text:
Netizen Report: Tech Community Mourns Open Source Activist Executed in Syria · Global Voices
Netizen Report Team

FreeBassel campaign posters by #FreeBassel Campaign and Kallie Taylor.
This week, open technology and knowledge advocates around the world mourned the execution of Bassel Khartabil, an open web advocate and close friend of many in the Global Voices community. Bassel was reportedly sentenced to death in November 2015, at which point his whereabouts and condition became unknown. His wife Noura Ghazi learned this week that he was executed in 2015.
Khartabil spearheaded the open source technology movement in Syria, as an avid contributor to global projects like Creative Commons and Wikipedia, and as co-founder of the country’s first open technology lab in Damascus. To honor his country’s historic past, he worked with technologists and architects to virtually reconstruct the ancient city of Palmyra, in hopes of reviving its historical notoriety.
Like so many other peaceful technology developers and activists in Syria and beyond, Khartabil was accused of “harming state security.”  In a December 2012 military field court proceeding, he was interrogated by a judge, but to his family’s knowledge, never received further word on the status of his case.
In The Cost of Freedom: A Collective Inquiry, a book of essays and poems written by artists, thinkers and technologists who knew Bassel, his wife Noura Ghazi reflected on his spirit:
I’ve lived all my life dreaming of Freedom, and Bassel taught me to embrace it…. He has always shared his knowledge with everyone who asked, and has also taught many prisoners to read, write, and speak English. Bassel opened the door to technology for me, he taught me to use both computers and smartphones. He taught me the Internet. He also taught other prisoners to use computers theoretically, without having one in their hands.
In a one-day trial on July 25, the People’s Court in Vietnam’s Hà Nam province sentenced Trần Thị Nga to nine years in prison and five years of house arrest for “conducting propaganda against the State.” The 40-year-old Nga, also known by her pen name Thúy Nga, is a prominent advocate for migrants and land rights. She has also been documenting and campaigning against police brutality on her Facebook page and her YouTube channel. Nga has been frequently intimidated and physically attacked by police for her work.
A man in Kashmir was detained by police after allegedly writing “anti-national” posts on Facebook. Local residents complained to police about the posts, which appeared after India lost to Pakistan in an international cricket competition. An officer told the Kashmir Observer “We are running a check on whether this person has links with any terror outfit or not. We are also scanning his activities on social networking sites.”
A government employee in Brunei was charged with violating the Sedition Act after he complained on Facebook about new Halal certification regulations released by the Ministry of Religious Affairs. Global Voices’ Mong Palatino explained that given Brunei’s stringent media regulations, issues related to civil liberties are not often discussed online. “That's why the [online] conversation about Shahiran's case provides a rare glimpse of how some netizens think about the situation in the country today,” he wrote.
In an effort to more closely examine this connection, the Global Internet Forum to Counter Terrorism convened this week in San Francisco. Formed by Facebook, Microsoft, Twitter and YouTube, the Forum includes representatives from the tech industry, government, and NGOs to discuss and respond to critiques from the European Commission and other governments that tech companies need to do more to combat terrorism and hate speech on their platforms.
However, activists are criticizing the companies for failing to distinguish between hate speech and genuine criticism. Minority groups in the US report being disproportionately censored when they use social media to call out racism by other users, even when their posts repeat and criticize, word for word, the uncensored hateful posts sent to them by other users. Stacey Patton, a journalism professor at Morgan State University, told the Washington Post:
In the era of mass incarceration, you come into this digital space — this one space that seems safe — and then you get attacked by the trolls and put in Facebook jail. It totally contradicts Mr. Zuckerberg’s mission to create a public square.
New research by Global Voices shows that Free Basics, the “free” mobile version of Facebook, makes it difficult for users to assess the reliability of news articles. The app only allows users to read headlines and the captions of photos, stripping away valuable context that helps users determine the validity of the information in a news report. Given the proliferation of copycat websites spreading fake news, this makes it easier for Free Basics users to spread false information without realizing it.
Tajikistan’s parliament passed a set of amendments to the country’s criminal law that grant security services the right to monitor and control citizens’ online activities. This includes keeping detailed records of SMS and mobile messages, social media comments, and anyone who visits websites deemed “undesirable”, though it is unclear what sites would qualify. The law also criminalizes making comments that could damage someone’s personal honor or undermine national security, with a minimum punishment of two years in jail. The legislation marks a shift in approach for the Tajik government, away from using censorship to ban controversial websites and services, instead opting to monitor citizens’ activities across the web.
On June 24, Palestine passed a new law regulating online transactions, media websites and social networking sites. The law outlines a number of “cybercrimes” that can be punished by up to 15 years in prison or hard labor for life. While it lists a few cybercrimes that should be fought at all costs such as sextortion, fiscal fraud, and identity theft, it also gives the public prosecutor's office unlimited powers to surveil Palestinian citizens, intercept their online communications, and arrest them for airing their opinions and political views online. The law was approved by President Mahmoud Abbas just two weeks later, with no opportunity for input from civil society.
Apple informed customers it will take down VPN services from its app store in China to bring it into compliance with the government’s crackdown on companies offering VPN services to the general public. However, Chinese users can still download and continue using such apps as ExpressVPN if their Apple accounts are registered in overseas app stores with a billing address outside of China.
Ellery Roberts Biddle, Mohamed ElGohary, Leila Nachawati, Inji Pennu and Sarah Myers West contributed to this report.

author: Netizen Report Team


text:
No More Jailed Journalists in Macedonia: Zoran Božinovski Free on Bail After 15-Month Detention · Global Voices
Marko Angelov

Zoran Božinovski leaving the prison, July 15, 2017. Photo by Association of Journalists of Macedonia, used with permission.
On July 14, the Skopje Criminal Court ended the 15-month detention of journalist Zoran Božinovski who was facing charges of criminal association, espionage and blackmail.
Božinovski was released at request of the Public Prosecutor’s Office.
The controversial journalist ran a muckraking web portal Burevesnik.org, which had published leaked information implicating Macedonian politicians in corruption.
He caught the wrath of authorities in 2012 when he became one of 18 defendants in a case code-named “Spy,” which accused a group of people — including former intelligence and police officers, the former director of the Office for Combating Money Laundering, and the former head of cabinet of the president of the Parliament — of spying on behalf of Greece and Hungary.
In 2013 Božinovski was arrested in Serbia where he had sought political asylum, and in April 2016 he was extradited to Macedonia.
The Association of Journalists of Macedonia (AJM) has struggled to secure the release of imprisoned reporters in Macedonia, including other high profile cases of “selective justice,” like Tomislav Kežarovski, who was sentenced to 4.5 years in prison in 2013, over a 2008 news article in which he revealed flaws of the government's investigation of the death of another journalist, Nikola Mladenov. He spent two and a half years in prison and house arrest until the Appellate Court reduced his sentence.
АЈМ demanded that Božinovski be released from detention too, through continuous public appeals. The other suspects in the same case were released from detention years ago, while the case had been stalled and restarted.
Božinovski's supporters claim the case against him is retaliation for Burevesnik.org and its implications for Macedonian political leaders.
After Božinovski's release from jail on July 15, AJM released a statement noting that Božinovski's detention made Macedonia the only country in the Balkans region with a journalist behind bars. “Keeping a journalist in detention for almost three years is absolutely unheard of in free and democratic countries,” the statement read.
“Bozinovski's release will separate Macedonia from the group of authoritarian countries in Europe, which includes Turkey, Russia and Azerbaijan, where journalists are constantly persecuted,” said AJM President Naser Selmanin.
Critics of the former Macedonian government, which ruled until May 2017, claim that the whole “Spy” case had been staged for domestic political purposes and selective persecution of individuals targeted by the regime. There is no public record of former government figures accusing EU members Hungary and Greece of undertaking hostile espionage activities towards Macedonia.
The former government, run by right-wing VMRO-DPMNE party, even boasted close ties with Hungarian PM Viktor Orban and gave him a medal of merit just months after it initiated proceedings in the “Spy” case.
On Reporters Without Borders’ World Press Freedom Index, Macedonia slid from 34th place to 123rd place within a period of only five years. Graph presenting the country rank and the average rank for the Western Balkans (WB) region by Metamorphosis using RWB data, via the Internet Freedom Network.
Macedonia suffered severe backsliding from democracy over the last decade, due to state capture performed by the ruling party. It received criticism from international human rights defenders, including the OSCE Representative for Freedom of the Media, for using the judiciary to silence independent media.
The new government has vowed to redeem these wrongs and bring the country back to the path of European integration through comprehensive reforms that will be overseen by the European Union. But the hurdles of bureaucracy, legal loopholes and entrenched support for the former regime within state institutions will make this a long road.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Marko Angelov


text:
Will Palestine’s New Cybercrime Law Pave the Way for More Rights Violations? · Global Voices
Marwa Fatafta

Graphic by 7iber (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
In a state of secrecy and lack of transparency, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas recently approved a new cybercrime law that further tightens the noose on Palestinians’ freedom of expression and privacy online.
Palestinian media and civil society organizations have slammed the new law and called for its immediate freeze until it is publicly debated and amended. The Palestinian Journalists Syndicate, the Independent Committee for Human Rights and the Palestinian Center for Development and Media Freedoms, among others, have protested the approval of this law given its dangerous implications on Palestinian civil and political freedoms.
The law was prepared discreetly and approved on 24 June 2017 without holding prior discussions with Palestinian civil society organizations and internet service providers. Two weeks later, it was published and enacted with immediate effect as stipulated by the law's Article 61, breaking away from the legal tradition of leaving 30 days before a new law becomes active. Since the Palestinian Legislative Council was shut down in 2007 due to political division, President Mahmoud Abbas has abused his legislative power, which according to the Palestinian Basic Law allows him to approve laws only in case of emergencies.
The new law regulates online transactions, media websites and social networking sites, outlining a number of “cybercrimes” that can be punished by up to 15 years in prison or hard labor for life. While it lists a few cybercrimes that should be fought at all costs such as sextortion, fiscal fraud, and identity theft, it also gives the public prosecutor's office unlimited powers to surveil Palestinian citizens, intercept their online communications, and arrest them for airing their opinions and political views online.
Social Media Exchange (SMEX), which maintains a database on laws that affect digital rights in the Arab world, highlighted in a statement three of the law's highly problematic articles that threaten free speech online and civil and political rights:
Furthermore, the enforcement of this law extends to outside of the judicial borders of the Palestinian Authority territories and allows for the prosecution of Palestinians living abroad in case they have committed a “cybercrime” as per the definition of the law. This constitutes an imminent threat on Palestinian political activists who are based abroad but have a very wide influence on social media at home. The law does not specify whether the authorities would seek to extradite Palestinians based abroad for committing a cybercrime.

