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Kenyan Blogger and Photographer Goes Missing · Global Voices
Ndesanjo Macha

Kenyan blogger and street photographer Msingi Sasis. Photo from his Twitter account.
Kenyan blogger and street photographer Msingi Sasis has gone missing. Msingi was arrested last year while taking photos of Galleria Mall in Nairobi at night. He held at a police station in Nairobi on “suspicion of terrorism” and then released with no charges or further challenges.
Several media outlets reported on his arrest. Despite the fact that he was simply taking photographs, an activity that sometimes triggers police harassment, Msingi was then left with a reputation of being a “terror suspect”.
Before disappearing, he wrote on his Facebook page on May 6 about how his arrest and ‘terrorism suspect’ label have destroyed his career and livelihood:
Ever since I was arrested as a ‘terrorism suspect’ one year ago my life has been shut down and I have become practically jobless.
It has become near impossible for me sell any art or get any meaningful work as almost no one, both individuals and organisations, are willing to do a financial transaction or even be involved with a ‘terror suspect’.
A ‘terror suspect’ is what my life has been in the past one year. Being a ‘terror suspect’ means I have not been able earn a living at all. Not being able to earn a living has ment I that I have fallen into and have been accumulating multiple debts.
I have suffered this silently and alone, until this point. I have to tell everyone who found any insight and inspiration in my work goodbye.
This week auctioneers siezed [sic] everything in my studio. Every valuable thing they placed their hands on. All my cameras, computers, printers, other equipment, and anything that can quickly be sold including hard drives that had every work I have ever created. It's all gone.
I have also defaulted on my rent for many months now and have been issued with an eviction notice which has already expired. What ever was left by the auctioneers in the form of clothing, furniture, and other personal items will be detained by the owner of the property and their agent to recover defaulted rent.
In the next few hours I will be homeless.
I am also shutting down Nairobi Noir. Now to find a place where I can sleep on these street I have come to know. Hope for me that somewhere along the way I will get on my feet again. This is the life of an artist as a ‘terrorism suspect’.
People following his case have taken to Twitter and Facebook to offer help. Colleague Janice Kihanya commented:
am sooo sorry.People,I know Msingi personally and his work is breathtaking.He has been published here and abroad.He lives in the same estate as I and technically me n him are in the same business and he is kind with his knowledge.Please,if there is someone that can help him please do.He was arrested a while back for taking pictures in public and his cameras confiscated.
Mohamed Haji linked Msingi's experience to the ‘war on terror’:
Sadness never ceases in our country. This is where the foreign war called war on terror has taken us.
Artist Ralf Rafee empathized with his situation:
Another bright mind & talented artist being silenced. Being myself under fire and extreme pressure for my own work, I can fully adhere to what he is saying. At this rate, where Kenya is going, I am close to a similar ordeal myself. Msingi Sasis, whereever you are now, I hope you will survive this!
Boniface Mwangi, a Kenyan photographer, tweeted that Msingi had gone missing:
Family,friends and colleagues of @MsingiSasis are looking for him.He went silent after this post. Msingi get intouch pic.twitter.com/EDnUZ4Eo9W
— Boniface Mwangi (@bonifacemwangi) May 10, 2016
Archer Mishale asked what could be done to help:
Really sad story of Msingi Sasis, the photographer behind @NairobiNoir. What can be done to help a brother? pic.twitter.com/IWLBkvls3e
— Yuri B. (@ArcherMishale) May 9, 2016
Upon reading Msingi's post, Rand Pearson, editor of UP Nairobi online magazine and a colleague of Msingi's, wrote:
The undeserved harassment, defamation of his name, and resulting loss of livelihood was bound to take its emotional and physiological toll. Msingi had mentioned to people close to him that he was depressed and borderline suicidal, which makes his disappearance even more alarming.
But there is something else that Msingi’s disappearance represents, and it is not a commentary on the corrupt wheels of justice or his Facebook post; it is the very attitude we hold for art, beauty and the people who create it.
It’s easy to conclude through my experience and observations in running UP Magazine, that Kenya can at times be ‘no country for artists’. They do so at their own risk, own reward, or their own peril.


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Russians Aren’t Happy About Losing Eurovision, But They Weren’t Happy Before, Either · Global Voices
Sasha Shapiro

Image shared widely online featuring the “Putin Rides” meme mixed with Sergey Lazarev's performance.
Russia's narrow defeat this weekend in the 2016 Eurovision music contest wasn't the only tension in a competition full of lights, pyrotechnics, and nationalism. Even before the Ukrainian artist Jamala won with a song titled “1944” about the deportation of Crimean Tatars under Josef Stalin, Russia's own representative, pop musician Sergey Lazarev, was at the center of a separate scandal for sharing unpopular views about Russia's annexation of Crimea.
After placing third in the final scoring, Lazarev was treated largely as a national hero scorned by what many Russians saw as a politicized vote. Before Lazarev was the victim of “Russophobia” or any “pro-Ukrainian plot,” however, the decision to make him Russia's Eurovision contestant faced criticism because of remarks he made in 2014 questioning Russian sovereignty over Crimea.
Two years ago, in an interview with the Ukrainian channel 1+1, Lazarev said he does not consider Crimea to be a part of Russia.
“I’m not part of this ‘Crimea-Is-Ours’ euphoria,” Lazarev said. “Maybe after this, my Russian fans will start throwing tomatoes at me, but for me, traveling to Crimea is traveling to Ukraine. That’s why when people put on concerts ‘Crimea-Is-Ours’…no, I’m not going to take part in this.”
Self-described Russian patriots online and in public have condemned Lazarev's comments on Crimea. Dmitry Smirnov, a reporter with the Kremlin press corps from the government-friendly newspaper Komsomolskaya Pravda, threatened to boycott the contest:
Сергей Лазарев: «Для меня Крым – это Украина. Крым наш – я все это не поддерживаю»
Пропущу Евровидение в этом годуhttps://t.co/GUGBeCosfE
— Дмитрий Смирнов (@dimsmirnov175) May 12, 2016
Sergei Lazarev: “For me, Crimea is Ukraine. ‘Crimea Is Ours’—I don't support all that.” I'll be skipping Eurovision this year.
Smirnov's impatience for questioning Russia's presence in Crimea found a receptive audience among his 26,000 followers. One of his readers even implied that Eurovision's organizers might be sabotaging Russia's participation by selecting representatives like Lazarev.
@dimsmirnov175 У нас традиция всякую нечисть на Евровидение посылать? Или организаторы показывают свое отношение к России?
— Константин (@restwisdom) May 12, 2016
Is it like our tradition to send all the worst crap to Eurovision? Or are the organizers just showing us how they feel about Russia?
Later, Lazarev walked back his remarks about Crimea, saying the Ukrainian television station edited the interview to make it seem as though he supported Kyiv over Moscow. In an interview with the pro-Kremlin news network Lifenews, he stressed that he didn't wish to be a part of any political “campaign,” saying he was simply too young to remember when Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev transferred Crimea to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1954. “So for me,” Lazarev said equivocally, “it is difficult and unusual to travel year after year to Crimea, to Ukraine, and then suddenly…it becomes Russia. “I know many people are glad that Crimea has been returned to Russia,” he said. “But I need time to accept this myself.”
Some of the musician's critics speculated that Lazarev was trying to have it both ways, placating Russians, while appealing to the anti-Russian sympathies among Eurovision judges and voters abroad.
Not surprisingly, over the past two years, Lazarev has tried to say as little as possible about his political views. Last month, in fact, he refused outright to comment about Russia's claims on Crimea, saying he no longer answers political questions.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Sasha Shapiro


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The Government of Mozambique is “Spying on its Citizens”, According to @Verdade · Global Voices
Dércio Tsandzana

Scheme of the surveillance system implemented in Mozambique. Image from @Verdade.
Earlier this month, Mozambicans learned that their government has been “listening to [their] telephone calls, reading [their] text messages (by SMS, email, WhatsApp, Viber…) and monitoring [social media activity] and Internet sites that they visit.”
The revelations published by independent media outlet @Verdade (a partner of Global Voices) on 4 May also described how authorities intercepted and monitored communications between Mozambican citizens using a technical system that was reportedly built by ZTE Corporation, a Chinese company.
ZTE instalou #Moçambique sistema de intercepção intrusiva com acesso todas as comunicações https://t.co/5q0X5qwROH pic.twitter.com/DruOTYEVxJ
— Verdade Democracia (@DemocraciaMZ) 7 de maio de 2016
ZTE installs Mozambique’s intrusive interception system with access to all communications
The surveillance scheme was introduced during the term of ex-president Armando Guebuza, and cost the government around 140 million US dollars. The son of the ex-president was the intermediary in the deal:
O comando nacional de intercepção de informação foi adquirido pela Casa Militar, entre 2012 e 2014, e instalado pela empresa chinesa ZTE Corporation. Mas o negócio “militar” não foi feito directamente pelo Estado. A empresa privada Msumbiji Investment Limited, empresa da família Guebuza onde o filho do antigo Presidente, Mussumbuluku Guebuza é administrador executivo (CEO), intermediou o negócio que custou cerca de 140 milhões de dólares norte-americanos, aos cofres públicos, dos quais oito por cento foram pagos em comissões.
The order to intercept information was secured by the military command between 2012 and 2014, and installed by the Chinese ZTE Corporation. But the “military” deal was not done directly by the state. The private company Msumbiji Investment Limited, the company of the Guebuza family where the son of former president, Mussumbuluku Guebuza, is the CEO, mediated the deal which cost around 140 million US dollars to public funds, eighty percent of which was paid in commissions.
The system, which has access to all voice communications and data passing through fixed and mobile phone networks, is managed by the military command which facilitates the process. Interceptions do not need prior judicial authorization, much less the agreement of the telecommunications companies. The system also conducts tracking of all communications via email or social networks.
A informação capturada pelo sistema em tempo real, é listada no projecto que estamos a citar, vai desde a mais simples chamada telefónica ou mensagem de texto (SMS) de todos os milhões de usuários das redes de telefonia móvel, passando pelas mensagens de todos o tipo de correios electrónicos (sejam de POP3, SMTP ou IMAP4) ou mesmo os emails trocados pelos diversos fornecedores online (gmail, yahoo, live). O sistema captura também os dados trocados através das aplicações de bate-papos, dos mais populares até aos menos conhecidos, acede às comunicações por Voz através de Protocolo de Internet (VOIP acrónimo em inglês), acessa aos dados trocados por FTP ou TELNET e também permite a recolha das comunicações trocadas nas redes sociais (facebook, twitter, google plus e até pelo youtube).
The information captured by the system in real time, listed in the project we are discussing, goes from the simplest telephone call or text message (SMS) of all the millions of users of mobile telephone networks, to the messages of all types of electronic mail (whether POP3, SMTP or IMAP4), and even the emails exchanged by various online providers (Gmail, Yahoo, live). The system also captures the data exchanged over chat applications, from the most popular to the least known, accesses voice communications over internet protocol (VOIP), accesses data exchanged on FTP or TELNET, and permits the tracking of communications exchanged via social networks (Facebook, Twitter, Google Plus and YouTube).

