Kivu as well as North Katanga. The Ugandan army controlled the north parts of Equator and Eastern provinces. Despite the agreements, fighting and massacres continued. Both countries disputed control of the city of Kisangani, global hub of the diamond market, leading to the death of two hundred citizens.
In 2001, following the assassination of President Laurent Desire Kabila, his son Joseph Kabila was named head of state, on January 17.
Countries directly or indirectly involved in Congolese Conflicts by Jaro7788 – Public Domain
Since then, United Nations resolutions and peace agreements between aggressors and attempts at democracy have periodically punctuated the repeated massacres and rapes as a weapon of war. The cyclical conflicts have allowed foreign powers and companies to access the precious minerals [fr] so vital to mobile phones worldwide.
Jacques Mbokani concluded [fr]:
En résumé, la cause centrale réside dans la faillite de l’Etat congolais qu’il faut reconstruire. C’est parce que l’Etat n’existe plus que les Etats voisins pillent, violent et font ce qu’ils font. C’est parce que l’Etat n’existe plus qu’il y a la prolifération des seigneurs de guerre et la prolifération des armes légères.

author: Anna Gueye


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Brazilian Journalist Assaulted by Police while Covering Demonstration · Global Voices
Sara Moreira

Photo by Edilson Lima on Facebook (2,156 shares).
Brazilian journalist Mariana Alvanesi (@morrodovidigal) was assaulted by the police while covering a demonstration by dwellers of the Vidigal neighborhood in Rio de Janeiro, on December 13, 2012. The dwellers were trying to impede the demolition of a sports court. Dulcilene Guiri recorded the moment in video.


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Ecuador Gets Ready for the 2013 Elections · Global Voices
Gina Yauri