author: Marwa Fatafta


text:
Even the Best Dancer Leaves the Dance Floor: African Strongmen and Political Transition · Global Voices
Nwachukwu Egbunike

Buying what matters. Photo By Pernille Bærendtsen.
Today, August 4, Rwanda goes to the polls to elect their next president. There are four candidates contesting the election—including the incumbent, Paul Kagame—but there is little doubt who will triumph. As a recent article in The Economist put it, “on August 4th Rwandans will re-elect Mr Kagame. The outcome is not in doubt. He has always won more than 90% of the vote in the past.”
If—or rather, when—Kagame wins the election, he will enter his twenty-third year as the de facto leader of Rwanda. He first took power in 1994 as vice president and defence minister—at the time, essentially the leader of the country—then became president in 2000. In 2015, he presided over a referendum that amended Rwanda’s constitution to allow him to run for a third term in office and potentially serve for another seven years. The process could see him in power until 2034.
The African political landscape is, of course, dotted with leaders whose rule stretches well over two decades. Many of these strongmen are democratically elected, if only in theory, but hold on to power with an autocratic grip. A good many of them are 70 or older on a continent where, according to UN data, the average age of the population is 19.5 years. Few of them are favourably regarded outside of their countries. Kagame is a notable exception.
Kagame has long been a favourite of the international donor community and of what The Economist refers to as “the Davos crowd,” the elite group of global business leaders, politicians and economists who meet annually at the World Economic Forum.
Kagame’s achievements as a leader are indeed considerable. He came to power in Rwanda after a genocide in which over 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed in the most horrific ways at the hands of the extremist Hutu regime. About one-third of Rwanda's ethnic minority, the indigenous Twa, were also wiped out.
Kagame managed to transform a country ravaged by civil war into one with an impressive record in development and fighting corruption. Rwanda is one of the few countries with a female-majority parliament—64 percent, the highest in the world. Its annual GDP growth averaged 8% between 2001-2015. Rwanda’s citizens have access to basic healthcare and cabinet ministers are held accountable for their performance.
But evidence suggests that the stability and level of development the country currently enjoys have come at a cost, and that Rwanda is a police state where dissenters, both at home and abroad, are silenced, imprisoned or killed. In their 2015 report, Freedom House alleged that Kagame's government is actively engaged in suppressing formal political opposition. According to The Economist, “speech is less free in Rwanda than in any other African country, except Eritrea.” As one of Kagame’s former economic advisers expressed it: “For Western governments, financiers and opinion leaders, Rwandan president Paul Kagame offers a Faustian bargain: Overlook my brutal behavior, and I will offer you a model for economic growth in an African nation.”
Election campaigns are not only about presidents. They are also fought by people on the ground. Adjumani in Uganda in 2006. Photo By Pernille Bærendtsen.
Yet there are those who argue that the suppression of certain freedoms is reasonable and justified given Rwanda’s history, and that “service delivery” is what matters. Or as the headline of a Global Voices piece about the 2015 referendum put it, “Is It Not Democracy If Voters in Rwanda Want a “Life President?”
The Kenyan academic Wandia Njoya, for instance, slammed the Economist article on Twitter , calling it “immoral and wrong on so many levels.” The conversation sparked by Njoya’s comment went down a familiar path, with criticism of the Rwandan leader being conflated with minimising the 1994 genocide. (Making false claims about the 1994 genocide is, not unreasonably, a criminal offence in Rwanda). The country maintains a well-oiled and sophisticated public relations machine that portrays any criticism as being anti-progress, and promotes the idea that without Kagame at the helm, Rwanda will descend once again into chaos.
The fear of challenging leaders who cling to power is, for some Africans, rooted in anxiety and fear about unknown alternatives—alternatives which, as in Rwanda, where genuine political opposition has been all but suppressed, remain weak and unknown because they are never allowed to emerge and develop.
In 2015 Nigerians elected former military leader Muhammadu Buhari as president. Buhari was the country’s head of state from December 1983 to August 1985, after taking power in a military coup d’etat.
Buhari was elected on the platform of being a strong leader capable of stopping the extremist terrorist group Boko Haram. He was also considered to have both the integrity and “austere and Spartan life style” essential for fighting corruption, and to his credit, he did significantly halt Boko Haram's murderous rampage.
But the 74-year-old Buhari has shown himself to be out of touch with the current realities of statecraft. His economic policies in the face of dwindling international oil prices have been disastrous. As one Nigerian columnist put it, three decades after first taking power, “Buhari in his second coming appeared to have planted his governance principles on the template of his first. If those principles failed the nation woefully in 1984, they are even far less likely to work in today’s much-changed world.”
One example of this is the Buhari administration's bid to save the Naira, Nigeria’s national currency, from devaluation by “chopping down trees lining the streets of its capital to thwart black market money changers” and banning a long list of consumer goods “from shovels and rice to toothpicks.”
Buhari's health has also been a matter of public speculation. In early 2017, he spent two months in London being treated for an undisclosed illness and had a further round of treatment in May.
Nigerians elected a frail strongman as president, and appear to believe their country is best led by the firm hand of an ex-general or someone closely linked to the military—a sign that the effects of over 30 years of military rule are deeply entrenched.
The firm hand of an army general has been the reality in Uganda's for the past 31 years. In power since 1986, Yoweri Museveni was re-elected for a fifth term in 2016, in an election that many observers declared not free or fair. Museveni's government has tormented his top challengers with physical attacks, house arrests and the levelling of trumped-up charges of crimes such as terrorism, rape and treason. He is rumoured to be preparing to put forward another crucial constitutional provision that would extend his rule even further.
Since 2015, the right of Ugandans to protest and hold public rallies has been eroded by the passing of the Public Order Management Act (POMA) by a parliament dominated by the ruling party. The law gives the Inspector General of Police—a close Museveni ally—the power to permit or disallow public gatherings, a huge obstacle to political organising. Political patronage and corruption have also rendered the government incapable of delivering basic health services and jobs. In Transparency International's 2016 Corruption Perception Index Uganda was ranked 151 out of 176 countries in the world, dropping 12 places from its 2015 position.
In 2005, Ugandan parliamentarians were allegedly bribed to repeal an article of the constitution that limited the country's leader to a two presidential terms, but if Museveni is to be eligible to stand for re-election in 2021 he also has to remove an age limit clause that prevents a person older than 75 from running for the country's highest office. His government has made considerable strides on the economic and political stability fronts, but with a population of 37 million and state machinery that belongs back in the 20th century, Museveni is failing to meet the expectations of a young population where more than 70 percent are below the age of 30. When Museveni finally leaves office, Ugandans will be understandably anxious about whether they will witness the first peaceful transfer of power since the country gained independence in 1962.
The Tanzanian government's slogan in 2010 promised ‘Maisha bora kwa kila Mtanzania’ – a better life for every Tanzanian. Photo By Pernille Bærendtsen.
This apparent unease with political transitions is also present in Tanzania, where one political party, the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), has dominated politics since independence in 1961, albeit under different leaders—including the country's founding father Julius Nyerere, who set a precedent by stepping down voluntarily in 1985.
In October 2015 the East African nation re-elected the CCM with a new leader, John Magufuli, at the helm. The election was the most competitive in the history of Tanzania and the opposition received more votes than in the previous election, but the CCM won both the presidency and a majority in parliament. In a survey by the Tanzanian NGO Twaweza in September 2016, 96% of the Tanzanians surveyed expressed approval for the Magufuli. Another 2016 Twaweza survey indicated that voters were also supportive of a one-party dominant system, with 80% of respondents agreeing that the opposition “should accept defeat and help the government to develop the country.”
All this despite evidence that the Tanzanian government under Magufuli's leadership is taking an increasingly authoritarian turn. The government passed legislation in 2015 that critics say will restrict press freedom. And in June 2016, the opposition politicians were banned from holding meetings outside of their constituencies. A 2017 poll by Twazeza showed that while Magufuli’s popularity rating had dropped since the previous year, seven out of ten Tanzanians, or 71% of the population, still approved of the president.
Even in Kenya, where the stranglehold that the dominant Kenya African National Union (KANU) party had on politics from 1969 was finally broken in 2002, multi-party politics has proven to be a fragile thing. The general election set for August 8 is predicted to be the most hotly contested in the history of that East African nation. A defeat for the incumbent president and his Jubilee party candidate, Uhuru Kenyatta, would give him the embarrassing distinction of being the first Kenyan president not to be re-elected. With the recent killing of a senior election official, there are worries about Kenya's stability and reminders of work needed to not repeat the violent election season of 2007-2008.
Popular support for authoritarian leaders and an apparent preference for a kind of “democratic autocracy” prompts questions and assumptions about exactly what citizens of some African nations want from their presidents and political parties.
In the case of Tanzania, while polls suggest that a large portion of the population currently prefers stability and continuity over democracy, for how long will Tanzanians tolerate the increasing authoritarianism? And in Rwanda, one wonders how long  Kagame’s policies will continue to be effective in containing dissent.
These examples point to the limits of electoral politics and political solutions. But part of the answer certainly lies in developing confident and politically informed electorates, and in building and nurturing strong and credible opposition parties and civil society groups. Neither of these is a simple task, as in many countries there are powerful forces working against their success. But even the best dancer leaves the dance floor, and it's important to prepare for the moment they do.
In Kenya, young activists took to the streets in 2013, accusing their MPs for making business out of politics. Photo By Pernille Bærendtsen.

author: Nwachukwu Egbunike


text:
Five Days After His Essay Went Viral, Chinese Author Apologizes for ‘Imprecise’ Writing on Beijing’s Economic Boom · Global Voices
Jack Hu