author: Dércio Tsandzana


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27 Graffiti Murals From São Paulo’s Suburbs That You Should Check Out · Global Voices
Agência Mural

Wall of a school in Guarulhos. Photo by Jéssica Souza/Mural Agency
This post was originally published in Agência Mural blog, with research and writing by Aline Kátia Melo, Eduardo Micheletto, Humberto do Lago Müller, Jéssica Souza, João Paulo Brito, Karina Oliveira, Lucas Landin, Lucas Veloso, Martina Ceci, Priscila Gomes, Priscila Pacheco, Sidney Pereira, Tamires Tavares, Tamiris Gomes and Thaís Santana; and editing and organization from Tamires Gomes. It is republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.
Graffiti culture pulsates through Brazilians cities. In São Paulo, it's no different: street artists bring color and life to its grey landscape. But while murals from central neighborhoods like Vila Madalena are featured in international travel books, those from low-income suburbs remain unknown, even for the city's residents — who amount to some 20 million people.
With this in mind, reporters from Agência Mural compiled the best of street art in their respective neighborhoods — in Brazil they're called quebradas — all located in lower-income neighborhoods.
A big gathering of graffiti artists takes place every year in Mairiporã, in the north of São Paulo, organized by artist Carlinhos Rootsm. The following two pictures were made in the last two meetings in 2015, when the the city main staircase was revitalized.
Staircase in Maripora. Photo by Humberto do lago Müller/Mural Agency
Staircase in Maripora. Photo by Humberto do Lago Müller/Mural Agency
Actor Amacio Mazzaropi, who recorded some of his movies in Mariporã, is one of the characters who appear on the wall of the staircase. Photo by Humberto do Lago Müller/Mural Agency.
The following mural is in Cantinho do Céu Linear Park in Grajaú, and portrays the reality of the Brazilian suburbs. It was made by artist Enivo, who started his career in graffiti in the neighborhood. The boy portrayed is Caio Caternum, another local artist. The sentence, “Spirits up… Because we are made of dreams of whatever size we want,” is from Mano Money, a rapper also from Grajaú.
Mural in the Cantinho do Ceu Linear Park. Photo by Priscila Pacheco/Mural Agency
In Lago Azul we see the yellow houses of artist Mauro Neri. He's also part of the group of graffiti artists who grew up in Grajaú.
Lago Azu, southern area of the city. Photo by Priscila Pacheco
A graffitied house on a corner of Paranabi Street. Unknown artist.
A house in the northern area of São Paulo city. Photo by Priscila Gomes/Mural Agency
This true outdoor art gallery was made on the walls of public secondary school Jardim Britania, located in Anhanguera District during the sixth edition of the art festival “Art at home.”
Walls of Jardim Britânia school. Photo by Thaís Santana/Mural Agency
The Um Treas Street, in the Tremembé neighborhood, is full of graffiti.
Colorful flower in Tremembé, unknown artist. Photo by Karina Oliveria/Mural Agency
Wall painted by grafitti artists Kbelo and Magic in Tremembé. Photo by Karina Oliveira/Mural Agency
Graffiti painted next to a cultural center in the north of the city. The artist is known as Monster Ectoplasma.
Monster Ectoplasmas’ grafitti in the northern area of São Paulo. Photo by Gabriela Monteiro/Mural Agency
The walls of the public school Pedro Morais Victor, on Boaventura Coleti street, also features graffiti from local artists Brown, Marcia, Kbelo and others.
Wall of a school in the north of the city. Photo by Karina Oliveira/Mural Agency
School wall in the north of the city. Graffiti signed by Kbelo. Photo by Karina Oliveira/Mural Agency
Artist Katia Suzue, who lives in Jardim Brasil, was raised by her maternal grandparents, who themselves are children of Japanese immigrants. Her work is known for its Oriental themes. More information about this artist is available in Portuguese here.
Photo courtesy of the artist, published with permission.
Located in the Carandiru neighborhood, this urban artwork was made by Sipros at Juventude park.
Graffiti from the artist Sipros in Juventude park. Photo by Sidney Pereira/Mural Agency
This graffiti by Caluz, the artistic name of Carolina Luz, is located on Jaçanã Avenue. Her work often includes feminine themes, her aesthetic identity being inspired by women of the suburbs and their daily life.
Graffiti from Caroline Luz (Caluz) in Jaçanã neighborhood. Photo by Aline Kátia Melo/AMural Agency
The following two graffiti works are signed by artist Kasca (Jurandir Ramos) and are also in the Jaçanã neighborhood. He is mostly known for his drawings of cows, spread throughout a neighboring district known as Jova Rural.
Graffiti by Kaska in Jaçanã. This work reveals some features of Cordel, a traditional folk art from Brazil's northeast. Photo by Aline Kátia Melo/Mural Agency
One of Karksa'a cows in Jova Rural neighborhood. Photo by Aline Kátia Melo/Mural Agency
Graffiti from the festival “Art at Home.” The one on the left is authored by artist Malaca (O.C.A.) , in Morro Doce, in the western area of São Paulo.
Graffiti in Morro Doce, the western area of São Paulo.
The Manacapuru alley, located in Jardim Cumbica in a Guarulhos city neighborhood within greater São Paulo, was filled with graffiti during the Atac Gathering, a meeting of local artists.
Works by Cristiano Ignoto and Galvani Galo. Photo by Tamires Tavares/Mural Agency
More graffiti in Manacaparu alley. Photo by Tamires Tavares/Mural Agency
Manacaparu alley, works by artist Xyrok. Photo by Tamires Tavares/Mural Agency
Below is another mural in Guarulhos city, this time on the walls of a school in Bartolomeu de Carlos Avenue, located in Jardim Flor da Montanha neighborhood. Behind it are drawings made by children.
Wall of a school in Guarulhos. Photo by Jéssica Souza/Mural Agency
This piece is by JAE Alves, located on Maringá street in the district of Rancho Grande, in the city of Itaquaquecetuba — just outside of São Paulo.
Art by JAE Alves. Photo by Lucas Landim/Mural Agency
On a wall in Antonio Bovolenta Townhouse, in Mogi das Cruzes, just outside São Paulo, there is a message to the graffiti community: “Almost always, the creative dedicated minority has made the world better,” a quote attributed to American civil rights activist Martin Luther King, Jr.
Photo by Martina Ceci/Agência Mural
Below is an owl painted by a city resident, Jonh Naja. The graffiti can be seen in Aurélio Fuga square, in Calmon Viana neighborhood in Poá, greater São Paulo.
Photo by Tamiris Gomes/Mural Agency
The following are from an artist called Todyone. The number of residents passing by the footbridge of the train station in Guaianases has increased, thanks to its new colors. There are also works from Galvani Galo.
Photo by Lucas Veloso/Mural Agency
And in the subway station Guaianeases, Todyone has drawn a wagon around the windows of the subway.
Photo by Humberto do Lago Muller/Mural Agency

author: Agência Mural


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A Group of Anti-Corruption Activists Was Attacked Today in Russia. Wanna Buy Some Plane Tickets? · Global Voices
Kevin Rothrock

Artem Torchinsky, a reporter and the Anti-Corruption Foundation's project coordinator, lies injured on the ground outside the Anapa airport. Image: YouTube. Edited by Kevin Rothrock.
There is some confusion about who threw the first punch outside an airport today in Anapa, but at least one man—a journalist and an anti-corruption activist working with Alexey Navalny—ended up hospitalized, after receiving a blow to the head. News of a Cossack group’s attack on Navalny and his entourage is the leading news story across much of Russian social media today, and the travel company Aviasales decided to capitalize on the story, incorporating it into posts on Facebook, Twitter, and Vkontakte.
“They say Cossacks are waiting to greet arriving guests at the Anapa airport. You can find plane tickets starting at 999 rubles [$15] right here,” the travel company wrote, attaching an image of stern-looking Cossacks, with a caption reading “Velcome!”
Говорят, что в аэропорту Анапы гостей встречают казаки.
Билеты от 999 рублей здесь — https://t.co/Fduq0YFEwa pic.twitter.com/8DdHSEKf63
— Aviasales.ru (@aviasales) May 17, 2016
The social media stunt did not go over well with many Internet users, provoking a torrent of negative comments and a fairly immediate effort to boycott Aviasales altogether. For example, Echo of Moscow’s Lev Parkhomenko threatened to criticize the company in every one of his radio broadcasts, prompting Aviasales’ founder, Konstantin Kalinov, to mock Parkhomenko’s “hysterics.” Parkhomenko then called on the public to complain to Aviasales’ partners, saying he expected other businesses to break ties with the travel company, in order to protect their reputations.
Angry customers delete the Aviasales iOS app. Image: Facebook
In the comments on Aviasales’ Facebook post, others started uploading screenshots, showing them deleting the Aviasales mobile app from their phones.
On Twitter, a public-shame campaign is also underway. One Twitter user wondered if Aviasales would have made such a joke following the beheading of a child, referring to Gyulchekhra Bobokulova’s murder of a four-year-old girl in Moscow, earlier this year.
@aviasales в следующий раз предложите рейсы от 999 рублей в Москву посмотреть на отрезанную голову ребенка?
— Песок Усова (@_Bukura_) May 17, 2016
Next time, are you going to offer 999-ruble tickets to Moscow, to come look at a kid’s decapitated head?
Aviasales has a habit of incorporating current events into “edgy” social media promotions. But some of the travel company’s fans say they went overboard with the mockery of the attack today on Navalny’s group. Arseny Bobrovsky, the author of the popular parody account “KermlinRussia,” said he’d had enough:
@aviasales чуваки, у вас всегда был крутейший СММ, который хотелось расшаривать бесплатно, но сейчас ту мач(
— Пeрзидент Роисси (@KermlinRussia) May 17, 2016
Guys, you’ve always had some of the coolest social media marketing—so good that I’ve been happy to share it freely. But now it’s too much. :-(
The travel company still has supporters, however, and they’ve accused those behind today’s backlash of applying a double standard, saying that Aviasales has mocked authority figures in the past, without any complaints from the liberal intelligentsia.
In late April, the company made fun of Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin, following President Putin’s reprimand after the inaugural launch of an unmanned space rocket from the Vostochny cosmodrome was postponed. In February, Aviasales mocked Dmitry Peskov, when a photograph appeared online showing him waiting at a carwash, dressed in affluent loungewear.