On February 17, 2013, the Ecuadorian people will choose a new president and vice-president, 137 representatives for the National Assembly, and 5 representatives for the Andean Parliament. In the days leading up to this Ecuadorian civic process, political parties and movements are developing campaign plans and programs to entice voters with the benefits of their political positions.
However, many Twitter users still don't know who to vote for, as Josué Peña (@JosueRafaelPA) [es] expresses:
@JosueRafaelPA: Y ya saben por quién votar para presidente? Yo aún NULO se, veremos después #EleccionesEc
@JosueRafaelPA: Does everybody know who to vote for, for president? I still DON’T know, we'll see later
The presidential candidates
There are eight presidential candidates in Ecuador, registered and approved by the National Electoral Council. [es]
Among these eight are the current president, Rafael Correa of the PAIS Alliance Party, the former president (Jan. 15, 2003 – Apr. 20, 2005) Lucio Gutiérrez of the Patriotic Society Party, the economist and political leftist Alberto Acosta [es] of the Plurinational Unity of the Left, and the businessmen Guillermo Lasso of the Movement for Creating Opportunities (CREO) [es] and Álvaro Noboa of the Institutional Renewal Party of National Action (PRIAN). Also aspiring to the presidential post are the evangelical pastor Nelson Zavala of the Ecuadorian Roldosist Party (PRE), Mauricio Rodas of the United Society Movement for More Action (SUMA) [es], and Norman Wray of the progressive movement Ruptura 25.[es]
Reactions online
Carlos Correa, author of the blog Bitácora de calú [es], shares the post “#EleccionesEC Perfil del candidato, propuesta y capacidad de ejecutarla” [es] (“Profile of the candidate, proposals and ability to carry them out”) in which he notes three basic reflections for choosing a good candidate for the country. According to Carlos, the first parameter is to know the candidate's profile:
Perfil del candidato. Quitándose los prejuicios de que sea conocido o desconocido, lo primero es informarse sobre su perfil: estudios, trayectoria personal y profesional, línea de pensamiento, su conjunto de valores y principios, referencias de terceros, identidad digital (web), logros concretos obtenidos, grupo aliado que promociona su candidatura, etc. Pero repito: hay que quitarse los prejuicios de que te sea conocido o que te resulte un perfecto desconocido.
The candidate's profile. Leaving side the bias of whether you know him or not, the first thing is to learn about his biography: studies, personal and professional trajectory, line of thought, set of values and principles, references from third parties, digital identity (web), specific achievements, allied groups that promote his candidacy, etc. But I repeat: You must forget your biases about whether you know him or whether he's a perfect stranger.
Then he suggests that the public needs to learn about the work plan, the promises and proposals the candidates offer:
Propuesta de trabajo. Su propuesta, que no se escude en la de su partido o movimiento, que se la pueda encontrar fácilmente en la web y que además permita discutir en línea ya sea a través de comentarios, wikis, etc. Obviamente incluye leer la propuesta, contrastarla, leer entre líneas, comentarla y discutirla.
Work proposal. His proposal must not be hidden behind his party or movement. It must be easily found on the web and must also allow for discussion online, through comments, wikis, etc. Of course, this includes reading the proposals, contrasting, reading between the lines, commenting and discussing.
The third and final parameter Carlos suggests is to reflect and think about the management ability of the candidates to implement their electoral propositions:
Capacidad de ejecutar esa propuesta. Que no se quede en el papel, que no haya duda de su tenacidad de ser un ejecutor cuando gane las elecciones, donde su verdadero liderazgo para lograr equipo quede de manifiesto en resultados.
The ability to carry out their propositions. That it's not just going to be on paper, that there's no doubt he will have the tenacity to be an implementer when he wins the election, where his true leadership to achieve results will be clearly seen.
Other bloggers have concentrated their analyses on specific issues the candidates have talked about. In the blog Realidad Ecuador [es], for example, Juan Pablo Martínez [es] and Héctor Yépez Martínez  [es] wrote two posts about the debate between the presidential candidates [es] regarding the Human Development Bonus [es], a government subsidy which has been amended several times since its implementation in 1998.
On YouTube, ExpresoTV shares the video “What do the universities want from the government?” [es]
Los universitarios piden al nuevo Gobierno de Ecuador; seguridad, salud, mejor educación, trabajo, más tecnología y mejor infraestructura en las universidades.
University students ask the new leader of Ecuador for: security, health, better education, work, more technology and better infrastructure for the universities.
On the other hand, in the entry El Ecuador que soñamos [es] (“The Ecuador We Dream About”), the Quechua blogger and activist Raúl Amaguaña [es] criticizes the Ecuadorian elections:
En tiempo de elecciones, ofrecimientos vienen y ofrecimientos van. Las ofertas de campaña de los candidatos, intrascendentes y simples, juegan con las  aspiraciones de los más humildes y se moldean de acuerdo al grado de educación de sus electores. Subir el bono de la pobreza, mantener el bono fachoso del gas y otros tantos, tuercen a la democracia ecuatoriana a una especie [de] bonocracia. Siempre ha sido fácil comprar los votos por licor o por unas cuantas monedas. ¿Y el país qué? […] En este camino, mentirán, vomitarán vejámenes sin importar que sean sus propios hermanos. Este es el Ecuador real de carne y hueso, pequeño e ilusorio.
During elections, offers come and go. Campaign promises by candidates, inconsequential and simple, play with the aspirations of the most humble and they are formed depending on the degree of education of their constituents. Raise the poverty bonus, keep the crappy gas bonus and many others, twist the Ecuadorian democracy into a kind of ‘bonusocracy’. It's always been easy to buy votes with liquor and a few coins. And what of the country? […] This way, they lie, they vomit humiliations without taking into account these are their own brothers. This is the real Ecuador of flesh and blood, small and illusory.
Raul ends by sharing his wish to have a free, democratic and thriving country for all its people:
El Ecuador que soñamos es un país de diversidades fraternas, un país de instituciones sólidas y efectivas, un país democrático y libre. Soñamos un país donde las funciones del Estado sean independientes y profesionales, un Ecuador en donde la función judicial no tenga ataduras de ningún tipo, un país en donde se respete la libertad de opinión venga de donde venga. Un país donde el gobernante gobierne para todos los sectores, para todas las culturas, sin pesadez ni condiciones.
The Ecuador we dream of is a country of diverse fraternities, a country of strong and effective institutions, a free and democratic country. We dream of a country where state functions are independent and professional, an Ecuador where the judiciary has no ties of any kind, a country where freedom of speech is respected wherever it comes from. A country where the government governs for everybody, across cultures, without heaviness or conditions.
Follow more reports and reactions under the hashtag #EleccionesEc [es] en Twitter.
You can also join the Facebook page Elector Ecuador [es], a citizen initiative that informs voters about the candidates for 2013. Elector Ecuador is also on Twitter (@ElectorEcuador).