Beijing city. Image from Flickr Michel_china CC: AT-SA-NC.
In other parts of the world, a writer might be thrilled if their online post was read millions of times overnight. But in China, popularity can result in political pressure, especially if the writer is not following the Chinese Communist Party's ideological line.
Recently, Zhang Wumao, the author of a hit essay titled “In Beijing, 20 Million People Pretend to Live” (read the full English translation on Beijing Cream), was forced to apologize to the public for “spreading negative energy.” Less than a day after the essay was posted on a WeChat public account, it had been viewed more than five million times.
Writer Zhang Guochen was born in China's western Shaanxi province, and moved to Beijing at the age of 25 in 2006. He began blogging soon after and has since published two novels: Spring Is Burning and Princess's Tomb. Zhang writes under the pen name Zhang Wumao (“50 cents” in Chinese) likely in reference to China's government-sponsored internet commenters.
Zhang's viral essay commented on Beijing's rapid economic and architectural development and rising economic inequality. It highlights the difficult lives of millions of internal migrants who do not have registered homes in Beijing and therefore do not have the safety net that inherited properties often become for native Beijingers.
Below are excerpts of the essay translated by Megan Pan on Beijing Cream:
Beijingers are very busy, busy all the way until 11 o’clock at night, and even then they are still stuck in traffic on the Third Ring Road; the time cost of socializing in Beijing is too high
[…]
I feel complete indifference for this city’s awesome structures and long history. Climbing the Great Wall, I only think of Lady Meng Jiang [who wept for her husband who died building the Great Wall], finding it difficult to stir up that lofty pride for the wonders of the world once more; walking into the Forbidden Palace, I see only one empty building after another, which is even less lively and interesting than my hometown’s pigpen.
[…]
In Beijing, this generation of migrants without inherited property are destined to be trapped within the housing system their whole lives. They struggle for decades to buy a house the size of a birdcage, then struggle a few more decades to swap it out for a slightly bigger second house, and if you make strides, congratulations, you can now consider school district housing.
[…]
Those who have successfully achieved their dreams are currently fleeing to Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the west coast of America. Those who have chased their dreams in vain are also fleeing, they are returning to Hebei, Dongbei, and their hometowns.
And in this city remain 20 million people, pretending to live. In reality, there is no life in this city. Here, there are only the dreams of few and the work of many.
Zhang's essay resonated with a large number of netizens, in particular those who work or have worked in Beijing. Housing prices have soared in Beijing in the past few years, with rates sometimes rising by 5-6% per week, and down payments are as high as 80% for some buyers. For the young working class, it has become more and more difficult to afford a mortgage for a small apartment in Beijing.
Morning rush hour in Beijing. Photo released to public domain.
Some echoed Zhang's view by writing about their own Beijing experience, while others rebuked his stereotypes of “old Beijingers”, in particular the claim that single children born in Beijing have five properties inherited from their grandparents and parents.
The essay was republished on a number of online media outlets. But on July 25, it disappeared from all social media accounts and websites.
Commentary from Chinese Communist Party mouthpiece People's Daily attacked the essay as “bizarre hype”:
此文是典型的怎么邪乎怎么写。先贴标签，再煽情绪。北京没有人情味儿、老北京人屁股底下五套房、2000万人成了假装在生活……
This essay is classic case of bizarre hype. First, attach the label, then stir up emotion. Beijing is not a city with hospitality, old Beijingers are sitting on five properties, 20 million people pretend to live…
The piece stressed that the Beijingers’ struggles are simply what come with beginning a new life, not the result of “pretending” to have a life.
Another commentary piece published by government news outlet Xinhua also accused Zhang of sensationalizing the general problem of urbanization as something specific to the capital city.
Zhang apologized in a July 28 interview with a local media outlet, five days after the essay went viral. In his interview with local media outlets, he said he was under a lot of pressure after the post went viral and he wanted to apologize for acting like a spoiled kid and being “imprecise” in his writing.
The deletion of the post and the author's apology provoked an angry backlash on social media, denouncing the authorities’ suppression of his work. Below are some comments from a news thread on Weibo:
道毛歉，负能量的东西不能说，都看新闻联播好了
Why apologize? Chinese people have to watch the news on Chinese Central Television (CCTV) only because news of ‘negative energy’ can't be spoken.
这也要道歉？？？如果这篇文章写的全部是谎言，怎么会引起万千“北漂”强烈共鸣？？？作者破坏了大家做梦是么？
Why does he need to apologize? Could it be that the article resonated among thousands of migrants in Beijing? Is it because the author disturbed the public's dreams?
暂不论文章对错 写个文章居然要道歉 呵呵 下次该文字狱了吧
Whether you agree or not, there is no way that the writer of the piece has to apologize in public. A literary inquisition is coming.
The disappearance of Zhang's essay and his subsequent apology come as no surprise in China's current political climate, where authorities have tightened internet controls to ensure social stability in the run-up to a pivotal power reshuffle at the communist party congress in November. WeChat and Weibo have been subject to more severe censorship to make sure that the online public sphere is full of pro-government voices.

author: Jack Hu


text:
The New Wave of Independent Musicians Performing in Moroccan Arabic · Global Voices
Badr Sellak

Indie rock band the Psychoacoustics in one of their shows in Casablanca. Source: the Psychoacoustics Facebook page. Used with permission.
In recent years, a growing number of indie rock bands have begun writing their songs in Darija, the dialect of Arabic used in everyday conversation in Morocco.
The result is music inspired by both contemporary art and local heritage. Unlike modern mainstream Moroccan art, which is under pressure to conform to certain standards, independent art in Darija pushes boundaries, using profanity and slang, touching on highly controversial themes, and experimenting with different styles.
The alternative musical scene began in Morocco in the early 2000s and was referred to as the Nayda movement (“nayda” being a neologism meaning “waking up”, used as an adjective to describe a festive atmosphere). The main showcase back then was the Boulevard Festival of Young Musicians (Festival du Boulevard des Jeunes Musiciens). First held in 1999 as a competition featuring local rappers, DJs and bands, this festival sought to establish an underground scene and present it to the public and mainstream media.
The acts during this early generation were limited and written mostly in English and French. Speaking to Global Voices, Amine Hamma, co-author of the book “Jil L'Klam: Poètes Urbains” and former guitar player for Haoussa and Betweenatna, explains in part why:
The movement itself is inspired from idols. It began in the 1990s when TV stations like MTV, MCM and VIVA became accessible. This way, not only the music, but the entire culture was dispatched. And when we talk about Rock, most of the influences were English-speaking.
Back then, the Darija dialect was emblematic of traditional musical forms like Malhoun (meaning “the melodic poem”), which in turn is inspired by Andalusian music – not something with widespread appeal for young people, who sought foreign pop culture and art.
Aurora performing in Hardzazat Hardcore Fest. Source: Aurora Facebook page. Used with permission.
Darija's status among Moroccans also didn't help. As Khalil Bahhaj, creator of the musical project The Missing String and lead singer of Riot Stones, tells Global Voices:
There is a commonly borne thought of how Darija does not go well with such musical genres where Darija is seen by many as a language associated with lack of education, and the acquisition of certain foreign languages is of added value.
But things began to change. According to some musicians, music has no official language, thus when the lyrics are written in English it is accessible to a global audience. Others, however, believed that the only way they can increase their local notoriety is by relying on their mother tongue.
So a new wave of independent artists eventually emerged in Morocco, bands with influences from electronic music, metal, and punk with lyrics in Darija. Nowadays, there are more venues and opportunities for these artists to showcase their work.
“It took us time to find identity in the rich cultural background that we have, and only recently have we succeeded in doing so” says Zouheir Mejd, lead singer for Wana Mali (previously Aurora).
And that success has been significant for the dialect, says Dominique Caubet, professor emeritus of Maghrebian Arabic at Paris’ National Institute for Oriental Languages and Civilizations (INALCO) and co-author of Jil L’klam: “The claiming use of Darija by the artists of the new scene has been very important in the valorization of this language in the Moroccan civil society for a decade.”
Ghassan El Hakim, stage director, actor, musician and staunch proponent of Darija, believes that Darija is closer to Moroccan identity than Arabic and therefore more accessible to local audiences:
Arabic, like French, is a language of occupation unlike Darija which borrows from different languages. [Darija] is a language of adaptation. In the early 2000s, classical Arabic was associated with the notion of ‘noble’ art. To me, theater, or art in general, was impossible if you can’t communicate with the audience. In this, Arabic was no different than French.
To many Moroccans, this new generation is reminiscent of the Ghiwane generation in the 1970s and 80s, pioneered by groups like Nass El Ghiwane, Jil Jilala and Lemchaheb.
Back then, literary Darija, the Darija used to write Malhoun poems, was still present. Up until the independence of Morocco in 1956, it was the “language” spoken in all of Morocco, but is now spoken only by a few elders who are natives of the city of Fes. Caubet says that “the current generation does not bathe in the same atmosphere as the Ghiwane generation. [The current generation] seized the Darija of their time, and began to work the language in their creative process.”
It isn't just rock music that is making use of Darija, nor is it limited to music: from rap to fusion, from theater to visual arts, other artistic forms have begun to rely on local heritage too.
Alternative or independent art in Morocco is distinguished by its variety, compared to the mainstream.
“The alternative scene embodies freedom in genre; freedom to explore and create new genres,” says Aaron Moniz, founding member of metal bands Into The Evernight, and Struggle Session. “They often sing out messages of freedom, equality, perspectives of the oppressed and of the real and ever-changing Morocco”.
And Ghassan El Hakim adds: “The objective of alternative art is to create debate. Even the term ‘alternative’ itself carries a somewhat political stand. Not exactly being member of a party, but to have something clear to deliver, and to defend it”.
One of the main problems that alternative art suffers from in Morocco is that of documentation. Amplify.ma is one of the websites which have been trying to document the rock scene since its beginnings. Its founder, Reda Hmidi, told Global Voices that “the first challenge which tackles young musicians is recording an album with good audio quality, and that is not affordable for many young musicians.”
Another is funding. “The alternative scene is growing, but quietly,” says Amine Nawny, creative editor at TLBB magazine and an actor in the theater troupe JAA. “There are more independent artists, however they are likely to disappear due to lack of financial support.”
Screenshot from the documentary ‘Shakespeare in Casablanca’, theater troupe JAA performing Shakespeare's ‘A Midsummer Night's Dream’ in Darija. Used with permission.
Despite some setbacks, some think the alternative scene is now perhaps at its best period thus far.
“Comparing with the past, independent art is now more rooted in society” says Marouane Youssoufi, member of Collectif Hardzazat. “It became even more visible on the media. Now it has its own audience and its own artists who are becoming aware of their social and cultural impact”.
But not everyone thinks so.
“The underground scene moves forward and backwards. The curve is not stable”, says Sami Allam, lead singer for Soundtrip. “Sometimes it is in good condition and sometimes the opposite. Today, I am not convinced that it is in a good state.”

author: Badr Sellak


text:
What Once Was the Main Slave Port in the Americas Is Now a World Heritage Site · Global Voices
Fernanda Canofre