author: Kevin Rothrock


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Beijing Police Really Want You to Know a Man Who Died in Custody Was Accused of Soliciting a Prostitute · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Badiucao's political cartoon on the death of Lei Yang.
A young environmentalist whose wife just gave birth to their first child in April died in police custody after being arrested in a crackdown on prostitution in Beijing's Chang Ping district on May 7. Since the man's passing, police have aggressively sought to remind the public that the man allegedly solicited the services of a sex worker — and thereby avoid answering tough questions about the circumstances that led to his death.
The 29-year-old man's name was Lei Yang. He graduated from Renmin University and worked for the China Association of Circular Economy, a government-affiliated environmental organization. Law enforcement say Lei was apprehended outside a foot massage parlor and presented to a two-hundred-yuan receipt (about 30 US dollars) signed by a prostitute as proof that his arrest was justified.
His relatives, however, maintain Lei was on his way to the airport to pick up friends and somehow was caught up in the police raid, ending up dead just one hour after leaving home.
Police say Lei resisted arrest and died from a heart attack. Passersby heard him crying for help during the arrest, and his body showed physical injuries according to the hospital. The police claimed that the injuries was resulted of his jumping off the police vehicle. All nearby surveillance cameras in the area weren't functioning like normal at the time, and there were no cameras in the police vehicle.
The Chang Ping district police department has tried to influence public opinion on the case, appearing to hire a large number of online commenters to spread the idea that Lei does not deserve sympathy. These online commenters all listed on their user profiles that they were employees of the “Ideal Office” (it's not clear if this company really exists). China Digital Times screen-captured a sample of the posts they published on popular social media platform Weibo:
如果真是半道上跳車了，那只能說是自己作死。其實嫖娼本身就夠作死的了
If he really jumped out of the police vehicle, he's to blame for his own death. Soliciting prostitution is an unforgivable act.
咎由自取的后果自負。沒什麼可說的。
He brought the consequences upon himself. Nothing more can be said.
嫖娼之後才想著逃跑，唉，早就別去不就得了
Run away after prostitution. Gosh, he shouldn't do that in the first place.
我要是這個男人的妻子，我得糾結死，如果没出事，會不會就原諒他嫖娼的行為？呵呵那內心才煎熬吧
If I were the wife of this man, I should be tortured to death. If he had not had the accident, would she have forgiven his act? That kind of psychological torture is really something.
雷某就這樣毁掉了自己的一生，不值得呀
Lei had ruined his life. For what?
In addition, China's web censors also started deleting comments and speculations on the incident.
Of course, many Chinese weren't buying it. Alumni of the university Lei attended spoke out in written petition against police abusing their power.
Others, like Twitter user @pearlher, reposted a popular post from Weibo criticizing the police's diversion tactics:
网友：他怎么死的？ 警察：他涉嫌嫖娼了！ 网友：他是怎么死的？ 警察：摄像头坏了！ 网友：他是怎么死的啊？ 警察：拍摄设备摔坏了！网友：他到底怎么死的？ 警察：他支付过200元嫖资！网友：卧槽我就问他到底是怎么死的啊？ ！警察：小姐帮他打飞机了！ 网友：……卧槽尼玛！
— Her peirong (@pearlher) May 11, 2016
Netizens: How did he die? Police: He was a suspect of soliciting prostitution! Netizens: How did he die? Police: The surveillance camera was broken! Netizens: How did he die? Police: The handheld camera was broken! Netizens: How did he die? Police: He paid 200 yuan for prostitution! Netizens: I am asking how the f**k he died?! Police: The prostitute jerked him off! Netizens: … motherf**ker!
Many netizens joked about the prostitute receipt, which had the information of Lei Yang's danwei (“work unit”). It read:
今收到中國經濟循環中心雷洋嫖費200元（大寫貳佰元整）昌平況頭房 2016.5.7
Today, received 200 yuan (200 yuan only) prostitution fee from Lei Yang from the China Association of Circular Economy. Chang Ping Fang Toufang 1016.5.7.
A Chang Ping district resident commented on the receipt on Weibo (screen-captured by Wang Yi):
真是欲蓋彌彰，為了證明雷洋嫖娼，炮製虛假的收據[…] 有誰能告訴我嫖娼會開嫖娼收據的？轉
This is a cover-up. To prove that Lei Yang was soliciting prostitution, a fake receipt was made […] Who would ask for a receipt for a prostitution fee? Spread this.
Twitter user Wang Yi reposted an image of the receipt and added her view to the above popular Weibo post from Chang Ping resident:
我从来都没有高估过赵国家丁的智商，但也不能低端成这样不堪吧？雷洋在到机场接人时见缝插针急急忙忙的嫖娼时，竟然还对妓女报了单位姓名，他这是要拿着发票到单位报销嫖资吗？
对当局此举有网友表示：时间紧任务急，领导出点错也是可以理解的嘛… pic.twitter.com/pG9b0yFAeS
— 王译 (@wangyi09) May 11, 2016
I have never over-estimated the IQ of the emperor's servants, but this is really an extreme case. While Lei Yang had to make time for prostitution when traveling to the airport, he had the time to tell the prostitute his name and work unit. Was he planning to ask for reimbursement of the prostitution fee? A netizen commented: the objective was too rushed and leaders making such a minor mistake is understandable…
Some male netizens shared their stories of having forced by police to confess to the crime of soliciting a sex worker allegedly because local law enforcement depend on those fines to fund the hire of temporary employees.
The case also seemed to soften some women's view of prostitution, as one female Weibo user wrote (reposted to Twitter by Andy Yeung):
微博一女网友写的：表忠心的时候到了，我跟团长（老公—转者注）说，嫖娼不算什么，你要是给抓了，别害怕，我不会跟你离婚的，会帮你隐瞒帮你交罚款，要是你因为这件事被开除了，我养你。反正保命要紧！——许多夫妻因雷洋事件在嫖娼态度上变得一致。 pic.twitter.com/H0wbeMmuZn
— Andy-_-Yeung (@andyyeung12) May 12, 2016
A female Weiboer wrote: It's time to build a trusting relationship. I told my husband, prostitution is not a big deal. If you were caught, I wouldn't divorce you. I would help you to keep the secret and pay the fine for you. If you were fired because of this, I would support you financially. The most important thing is to keep alive. — many wives have changed their attitude towards prostitution after Lei Yang's incident.
In the past, Chinese authorities have used the soliciting prostitution charge as a political tactic to crack down on human rights activists such as anti-graft activist Ou Shaokun and opinion leaders such as Charles Xue.
While Lei Yang never spoke up publicly against the injustices faced by social activists, many drew parallels between those cases and Lei's. Political cartoonist Badiucao warned that until the political system changes, more will fall victim to the police's abuse of power:
#巴丢草 漫画 【#雷洋 之死】暴力机关滥权成绞肉机器，这就是雷洋之死的根节。黑头套可能照到所有人的头，哪管你是穷苦或滋润，儿童或老人，文盲或公知。双早还是杨佳，有没有第三条活，只能在中国梦中寻找。 pic.twitter.com/UsH2Jid6de
— 巴丢草 Badiucao (@badiucao) 10 de mayo de 2016
#BadiucaoComic #TheDeathOfLeiYang The institution of violent abuse of power has become a meat grinder. This is the root cause of Lei Yang's death. The black hoods can be put on everyone's head. Whether you are poor or rich, young or old, illiterate or a public intellectual. Eventually, you could end up like Yang Jia [who was executed in 2008 for killing six Shanghai cops in a police station]. There's no other choice, even though you may keep searching for one in the “China Dream.”

author: Oiwan Lam


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‘Biko Zulu’, ‘They Call Me Daktari’ and ‘Mummy Tales’ Among the Winners of the Kenyan Blog Awards · Global Voices
Ndesanjo Macha

Some of the BAKE Awards 2016 winners (left to right: Dr. Claire Kinuthia (theycallmedaktari.com), Maryann Waweru (mummytales.com), Rachael Muthoni (safari254.com), Diana Kaluhi (kaluhiskitchen.com) and Lucia Musau (luciamusau.com). Photo by Bloggers Association of Kenya (BAKE) and used with permission.
The winners of the Kenyan Blog Awards 2016 were announced at a gala event that took place on May 14 in Kenya's capital Nairobi.
Biko Zulu took home two titles: Best Creative Writing Blog and Kenyan Blog of the Year. Other winners included Techweez for Best Technology Blog; Ben Kiruthi for Best Photography Blog; They Call Me Daktari for Best New Blog; and Mummy Tales for Best Topical Blog.
Launched in 2012 by the Bloggers Association of Kenya (BAKE), the Kenyan Blog Awards, also known as BAKE Awards, recognises and awards exceptional Kenyan bloggers. The competition, according to the organisers, is open to all Kenyans and brands that operate in Kenya.
The competition began with a submission phase for 19 categories from January 8 to February 10, 2016. Then the judges chose the best five blogs for each category, before online voting was open to the public on March 3, 2016.
Check out the full list of winners for the 19 categories on the awards website.

author: Ndesanjo Macha


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Pakistanis Demand Arrests as Threat of Violence Looms Over Christians of Chak 144 · Global Voices
Qurratulain (Annie) Zaman

