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‘Step down, Carrie Lam!’: Two million rise up once more against Hong Kong extradition bill · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

The banner reads: Don't touch the young people at my back. Photo from inmediahk.net. Used with permission.
Despite Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam’s promise to suspend the legislation of the extradition (amendment) bill on June 15 after a series of clashes between riot police and protesters, nearly two million local residents continued to rally on the streets on Sunday, June 16. They demanded Lam's resignation, a complete withdrawal of the extradition bill, and the renunciation of the labeling of the June 12 protests as a “riot”.
The Hong Kong police’s crackdown on protesting crowds with tear gas, pepper spray, rubber bullets and bean bags on June 12 has left the society in a state of shock. Many question why the police authorities did not attempt to separate the few aggressive protesters from the peaceful ones, and why they fired rubber bullets and bean bags into the crowd without notice.
Ignited by Carrie Lam's labeling of the June 12 clashes as a “riot” and her maternalistic comparison of the protesters to “spoiled kids”, thousands of Hong Kong mothers gathered at the Chater Garden park on the night of June 13 and slammed Lam's cold-blooded support of the police's violent crackdown. The mothers declared that their sons and daughters were no rioters, expressing their concern that if they did not speak out and act, their kids might be shot by police in future protests.
Many parents also joined the June 16 rally with their kids to express their support of young people. They displayed banners with slogans such as “Kids are not rioters”, “Students are not rioting”, “No shooting our kids”, and “Carrie Lam is not our mother”.
Parents rallied with their kids on Sunday June 16. The placard in Chinese reads: “Don't attack journalists.” Photo from inmediahk.net. Used with permission.
Other protesters carried satirical signs that mimicked police warning banners to protest the police force's abuse of power:
“Do not shoot – we are Hongkongers.”#HongKong protesters are carrying parodies of the police warning banners, which are usually displayed before tear gas or pepper spray is deployed.
? In full: https://t.co/kmLJLFCnSX #notochinaextradition Photo: @KongTsungGan pic.twitter.com/7N2WmkygP2
— Hong Kong Free Press (@HongKongFP) June 16, 2019
For hours, throughout the rally, protesters chanted: “Carrie Lam, step down!”, “Withdraw the China extradition bill”, “Protesters are not rioters”, and “Release the arrested protesters”.
At least 11 people have been arrested for the June 12 protests thus far, a number of them—including a teacher and an elderly man suffering from lung cancer who were shot with rubber bullets—charged with “rioting”. The maximum penalty for the charge in Hong Kong is up to 10 years imprisonment.
While the city laws inherited from the colonial era has made it easy for authorities to charge protesters with rioting, probably no one except the Hong Kong authorities would dare to label the anti-China extradition protest as a “riot” had they watched the orderly rally on Sunday June 16. A video from the rally shared by student activist Agnes Chow on Twitter showed how thousands of protesters gave way to an ambulance:
救急車に一斉に道を開ける香港のデモ。 pic.twitter.com/eK8J6l4jcd
— 周庭 Agnes Chow Ting (@chowtingagnes) June 16, 2019
Another scene recorded by popular singer Denise Ho shows protesters coping with pro-China opposition trying to pick a quarrel by singing the Christian hymn “Sing Hallelujah to the Lord”:
Hilarious (and touching) moment where the protestors resolved a conflict from an opposition, by surrounding him and collectively singing the oh-so-recently-movement-famous “Sing Hallelujah to the Lord”
????#Hongkong #HongKongers pic.twitter.com/uQJggas8J2
— Denise Ho (HOCC) (@hoccgoomusic) June 16, 2019
Christian protesters have occupied several locations near the government headquarters and Legislative Council building and been singing “Hallelujah” in front of police officers for hours since June 12, in protest against the police crackdown.
Ahead of the Sunday rally, public resentment against the Hong Kong government was further inflamed after an anti-extradition protester plunged to his death at a shopping mall in Admiralty on June 15. The 35-year-old had climbed up a building to hang a protest banner reading “No extradition to China, total withdrawal of the extradition bill, we are not rioters, release the students and injured, Carrie Lam step down, help Hong Kong”. A suicide note was found on him.