author: Gina Yauri


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Football Players Protest Against the European Under-21 Championship Being Held in Israel · Global Voices
Abdoulaye Bah

Pambazuka.org published a letter [fr] from players addressed to the president of FIFA, Joseph S. Blatter :
Some sixty professional footballers, for the most part African, wrote a letter to UEFA in protest at the decision to entrust Israel with the organisation of the European Under-21 Football Championship (June 5-18, 2013). In doing so, they argue, European football is turning a blind eye to the recent Israeli offensive on the Gaza Strip.

author: Abdoulaye Bah


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Hashtag Criticising Mass Media Trending in Tokyo · Global Voices
Keiko Tanaka

Former Sankei Newspaper journalist Sumio Yamagiwa, organized an online campaign to tweet #マスコミ断罪 [ja], a hashtag criticising Japanese mass media for its biased reporting. The hashtag was a trending topic amongst Japanese twitter users, roughly around 9 PM to 11 PM on December 12, 2012
Some of the tweets accused the mass media of inventing Korean “comfort women“, and some included xenophobic hate speech calling the mass media unpatriotic because they are pushing Korean programs. A curated list of tweets are available in Japanese here.
Screenshot taken from twipple, twitter analytic service showing hashtag #マスコミ断罪 [convict mass media] trending

author: Keiko Tanaka


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Inappropriate Analogy for Greece-Macedonia Name Dispute · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

Responding to an assertion by Gerald Knaus…
Athens and Skopje face a [prisoner's dilemma]: if neither side believes that a solution is possible, and acts on this, both will lose.
…Zarko Trajanoski wrote on Facebook:
However, the analogy with “prisoner's dilemma” is not only false, but very offensive: Athens is not a prisoner, but a prison guard and perhaps a political torturer in this case. And the outcome of this political torture, aided by Sofia as well, is the rise of the Macedonian ethno-nationalism and the decline of the liberalism, democracy and human rights.
He later provided an elaborate explanation in a blog post [mk].


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Indonesia Tops List in Cyber Threats · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

An Indonesian user has nearly a one-in-four chance of encountering an attempt to infect their machine each quarter. Much of the threat is due to widespread Trojan horses, software applications infected with malware
The eWeek magazine has published the 2013 report of Sophos on global security cyber threats. Indonesia is reported to be the riskiest nation in the world in accessing the web.

author: Mong Palatino


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Measuring Corruption in East Timor · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Great news: Timor-Leste reduced corruption more than every other country in the world! But is it true? We  have a rapidly growing state budget, a minister facing prison, reports about corruption in the media every day and falling scores from other rating agencies.
La'o Hamutuk reviews the corruption indicators given to East Timor in the latest report of Transparency International


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Most Corrupt Country Award Goes to Afghanistan · Global Voices
Omid Bidar