Pakistan's Christian minority shout slogans against an attack on their community members in Lahore in 2013. Image by Rajput Yasir. Copyright Demotix (10/3/2013)
“You either convert to Islam or leave your homes!” This was how a group of Muslim residents led by the local cleric menaced the Christian residents of Chak 144, a village close to the town of Mandi Bahauddin in the Pakistani province of Punjab. The threats came after Imran Masih – a resident of the town and a janitor at the Rural Health Centre in the nearby district town of Mandi Bahauddin – was accused of blasphemy by his colleagues, who thrashed him.
Masih was able to escape with the help of hospital administration, but the group soon turned their anger on the Christian residents of the village, who make up 26 homes in the village.
Masih's story reveals a familiar pattern of mob violence where even an accusation of blasphemy is too often enough to get one killed. Officially in Pakistan, the crime of blasphemy is punishable by death. What is now known as Pakistan's penal code Section 295, the notorious blasphemy law was first introduced in pre-partition India in 1860. In 1986, it was introduced into the constitution under the dictatorship of General Zia Ul Haq. Since then, according to data collected by Dawn News, about 51 people accused of blasphemy were murdered even before their trials were over.
Christians in Pakistan represent a religious minority in a largely Muslim country. According to data provided to National Commission for Justice and Peace to the BBC, a total of 633 Muslims, 494 Ahmedis, 187 Christians and 21 Hindus have been accused under various clauses of the blasphemy law since 1987.
In many instances, riots target other residents of the community, burning down homes and forcing resident to flee. In 2009, six Christians were burnt alive and 60 houses torched by an organised mob in the city of Gojra. The violence erupted after a Quran was allegedly desecrated during a wedding ceremony.
Protesters from a human chain around St Patrick's Cathedral in solidarity with the Christian community after the 2013 attack. Photo via Pakistan For All Facebook Page
A 318-page report, released four years after the attack, indicated that the authorities could have prevented the deadly riots. According to the report, which was compiled by a judge, the violence was organised by banned extremist outfit Sipah-e-Sahaba and authorities knew about it, but failed to act.
Again in 2013, 125 houses of Christians were burnt in Lahore after a resident, Sawan Masih, was accused of committing blasphemy, which triggered an attack against the Christian community.
Fearing for their lives, Imran Masih and his family have gone in hiding, but the Christian community in Chak 144 isn't out of the clear yet. The local cleric has reportedly demanded in his daily and weekly sermons that the Christians must hand over Masih to the Muslims so they can burn him alive in front of the area's church.
Writing for news site The Nation, Shamila Ghyas delved into more detail about the blasphemy accusation against Masih:
What could possibly have Imran Masih done that they want to kill him so brutally and to punish the whole village as well?
He made a video on his cell phone of a wedding he had attended of a Muslim colleague’s daughter. When he went back to work as a janitor at the local Health Care Centre, a colleague asked him to show him the clip. Imran gave him the phone and left to finish his work.
After his return, he saw his phone in the hands of another Muslim man Bilal who was playing a YouTube video of Pastor Sami Samson, widely known to be critical of Islam. He was showing the video to others claiming that Imran Masih watches such blasphemous material. It would be pertinent to mention here that Imran was the only Christian who worked at the Centre.
Reema Abbasi, a Pakistani journalist who is following the plight of Christians in Mandi Bahauddin closely, sounded the alarm about the deteriorating situation there:
#MandiBahauddin 75% #Christians have fled, homes marked of the remaining, no food, water! #Genocide any moment! @AsimBajwaISPR @dawn_com
— Reema Abbasi (@ReemaAbbasi) May 12, 2016
The mainstream media has been almost silent about the issue, but an online campaign started by civil society activists is picking up momentum. Bol Platoon, a community blog that aims to revive rationalism, pluralism and tolerance, tweeted a call for action:
Muslims need to save Christians of #MandiBahauddin where Christians face chill wind as extremists threaten them pic.twitter.com/xZPztXGZ6S
— Bol Platoon (@BolPlatoon) May 14, 2016
Pakistan For All, a citizen's resistance network “fighting religious and state fascism,” is sharing updates and encouraging Pakistanis to contact local politicians and law enforcement to protect Christians.
Let them know the world is watching #MandiBahauddin @ShaanTaseer @Razarumi @fispahani @omar_quraishi @beenasarwar pic.twitter.com/jqMNS6BSL5
— Pakistan For All (@PakistanForAll) May 13, 2016
On their Facebook page, Pakistan For All also shared reports from the town about the situation on the ground. Muslim residents are boycotting Christian residents’ businesses, and things are “very tense”. The organisation stressed the seriousness of what's unfolding there and called on police to act:
Let us be clear, there is no ‘peace’ to be made here. There are no two aggrieved sides. Religious extremists are trying to engineer a pogrom and they must not be allowed to succeed. Our efforts are already bearing fruit and as Police and local authorities have been forced to take the matter seriously. We will not be pacified by statements like things are ‘under control’. We do not simply want the Police to ‘defuse’ the incident, we want them to arrest those who are whipping up hatred and plotting sectarian violence.
Citizen action is thankfully making a difference, Pakistan For All said in a later post:
PFA activists on the ground in #MandiBahauddin tell us that the citizens social media campaign has had a tremendous effect. The local authorities are under pressure, their phones have been ringing off the hook. The [Inspector General] Punjab Mushtaq Sukhera has also taken notice. Yesterday a force of 300 armed police were deployed outside a mosque in the town to prevent any violent incident after Friday prayers. But the situation is not “under control” as the Police would like us to believe.
Bilawal Bhutto, chairman of one of the country's largest political parties, the Pakistan People's Party, has expressed his concern over the volatile situation in the village. Meanwhile, the left-wing Awami Workers Party has been vocal on the issue, and even started a Change.org petition saying it will launch a series of protest “if anything happens to the already distressed Christian community”.
As the threat of violence looms large, citizens aren't giving up just yet.

author: Qurratulain (Annie) Zaman


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Prepare for Pushback If You Call Jamaica Violent (Even Though It Can Be) · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

A vulnerable community in Jamaica with high unemployment and security concerns. Photo by the author, used with permission.
The recent deaths of two American missionaries in rural Jamaica and the ensuing negative media coverage in the United States have jolted Jamaicans into examining the problem of crime and violence that continues to haunt their country.
According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, the murder rate in Jamaica was 42.9 per 100,000 population in 2013 — the sixth highest in the world. The double murder reawakened the debate on capital punishment in Jamaica (hanging has not taken place on the island since 1988), but what Jamaicans were even more acutely aware of was the negative reporting from overseas press. As the country was already agonizing over the killings and their deeper implications, the local reaction to the coverage has followed a predictable pattern of hurt feelings, denial and a painful struggle with reality.
Two comments ignited something of a firestorm of commentary on social media in particular. First, Ashleigh Banfield, an anchor for the US-based news channel CNN, said on her program while reporting the case, “It's astounding to think that a lot of people think that Jamaica is a paradise but it is an extraordinarily violent country with a remarkable murder rate.”
Then well-known broadcaster and lecturer Fae Ellington tweeted, quoting the Rev. Astor Carlyle, “Jamaica has pockets of violence. We are not generally known to get up with machine guns & walk into schools& theatres & shoot up people” — a reference to the mass shootings that happen on a regular basis in the United States:
@FaeEllington This an excerpt of a Facebook post by Rev. Astor Carlyle.
His logic is unassailable. Let's put this into perspective #CNN
— Fae A. Ellington (@FaeEllington) May 3, 2016
Journalist Earl Moxam supported this position, pointing the finger at the United States:
With guns being so easily available in America, it is no wonder that thousands of these deadly weapons are spirited out of that country into other jurisdictions which lack the capacity to detect many of them at their porous borders. That is the story of Mexico; that is the story of Jamaica. It is a story of criminal destabilization, directly fueled by the inflow of American guns. It is a tragedy for which America is not being held accountable…Yes, I do acknowledge that Jamaica has a ‘remarkable murder rate’, but perhaps because I know the lay of the land and have a better understanding of our culture than Ashleigh Banfield, I remain far more comfortable living in Jamaica than I ever would in the United States. I still do not shiver at the thought of going to a shopping mall or the cinema in Jamaica. In America, I would probably grow dizzy looking around every 30 seconds for the next potential mass killer, exercising his right to bear arms.
The response to Ellington and Moxam’s assertions was decidedly mixed, reflecting many Jamaicans’ conflicted approach. Many were perturbed by the CNN anchor's comment — including blogger and journalist Kate Chappell — who commented:
It is yet another instance of the nation being stereotyped by outdated and inaccurate beliefs, and another instance of the responsibility the media has, especially when you have an audience of millions.
Not everyone agreed that Jamaica’s reputation is being unfairly besmirched. Social worker and activist Damien Williams blogged:
These pockets of violence that Ms. Ellington refers to are not as insignificant as we think and perhaps we have not begun to uncover the various forms of violence that are expressed in our society through road rage; domestic violence; turf war; sexual violence […] abuse of children (often disguised as discipline); economic violence (systems of inequity); the cruel and hurtful things we say to each other and a host of other ways we are violent to each other. Violence is pervasive. What we do have pockets of is privilege – a sort of privilege that insulates us from the harsh realities that the majority of Jamaicans face because they have no access to privilege, power, or prestige.
Young blogger AK Dixon wrote:
Following the murder of two missionaries in Jamaica, social media erupted, mostly with condemnation, after Ashleigh Banfield, CNN Anchor, dared to call us an extremely violent country! How could this American who knows nothing of our struggles and our reasons for being murderous call us a violent nation! I too raised eyebrows and I fumed at 75 degrees for just 3 minutes because before I got to boiling point, I realized something — she said nothing wrong, the statement could not be more truthful, Ashleigh Banfield was right! We are an extremely violent country. And no comparison with mass killings in the United States or Pakistan or Afghanistan or West Bank will change that fact. We are very violent as a country and the value of life has been diminished. How is our target for murders every year ‘below 1000'? It should be below 100! It should be below 50!
Two influential commentators also begged to differ. University of the West Indies-based blogger Annie Paul castigated what she called “cultural nationalists”:
Surely the lack of fear you feel in Jamaica is connected to the fact that you belong to a class of people rarely troubled by police or murderers. As Cultural Nationalist #1 had observed, there are “pockets” of violence here, and, it’s necessary to add, the literati and glitterati are insulated from it. But ask anyone living in those pockets whether they agreed with the American anchor’s statement, and what do you think they’d say? […] We prefer to think of ourselves as highly cultured, civilised, law-abiding, English-speaking citizens who do not curse or act violent. This is the image we want to project; let no foreign anchor tell you otherwise. The level of denial and self-delusion is all-pervasive. […] I do wish, though, that the cultural nationalists were as zealous about eradicating the conditions that provoke violence in Jamaica as they are about protecting its image.
Damien Williams confirmed that violence is an everyday reality in the vulnerable communities where he works, tweeting:
@Petchary @dmarcanthony @anniepaul the communities I serve do believe Jamaica is violent. Yesterday there was a shootout. Marooned.
— #DamBar (@DMarcAnthony) May 11, 2016
So where are the solutions? One Jamaican columnist suggested a version of the broken windows theory, which basically states that preventing petty crimes can send the message that even minor infractions will not be tolerated, thereby acting as a deterrent for more serious crimes. Another suggested using the missionaries’ murders as “a watershed moment to after criminality”.
Despite all this, Jamaicans still know how to “tek serious ting mek laugh” — in other words, to find something humorous even in the grimmest of situations. After the police found a stash of guns in a troubled neighborhood near Spanish Town, this Twitter user tweeted:
CNN likely planted these guns https://t.co/JxQOX3oXpO
— Don Sean Juan (@iamsbee) May 13, 2016
Meanwhile, the police, although aided by the FBI, still have no suspects nor have they identified a motive for the two murders — perhaps an example of the need for better policing before the reinstatement of capital punishment can even be considered. Jamaica continues its soul-searching.