Cais do Valongo, the site that used to be the main slave trade port in the three Americas in the 1800s | Image: Tomaz Silva/Agência Brasil/CC BY-NC-SA 2.0
The remains of what was once the largest slave trade port in the Americas came to the surface in 2011 after almost 200 years buried, when construction work on Rio de Janeiro's port area began as part of the city's preparations ahead of the Olympic Games it would host five years later.
In July 2017, UNESCO certified the place as a World Heritage Site, with the purpose of turning the long-lost stones of Cais do Valongo into a memorial site.
The recognition from the United Nations’ educational, scientific and cultural arm forces Brazil to recognize a period of its history that the country still struggles to fully confront. Brazil was the last country in the Americas to abolish slavery, doing so in 1888. The slave trade, however, became illegal in 1843 and Valongo lost its purpose. According to the online historical database Slave Voyages:
Brazil was the center of the slave trade carried on under the Portuguese flag, both before and after Brazilian independence, in 1822, and Portugal was by far the largest of the national carriers. Brazil dominated the slave trade in the sense that Rio de Janeiro and Bahia sent out more more slaving voyages than any port in Europe […] Over nearly three centuries between 1560 and 1850, Brazil was consistently the largest destination for slaves in the Americas.
Valongo’s Quay was created in 1811 — three years after the arrival of Portugal's royal family, who were escaping Napoleon's army in Europe — and soon became the main destination for ships bringing enslaved people to the Americas. Historian Lilian Moritz Schwarcz, who is a scholar in São Paulo’s University and a Global Scholar Program participant at Princeton University in the US, explains that it was located only a few steps away from the royal palace and during their walks, the monarchs would often watch traders preparing “their products” — separating families and rubbing whale oil on the enslaved Africans’ bodies to cover any wounds:
O Brasil recebeu mais de 4 milhões de africanos, durante os (quase) quatro séculos em que foi vigente o regime escravocrata no país. Tal número equivale a um pouco menos do que a metade da população que deixou seu continente de origem, forçadamente, e àqueles que lograram chegar vivos nas Américas, depois de uma viagem repleta de contrariedades. Desse número absoluto, aproximadamente 60% aportaram no Rio de Janeiro, e cerca de um milhão deles entraram no território pelo Cais do Valongo.
Brazil received more than 4 million Africans, during the (almost) four centuries the country had a regime of enslavement. That number is equivalent to a little less than half of [all the Africans] who left their continent of origin, forcibly, and managed to arrive at the Americas alive, after a long journey full of adversities. From this absolute number, nearly 60% docked at Rio de Janeiro and about 1 million entered by Valongo’s Quay.
Which means that in 32 years of operation, Valongo not only became the most trafficked slave port, but also received a quarter of all enslaved Africans who ever entered Brazil throughout the centuries that the system endured. When Brazil's National Historical and Artistic Patrimony Institute (IPHAN) presented the site as a candidate to UNESCO, its then President Kátia Bogéa explained that Valongo was “the only [site] representing millions of African people who were enslaved and worked to build Brazil as a nation, creating the largest black people population outside of Africa”.
As Schwarcz puts it in her recent article about the heritage title, in Brazil’s case having this historical site recognized is more than a matter of memory. It’s about “closing the door on oblivion”:
Não se trata de condenar essas populações a seu passado, até porque ninguém foi escravo de origem e nascença. Mas sim de lembrar e elevar essa África que vive em nós. Conforme define, lindamente, Alberto da Costa e Silva, nosso maior africanista: “O Brasil é um país extraordinariamente africanizado. E só a quem não conhece a África pode escapar o quanto há de africano nos gestos, nas maneiras de ser e de viver e no sentimento estético do brasileiro. (…) Com ou sem remorsos, a escravidão é o processo mais longo e mais importante de nossa história.
It’s not about condemning these populations to their past, especially because no one was a slave by origin or birth. But it’s about remembering and elevating the Africa that lives in us. As Alberto da Costa e Silva, our greatest Africanist, beautifully defines: ‘Brazil is an extraordinarily Africanized country. And only someone who doesn’t know Africa can escape how much of it there is in our gestures, in how we live and be, in our esthetic sense. [….] With or without remorse, slavery is the longest and most important process in our history.

author: Fernanda Canofre


text:
‘With Empty Hands But Deep Beliefs,’ Jamal Hosseini Lost His Life Fighting for Human Rights in Iran · Global Voices
Hamid Yazdan Panah

Activism against repressive governments can often come with life-changing risks. Prison, torture, censorship and exile. Leaving behind your family and the country you call home, only to face the alienation and loneliness of life as a political refugee.
Seyed Jamal Hosseini during the very first days of HRAI’s activities in Van, Turkey. Image via HRANA, published with permission.
The decision to speak out may have cost Iranian human rights activist Seyed Jamal Hosseini his life.
Jamal, the editor in chief of Human Rights Activist News Agency (HRANA) and the co-founder of Human Rights Activists in Iran (HRAI), spent the majority of his days in exile at his desk in a small apartment in Turkey. His tireless efforts earned him respect among Iranians inside and outside of the country, while making him the target of the Iranian authorities.
On the evening of 4 August, 2014 Jamal never left his desk. His lifeless body was discovered by the police the next day.
To date the circumstances of his death remain shrouded in mystery. No official cause of death for Jamal has ever been found by Turkish authorities, despite an extensive investigation and autopsy.
On the third anniversary of his death, we are reminded of the sacrifices and dangers faced by political activists in the region. Those activists who maintain their beliefs and resolve to carry on their activities and struggle. Jamal’s story is one of many. His story exemplifies the loneliness of exile, and of those activists who refuse to fade into obscurity or silence their passion to stand up to injustice. He led a life in limbo as a refugee. With his death came the injustice that often surrounds the many senseless deaths associated with repressive authorities.
Jamal’s own passion for political change began at a young age.  His uncle was one of many thousands of activists executed by the Iranian regime in the massacre of political prisoners in 1988. This was his first introduction to the harsh realities of justice in Iran.
As part of the first generation of Iranians to utilize the Internet as a political tool, Jamal penned numerous blog posts sharply critical of the regime. At night he distributed dissident literature in the city of Zanjan and was a part of Iran’s student protest movements – eventually leading to his brief imprisonment. In 2005, Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence identified Jamal’s blogs and raided his home in his absence. At the age of 24, Jamal knew his time in Iran had come to an end and left for Turkey.
Seyed Jamal Hosseini in his home in Turkey. [Photo courtesy of HRANA]
In 2006, Jamal and Keyvan Rafiee co-founded Human Rights Activists in Iran (HRAI), which included the Human Rights Activist News Agency (HRANA). Jamal served as an important bridge between underground activists in Iran and a broader community of human rights activists around the globe.
Jamal was instrumental in the operation of HRAI. His duties ranged from technical and administrative work, to writing, reporting and translating. Jamal insisted in advocating for all Iranians, regardless of differences in their backgrounds or ideological beliefs.
“Jamal’s most notable legacy is ‘human rights for all’, which was demonstrated through his work for all sectors, religions and ethnic groups in Iran,” Rafiee told Global Voices.
During the 2009 presidential election HRANA was among the main organizations providing human rights news to the international community and detailing the arrests of political activists. The Iranian regime struck back in 2010 with a systematic and widespread attack against HRAI and its members. State forces rounded up HRAI activists in Iran, a move the ultimately forced HRAI’s budding operation to move its network and infrastructure outside of Iran.
Jamal did not seek to promote himself or gain power. He was after neither money nor praise. Jamal maintained that with “empty hands but deep beliefs” he would continue the struggle for human rights along with those inside and outside of the country.
Jamal was the subject of numerous direct threats by the Iranian government. He began receiving anonymous phone calls in 2007. In 2010, this escalated to warnings from the Turkish Ministry of Intelligence.
Rafiee recalls that Jamal made a conscious decision to continue his path despite the threats he faced:
Jamal viewed the difficult moments of his life as a natural consequence of the path he had chosen as an activist. Therefore, he never wanted his body to be returned to Iran if he died, as he wanted to remind others to accept and remain honest about the consequences of their activism.
Today, three years after his passing, his death remains unexplained. A 15-page report by Turkish authorities claimed that the cause of death was inconclusive, because there was a delay in the autopsy, despite the fact that drops of blood were found on him and around his apartment. Friends and family members continue to maintain that Jamal was a healthy individual and that there was no evidence of a ‘natural’ death.
The Iranian regime has a long history of targeting political dissidents abroad, particularly in Turkey. This included a spate of extrajudicial killings in the 1990s, and reports that its embassy staff was engaged in spying and kidnapping within the country. One political prisoner Jamal wrote about was Hojat Zamani, a dissident who escaped to Turkey and was sent back to Iran by the Turkish authorities, only to be executed by the regime in 2003.
Rafiee fondly recalls the evenings he spent with Jamal, sitting behind a keyboard quietly working into the night. “No day goes by that we do not think of Jamal and his dedication.”
As HRANA seeks to continue their activities and Rafiee notes that Jamal serves as an inspiration and an ideal “behind every report we publish, every hardship we endure.”
In an era in which politics is dominated by individual agendas for power and control, Jamal stands out as a testament to quiet resolve and dedication. He demonstrated that in any corner of the world, an individual, however isolated, can use the tools around him to make a difference and challenge the legitimacy of a repressive regime.
Jamal’s legacy is important not only as a symbol of sacrifice but as a reminder that the struggle for human rights continues in Iran, with those on the front lines paying the ultimate price in order to stand up for what they believe in.

author: Hamid Yazdan Panah


text:
Angolan Activists Create a Platform To Monitor Presidential Elections · Global Voices
Dércio Tsandzana