Afghanistan is considered the world's most corrupt country, ranking roughly on par with North Korea and Somalia in an annual survey of 176 nations published on December 5 by Transparency International (TI). TI is a Berlin-based global corruption watchdog that compiles annual corruption rankings. In the last year's survey, Afghanistan was slightly above North Korea and Somalia, tying with Myanmar in 180th place.
“Most Corrupt Country Cup”
Afghan civil society groups used the opportunity provided by the release of the survey to organize anti-corruption rallies. Such rallies were held in eights out of the country's 34 provinces. The goal of the events was to “[promote] national unity, eliminate corruption, and bring peace and stability to the country”.
On December 8, civil society activists in Bamyan (aka Bamiyan) province awarded [fa] an effigy of Afghan President Hamid Karzai with the ‘Most Corrupt Country Cup’.
An effigy of Afghan President, Hamid Karzai, with the ‘Most Corrupt Country Cup’ in Bamyan. Image provided by Mahdy Mehareen.
An elderly laborer from hands the cup to Karzai's effigy. Image provided by Mahdy Mehareen.
Dawood Wasl, one of the organizers of the event, said [fa] in a BBC interview [fa]:
شما شاهد این واقعیت تلخ هستید که در۲۰۰ متری من، مردمی هستند که درقرن ۲۱ درمغاره هایی زندگی می کنند که ۲۰۰۰ سال قبل ساخته شده اند و وزیران کابینه سفرهای میلیون دلاری می‌کنند و خرج یک شب شان برابر با اعمار سرپناه برای مغاره نشینان می شود
You see a harsh reality that within 200 yards [of me], some people live in caves dug 2,000 years ago, while Cabinet Ministers travel abroad on trips that cost millions of dollars. One night of their stay [in luxurious foreign hotels] costs as much as it would cost to provide shelter for those who still live in caves.
Corruption has been among the main challenges faced by Afghanistan over the last decade, hitting the poor segment of the population the hardest, according to the country's anti-corruption authorities.
Foreign countries have provided Afghanistan with billions of dollars in aid. Yet many Afghans believe [fa, pdf] that most of the aid money ends up in the pockets of high-ranking government officials. Chairperson of Transparency International has suggested that “As much as $1 billion of the $8 billion donated [to Afghanistan] in the past eight years has been lost to corruption”.
A banner hanging from “The Lantern”, a symbolic sign indicating that the residents of Bamyan province still do not have electricity. Image provided by Mahdy Mehareen.
Netizens’ reactions
Afghanistan's place in the global corruption rankings has also angered the country's netizens.
Humayoun Behzad tweeted:
@behzadjee: 2012 Corruption Perceptions Index — Bravo Afghanistan you score highest!!
Kawoon Khamosh wrote:
@kwnmk: Upset: Afghanistan is the darkest country in corruption among 174 countries :(
And Rohullah Yakobi tweeted:
@kohandeh: It is official, Afghanistan is the most corrupted nation on earth. Well done to Mr Kazai & all who supported him
Daily Outlook Afghanistan explained why corruption persists:
[C]orruption has cracked Afghanistan from within. This is because there has been no consistent effort to curb it in the last eleven years. Those who are involved in embezzlement of billions of dollars roam freely inside and outside Afghanistan as their affiliation with certain strong political figures turns out to be heavier than Afghan laws.
While the Afghanistan National Reconciliation group on Facebook proposed a radical solution to corruption:
No doubt Afghanistan falls in that [bottom] category, but what can be done to clean Afghanistan from corruption? The answer is; Afghanistan should have a non-corrupt leader who can hang a couple of corrupt individuals and that will be the end of corruption in Afghanistan.
Effigy of Afghan president, with pictures alleging corruption on his behalf. Image provided by Mahdy Mehareen.
Editor's note: Besides Mongolia which ties with seven other countries in 94th place, all other countries in Central Asia are among the 50 most corrupt nations in the latest TI rankings. Kazakhstan is 133rd in the list of 176 countries, sharing the place with Russia and four other nations. Kyrgyzstan ties with Guinea in 154th place. Tajikistan is 157th, together with another two countries. Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan tie in the 170th place, just slightly above Afghanistan.

author: Omid Bidar


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#Nimeregister Campaign to Promote Voter Registration in Kenya  · Global Voices
Ndesanjo Macha