author: Emma Lewis


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Protests and Looting Rock Venezuela as Public Chaos Spreads · Global Voices
Laura Vidal

The economic crisis and food shortage has contributed to a rise in looting in Venezuela. Photograph widely shared on Venezuelan social networks under threads about the food crises and looting on May 11, 2016.
According to information shared on social networks and local media, certain cities in Venezuela have recently witnessed heightened tensions due to protests and instances of looting that seem to be rising in number. While the origin of the unrest has many complicated roots, the country's deepening economic crisis has made matters only worse recently. Earlier this month, opposition groups also launched a series of protests to demand a recall referendum, the process for which was initiated in April.
Some of the looting in early May occurred in Mérida, a city in the west of the country. On Twitter, Internet users have uploaded footage of confrontations between the police and looters, widely condemning the latter for bringing chaos to the city:
EN #MÉRIDA Y ESTOS MISERABLES LO LLAMAN RESISTENCIA #MerGuevo “Mega Blumer” SAQUEO ES ROBAR https://t.co/0mQT9zi1Ju
— Edmundo C.R. (@EDMUNDOTUNDO) May 11, 2016
IN #MÉRIDA AND THESE AWFUL PEOPLE CALL IT RESISTENCE #MerGuevo “Mega Blumer” [A women's clothing shop] LOOTING IS STEALING https://t.co/0mQT9zi1Ju
— Edmundo C.R. (@EDMUNDOTUNDO) May 11, 2016
Others have defended the students who started the protests, stressing that the demonstrations began for justifiable reasons. In the case of Mérida, the protests were a response to dissatisfaction in the student community with shortages at the university cafeteria:
Por video apreciamos que el saqueo ayer en #Merida fue por colectivos y bachaqueros y no por los estudiantes. pic.twitter.com/ZsgzeYOfG7
— Anayanceen (@AnayansyMijares) May 11, 2016
In this video we can see how yesterday's looting in #Merida was done by collectives and “bachaqueros” [or arbitrageurs] not by students. pic.twitter.com/ZsgzeYOfG7 [What you didn't see during the looting of a lingerie shop in Mérida]
— Anayanceen (@AnayansyMijares) May 11, 2016
A day after the protest and looting in Mérida, still more protests took place, this time in response to calls from the opposition party. The protests, which occurred in the capital, as well, rallied under the common cause of a referendum recall, which they hope will happen later this year. Demonstrators have demanded that the National Electoral Council comply with stipulated timelines, saying they have have not been respected, so far.
On Twitter, eyewitnesses have shared photos of the National Guard in the streets:
Fuerte dispositivo de la GNB frente a CNE-Mérida pic.twitter.com/R4sdOI0MAi
— Leonardo León (@leoperiodista) May 11, 2016
Large GNB [the National Guard] presence in front of CNE-Mérida [National Electoral Council – Mérida] pic.twitter.com/R4sdOI0MAi
— Leonardo León (@leoperiodista) May 11, 2016
Así fue recibida la marcha de oposición en Mérida… pic.twitter.com/Ypnaao2ra5
— Leonardo León (@leoperiodista) May 11, 2016
This is how the opposition was received in Mérida… pic.twitter.com/Ypnaao2ra5
— Leonardo León (@leoperiodista) May 11, 2016
The same scene repeated itself in the capital Caracas, where, according to users like GéGé, the National Guard impeded the progress of protesters on their way to the National Electoral Council (its original destination):
.@JuanPGuanipa GNB nos impiden el paso alegando que el CNE está en instalaciones militares. #CNERevocatorioYApic.twitter.com/XCNu4R4wEh
— GéGé (@GegeRpz) May 11, 2016
.@JuanPGuanipa GNB blocks our way claiming that the CNE is in military facilities. #CNERevocatorioYApic.twitter.com/XCNu4R4wEh
— GéGé (@GegeRpz) May 11, 2016
Momento importante en #Venezuela:pocas veces se rompe cerco de la GNB. La gente quiere el #CNERevocatorioYApic.twitter.com/5T8e3a3Bug
— Nano Guevara (@nanoguevarag) May 11, 2016
This is an important moment in #Venezuela. [Just a] few times have GNB blockades been broken. People want the recall #CNERevocatorioYApic.twitter.com/5T8e3a3Bug. [The current situation in Venezuela. People want the recall.]
— Nano Guevara (@nanoguevarag) May 11, 2016
As the economic situation worsens, more and more images of National Guard troops and looting have appeared online.
Contabilizan 107 saqueos y conatos de saqueos sólo en el primer trimeste https://t.co/k1Yjd1piFkpic.twitter.com/Zg2PIdZMGj
— La Patilla (@la_patilla) May 11, 2016
107 lootings and looting attempts in the first trimester alone. https://t.co/k1Yjd1piFkpic.twitter.com/Zg2PIdZMGj
— La Patilla (@la_patilla) May 11, 2016
Vía @venezolanodecen Saqueo Mercado Mayorista Maracay pic.twitter.com/yJhpQqq7lv
— 2RADI0 ™ (@2RADl0) May 11, 2016
Via @venezolanodecen Looting of Mayorista Maracay Market pic.twitter.com/yJhpQqq7lv
— 2RADI0 ™ (@2RADl0) May 11, 2016
#11M: GNB detiene intento de saqueo en Guarenas https://t.co/4HCxAU5qvQpic.twitter.com/df2Hnpnllh
— La Patilla (@la_patilla) May 11, 2016
#11M: GNB stops looting attempts in Guarenas https://t.co/4HCxAU5qvQpic.twitter.com/df2Hnpnllh
— La Patilla (@la_patilla) May 11, 2016
Llegan guardias con antimotines pic.twitter.com/ZEKhgPW7Ho
— Mil@ Ferrer (@milifer31) May 11, 2016
Guards arrive in riot gear pic.twitter.com/ZEKhgPW7Ho
In a post published on Medium under the category “Chronicles of a Worried Citizen,” Aglalia Berlutti gave a personal account of her search for staple goods, shedding light on the suffering caused by the country's economic setbacks. Berlutti's account contrasts starkly with declarations by the government, which says food shortages are exaggerated—a surprising claim to those actually struggling to find food on sale. Crises in security, electricity, and food have combined and forced many in the country to spend hours every day waiting in lines to buy the basic necessities.
En palabras sencillas, para la Ministra de relaciones Interiores la escasez que se sufre en Venezuela es «aparente». […] Leo la noticia mientras me encuentro en una larga fila para comprar aceite de cocina, arroz y azúcar. Hace más de dos horas que el supermercado abrió sus puertas y más de tres desde que espero poder adquirir la ínfima existencia de productos regulados que según el número de mi cédula podré comprar. Me encuentro de pie bajo el sol, agobiada por la temperatura y la usual sensación de incomodidad y humillación que me produce el método de aguardar por horas para comprar algunos alimentos. Es una escena triste y llena de desesperanza: La multitud abrumada e inquieta que llena la calle, algunos con sus niños tomados de la mano, otros desalentados, sentados de cualquier manera sobre el concreto ardiente.
In simple terms, for the Minister of Internal Relations the shortage suffered by Venezuela is mere “appearances.”  I read this piece of news as I wait in a long line to buy cooking oil, rice, and sugar. The supermarket opened its doors more than two hours ago but it's been more than three that I have been waiting in the hopes of getting those almost non-existent regulated products that, according to my ID number, I am entitled to buy. I find myself standing under the sun, overwhelmed by the heat and the usual sensation of discomfort and humiliation that I feel when I wait hours to buy some food. It is a sad scene, filled with desperation. The exhausted and restless multitude fill the street, some holding their children by the hand, others disheartened, sitting any which way on the burning concrete.
Berlutti says she's not alone, either, pointing out that there are many in the lines with her. Some have been forced to turn to the so-called “bachaqueros”—wandering re-sellers who tend to raise prices many times over original costs.
—Yo tuve que pedir los lunes libres en el trabajo porque si no es así, los muchachos no comen —me explica una mujer que espera unos metros por delante en la fila. Me cuenta que es madre de tres (todos menores de edad y cursando primeros grados de primaria) y que no puede darse el lujo de acudir a los llamados «bachaqueros». —No tengo plata [dinero] hija, no me queda otro remedio que venir para acá a esperar. ¿Qué más puede hacer uno? […] —Yo prefiero hacer mi cola. El otro día encontré café, ¡casi veinte veces el precio de verdad! —comenta— No hay forma de alimentarse en este país. Lo que sea que encuentres por tu lado, es tan costoso que tienes que venir a hacer tu cola y aceptar la limosna al gobierno. Así estamos.
I had to ask for Mondays off at work because, if not, my kids can't eat, explains a woman waiting in line a couple meters in front of me. She tells me that she is a mother of three (all of them are underage and studying their first years in primary school) and she can't afford the luxury of paying the so-called “bachaqueros.” “I don’t have money, I don’t have any other options besides coming here and waiting. What more can anyone do? […] I prefer to wait in line. The other day I found coffee that was almost 20 times the real price!” she said. “There isn’t any way to feed yourself in this country. Whatever you can find nearby is so expensive that you have to come and wait in line to get handouts from the government. This is where we are now.”
The National Guard has also increased its presence at food lines, in response to the rising risk of looting:
Un grupo de cinco militares con el arma de reglamento bien visible aparecen caminando por la calle y comienzan a custodiar la cola. Uno de ellos vuelve el rostro brillante por el sudor y nos dedica una mirada dura, remota. Han transcurrido casi cuatro horas desde que llegué y todavía no estoy cerca de entrar al supermercado. Un barullo de gritos y forcejeo llena algunos espacios de la calle y una violenta impaciencia caldea el aire. Todos quieren entrar pero la mayoría está consciente que con toda seguridad, el inventario de productos no será suficiente para satisfacer a las casi centenar de personas que esperan. Siento un rápido latigazo de miedo. Recuerdo las narraciones periodísticas sobre saqueos y hechos de violencia.
A group of five soldiers with guns and very visible army uniforms appear walking down the street and start to take charge of the line. One of them turns around, his face is shiny from sweat and he gives us a hard, remote stare. Almost four hours have passed since I've arrived and I'm still not close to entering the supermarket. A burst of screams and pushing starts to fill some spaces in the street and a violent impatience heats the air. Everyone wants to enter but the majority of us are aware without a doubt, that the store inventory won’t be enough to satisfy many of the people who are waiting. I feel a quick pang of fear. I remember the news stories about looting and violent acts.
Berlutti's experience isn't unique. With shortages rising and a political crisis brewing, many have voiced worries that Venezuela seems to be flirting with potential disaster.
¿Qué viene después del saqueo de tiendas, cuando no quede nada?
La delación y robo de cosas que tengan los vecinos.
— Luis Carlos Díaz (@LuisCarlos) May 11, 2016
What comes after store lootings when there isn't anything left to take? Informing on neighbors and stealing what they have.