Election material of the ruling MPLA party and its candidate João Lourenço, used with permission (Jiku).
Angola is currently in the middle of campaigning for the upcoming elections on August 23, 2017. This will be the first time since independence that the current president, José Eduardo dos Santos, will not be a candidate.
The electoral list was approved by the central committee of the ruling party, Movimento Popular pela Libertação de Angola (MPLA), on February 4 and is led by the former defence minister, General João Lourenço, who will become the country’s president if MPLA wins the elections.
Among the opposition, two well-known parties are competing — the União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA) and the alliance Convergência Ampla de Salvação de Angola (CASA-CE). In terms of voters, 9.4 million Angolans will be called to the ballot box.
A great deal of distrust exists regarding the transparency of these elections. For example, the late invitation to European Union (EU) observers and the non-observance of measures requested by the EU are the main reasons they refuse to monitor the elections. Eurodeputy Ana Gomes accused Angolan authorities of being uninterested in EU monitoring:
A verdade é que as autoridades angolanas não quiseram dar condições para essa missão ir a Angola, porque caso contrário tinham feito o convite há muito tempo. Portanto, se o Governo angolano escolheu apresentar o convite tão tardiamente, inclusivamente depois de uma missão de peritos eleitorais que a UE enviou para Angola e nem sequer no convite reuniu as condições básicas, que sabe perfeitamente que são exigidas pela UE porque são padrões para qualquer país onde a UE vá observar, então a minha conclusão é que, de fato, não havia vontade política nenhuma das autoridades angolanas convidarem a UE para observar as eleições.
The truth is that the Angolan authorities did not want to provide the conditions for this mission to go to Angola, because otherwise they would have sent the invitation long ago. So, if the Angolan government chose to send the invitation so late, including after a mission of electoral experts that the EU sent to Angola and not even the invitation met the basic conditions, which it knows perfectly well that they are required by the EU because they are the standards for any country where the EU goes to monitor, then my conclusion is that, in fact, there was no political will of the Angolan authorities to invite the EU to observe the elections.
Among civil society organizations, the association Handeka has put forward the project Jiku, an initiative which envisages that citizens, beyond simply voting, assume the role of election monitors on election day. Jiku aims to gather information on one platform — www.jikuangola.org — giving people a place to redirect all their complaints and demands.
The website explains that “Jiku” is a Kikongo word meaning “a sitting for a wise discussion of problems, normally around the campfire”, and is simultaneously the first part of the word “Jikulumessu”, meaning “open the eye”.
Jiku involves several well-known Angolan figures, such as the ex-prime minister Marcolino Moco, and Luaty Beirão and Mbanza Hamza of the 15+2 group of human rights activists, who were controversially detained for months on security charges, before later being released.
In an interview with DW África, the activist Luaty Beirão explained the central idea of Jiku:
Incentivar as pessoas a não se comportarem como eleitores numa democracia comum onde as pessoas vão, votam, escolhem o seu candidato e voltam para casa. Porque todos nós nos queixamos de vícios e irregularidades eleitorais, então é preciso que todos se comportem como monitores eleitorais e que estejam atentos.
Encourage people to not behave like voters in an ordinary democracy where the people go, vote, choose their candidate and go back home. Because all of us complain of malpractice and electoral irregularities, so it is necessary that everybody acts as election monitors and remains alert.
In a Facebook post, Jiku’s page also questioned the role of the traditional authorities in the elections:
AUTORIDADES TRADICIONAIS E AS ELEIÇÕES
Depois de exatamente 1 hora de direto da TV Zimbo às atividades que ocorreram em simultâneo esta manhã no Huambo (‘Candidato’ João Lourenço) e Luanda (Higino Carneiro no Kilamba Kiaxi), eis que somos brindados com uma ‘autoridade tradicional’ que, encorajada pelo jornalista e citando atabalhoadamente uma passagem bíblica, confessa ter abençoado João Lourenço e que mais ninguém pode ser abençoado.
TRADITIONAL AUTHORITIES AND THE ELECTIONS
After exactly 1 hour of live transmission of TV Zimbo of the activities which took place this morning simultaneously in Huambo (‘Candidate’ João Lourenço) and Luanda (Higino Carneiro in Kilamba Kiaxi), here we are treated to a ‘traditional authority’ that, encouraged by the journalist and haphazardly quoting a biblical passage, confessed to having blessed João Lourenço and that nobody else could be blessed.
This initiative resembles the project Txeka, created by young activists in Mozambique during the 2014 elections, whose mission was to observe and monitor every moment of the elections.

author: Dércio Tsandzana


text:
‘Arepa, the Taco Is With You’ — The Hashtag of Solidarity From Mexico to Venezuela · Global Voices
Elizabeth Rivera

Detail of the illustration drawn by the artist known as ‘Azúcar y Sal’. Image widely shared on social media. Taken from her public Facebook profile.
After the controversial referendum of July 30, 2017, called by President Nicolás Maduro to install a constitutional assembly, and four months of continuous protests against the government for the deepening social, economic and political crisis, Venezuelans received a virtual solidarity hug from Mexico. An anonymous group of Mexican teenagers behind the Twitter @BanderitasSquad account created the hashtag #ArepaElTacoEstáContigo (Arepa, The Taco Is With You). Channel NTN24 reported the reason behind the initiative, according to one of the hashtag's creators:
Habíamos escuchado de venezolanos que, probablemente, ellos tendrían su última noche con Internet y este fue un modo de mostrar nuestro apoyo. Le mandamos mucho amor y que sepan que no están solos.
We had heard from Venezuelans that it was probably going to be their last night with Internet, so this was a way of showing our support. We sent lots of love and let them know they are not alone.
This message of encouragement brings together a popular gastronomic icon of each country: the arepa from Venezuela, and the taco from Mexico. With this ingenious turn, hundreds of people sent messages of admiration and good wishes to Venezuelans who are fighting for democracy.
We share here some of the messages of strength and respect for the Venezuelan people:
#ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
nos les mando fuerza porque sé que ya la tienen, pero les mando mi respeto y admiración a un pueblo de luchadores
— Kislev ???? (@ZAYNSH1NE) August 2, 2017
#ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
I am not sending you strength because I know you already have it, but I am sending you my respect and admiration you fighting people
¡Porque no cualquiera se levanta y lucha contra la injusticia! toda mi admiración para los venezolanos ????#ArepaElTacoEstaContigo ??
— shirel (@shirrnoriega) August 2, 2017
Because not everybody stands up and fights for injustice! All my admiration to the Venezuelans. #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
Los venezolano luchan día a día, son un ejemplo que me ha abierto los ojos, luchar por un país libre. #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
— vero???? (@1DMYKINGS4) August 2, 2017
To the Venezuelans who put up a fight each day, they are an example that has opened my eyes, to fight for a free country. #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
There were also those who offered words of comfort:
Deberíamos traernos a todos los Venezolanos a México y darles muchos taquitos para acabar con tanta tristeza #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo ?
— Aileen García ???? (@Meowtilus) August 2, 2017
We should bring all Venezuelans to Mexico and give them lots of tacos to help them cope with so much sadness. #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
Neta me dan ganas de tomar a Venezuela y envolverla en una cobija de amor y ponerla en un lugar seguro #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
— Mary ???? (@obtainjh) August 2, 2017
To be honest, I feel like taking Venezuela and covering it with a love blanket and putting it in a safe place.
The confirmation of friendship between the two nations was also evident:
Este ht es puro amor para los y las venezolanas por parte del desmadre mexicano #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo@BanderitasSquad@BanderitasS
— Ge. ???? (@fucksuicideroom) August 2, 2017
This hashtag is pure love for Venezuelans from the unruly Mexicans #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
Lo mejor que podemos hacer es mandar buenas vibras y demostrar que no están solos, Fuerza Venezuela ??❤#ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
— ana ???? (@anafloresf) August 2, 2017
The best we can do is to send good vibes and let them know they are not alone. Keep strong Venezuela. #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
In the middle of it all, there were some who complained that Mexican Twitter users were more interested in the news from Venezuela than in developments in their own country. Banderitas Squad replied:
No somos hipócritas por no hablar de los problemas de México, solo que hoy quisimos hacer sonreír a alguien más #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
— Banderitas Squad?? (@BanderitasSquad) August 2, 2017
We are not hypocrites for not talking about the problems in Mexico, we only wanted to make someone else smile. #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
There was even a tweet that reported President Maduro to the microblogging platform:
#ArepaElTacoEstaContigo Le queda perfecto al cabron pic.twitter.com/29HdoEg75H
— El Cochiloco (@El_cochi100) August 2, 2017
#ArepaElTacoEstaContigo This suits the asshole perfectly.
On the image: ‘Report’, ‘Being abusive or damaging’
The wave of good vibes was welcomed with gratitude by Venezuelans:
Amigos solidarios en todo el mundo #ArepaElTacoEstáContigo AGRADECIDOS. Dios los bendiga ????? pic.twitter.com/Rj4NOkFj6F
— Judermys Zacarias (@zacariasyuder) August 3, 2017
Friends in solidarity all over the world! #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo. We're thankful. God bless you.
¡La lucha por los DDHH no tiene fronteras! Gracias a los mexicanos solidarios con lucha por la libertad de Venezuela #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
— Luis Florido (@LuisFlorido) August 2, 2017
The struggle for Human Rights has no borders! Thank you to those Mexicans in solidarity with the fight for freedom in Venezuela.
Internationally known Venezuelan chef Sumito Estevez also took part in the conversation:
Que cosa tan bella el #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo que inventaron los mexicanos. Solidaridad desde las banderas intangibles. Las del alma.
— Sumito Estévez (@sumitoestevez) August 3, 2017
What a beautiful thing is [the hashtag] #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo that the Mexicans have created. Solidarity from intangible flags. Those of the soul.
The artist known as ‘Azúcar y Sal’ said on her Facebook page:
Pantallazo de la actualización pública de Facebook de Azúcar y Sal.
I couldn't help making a little illustration of this beautiful hashtag created by my beloved Mexicans on Twitter <3 Thanks for this gesture and for your support! I love you!
Sus ánimos y apoyo hacen la diferencia, aunque ustedes no lo crean ¡Muchas gracias! #ArepaElTacoEstaContigo♥
Dibujito de agradecimiento♥ pic.twitter.com/Dwx5x1V3l1
— Arrocito? (@AerizWorld) August 2, 2017
In the image, in Mexican and Venezuelan Spanish respectively: ‘I'm with you, my friend’, ‘Thank you, pal. You're the best.’
In the tweet: Your encouragement and support make all the difference, even if you don't think they do. Thank you so much!
And so, the creators of the hashtag responded with a single tweet:
Venezolanos, no tienen nada que agradecer, quisimos sacarles una sonrisa y mostrar nuestro apoyo, los queremos ??❤#ArepaElTacoEstaContigo
— Banderitas Squad?? (@BanderitasSquad) August 2, 2017
Venezuelans, you have nothing to thank us for. We wanted to give you a smile and show our support. We love you.
Read more in our special coverage What's Happening in Venezuela?

author: Elizabeth Rivera


text:
Behind Bars for 30 Days: EU Leaders Condemn Turkey’s Detention of #Istanbul10 · Global Voices
Zara Rahman