Kenya's general elections will be held on March 4, 2013 under the new constitution, which was passed during the 2010 national referendum.
According to Kenya's Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission, as of Monday December 9, 2012 only 8.6 million people had registered, out of 18 million eligible voters. The deadline for voter registration is 18 December, 2012.
@Cleobor showing his voter registration card on Twitter. Photo courtesy of @Cleobor.
As the deadline approaches, Kenyans on Twitter are using the #nimeregister hashtag to encourage each other to vote and share voter registration information, experiences and photos. Nimeregister is a combination of Swahili and English (Sheng) which means “I have registered.”
#Nimeregister and proud:
@samdemic: I am a registered voter of Nakuru East constituency. #Nimeregister
@BeateWN: #Nimeregister two weeks ago,waiting kutoa #mavulture on #March4 [waiting to remove the vultures (corrupt politicians)]
@shikohtwit: “@MikeMachariaSST: I am now a registered voter . Process was quick and efficient . pic.twitter.com/iWAi2P0H” #nimeregister
@Kamaley: In record 5 mins, i am a Registered Voter. March 2013 needs to come soon.#nimeregister.
#Nimeregister advice:
@kenyanpundit: Good to see the #nimeregister hashtag picking up – registered to vote? Share your picture and tag it #nimeregister
@kenyanpundit: Registered as a voter? Get your #nimeregister badge here: http://www.picswitch.com/s/gzwgj
@OleMartinezM: RT @waithash: If you don't register this time round, you lose any right to complain about poor leadership #KOT #nimeregister
@kenyanpundit: RT @zestex: Find a polling station near you at http://vote.iebc.or.ke/ then register. Be the change you want #Nimeregister
@NiKuvuka: @shecyclesnbi The card you got is the confirmation slip. Take a pic of yourself with it and post it #nimeregister
@mwasjd: “@Chiefkariuki: Please let us all register as voters. it is the only way to participate in the elections.” #Nimeregister
@NiKuvuka: Have you registered?? Take a photo of yourself holding your voter registration confirmation slip and upload it to our page! #nimeregister
@J_Njeri: Dear Kenyans, remember to give your employees time off so that they can register as voters! Their voice counts too! #Nimeregister
Responsible citizenship:
@dimoz: Am a true kenyan #nimeregister @bellelinde @nyachio_b @makodingo @fokango @ClanSewe http://via.me/-7pguk3o
@waithash: The Voter's card is the best weapon you can use to bring the change that you've so desired for your country. #KOT #nimeregister
@Alan_Wachira: Its My Duty,My Responsibility #NimeRegister pic.twitter.com/vnRfcnUC
@cmukabana: #nimeregister kura yangu sauti yangu [my vote, my voice]
Registration is simple:
@brendawambui: I have to give it up to the IEBC [Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission]. The whole registration process was less than 2 minutes! :) #nimeregister #gottovote
@abuokari: Am registered.Kilimani Primary.less than 3 mins. #NimeRegister
@njorogekui: “@kenyanpundit: Well done! RT @njorogekui: So registration took me less than a minute. #nimeregister” there we go!! pic.twitter.com/23b35DIG
Finally, David Wanjiru adds:
@DavidWanjiru: Between now and Dec 18, the most important thing to do is register, get others to. Me #nimeregister. Baadaye tuanalyse mavu? [We will analyze the vultures (corrupt policians) later]

author: Ndesanjo Macha


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North Korea’s Missile Launch Depicted by Cats · Global Voices
Rayna St.

The cheeky Tumblr blog International Relations as Depicted by Cats suggests North Korea's reaction to their own missile launch.
WTF it worked? North Korea's Nuclear Launch. Image from IRCats

author: Rayna St.


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Plástica Magazine Shines Spotlight on Independent Spanish-Language Music · Global Voices
Elena Arrontes