Anti-extradition protesters gathered in large numbers to pay tribute to their fellow fighter with white flowers.
White flowers placed outside Pacific Place. Image from inmediahk.net. Used with permission.
Hong Kong Free Press recorded the moment when thousands of protesters prayed in silence on the night of June 16:
Crowds silently hold up their mobile phone lights at a site where a protester fell to his death last night after unfurling an anti-extradition law banner. Floral tributes line the road.
? In full: https://t.co/kmLJLFCnSX #notochinaextradition pic.twitter.com/FLA8eIUoXB
— Hong Kong Free Press (@HongKongFP) June 16, 2019
The organizer of Sunday's rally, Civic Human Rights Front, announced at 6:30 p.m. the event had attracted 2,000,001 people—the last digit being a tribute to the dead. An especially striking photo taken by the Apple Daily and shared on Twitter by Hong Kong Free Press shows how the massive crowd lights up the night:
Almost 2 million attended anti-extradition law demo, say organisers, as protesters bed in around gov’t HQ: https://t.co/sFrhKNgqmj
? In full: https://t.co/kmLJLFCnSX Pic: @appledaily_hk #hongkong #notochinaextradition pic.twitter.com/9VNhDgwAEx
— Hong Kong Free Press (@HongKongFP) June 16, 2019
In response to the rally, Carrie Lam issued a statement apologizing to local residents for the “inadequacy of the government’s work” and accepted responsibility for the large-scale confrontation and conflict. The statement read:
The chief executive admits that large-scale confrontation and conflict took place in Hong Kong society due to the inadequacy of the government’s work, causing many residents to be disappointed and saddened…Having regard to the strong and different views in society, the government has suspended the legislative amendment exercise at the full Legislative Council with a view to restoring calmness in society as soon as possible and avoiding any injuries to any persons…The government reiterated that there is no timetable for restarting the process.
But Lam’s apology has not cooled people’s anger. A few hundred protesters refused to leave the area after the rally and attempted to block Harcourt Road again. This time, however, the police authorities sent negotiators instead of riot police. Regular traffic flow at Harcourt Road was restored by 11 a.m. today, June 17.
A few hundred protesters stayed overnight at Harcourt Road. Image from inmediahk.net. Used with permission.
Since 2014's massive pro-democracy protests, a large number of activists in Hong Kong have been prosecuted and jailed, and six lawmakers from the pan-democratic sector have been disqualified over their use of the oath-taking ceremony for protest. As the opposition has been increasingly marginalized, the pro-Beijing political sector has come to believe they can pass controversial bills and budgets in the Legislative Council without due process and public consultation.
The controversial extradition bill, which comprises a set of amendments to the Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation, was introduced in February 2019. The amendments empower the Chief Executive and the local courts to handle case-by-case extradition requests from territories with no prior agreements — most notably Hong Kong and Taiwan. Lawyers, journalists, foreign politicians and businesses have expressed concern over the risk of residents being extradited to the mainland, where human rights protections are nonexistent. Despite the controversy surrounding the bill, the government administration bypassed Legislative Council Committee deliberations and scheduled the second reading of the bill for June 12.
More than one million took to the streets on June 9 calling for the bill's withdrawal, but Carrie Lam refused to give in. One week later, two million people were in the streets calling for her resignation. The world was watching and impressed by the persistence of Hongkongers. As journalist Melissa Chan suggested on Twitter:
The people of Hong Kong should be up for the Nobel Peace Prize. Two million protesters — orderly, recycling, giving way to ambulances as massive crowds part, giving safety hat and gear to visiting foreign correspondents — what better example of peaceful resistance in 2019?
— Melissa Chan (@melissakchan) June 16, 2019


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Surprise victories in the 2019 midterm Philippine elections offer hope to the opposition · Global Voices
Julius Rocas

A forum discussing some of the problems that hounded the 2019 midterm elections in the Philippines. Image by Kodao Productions, a content partner of Global Voices
The Philippines conducted its midterm elections on May 13, 2019, which saw candidates belonging to the coalition endorsed by President Rodrigo Duterte dominating the senate race. But despite the near-landslide victory by the ruling party, there were surprise winners in some local and congressional seats which raised the prospect of the possibility of reforming the country’s politics. The newly elected officials will assume office on July 1, 2019.