Activists in Brussels welcome the Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs. Photo shared on Twitter by @@marianne_koch.
A group of human rights defenders have been in jail in Turkey since July 5, after being arrested during a digital security and information management workshop on one of Istanbul’s islands, Buyukada.
Their arrest was met with widespread condemnation from governments and institutions around the world,  and by fellow human rights defenders on social media.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel spoke about the case on July 18, offering solidarity to the group and voicing full support to detainee and German citizen Peter Steudtner:
Wir sind der festen Überzeugung, dass diese Verhaftung absolut ungerechtfertigt ist. Wir werden seitens der Bundesregierung alles tun, auf allen Ebenen, um seine Freilassung zu erwirken.
We are firmly convinced that this arrest is absolutely unjustified. The German government will do all it can, on all levels, to secure his release.
After the ruling that six of the ten rights defenders, including Swedish citizen Ali Gharavi and German citizen Peter Steudtner, would remain in pre-trial custody, the German foreign office summoned the Turkish Ambassador to visit Berlin. Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel issued this statement, referring to the other 22 German citizens who have been arrested in Turkey since the attempted coup last year, nine of whom are still on remand:
We regard their detention as excessive and illegal. In each case, we have had to fight for consular access, which is a right guaranteed under international law…. things cannot go on this way. We cannot continue as before. We need to be clearer than we have been so that those responsible in Ankara understand that this type of policy will have consequences…. We demand the release of Peter Steudtner, Deniz Yücel and Meşale Tolu, unlimited consular access, and swift and fair trials for them and the other Germans accused of political crimes.
Gabriel also indicated that travel advice to German citizens would be updated accordingly with information about what could happen to German citizens if they travel to Turkey in the current climate, encouraging them to “exercise caution.”
Other members of the German government have offered support for Steudtner and the group, with the Chairman of the Human Rights Committee writing letters to the Turkish Ambassador to Germany and describing the arrests of this group and of the director of the Turkish section of Amnesty International, Taner Kiliç, as “in no way comprehensible.”
In Sweden, Foreign Minister Margot Wallström issued a statement, with particular attention to Ali Gharavi, one of the detained trainers who is a Swedish citizen:
Det är vår uppfattning att Gharavi befann sig i Turkiet för att delta i ett fredligt seminarium om internetfrihet och mänskliga rättigheter och vi har uppmanat Turkiet att skyndsamt klargöra grunderna för anklagelserna mot honom.)
It is our opinion that Gharavi was in Turkey to attend a peaceful seminar on internet freedom and human rights and we have urged Turkey to quickly clarify the grounds for charges against him.
On July 21, the EU Delegation to the Council of Europe issued a EU local statement:
The EU expresses its serious concern over these arrests, one month after the detention of the Chair of Amnesty International in Turkey, Taner Kiliç. It echoes the concerns expressed by Nils Muižnieks, Human Rights Commissioner of the Council of Europe, that “the use of criminal proceedings against human rights defenders for conduct that should be protected under the European Convention on Human Rights is unfortunately an increasingly frequent phenomenon in Turkey.
In a press briefing, the European Commission called for the “immediate release” of the group, calling the detentions part of a “deeply worrying pattern” of imprisonment in Turkey.
A group of UN experts, including the Special Rapporteurs for freedom of peaceful assembly and association; the situation of human rights defenders;  and the independence of judges and lawyers, issued a statement through UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, saying that the arrests were: …having the effect of curtailing people’s rights to freedom of expression, assembly and association, and is particularly alarming.”
Other United Nations agencies have expressed their stance against the arrests too,  including UN Women Executive Director Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, who wrote on July 18:
I accordingly call on the Government of Turkey to immediately release the arrested women’s rights and human rights activists and to provide its support to those, like women’s human rights defenders, who work for the good of their societies.
From the UK, the Minister for Europe, Sir Alan Duncan wrote:
We continue to urge the Turkish authorities to uphold international standards with regard to the rule of law, including the presumption of innocence, and to protect fundamental rights including freedom of expression and assembly.
British MP David Lammy pointed to the persistent lack of evidence to support the charges against the group in his open letter, published on July 14.
On social media, people continue to share links calling for their freedom, including a petition from Amnesty International which has nearly 25,000 signatures, using the hashtags #FreeRightsDefenders, #Istanbul10 and #HakSavunucularınaDokunma.
We won't stop fighting back until Turkey releases our colleagues and friends. Add your voice, make them listen: https://t.co/sIGp46kNg0 pic.twitter.com/uD9QEVYQd5
— AmnestyInternational (@amnesty) July 27, 2017
Amnesty International has organised protests across the world, from Kyiv to Paris, Brussels, Kathmandu, and many more cities worldwide.
Learn more about the detained human rights defenders, and sign the petition to support their release.

author: Zara Rahman


text:
In Venezuela, Theater is also Part of the Resistance · Global Voices
Natali Herrera Pacheco

Ana Gabriela Melo (center) with the cast of her play “Sopa de tortuga” (“Turtle soup”), which reflects on the Venezuelan identity, the diaspora movements and the ups and downs of everyday life that go on even during moments of national crisis. Photograph used with permission.
The theater, like any other artistic and creative activity that takes place in Venezuela, faces and reflects the national crisis that intensified in the last months. Economic, political and social struggles have been translated in deadly protests and numerous political turbulences including a referendum organized by opposition groups and the opening of a controversial constituent assembly.
The difficulties experienced on the streets permeate all areas of Venezuelans’ lives and are often used to project a climate of uncertainty on the stages that bring together the country's theater companies and groups.
Even just the planning, preparation, and setting-up of the plays, as well as the expectations that the actors, directors, and institutions linked to the theater make the play a reality represent a great achievement. For this reason, many of the theater companies that remain active in the country gathered their efforts under the #TeatroDeLaResistencia (#TheaterOfTheResistance) hashtag. An example of these efforts can be seen on the YouTube account of the theater company La Caja de Fósforos (The Matchbox), with actors impersonating protesters:
Global Voices spoke with Ana Melo, one of the most active representatives of the theater in Caracas, the capital of Venezuela, to understand the movements behind the hashtag and theatrical activity within the context of the crisis in Venezuela. The theater of resistance, as the actress and playwriter says, is a theater that refuses to die, has everything against it and wrestles with serious ethical and human problems. For Melo, the theater in Venezuela is a profession that, for many, seems useless:
Hay gente que piensa que lo que se hace no tiene sentido. (…) Se piensa que la resistencia que realmente hace eco en la sociedad se hace en la calle y no en el escenario. Por lo tanto, los actores sufren de algo parecido a una baja autoestima en relación a su oficio. Preguntas como para qué hacer esto o es el teatro útil al país en medio de la mayor crisis de su historia invaden la mente de los artistas y el espacio actoral con fuerza”.
There are people who think that this does not make sense. (…) that the resistance which really resonates in society is done in the street and not on the stage. Therefore, actors suffer from a kind of low self-esteem in relation to their craft. Questions as to why do this or is the theater useful to the country in the midst of the greatest crisis in its history are on the minds of artists and in the acting space.
And yet,
I feel that in part there is also an obsessive behavior. The idea we want to communicate is stronger. There is a need to communicate that is stronger than you, than the reluctance and even the crisis. Despite marches and crises, my struggle has continued to motivate the group of actors and nourish our vocation.
For Ana Melo, “theater has to do with the Venezuelan specificity, rather than with a political position”, and for this reason it feeds on each of the things that happen around it, all the stories that, after all, define it:
Son como dos fuerzas opuestas que están conviviendo y que son complicadas de llevar: por un lado hay como un desengaño, una sensación de para qué estoy haciendo esto. Por otro lado, hay una especie de terquedad, que es como una cosa casi autómata: yo toda mi vida he hecho esto. Si hay una función, voy a ir y punto.
They are like two opposing forces that coexist and are difficult to control: on the one hand, there is a disappointment, a sense of what am I doing this for. On the other hand, there is a kind of stubbornness, which is almost like an automatic thing: I have done this all my life. If there is a performance, I will go and that's it.
But, in all this crisis about the value of artistic activity in the national context, what is the motivation for these brave people who decide to continue their theatrical performance in Venezuela?
Ana Melo says that the reward is in that short moment after the presentation of a play, where someone tells you that the story that has been told and performed has left him thinking. Thus, the reward is knowing that the message was received, that it will remain in one or several minds, and that somehow a restlessness, which, for a time, was kept by an individual, leaves, occupies and changes those who have seen it materialize, have lived it and have appropriated it.
[En la creación] hay dolor de por medio. Algo que te duele fuertemente. Cosas que se engendran a partir del dolor. En ese sentido es un proceso un poco tortuoso, pero sabroso también. Y de ahí que alguien diga que ha visto la obra y se quedó pensando, significa que hay eco de algún modo. Eso para mi es todo un pago.
El del teatro puede llegar a ser un trabajo titánico y es doloroso una vez que termina. Una vez que una obra llega a las tablas duele dejarla a ir. Sin embargo, siempre quedan cosas por decir, así que todo vuelve a empezar… Casi como un castigo griego. El teatro es la forma en la que puedes tomar todo lo que está pasando, pasarlo por un filtro, digerirlo desde otro punto de vista. Te conecta con algo emocional, te ayuda a entender desde la emoción, te hace preguntas.
[The creation] process entails pain. Something that hurts you a lot. Things that are generated from pain. In that sense, this process is a little tortuous, but delectable, too. And when someone says that he has seen the play and it left him thinking, it means that the play resonates somehow. That, for me, is a reward.
The theater can become a titanic work and it is painful once it ends. Once a work reaches the stage it hurts to let it go. However, there are always things to be said, so it all starts again … Almost like a punishment in a Greek tragedy. Theater is the way you can take everything that is happening, filter it, and assimilate it from another point of view. It connects you emotionally, helps you understand through emotion, it asks you questions.
For Melo the reward also comes in the very resistance of an art that from its beginnings has been linked to the political realities and that will exist and resist whenever there are groups and social dynamics developing. In short, as long as we have life, there will be a theater that will try to translate the human experience into an aesthetic act, necessary for the relief and for the awakening of consciousness.

author: Natali Herrera Pacheco


text:
‘The Turkmenator’: Turkmenistan’s President Plays Up His Gun and Knife Skills on State TV · Global Voices
Salam Aleik