author: Laura Vidal


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Singaporeans Are Urged to Eat Less Rice, As Fears Grow About Links to Diabetes · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

A bowl of white rice in a restaurant in Singapore. Photo by Charles Haynes. Source: Flickr, CC License
Singapore’s Health Promotion Board (HPB) is urging people to eat healthier varieties of rice because it claims white rice could be worse than sugary drinks as a potential cause of diabetes.
Rice, a staple food in the country and most parts of Asia, accounts for one-third of Singaporeans’ average calorie intake, while sugary canned drinks make up a mere 3.5 percent.
The newspaper the Straits Times reported on the HPB report on May 6, featuring an infographic showing that a bowl of rice has twice the carbohydrate content of a soft drink.
This piece of news generated an intense online discussion, with many criticizing the board for waging a campaign against rice instead of focusing on sugar, unhealthy drinks, and other processed foods. Many also added that it’s misleading to blame rice for causing diabetes, reminding the HPB that Singaporeans and majority of Asians have been eating rice for thousands of years.
The writer Richard Seah raised a similar point:
Rice and other grains have been eaten by humans as their main food for over 10,000 years.
It was only after the Industrial Revolution less than 300 years ago that sugar became more affordable and entered the mainstream diet. And only in the last 50 years or so that sugar consumption rose sharply.
So throughout most of human history, average sugar consumption was near zero. In modern societies today, sugar consumption is as high as 70 kg per person per year. This sharp rise in sugar consumption – along with a rise in the consumption of food chemicals and artificial foods – corresponds with the rise in modern degenerative diseases.
To say that rice is worse than sugar is simply ludicrous.
The former journalist Ian Tan said he thinks it’s irresponsible to publish stories with sensationalist headlines and confusing infographics:
Now that there is news or talk that rice is bad for you, many people will just go to the extreme and stop eating rice. Then when their health goes awry, they blame everything but their hysteria, ignorance and inability to think or research for themselves.
Don’t even start considering such silly ideas like substituting soft drinks for rice, despite what a newspaper infographic may imply. You will just get fatter and dead faster than you’ve ever feared.
Reacting to the online debate about rice versus sugar, the HPB clarified that it’s not asking people to stop eating rice or that rice alone is the cause of diabetes. It said it merely advised the public that eating less white rice reduces the risk of diabetes. The HPB also recommended consuming brown rice as a healthier alternative. But some commented on social media that brown rice is more expensive, which could discourage poorer households from buying it.

author: Mong Palatino


text:
The Luhansk Excursions: Dashcams and Nostalgia in Eastern Ukraine · Global Voices
Ivan Sigal

“The Luhansk videos focus on the mundane. And that. . . is the point.” Screenshot from a dashcam video posted on YouTube.
A car revs and pulls forward. Volume cranked on the radio, out blares a Russian pop song from the 1990s, all static and drum machine. Streets, pavement, peripheral view of buildings, trees, kiosks, streetlights, pedestrians. Occasionally the driver remarks on something unseen in the landscape. It is a woman. It is a man. It is late spring and the poplars are shedding their white tufted seeds. It is winter and heavy wet flakes land on the windshield. The road is white. The route is through intersections, around corners, past monuments, gas stations, schools, apartment buildings, parks. It had no obvious beginning; it seems as if it could continue forever.
These are the excursions of Luhansk. They are videos shot with dashcams, and given to us by residents who know that we must want to see them. And who are we? We are the former residents of Luhansk, or perhaps of the Donbas, in eastern Ukraine, of other Ukrainian regions, or of some other place in the Soviet Union. We once had a car like this, listened to these upbeat electronic tunes, drove aimlessly on these streets, drank vodka or beer on these benches and Nescafé by these kiosks.
These images of Luhansk began appearing online in 2009, maybe earlier. They have titles like  “Luhansk Today”, with a date. Sometimes there’s a part 1, part 2, part 3. Or “Luhansk and Streets”, “Nostalgia for Luhansk”, “Winter in Luhansk”, or Luhansk plus the name of a street or neighborhood—Sovetskaya, Oboronnaya, Vatutin, Frunze. All names left over from Soviet times. For while other Ukrainian cities have renamed their streets with Ukrainian themes and heroes, Luhansk has kept Soviet names for many of its main thoroughfares.
The Luhansk excursions are part of a larger tradition of driving in the post-Soviet world. Dashboard cameras—dashcams—are ubiquitous, in part because of a love for gadgets, in part for protection. Drivers document their passage through the world, knowing that in case of an accident or attempted police bribery, the footage could prove invaluable later, as evidence or influence.
In dashcam videos, as in life, usually nothing happens. The famous ones record those moments when, by chance or circumstance, they capture an event worth noting: the passage of a bear, a trailer truck overturning, a jet fighter buzzing the highway, a tank bursting out of the trees, a meteorite trailing across the sky.
Russian Sukhoi Su-24 fighter buzzes a car near Volgograd, Russia, September 2012. Screen shot of YouTube video.
The Luhansk videos, however, focus on the mundane. And that—unlike the eventful dashcam videos of YouTube fame—is the point. Dashcams are there because you never know what might happen as you drive. But in the case of Luhansk, we know that exactly nothing will happen, and what we will see is precisely and only the same old streets and buildings. This is especially true of videos made after March 2014, when the Donbas, and Luhansk within it, became a contested, violent, and then militarized area, and when many residents decided it was no longer safe to stay.
The dashcam video genre takes on a special significance for those who have left eastern Ukraine behind, but want to know it is still there. The form remains the same, but the intent and meaning behind it are changing. People are now creating on-demand dashcam excursions around Luhansk, offering a glimpse of home to those who cannot return.
In November 2014, a Luhansk resident named Vitaly posted a call on his Facebook page, asking people to suggest streets, addresses and routes in the city which he then compiled into a single long route. With his dashcam on, he drove slowly along the route for over an hour, capturing familiar landmarks, but also turning corners to reveal broken windows and bus stops bent out of shape by the shelling.
To the chance observer, this might seem like an exercise in ruin porn, looking at the destruction for the sake of looking. But it is quite the opposite. While nostalgia for the familiar, decaying city is there, what really powers these videos is the hope that the city, as we knew it, still remains. We want to see the destruction, both the long-term damage we are used to and the newer marks and holes that shock us. But more than that, we want to reassure ourselves that something remains. We revel in the unremarkable sight of that Khrushchev-era apartment building as we see it come up in the video because it is home. And because it is still standing.
“What really powers these videos is the hope that the city, as we knew it, still remains.” Screen shot of November 2014 dashcam video of Luhansk posted on YouTube.
Many of us walked away from Luhansk. United Nations and Ukrainian authorities estimate over 1.5 million people from the Donbas have relocated to other parts of Ukraine or to Russia and other countries. We left behind our apartments, our childhoods, our parents, our collections of photos. Those who moved to escape the violence lost their homes and their everyday lives with all their habits and haunts, and an often lackluster but familiar routine. Those of us who had moved away earlier, for school or work, to Kyiv or other places, lost something else: a sense of Luhansk as it was fixed in our memories, a place to which we knew we could return, even if we rarely did.
The Luhansk excursions are designed explicitly for those of us who have left. They contain all the markers of authenticity necessary to evoke our nostalgia: The use of radio as soundtrack. The stated claim of no editing or censorship. The prosaic quality of the images, and the relatively narrow field of vision that shows us little beyond the surface of the road and other cars. The buildings and people remain on the periphery of vision.
The artlessness of the footage contributes to the claim of authenticity, and the idea of authenticity is crucial to understanding the images. They show both the mundane and the extraordinary, the actuality of the place, which is the root of nostalgia. They also show the changes caused by war, a newly realized cityscape of Luhansk that becomes a claim to a newly realized authenticity.
“We know that exactly nothing will happen, and what we will see is precisely and only the same old streets and buildings”. Screen shot of November 2014 dashcam video posted on YouTube.
Those of us who have lived in the former Soviet world will recognize these buildings, kiosks, parks, streetlights, the shape of curbs, the angle of billboards, as these designs are repeated throughout the post-Soviet space. But only people who have lived in Luhansk will recognize these specific streets, trees, neon lights, and graffiti on shutters, as well as the new spaces in the city’s streetscapes, created by the recent violence and destruction. In this way the particular loss of Luhansk blends with the larger, more generalized loss of the Soviet world, and partakes of a larger practice of street cruising and documenting with dashcams. These activities say first, “I am here” and “I endure” and only secondarily—with an undercurrent of pride, maybe concern, maybe resentment—“I miss you”.
The voice on the radio sings, “Summer will be over soon, there are no more hopes left.” And yet, by showing us the routine and the familiar, the pockmarked streets and shabby houses, the camera doesn’t surprise us, but comforts us, as if saying, “this is still here. You’re still here. You go on.”
The DJ on the radio puts on Johnny Cash: “Everyone I know goes away in the end.” But the streets and buildings keep rolling by. The city goes on, stubbornly but quietly. Now you see signs of fresh violence, and now you don’t. Was that window always broken or is it new? A journalist friend from Luhansk, upon watching the dashcam video, wrote:
“I wonder, if I fell into a coma a year ago and then woke back up today—would I be able to tell, just from what I saw through the car’s windshield, what had happened to Luhansk in the meantime? Or would I not notice any changes?”
These are fresh scars upon old scars, new decay upon old, and we are comforted to see that, despite both, the city that is home remains. We love it not because of or despite these scars. We love it because it made us who we are, and because these streets and houses contain the secrets of our childhood, the dreams of our adolescence, and the hopes of who we could become. You might see a boring dashcam video where nothing happens. We see ourselves, and we miss our city.
In the video, the Russian singer Delfin haunts the car radio and promises: “We will definitely meet again, do you hear me? I’m sorry.”
Tanya Lokot grew up in Luhansk; Ivan Sigal has never been to the Donbas, but lived in countries of the former Soviet Union for eight years.

author: Ivan Sigal


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Ugandans Are Finally Back on Social Media After Days-Long Blackout · Global Voices
James Propa