Plástica [es], currently edited by Eduardo Lindes Burnao [es] and Ricardo Cavolo [es] is an international journal specializing in the independent Spanish-language music scene. More than just a magazine, Plástica is a project that focuses on high quality, creative music that is capable of competing with the dominant English-language culture. In addition to promoting new alternative artists, it organizes musical events and produces Latin musicians. It was established in Madrid in 2009 and focuses on countries in which there may be undiscovered Hispanic talent, like in Latin America, the United States and Europe.
Only a digital version of the magazine currently exists, which has more than 5,000 followers on Facebook and over 11,000 on Twitter, the two most popular social networks. Lindes and Cavolo's goal is to expand its readership beyond a digital audience, so they will launch the first paper edition of the magazine [es] in 2013. This surprising decision goes against the tide at a time when the general media trend is to question the need for a printed edition and maintain a publication online.
More details on the magazine's new approach are discussed in the video below [es]:
This new challenge will strengthen the magazine and improve its quality, but it cannot succeed without the help of its followers. Thus, the Plástica team opted for an increasingly popular option: crowdfunding (collective or mass financing using the Internet). Using the site My Major Company as a platform and having launched an advocacy campaign, Plástica has started to raise the public funds it needs to meet its goals and expand in the market. Donations, which can be 10, 25 or 50 euros, both support the project and guarantee that readers will receive the magazine at home no matter where they live.
It is not the first time that crowdfunding has been used to promote emerging musicians while avoiding the major producers and marketing of the music industry. One example is Madrid-based band La Malarazza [es], which released a self-produced album in 2009 under a Creative Commons license and a second album financed with crowdfunding, which has the advantage of allowing a musician to raise money in advance of release, hopefully avoiding the debt sustained by artists with few resources.
Below is an excerpt from an interview with members of La Malarazza that was published on the blog Vivir Entre Música [es] and describes the situation that independent musicians find themselves in:
- ¿Cómo veis el mundo de la música?
Quizás yo creo que el momento en el que hemos salido, es un momento en que es muy difícil que los grupos salgan. Hay otro grupo que es muy bueno y te recomiendo que es Alpargata que empezaron a la vez que nosotros y no han conseguido entrar en el circuito porque está completamente para abajo. No están fichando grupos nuevos y la industria musical en estos años se ha venido para abajo. No está apostando por nueva música más que por cosas muy explosivas. En general, si lo piensas, grupos así de música mestiza de los últimos años hay muy pocos. Por ejemplo, están Canteca de Macao que se hicieron famosos unos años antes que empezáramos nosotros.
Aparte, yo creo que hay que tener suerte. Nosotros tenemos un público muy de barrio. Nos conocen en círculos muy reducidos aquí en Madrid y en algún sitio más, un poco en Bilbao; muy limitado.
- Pero, ¿siguen quedando oportunidades? ¿Hay esperanza?
¿Esperanza para qué? Para tocar sí, es decir, para ganar dinero es para lo que está muy difícil. La gente que vive de esto ahora mismo normalmente es gente que toca en varios grupos a la vez, que además da clases, etc. Pero hay muy poca gente viviendo sólo de sus canciones.
- How do you see the music world?
I think maybe the place we've just emerged from is a very difficult spot for musicians to get past. There is another great group that I recommend which is Alpargata [es], and they started at the same time that we did and they haven't been able to enter the scene because it's all gone downhill. They aren't signing new groups and the music industry at this time has gone downhill. They're not betting on new music except for really bombastic stuff. In general, if you think about it, there have been very few mixed genre groups in the last few years. For example, there's Canteca de Macao [es], who got famous a few years before we started out.
Besides, I think you have to be lucky. We have an audience from the neighborhood. We're known in smaller circles here in Madrid and elsewhere, a bit in Bilbao; very local.
- But are there still opportunities? Is there hope?
Hope for what? To play music, yes, that is, making money is what's difficult. People making a living doing this right now are usually musicians who play in several bands, who teach classes, etc. But there are very few people making a living on their songs alone.
Plástica is a global project, but there are other similar local initiatives, like Frecuencia Urbana [es] a space created to give visibility to Madrid-based alternative and emerging musicians.
The Internet is the ideal space to host these kinds of projects, far from the mainstream media circuit and dominant cultural industries, to lend a hand to young artists and new talent. Once a cultural medium is established on the web, one can always increase its quality and put out new editions, as Plástica has decided to do next year. With the spread of channels of alternative cultural information, those musicians that have been most overlooked by the market can increase their presence as well.
* Photo taken from video [es].

author: Elena Arrontes