The election was marred by reports of irregularities, election-related violence, massive vote buying and even an admission of fraud from the president himself. But despite these challenges, some opposition candidates prevailed and were able to get themselves elected to office. There were also young candidates who successfully ran against incumbent officials belonging to prominent political families.
With total combined votes of 2,236,155, the left-leaning Makabayan (Patriotic) coalition will have 6 seats in the incoming 18th Congress, despite being attacked by state-backed security forces during the campaign period.
As fierce critics of the Duterte government, Makabayan party members and representatives were targeted by disinformation campaigns, red-baiting, and even trumped-up charges leveled by state actors and groups supportive of the president.
A number of Makabayan campaigners were also killed during the election campaign.
In the days leading up to the May 13 elections, false information spread that Makabayan party lists has been disqualified from running in the election.
On election day itself, uniformed policemen were caught on video giving out newsletters criticizing Makabayan party lists near a designated polling precinct in Manila, the country's capital. Election watch group Kontra Daya called out the act as violating the Omnibus Election Code, which prohibits the presence of police or other armed security within polling venues. The law also prohibits the police and armed forces from engaging in partisan activities.
Kabataan (Youth) party list representative Sarah Elago explained why attacks against their group failed:
The Duterte administration can no longer play the same old tune on us, his online troll army would get him nowhere in the face of the people’s legitimate outcry for their basic socio-economic demands, the youth’s access to free education, right to basic social services, defense of our national sovereignty, among others. These are the pressing issues that the government should address, instead of feeding fake news.
In key cities in Metro Manila, voters succeeded in disrupting local political dynasties.
In Manila, former Philippine president and incumbent Manila mayor Joseph Estrada was defeated by his former vice mayor Francisco Domagoso by a wide margin.
Estrada's granddaughter, incumbent San Juan City Vice Mayor Janella Ejercito, was also defeated in the mayoral race, ending five decades of Estrada rule in the city.
Jejomar Binay, former Philippine vice president and long-time mayor of Makati City, lost to a young rival in the congressional district race. Makati is the country's financial center.
In Pasig City, the 29-year reign of the Eusebio clan was ended with Victor Marie “Vico” Sotto defeating incumbent Mayor Bobby Eusebio in the mayoral race. The young Vico Sotto captured public interest with his non-traditional views on politics and governance.
Following the work of Cong. Sarah Elago and incoming Mayor Vico Sotto has been giving me hope, so far. Every day, I keep my fingers crossed that they stay the course.
— Elise tweets here now (@elise_mendoza) May 30, 2019
#vicosotto
Very promising young public servant. Hope that you'll keep that idealism and that politics won't corrupt you.
— Gerald R (@docge) June 3, 2019
Isko Moreno winning over Erap and Lim. Vico Sotto over Eusebio. Zamora defeating Estrada. Small glimpses of hope that I hope will translate to a national scale ??
— Kin (@KinLibrero) May 13, 2019
Truly happy for the historic wins of Isko Moreno, Francis Zamora, and Vico Sotto! So much young blood taking on mayoral positions this term.
— Bianca Gonzalez (@iamsuperbianca) May 14, 2019
In spite of these opposition successes, the struggle for meaningful change, just governance and national progress will continue for the next three years. But these small victories are expected to be the foundation for change in the run-up to the presidential elections scheduled for 2022.
Even before taking their Senate seats, however, some newly elected senators have already ruffled the feathers of their senior colleagues, as some of them have set their sights on chairmanships of senate committees. For a Philippine senator, chairing a committee is very important as it gives the individual senator access to important resources and influence in the conduct of the upper chamber's legislative work.
Imee Marcos, neophyte senator and daughter of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos—and herself the subject of a graft case—has set her eyes on the committee on ways and means. This committee has jurisdiction over all matters relating generally to revenue: taxes and fees, tariffs, loans, and other sources and forms of revenue.