Turkmen President Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov. YouTube video footage
Turkmenistan's president is at it again.
Just few days after Global Voices highlighted Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov's high-profile talents, which include singing and biking while his country falls into a deep financial crisis, a new video of the president started to circulate.
This time, Berdimuhamedov is dressed in fatigues and showcasing how well he can shoot guns and throw knives at military exercises, to the applause of his generals.
The scenes was first shown on Turkmenistan state TV. There is no free media at all in Turkmenistan, but the overseas Chronicles of Turkmenistan, an independent news outlet, was quick to download the state TV footage and re-edit it into a Hollywood-style action sequence:
The video went viral, grabbing the attention of world media and inspiring social media users to share funny captions. Berdimuhamedov, who is only the second president in the country's independent history, holds the official titles of “Leader of the Nation” and “Protector”, and now in light of the video Facebook users have bestowed upon him another: The Turkmenator (a play on the science-fiction franchise “Terminator”).
However, it also resulted in a very serious massive DDOS attack against Chronicles of Turkmenistan:
Уважаемые читатели,
На сайт “Хроника Туркменистана” (www.chrono-tm.org) идет масштабная DDOS-атака. В связи с этим временами возникают сложности с доступностью сайта.
Вероятно, это своего рода ответная реакция властей Туркменистана на широко разошедшееся по сети видео с президентом Гурбангулы Бердымухамедовым, который продемонстрировал свои высокие навыки стрельбы из огнестрельного оружия и метания ножей.
Dear readers!
Our website (www.chrono-tm.org) is under a large-scale DDOS-attack. In connection with this, there are difficulties with accessing the website.
Probably, this is a kind of reaction of the Turkmen authorities to the video that was widely spread on social networks featuring President Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov demonstrating his great skill shooting firearms and throwing knives.
The context in which the country finds itself isn't so funny, either. Turkmenistan, once named a “social paradise” for its range of services such as free gas and free electricity for its population, has recently endured a harsh financial crisis and as a consequence has had to stop providing many benefits to its people. The country has also drawn comparisons to North Korea for its heavy restriction of freedoms.

author: Salam Aleik


text:
Think You’ve Mastered Tongue Twisters? Try Them in Lezgi! · Global Voices
Gwenaelle Lefeuvre

A screen grab from Jeyhun Amirkhanov's YouTube video on Lezgian Tongue Twisters.
Lezgi is a Caucasian language claiming around 800,000 speakers worldwide. It is well established in its native region across the border between Azerbaijan and the Russian Republic of Dagestan, where it enjoys official status. Nevertheless, the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) classified it as a “vulnerable” language, one rarely spoken by children outside of their home, thus jeopardizing its transmission to future generations.
But one man is set to change that. Jeyhun Amirkhanov, a native Lezgi speaker from Azerbaijan, uses YouTube, Twitter, and Facebook to promote his region, culture, and language. He explained the reasons behind his online activity to Rising Voices:
Losing a language is losing a whole culture, a way of thinking. It happens with most languages which are in danger, not only with us. […] I do this because I want our people to be more aware about their language, culture and history.
On his YouTube channel, he shares videos featuring local songs and showing the Caucasian landscapes. He has also made a few videos about the language itself.
The video below is a list of six tongue twisters in Lezgi, but perhaps they should be called “throat twisters” instead, since Piotr Kozłowski, a Lezgi-language learner and the founder of a website dedicated to Lezgi, confided that trying to pronounce them feels like it may “do terrible damage to your throat”:
The lack of formal education and support from the government make it difficult for people to speak their language correctly, and with its 54 different consonants, Lezgi can be very challenging to an untrained ear. In a more recent video, Amirkhanov gave a short lesson on ejective consonants:
Luckily, he is not alone in his efforts to save the language. Another YouTube channel is set to teach Lezgi to children, so even if kids with Lezgi roots live far from native villages, they still have a chance to learn some of their mother (or father) tongue.

author: Gwenaelle Lefeuvre


text:
A Retired Teacher and Granddaughter of Slaves Gives Her Personal Account of Racism in Modern Brazil · Global Voices
Fernanda Canofre

The account of the teacher on how it is to experience racism in Brazil went viral. Screenshot of video via Facebook.
Diva Guimarães was not a name known to Brazilians until 28 July. The 77-year-old retired teacher, who is black, became the star of the country’s largest literary event when, during a discussion on racism in Brazil, she rose from her chair to explain her own personal experiences.
After a few minutes, her emotional account — her voice was strong, but broke at times — got a standing ovation at the Literary Festival of Paraty (FLIP), which is held every two years in the city on Rio de Janeiro state’s coast. She said later:
Ontem, eu fui libertada por mim. Eu quero deixar claro que não me sinto vítima, não me sinto nenhuma miserável, apesar de tudo o que eu passei, e que ao pensarem que estavam me prejudicando, me auxiliaram com todo o sofrimento a chegar onde eu cheguei.
Yesterday, I set myself free. I want to make it clear that I did not feel like a victim, I did not feel miserable at all, despite everything I’ve been through, and that when they thought they were hurting me, they helped me with the suffering to get to where I have.
Diva was born in the city of Serra Morena in Paraná state in southern Brazil. According to her, the place now has a little over 200 houses. A granddaughter of slaves, she said that her mother endured all types of humiliation to ensure that her children received an education. This was how Diva, still a child, came to the state capital Curitiba — a city where only 2.8% of the population identify as black — and then become a teacher.
During her talk, which went viral on social media, she said she was taken to a religious school at the age of five to study and work, and recalled the racism she encountered there:
Vou contar uma história que marcou a minha vida. Eu amadureci com 6 anos. As freiras contavam a seguinte história: Jesus criou um rio e mandou todos tomar banho, se banhar na água abençoada daquele maldito rio. As pessoas que são brancas é porque eram pessoas trabalhadoras, inteligentes e chegaram nesse rio, tomaram banho, ficaram brancos. Nós, que como negros, somos preguiçosos – o que não é verdade, porque esse país vive hoje porque meus antepassados deram condição para todos – mas então, nós, como negros preguiçosos, chegamos no final, quando todos tinham tomado banho e o rio só tinha lama. Por isso, nós só temos a palma da mão clara e a sola dos pés. Porque nós só conseguimos tocar as mãos e os pés [na água]. Isso a freira explicava para contar aos brancos como nós éramos preguiçosos. Isso não é verdade, porque senão, a gente não teria sobrevivido.
I am going to tell a story that marked my life. I matured at the age of six. The nuns told the following story: Jesus created a river and told everybody to wash, to bathe themselves in the blessed water of that cursed river. The people who are white are so because they were hardworking, intelligent people and came to this river, bathed, became white. We, as blacks, are lazy – which is not true, because this country lives today because my ancestors provided for everybody – but then we, as lazy blacks, arrived at the end, when everybody had bathed and the river was only mud. So, we only have the palms of our hands and soles of our feet clear. Because we only managed to touch our hands and feet [to the water]. The nun explained this to tell the whites how we were lazy. This is not true, because otherwise, we would not have survived.
This year, Diva travelled to Paraty to meet Conceição Evaristo, a writer and activist in the black movement, who is someone of reference in Brazil. She told a TV outlet at the festival that she always dreamed of participating in the event, but was unable to as she uses her salary to support three other people. She ended up, though, coming in the very year that the person honoured was writer Lima Barreto, who was also the grandson of enslaved people.
In the same video, Diva explained what made her ask for the microphone to speak:
O que aconteceu ontem foi da alma. Eu me levantei por impulso e disse: não vou perder essa oportunidade de falar pelos negros de hoje e, especialmente, pelos negros de ontem, que sofreram por esse país, morreram de todas as formas. Eu quero que eles reconheçam que o Brasil de hoje existe porque os negros morreram para dar qualidade de vida para os que hoje estão aqui.
What happened yesterday was from the soul. I stood up on impulse and said: I am not going to lose this opportunity to speak for the black people of today and, especially, for the black people of yesterday, who suffered for this country, died in every way. I want them to recognize that the Brazil of today exists because black people died to give a quality of life to those who are here today.
The teacher, who became a celebrity and was asked for selfies at the festival, asked today’s young black people to study and read to help undo the prejudiced myth that their people are “lazy”.
Soon after giving her account, which already has millions of views, she said experienced racism once more. The episode was recounted to the newspaper Folha de São Paulo, and it shows the prejudice that so marks Brazil, but which the country resists acknowledging: Diva was walking through the Literary Festival fair when she was approached by an angry salesperson, who harassed her to clean up the excrement of a dog a few metres away. Aside from her not being the dog’s owner, she was also not the only person in the area that he could have approached. Even so, the man chose her out of all those passing by. She remarked: “I know why”.
A survey by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) highlights that black people represent 53.6% of Brazil’s population today. However, they make up only 17.2% of the country’s richest 1%. In May at the UN Council of Human Rights, African and black-majority countries called for the Brazilian government to take measures to combat racism in the country. According to the BBC:
Essas nações pediram providências do governo brasileiro para a redução dos homicídios contra jovens negros, garantia de liberdade religiosa, melhora ao acesso a educação de qualidade pela população afro-brasileira, proteção e garantias de direitos para mulheres negras e mais acesso a políticas de redução da pobreza e acesso a programas sociais.
These nations asked for measures from the Brazilian government to reduce homicides of young black people, to guarantee freedom of religion, to improve access to quality education for the African-Brazilian population, to protect and guarantee the rights of black women and more access to policies of poverty reduction and access to social programs.
At the same discussion which made Diva famous shortly before she spoke, actor Lázaro Ramos also gave an account of how racism has a ripple effect on all Brazilian society. Brazil was the last country in the Western world to abolish slavery, doing so in 1888. “It is a central question what is happening today in Brazil with the black youth. Many people with potential are being assassinated”, he said before going to the reading of one of his texts:
Sim, somos racistas. Acreditemos e lutemos para não sermos. Sim, somos classistas. Aqui, quem estuda mais, ou seja, quem teve mais chance, tem direito a cela especial [no presídio]. Gostamos de celebrar e de privilegiar o especial. Cela ruim é para preto e pobre. Bota eles lá e tira eles da nossa frente.
Yes, we are racist. We believe and fight to not be. Yes, we are classist. Here, who studies more, that is, who had more opportunity, has the right to a special cell [in prison]. We like to celebrate and privilege the special. A bad cell for black and poor. Throw them there and take them out of our way.
Independent journalist group Mídia Ninja met with Diva in Paraty and asked, “What message would she give to today’s young black women?” Her response was:
“Que elas não se valorizem pelo corpo, se valorizem pela cultura. Que elas não são mercadoria sexual (…) Que elas tenham discernimento para distinguir esse tipo de abuso. Ela tem o direito de usar o corpo como quiser, mas não dessa maneira que tentam passar, como tentam fazer que os negros sejam conhecidos fora do Brasil como objeto sexual”.
That they do not measure themselves by their body, but measure themselves by their culture. That they are not sexual merchandise […] That they have the insight to discern this type of abuse. She has the right to use her body as she wants, but not in this way that tries to pass, as they try to make it that black people are known outside of Brazil as sexual objects.