In the days following President Yoweri Museveni's inauguration ceremony, Ugandans were slowly able to access social media again after the Uganda Communications Commission ordered the sites blocked for “security reasons.”
Facebook thumbs down.
The blackout began on the evening of May 11, 2016, and Internet service providers announced that access to sites like Facebook and Twitter was supposedly restored on May 13. Some customers, however, reported that problems using social media persisted until Sunday, May 15.
Josiah Kato, for example, commented on leading telecom MTN Uganda's Facebook page at 3:12 a.m. on May 14 asking why he could not access messaging app WhatsApp. MTN replied, contradicting their earlier announcement that “all social media had been restored,” saying “the social media shut down by Government is still on.”
Currently, Ugandans are able to access social media sites normally.
President Museveni was sworn into office on May 12 for his controversial fifth term after winning more than 60% of the vote in elections in February 2016. The country's political opposition claims that the election was rigged, and international observers and human rights groups have also expressed concern over the election process.
The main opposition party, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), and other activists have been challenging Museveni's victory with a series of protests they've dubbed the “defiance campaign.” Social media has played a key role in the movement's organization.
During the forced shutdown, only people using virtual private networks (VPNs) were able to access social media sites. Those who are less tech savvy were locked out. Ugandans also used VPNs to circumvent a four-day social media blackout during the February elections.
The State House of Uganda, however, didn't seem to have an issue getting around the block. The account of the official residence of the president posted photos of African leaders arriving to attend the Museveni's inauguration on its Facebook page at 7:27 pm local time on May 11, two and a half hours after the social media blackout reportedly began.
Uganda State House Facebook Page was active even after the blockage.
One Facebook user commented on the post:
This is laughable indeed , I wonder whom u expect to read this since u ordered for the shut down of social media

author: James Propa


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Argentina’s ‘March of the Cap’, a Movement That Won’t Stay Silent on Deadly Police Brutality · Global Voices
Laura Schneider

Image from the public Facebook page of the March of the Cap.
For nine years now, every November 20 the March of the Cap makes its way through the Argentinian city of Cordoba, located in the heart of the country. It is a protest against the “trigger-happy” local police and the lynchings, persecution, and discrimination that the people experience on their watch.
The name of the march comes from urban slang in Spanish for police –“cap” — and intends to constitute a general challenge to the abuses of law enforcement. As the organizers describe it:
Somos la Marcha que repudia rotundamente el Estado policial que nos excluye, reprime, persigue, estigmatiza y mata. #MarchadelaGorra
— #MarchadelaGorra (@MarchadelaGorra) 18 de noviembre de 2015
We are the march that roundly rejects the police state that excludes, represses, persecutes, stigmatizes, and kills. #MarchadelaGorra
Author and researcher Esteban Rodriquez Alzueta further explained the reasons for the march in an editorial for news site Página 12 (Page 12):
Es una marcha contra la policía, pero también contra los vecinos alertas. Si no hay olfato policial sin olfato social, eso quiere decir que detrás de la brutalidad policial está el prejuicio social. Los estigmas que cotidianamente destilan esos emprendedores morales crean condiciones de posibilidad que habilitan y legitiman a las policías a estar de manera discrecional y violenta en los barrios más pobres.
This is a march against the police, but it also against neighborhood alerts. There is no police sense without a social sense, which is to say that behind the police brutality there is social prejudice. The stigmas which are distilled daily by these moral entrepreneurs create the conditions that facilitate and legitimize police officers’ discretionary and violent presence in the poorest neighborhoods.
He also added statistics which confirm how much random detentions in Cordoba have skyrocketed over the last years:
En la provincia de Córdoba se produjeron en 2011, 73.100 detenciones por averiguación de identidad, es decir, se llevaron a cabo 2209 detenciones cada 100.000 personas. Más de la mitad de ellas tuvo lugar en la capital. El 86 por ciento de la población objeto de estas prácticas son hombres. El 70, jóvenes menores de 35 años, y la causa que según la policía motivó su accionar fue el “merodeo”.
In the province of Cordoba in 2011, there were 73,100 detentions for identity checks, which is to say that there were 2,209 detentions carried out per 100,000 people. More than half of these took place in the capital. Eighty six percent of the population subject to these practices are men. Seventy percent are youth under 35 years of age, and the reason the police gave to justify its actions was “prowling”.
The Facebook page “Colectivo de Jóvenes por Nuestros Derechos (Collective of Youth for Our Rights) draw attention to different cases of police abuses. One of them tells the story of Daniel Robles, who was on vacation in Cordoba and was arbitrarily detained for 40 hours for “attempted robbery”. Another case is that of Nyko Nadal's, a 16-year-old who was chased and shot at by the police, even though he was unarmed at the time, after he took a taxi. Or the case of Christian Guevara, who died at a precinct after he took a beating at the hands of the police, who later tried to hide the truth by stating that it had been suicide.
The journalists network Cosecha Roja (Red Harvest) also published similar cases of sometimes deadly police brutality:
They drowned Ezequiel in the rotten mud of the Riachuelo. They open fire on Jonathan and Brian inside a car. A policeman shot Ramón in the head for defending another guy. They threatened and beat Luciano. He appeared, six years later, as an unclaimed body in Chacarita. They executed Mariano and Dario on the back. Kiki was murdered by a police officer who accused him of trying to rob his car.
The issues go beyond detentions and police killings to include the social education centers, or boys and girls jails, which according to the march's website are not spaces which contribute to education due to their limited resources.
While the March of the Cap has taken place every year in the province of Cordoba, in 2015 similar protests also took place in other cities, such as La Plata, Rosario, Mendoza and the city of Buenos Aires, making this march one of the largest and most well-organized in Argentina. Organizers also want to reclaim popular culture and to denounce institutional abuse, as the official website states:
Somos nosotros y nosotras. Somos los pibes y las pibas de los barrios, de los bailes y las canchas, de las cárceles de todo el país. Somos las trabajadoras y los trabajadores que luchamos todos los días por la dignidad; que soportamos la explotación, el salario bajo y la represión de la cana cuando protestamos. Somos las trabajadoras sexuales históricamente criminalizadas, asesinadas en la clandestinidad, golpeadas y perseguidas por los gobiernos que son cómplices de los responsables de la trata y el proxenetismo. Somos las y los estudiantes que luchamos por la educación pública, gratuita, de calidad y laica. Somos artesanos y artesanas, carreros, somos quienes impedimos que Monsanto se instale en Córdoba y quienes luchamos para que Porta se vaya de nuestros barrios. Somos las radios abiertas y comunitarias, los medios alternativos. Somos las murgas y los movimientos culturales. Somos mujeres y varones hartos de que nos maten por el sistema machista hetero patriarcal, por la homo – lesbo – trans – fobia, los femicidios, y travesticidios.
We are women and men. We are the guys and girls from the ‘hoods, from the dances, and the football fields, from the jails all over the country. We are the workers who fight every day for dignity; who put up with exploitation, low wages and brutal repression when we protest. We are the sex workers who have historically been criminalized, murdered in secret, beaten and persecuted by governments complicit with those responsible for our trafficking and pimping. We are the students who fight for free, quality, and secular public education. We are artisans, drivers, we are those who won't let [agricultural giant] Monsanto into Cordoba and who fight for [licor factory] Porta to leave our neighborhoods. We are the open community radios, the alternative media. We are the street musicians and the cultural movements. We are women and men who are sick and tired of being killed because of this chauvinistic patriarchal hetero system, of the homo- lesbo- trans- phobia, and sick of the murder of women and transvestites.
For the announcement of the latest march on November, 18, 2015, the website launched this video which meant to redefine the march as a popular movement as stated above.
Here are some images from the last March of the Cap:
La lucha está en las calles #MarchaDelaGorra
A photo posted by G I A N N A (@gia.gianni) on
Instagram caption: The struggle is in the streets.
T-shirt reads: “Under every cap is a guy with his story”.
9a. Marcha de la Gorra #marchadelagorra #streetphotography #photojournalism #apagency #agenciatelam #everydaylatinamerica
A photo posted by Carlos Paul Amiune (@polo1738) on
Written on banners from left to right: “Justice for Rodrigo Sanchez”, “Enough!!! Lucas Carranza another police murderer!”
Nueve años marchando por la derogación del código de faltas.  Ante tu estado policial, te marchamos de frente mar! *que linda esta la ciudad* #marchadelagorra
A photo posted by Sofía (@osir94) on
Instagram caption: Nine years marching for the repeal of the law of infractions. For your police state, we protest! *the city is beautiful*
Taking into account the warm reception that the march received in 2015 and its broader invitation to the public, some have already begun to confirm their participation via Twitter for the next March of the Cap.
Les juro por mi viejo que la próxima marcha de la gorra estoy ahí
— OjosLocos (@pamelosredo6) April 4, 2016
I swear on my father that I'll be at the next march of the cap
La marcha de la gorra 2016/2017 tengo q estar ahí
— Francis ☼ (@Orciuoli_Sol) April 23, 2016
The march of the cap 2016/2017 I have to be there

author: Laura Schneider


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‘Enfants du Pays’ Project Remembers Victims of Burundi’s Crisis With Life Stories and Artwork · Global Voices
Liam Anderson