The president's former personal aide, Bong Go, who will start his first term as senator, is set to assume the chairmanship of two committees: health, and urban planning, housing, and resettlement. This was confirmed to the media by no less than Senate President Vicente Sotto, III.
Widely considered to be “the direct link” between the Senate and the president, all eyes are on the neophyte senator. With the upper Chamber dominated by Duterte's candidates and allies, the activities of the Senate will be closely monitored.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Julius Rocas


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Mozambicans celebrate after the state’s infamous ‘hidden debts’ are declared null · Global Voices
Dércio Tsandzana

Courtroom with the ex-Minister of Finances. Photo: Centre for Public Integrity, used with permission.
On 4 June, Mozambique’s Constitutional Council, the country’s highest judiciary body, declared null the guarantees from the Mozambican state for debts acquired by public companies during the previous government, a move welcomed by many citizens.
Since 2015, Mozambique has seen the unfolding of a corruption case named “hidden debts” or “illegal debts” by local media. Three public companies (EMATUM, MAM and ProIndicus) contracted debt during the government of then-president Armando Guebuza without the approval of the Assembly of the Republic, as the constitution requires in these cases.
The debt totals over two billion dollars, which has led several of the country’s partners, among them the IMF and European countries, to cut financial support to Mozambique.
This case has also led the South African courts to decide on the extradition of Mozambique’s former Finance Minister Manuel Chang, detained on 29 December 2018 in that country. Both Mozambique and USA made extradition requests, and the South African courts announced it had accepted the former.
The United States is involved in the investigation because the transactions were made in US dollars and through electronic devices from the United States’ territory.
The Constitutional Council’s decision on 4 June followed an appeal from civil society organizations. A petition asked that the council declare null the guarantee given by the Mozambican state for these debts, with a particular focus on the Mozambican tuna company (EMATUM).
EMATUM's debt was the first to be discovered and to come under the international media's spotlight in 2015 whereas the other two only came to light some time later.
It was in 2017 that the Forum for Budget Monitoring (FMO) — a platform of civil society organizations focused on public finances management – submitted a request for the EMATUM debt to be declared unconstitutional and withdrawn from the state budget.
After the decision on June 4, 2019, the FMO shared a copy of the request they had submitted to the Constitutional Court, as well as the nullifying declaration:
O Conselho Constitucional de #Moçambique declarou nulo os actos inerentes ao empréstimo contraído pela EMATUM. Leia a petição e o acordão no link abaixo: https://t.co/yn5SMSjJqw@nwetimz, @CescMoz, @CIPMoz , @FDC_Moz, @GDivida, @actionaidmoz,@ADS_moz, @ForumMulher
— FMO (@FMO_Moz) 6 juin 2019
The Constitutional Court of #Mozambique declared the acts related to the loan contracted by EMATUM null. Read the petition and the agreement in the link below
Adriano Nuvunga, an activist and university teacher, was one of those at the forefront of pushing the case and on Twitter said that he was in tears after hearing about the historic decision:
Histórico!!!!!!!!!!!! Conselho Constitucional declara a nulidade da #EMATUM e respectiva garantia #soberana! Luta da sociedade civil e do @FMO_Moz em particular e VICTORIA do #Povo #Moçambicano. Estou de lágrimas! Obrigado Conselho Constitucional????????????????? pic.twitter.com/W4DlFFRod9
— Prof. Adriano Nuvunga (@adriano_nuvunga) 4 juin 2019
Historic!!!!!!!!!!!! Constitutional Council declares null #EMATUM and the respective #sovereign guarantee! A struggle by civil society and @FMO_Moz in particular and VICTORY of the #Mozambican #People. I’m in tears! Thank you Constitutional Court
The Centre for Public Integrity enthusiastically celebrated the event. Early this year it launched a campaign on social media, using the hashtag #EuNaoPagoDividasOcultas (I’m not paying hidden debts) so that Mozambicans could oppose any payment of the debts. On Facebook, it expressed its pride with the achievement:
Esta é uma grande vitória da Sociedade Civil. Conselho Constitucional declarou nulidade da dívida da EMATUM, Grande Vitória do CIP. #CIP #FMO
Eu Não Pago Dívidas Ocultas, Nem com Gás! pic.twitter.com/Z4ZS8wQNOa
— CIP-Mozambique (@CIPMoz) 4 juin 2019
This is a great victory for civil society. Constitutional Council declared null EMATUM’s debt, a great victory for CIP (Centre for Public Integrity). #CIP #FMO
I’m not paying hidden debts, not even with gas!