text:
Firing His Last Bolt — Jamaica’s Superstar Sprinter Comes In Third To An Old, Unloved Rival In His Final Race · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

Usain Bolt, captured on the big screen at BT London Live in Hyde Park. Photo by Citizen59, CC BY-SA 2.0.
After the excitement of his final race on Jamaican soil at Kingston's National Stadium, Jamaicans at home and abroad were filled with nervous anticipation — and a sense of celebration — as their adored champion sprinter Usain Bolt entered the Olympic Stadium in Stratford, London on August 5, 2017, to compete in his final 100 meter race in the IAAF World Championships.
The result was not what many expected, and feelings were extremely mixed. Justin Gatlin pulled off a surprising win with a season's-best time of 9.92 seconds, and fellow US sprinter Christian Coleman clinched the silver medal, leaving Bolt with the bronze.
This race was preceded by several days of heightened expectations on Jamaica's always vibrant social media. Several leading Twitter users took off for London to show their support in person, and shared their excitement:
All decked out and ready for the #Legend! #BoltDay #TeamJamaica?????? #IAAFWorlds pic.twitter.com/2OnaaWqU8c
— Jean Lowrie-Chin (@souldancing) August 5, 2017
Jamaican supporters had their gear carefully laid out before going to the stadium:
Ok in case u all no know the dressing of the Real #Gladis!?? #GOAT #LEGEND @usainbolt @kasi__b @tkmsingh @AmandaGVaz @gabwood1 #Jamaica ⚡?? pic.twitter.com/i4tj3dOuhp
— Ann-Marie Vaz?? (@annmarievazja) August 5, 2017
While they enjoyed other athletes’ performances, Bolt's race remained the “main event” of the championships. Even Jamaica's prime minister, Andrew Holness, tweeted:
It's almost time to cheer on our home grown legend Usain Bolt as he runs his final race. We are forever proud!#OneLastBolt #TeamJamaica pic.twitter.com/77Xo1IDT7M
— Andrew Holness (@AndrewHolnessJM) August 5, 2017
Fellow athlete Asafa Powell, who was the first athlete to break the sub-10 seconds barrier in a world record in 2005, tweeted encouragement:
Tekit to dem today bredda @usainbolt #ForeverFaster ?? pic.twitter.com/iPr2S51MvQ
— Asafa Powell (@officialasafa) August 5, 2017
On the eve of the finals, Bolt himself shared an inspiring tweet:
The Finale. Let's do this. #London2017 pic.twitter.com/9joLmLXrve
— Usain St. Leo Bolt (@usainbolt) August 4, 2017
He also tweeted a photo of himself relaxing in his hotel room and watching another “GOAT” (Greatest Of All Time) on television — quite fitting, since the IAAF chief, Lord Coe, had likened Bolt to boxer Muhammad Ali in a recent BBC report:
pic.twitter.com/GigB9laFZb
— Usain St. Leo Bolt (@usainbolt) August 3, 2017
Social media personality Ross Sheil followed up on the comparison, even in the face of the unexpected race result:
People compare Ali to Bolt a lot. Ali didn't win his last fight either. Doesn't diminish the legend of either CHAMP.
— Ross Sheil (@rosssheil) August 5, 2017
Emotions ran high as the result of the race sank in. Bolt placing third, behind upcoming young American sprinter Christian Coleman and Bolt's fierce rival over a number of years Justin Gatlin — the American who had failed drug tests not once, but twice — was a lot to for some fans to process. Gatlin is generally unpopular among Jamaicans, as much for his perceived arrogance as for his cheating. Bolt's erstwhile Jamaican training partner, Yohan Blake, ran a disappointing fourth.
One young Jamaican suggested:
Gatlin better gwaan home before them test him. #Stolen
Journalist Emily Shields tweeted sadly:
I want this day to start over. I wanted a TOTAL fairy tale ending. ???
— Emily Shields (@emilymshields) August 5, 2017
Others, reflecting on Bolt's admirable personal qualities, praised his humility and lack of macho posturing:
Usain St. Leo Bolt gives us one last lesson. Never in the face of one defeat lose sight of who you are. Like an elder statesman he remembers the crowd came to bid him goodbye and he shows his respects. No tantrums. No drama. Just take a bow and flash di pose -To Di Werl G.O.A.T!!!! Usain Bolt #champion #class #BigManTing
Businessman Wayne Chen was proud of Bolt's dignity:
Our Bolt, gracious in defeat, embraces Gatlin. The fairy tale ending was not to be, but the Legend is secure.
Commentator Mark Wignall confessed to extreme pre-race nerves, observing:
Usain Bolt! A King is deposed but the Global Icon lives forever
I must confess that I had doubts […] I was hiding from seeing the race.
The first place I went to had tv so I left. Eventually I found a place with only a radio blaring some hardcore dancehall music. I felt safe. Secure from hearing the race.
Two guys I knew passed by. I said to them, ‘I am nervous, bout Bolt.’
‘Nervous? Bolt can't lose,’ one said.
At 3:45 the radio station switched into the race. No one in the world hides from Usain Bolt.
His bronze medal proves his humanity. He was, after all, not a machine, a cyborg or something made up in a lab.
He was just our own homegrown son of the soil who made it to the top in a manner that has never before been seen. It is highly unlikely that those of us living now will ever see the likes of him again.
He was, in the end, a human being just like us but, his exploits on the global stage made us feel so much better about ourselves. He took all of us to the stars! Him alone! Him one!
Thank you Dr. Usain Bolt. Your name is etched in the cosmos.
Some social media users didn't quite get the tone right. Jamaica's attorney general, Marlene Malahoo Forte, for instance, posted a tweet filled with quirky humour that not everyone appreciated:
#BreakingNews| Some are calling on @AndrewHolnessJM to declare official day of mourning in wake of #IAAFWorldChampionships #100M men results
— MPMalahooForte QC (@oohalam) August 5, 2017
As Jamaicans wrestled with their disappointment and a sense of anti-climax, radio broadcaster Dionne Jackson Miller tweeted:
There's nothing wrong with saying we're disappointed someone didn't medal. These aren't babies. They are world class athletes.
— Dionne JacksonMiller (@djmillerJA) August 5, 2017
Although Bolt — as most athletics fans have come to expect — did not clinch the gold this time, the fact remains that he did win a medal. Some people attributed his final performance to the personal challenges Bolt faced this year — especially the death of one of his best friends, athlete Germaine Mason, in a motorcycle crash:
Sorry Mason,my Bolt really wanted to do it for u but he gave it everything he had on the day.He missed 3 wks of training crying & not eating
— Rashona Fitz-Henley (@rfitzhenley) August 5, 2017
However strongly they felt, Jamaican fans were slightly shocked at one BBC headline, which read, “Drugs cheat Justin Gatlin beats Usain Bolt in the 100m. Is this a bad day for Athletics?” Still, some thought it hit the nail on the head:
BOOM!  #Truth https://t.co/0VyGNFsP9F
— Sunny Bee (@sunnybeamy) August 5, 2017
Journalist Abka Fitz-Henley shared:
The British Media including the @BBCSport, @DailyMailUK and @TelegraphNews going in on the two time American doping offender pic.twitter.com/cpsKq8KyQe
— Abka Fitz-Henley (@AbkaFitzHenley) August 5, 2017
Bolt's sportsmanlike behaviour after Gatlin's win — when he immediately embraced Gatlin, then went on an extensive tour of the stadium, posing for dozens of selfies and hugging friends, family and fans — earned the Jamaicans icon great praise and admiration. Bolt's natural charm and friendly demeanour (minus the swaggering of some of his competitors) once again endeared him to all:
Usain Bolt showed graciousness after losing. Embraced Gatlin genuinely. Still went & hugged fans as always!#Class #Foreverfastest #Legend
— Giovanni R. Dennis (@GiovanniRDennis) August 5, 2017
Nothing is yours forever. It is what it is. This doesn't diminish him. See how generously he greeted #Gatlin . @usainbolt a giant human ??
— PetaAnneBaker (@PA13Baker) August 5, 2017
Sports broadcaster Simon Crosskill tweeted admiringly:
You never made me proud to be Jamaican, that was never in question, you made me glad to be alive. #USAINBOLT #London2017 #loveJamaica pic.twitter.com/g84XcXeAxM
— simon crosskill (@simoncrosskill) August 5, 2017
Veteran journalist Fae Ellington also put it well:
Some of us should be guided by #USAINBOLT in how he reacted to Gatlin after the race. He hugged him & spoke with him. #Bolt teaches decency.
— Fae A. Ellington (@FaeEllington) August 5, 2017
In an interesting postscript, award-winning sports blogger Zaheer Clarke shared a 2015 post, suggesting that Gatlin, even more than Bolt, had helped keep track athletics in the public eye, with the controversial comment:
Gatlin's redemption is complete
In the end, a more philosophical, grateful emotion prevailed as Jamaicans realised there will never be another Usain Bolt. Private sector leader William Mahfood shared a celebratory video, commenting simply:
Thank you @usainbolt for making history. Every step was incredible. #incredibolt. https://t.co/xMKahIpH09
— William Mahfood (@Williamwisynco) August 5, 2017
Prime Minister Holness tweeted his thanks:
Thank you @usainbolt for a decade's worth of performances that kept the world on its toes. #Legend #OneLastBolt
??
— Andrew Holness (@AndrewHolnessJM) August 5, 2017
Not to be outdone, Mrs. Holness added:
Benevolent in both victory and defeat.
Usain Bolt will forever be a legend, the World's greatest sprinter, ever! #OneLastBolt #ThankYou pic.twitter.com/KuC6e2MmVu
— Juliet Holness (@JulietHolness) August 5, 2017
Ultimately, Bolt was easily forgiven for not winning gold with ease — something to which Jamaicans had become accustomed:
#Bolt tells Jamaicans "sorry about that". But, no, sir, nothing to sorry about. We can't thank you enough! You have nutten fi sorry bout!
— Jovan Johnson (@jovanthony) August 5, 2017
It seems that the rest of the world agreed:
A world beater ☑
An electric personality ☑
One of a kind ☑
Why there will never be another Usain Bolt https://t.co/wESGP1Jf8S pic.twitter.com/UjBfy2cEbI
— CNN Sport (@cnnsport) August 5, 2017

author: Emma Lewis