One of the artworks shared of the project's Facebook page.
Enfants du pays (Children of the Country) is a project by a team of Burundians to document and share the individual stories of people killed during the ongoing crisis in order to keep their memory “alive”.
In April 2015, protests against the president running for another term were repressed, sparking politicized violence which then escalated, seeing armed rebellions, mass arrests, refugee flight, and assassinations.
Many Burundians, across political allegiances, have been caught in the confrontation. Sometimes, though, coverage of events seeking to explain the wider picture does not quite capture the individual tales of loss and struggle.
The Enfants du pays website lists some of the victims, with emotional testimonies from family and friends. They report on, for example, Charlotte Umugwaneza, an anti-corruption activist and Movement for Solidary and Democracy party member who was found shot dead in October 2015 after being arrested by  National Intelligence Service agents, leaving behind her husband and children.
#WomensDay Charlotte Umugwaneza: fille, epouse, mère, patriote https://t.co/awIlM5HbTx
— Cynthia Rama (@cynthiarama158) 8 mars 2016
#WomensDay: Charlotte Umugwaneza: daughter, wife, mother, patriot
Or Jean Népomucène Komezamahoro, a teenager shot dead by police after he found himself in the middle of the very first day of protests, leaving his stunned family in mourning.
The insecurity has made collecting information difficult, and the Enfants du pays organizers have left Burundi since the project began last year due to threats of violence.
Their website states their aim as:
This space is to tell the story of the victims of Pierre Nkurunziza’s 3rd term, the stories of the people, “enfants du pays”, their hopes, dreams, challenges, shortcomings, and their premature and unjust deaths. We aim to tell their individual stories, to humanize their struggle, to return their dignity….to recognize their contribution to the nation and to not let their lives be lost in vain or be left anonymous.
The Observers, a participatory journalism site hosted by France 24 news channel, spoke with the project's authors, who described their decision in mid-2015 to take action to express their anger at the deteriorating violence in their country:
There’s been so much bloodshed that many people here think that non-violent actions are pointless. But we remain determined. Even though this project is draining, it means a lot to see how important it is for the families. Most of them are so happy that someone wants to know about their loved one.
Putting names and faces to victims of Burundi's crisis #oF24 @EnfantsDuPays @sophiepilgrim https://t.co/XS7KuHZyEe pic.twitter.com/tgwE4jsQsI
— The Observers (@Observers) 2 mai 2016
The project also aims to work with the Burundian diaspora and hold art exhibitions in cities around the world to raise awareness of the human cost of the crisis, with artwork relating to the victims and experiences of the political insecurity, for which they have sought crowdfunding. They recently held such an exhibition in New York, and images were shared on their Facebook page.
PC Mbonimpa at @ChinatownSoup for the opening of @EnfantsDuPays art exhibit. Pls visit thru May 1! @NelsonNiyakire pic.twitter.com/v8rDjWkO26
— Samantha Lakin (@S_Lakin1) 29 avril 2016
The painting in the tweet above shows Pierre-Claver Mbonimpa, a prominent human rights activist who was shot in an assassination attempt in late 2015, and then went to Belgium for treatment. He has also lost members of his family to violent attacks.
During this crisis, independent press has been heavily restricted, but throughout journalists, rights activists, and citizens have innovatively used media to report and document events, including radio and underground social media reporting from exile.
Similarly, Enfants du pays uses media to create a widely accessible connection with the memories of those killed by the violent political crisis, and the trauma of loss to those remaining. This helps to nuance simplified narratives of confrontation with human faces. Their efforts have received enthusiastic online messages of support. As Twitter user @kagapina said:
Thank you #EnfantsDuPays for making sure #Burundi -ans do not die “twice”. #Sindumuja https://t.co/wrc0Jh7uDX
— Gaps (@kagapina) 23 novembre 2015

author: Liam Anderson


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Filipino Farmers Hit by El Niño Are Protesting and Demanding Food Aid · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Drought has spread in several provinces of Mindanao Island. Photo from the Facebook page of RMP-NMR
Since March, thousands of hungry farmers in the southern island of Mindanao in the Philippines have been staging various forms of protests in city centers demanding the immediate release of rice intended for drought victims.
Because of the El Niño weather phenomenon which has led to an acute water shortage and the drying up of irrigated lands in the country's rural areas, farmers have been unable to plant crops for several months. Early this year, a state of calamity was declared in many provinces of Mindanao, which means local authorities are authorized to use special funds in order to provide food aid to affected residents.
But in March, many farmers complained that the rice procured by the government has yet to be distributed in their villages. More than 4,000 farmers gathered in front of a government-owned rice warehouse in Kidapawan City to demand the release of rice and calamity funds. But instead of providing rice to the farmers, the police violently dispersed the street barricade protest on April 1.
Because of the incident, the hashtag #BigasHindiBala (Rice, Not Bullets) trended after Internet users questioned the decision of the police to attack the farmers who were simply asking for food. Many also commented that it is tragic to see the country’s food producers going hungry while politicians are slow in addressing the El Niño disaster.
A rice donation campaign was launched, which was actively supported by various charity groups, concerned citizens, and celebrities.
A rice distribution activity was held in the town of Arakan. Private groups donated the rice. Photo from the Facebook page of Bigas Hindi Bala
A village in the town of Magpet was a recipient of a rice donation campaign. Photo from the Facebook page of Bigas Hindi Bala
A few days after the bloody dispersal in Kidapawan, farmers in nearby provinces in Mindanao organized their own protest to demand rice from the government.
In north Mindanao, peasant leader Ireneo Udarbe explains the impact of El Niño in the rural communities:
Our livelihood is dependent on the land which is now too parched to grow anything. Farmers are innovative. We can look for alternative crops to plant, find some growths that are edible. But right now there is simply nothing – just hectares of dust that even weed won’t grow on.
Farmers in Valencia, Philippines, hold a street protest to demand the release of calamity funds. Photo from RMP-NMR
About 5,000 farmers gathered in the towns of Valencia and Malaybalay to pressure the government to distribute rice to drought victims.
Farmers stage a protest in the capital of Bukidnon province. Photo from the Facebook page of RMP-NMR
Farmers protesting in Bukidnon province. Photo from the Facebook page of RMP-NMR
The protest succeeded after the governor of the province promised to distribute one sack of rice to every family of farmers affected by El Niño. He also vowed to distribute one sack of seedlings and two sacks of fertilizers per hectare to farmers in preparation for the planting season.
The governor of the province speaks before a group of protesting farmers. Photo from the Facebook page of RMP-NMR
In South Cotabato province, about 3,000 farmers blocked a national highway in the regional capital to demand the distribution of rice. After five days, the local government agreed to provide 25 kilos of rice as monthly subsidy for all the drought-stricken farmers in the region until harvest season comes.
Farmers block a national highway in Koronadal City. The big banner reads: “Food and Justice”. Photo by Kath Cortez. Source: Facebook
Protesting farmers block a national highway. Photo by Ace R. Morandante. Source: davaotoday.com
Protesting farmers succeeded in getting rice from a government warehouse. Photo by Kath Cortez. Source: Facebook
Farmers receive rice aid from the government. Photo by Kath Cortez. Source: Facebook


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The Caribbean Memory Project Is Crowdsourcing Family Histories to Preserve the Region’s Cultural Heritage · Global Voices
Atiba Rogers

A screen grab of the Caribbean Memory Project's homepage.
So you missed out on all those talks with your grandparents about what the good old days were like — or perhaps you're curious about your family's past and how you ended up in the Caribbean. Either way, it's now possible to live vicariously through the stories of West Indian families (maybe even your own!) via the Caribbean's first crowdsourced cultural heritage research platform, the Caribbean Memory Project (CMP).
Launched in 2014, this innovative initiative allows people to archive cultural, social and historical memories and is founded on the belief that it's important for West Indians to be the storytellers of their own history. The sole purpose of the CMP is to serve as the missing link that Caribbean people need — a public database to collect and document family text and photo archives as well as lost and found materials, in order to showcase the lives and experiences of their ancestors. This digital tool can be used to spark inter-generational conversations and helps ensure that contemporary Caribbean communities understand where they came from.
Global Voices spoke with the project's founders, Kevin Browne, Ph.D. and Dawn Cumberbatch, to find out more.
Kevin Browne, one of the founders of the Caribbean Memory Project. Photo by Joanna de Silva, used with permission.
Global Voices (GV): Tell us about the Caribbean Memory Project — why did you think it was a necessary initiative for the region?
Caribbean Memory Project (CMP): The Caribbean Memory Project is an undertaking in practical citizenship, archiving, community education, and digital humanities. It's the Caribbean’s first formal, crowd-sourced cultural heritage research platform. Its initial incarnation was ‘Found(ations): The Vernacular Digital Archiving Project,’ was an academic inquiry designed to activate and engage the memory of cultural heritage among a mixed audience and to aid in counteracting the effects of erasure and forgetting occurring in a growing number of contemporary Caribbean communities. We're motivated by enduring questions of citizenship and its related responsibilities—to a family, a community, a country—which are central to the conceptualization and sustainable enactment of Caribbean identity. CMP functions as a public repository for texts—family archives, collections, found/discarded materials, and public databases—that begins to illustrate the range of documentary activity produced by (and about) Caribbean people and their descendants. Participants and the general public have direct and open access to this heritage database that may be used for reflection, education, and research into the social histories of indigenous, native, and naturalized communities by local, regional, and transnational parties.
GV: What kind of online response has the Caribbean Memory project got since going public?
CMP: We think the response has been very positive. A lot of people seem to recognize the importance of archiving — as part of our traditions and remembrances, no doubt, but also as a practice in self-discovery. We've been pleased with that, so far. A positive online response is useful, in a way, but it isn't always the most encouraging indicator of our progress, so we try to be careful not to place unrealistic demands on our audience. Attentions can wane, but the importance of the work will persist.
GV: How has the use of social media helped to spread awareness of the project?
CMP: It's been integral to our work online, but we're looking into ways to improve our reach in multiple environments.
GV: How often do you get submissions, and where do people most often come across the archiving project?
CMP: We get submissions through personal contacts, recommendations from heritage organizations, as well as through our social media platforms. The frequency of these submissions varies, and several are works in progress, meaning that they require multiple visits and conversations with the people being featured to be considered complete.
Dawn Cumberbatch, co-founder of the Caribbean Memory Project. Photo by Dana Griffith, used with permission.
GV: Have any of the stories surprised you? What’s your favorite one?
CMP: We try to concern ourselves with understanding what Caribbean people can do with our heritage, and the knowledge, texts, locations, and other tangible objects we produce as a consequence of belonging. We're often surprised by things we hear and what we discover. Each is unique in its own way, while reinforcing the idea that we come from a very complex place, and that the histories we possess are even more complex. We celebrate when we make additions, but we also grieve a bit because we're constantly reminded how fragile we are. We–Caribbean people–are very fragile keepers of our history. We throw things away, and much of what we know of ourselves often go with them. Part of the problem is that we've been taught to evaluate things about ourselves and others in terms of what we like most, or would most prefer. That leads to a lot of erasure. Secrets are left to fester. Hard lessons become taboo subjects. Violence is romanticized. Traumas are forgotten.
GV: What plans do you have for the future?
CMP: That's an interesting question for a project located in memory work. So much of what we do is geared toward raising people's awareness of the importance of memory in how they come to understand themselves and each other. The future will include more of that. We hope to get some more help doing it, which will enable us to do more. Since launching CMP in 2014, we have identified, acquired, processed, and interacted with various archives. We've also devised a comprehensive long-term strategy in education, entrepreneurship, and social engagement for addressing the possibilities, implications, and material effects of heritage and citizenship.
GV: Are you happy with the Caribbean Memory Project’s success?
CMP: We're not sure we'd call what we've achieved a success. It's interesting and has a lot of potential, a lot of room for growth. This is how it is. Works in progress really shouldn't be framed in such terms. Do we think we're doing good work? Yes. Do we think our work is done? Absolutely not. Will it be done? We don't think so. As long as there's a Caribbean, there'll be work to do. It's not a question of success, but rather one of gaining a better sense of who we and our people are–and finding effective ways to encourage more useful engagements. We — all of us — still have a great deal more to learn.

author: Atiba Rogers