Despite the enthusiastic celebration from many Mozambicans, a lot still needs to be clarified. Mozambique’s debts have links to bodies outside the country, and the current decision may not be applicable internationally.
The fact that the debt was contracted through institutions outside Mozambique means that the USA has an interest in seeing the case resolved under its courts, with bankers and businesspeople from Switzerland, Albania, and Dubai facing imprisonment.
Clearly showing the uncertainty over the steps to come, President Filipe Nyusi, who on the day after the decision was headed to the Constitutional Council to submit his candidacy for the elections to be held on 15 October, said:
O Conselho Constitucional fez a decisão que fez e nós como Frelimo, nós como Governo, continuaremos a acompanhar o processo para ver e se calhar na altura própria, quanto tivermos a documentação toda em dia iremos dizer qual é o passo.
The Constitutional Council made the decision that it made and we as Frelimo [the ruling party], we as the government, will continue to follow the trial to see and in due course possibly, when we have all the documents finalized we will say what the next step is.
The legal representative of the debt holders stated publicly that the Constitutional Council’s recent decision will ultimately change nothing, as Mozambique’s government undertook a commitment governed by international rules, which in other words means that Mozambique will still need to pay the debt.
On the day after making the decision, the president of the Constitutional Council, Hermenegildo Gamito, resigned from office, which is a first for a presidentially-nominated position:
Hermenegildo Gamito renúncia por vontade própria e “sem dramas” do cargo de Presidente do Conselho Constitucional pic.twitter.com/f7o4I4wLba
— Verdade Democracia (@DemocraciaMZ) 5 juin 2019
Hermenegildo Gamito resigned of his own free will and “without drama” from the position of President of the Constitutional Council
The Constitutional Council’s decision adds to the government’s recent decision to also annul the linking of guarantees of debt payments to future revenues from gas exploitation. Mozambique's Finance Minister justified the withdrawal of these revenues from negotiations with creditors of the state's hidden debts due to public perception.

author: Dércio Tsandzana


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Public pressure forces Trinidad & Tobago government to drop amendment to Freedom of Information Act · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

Screenshot of a PDF of Trinidad and Tobago's Freedom of Information Act, 1999
Under pressure from the public, Trinidad and Tobago's government on the night of June 17 withdrew a controversial amendment it was proposing to make to the country's Freedom of Information Act (FOIA).
The Act, passed in 1999 and in effect since 2001, allows members of the public to seek access to information held by public authorities. Applicants filing FOIA requests are supposed to receive a response within 30 days.
In early June, however, the government proposed an amendment to the Act which would have extended the allowable response time to 90 days, prompting an outcry from over 47 groups, including the Law Association, Chamber of Commerce, and the Trinidad and Tobago Media Association (MATT), who held a forum on the matter on June 15. Many stakeholders and civil society organisations believed that the proposed amendments had the potential to frustrate the work of a free press, as well as prevent the public from accessing information in a timely manner.
MATT president Sheila Rampersad, interviewed on television on the morning after the withdrawal was announced, said that:
“It's a morning when people should be very proud of Trinidad and Tobago and very proud of a democracy that obviously is quite healthy—that civil society came together quickly and comprehensively as it did, and that government was sufficiently responsive.”
The amendment to the Act, called Clause 7, formed part of an omnibus bill called The Miscellaneous Provisions (Tax Amnesty, Pensions, Freedom of Information, National Insurance, Central Bank and Non-Profit Organisations) Bill, 2019. The initial draft of the Clause not only extended the time for state agencies to respond to requests from 30 days to 90, but also proposed the addition of another 90 days in which the attorney general could either endorse or overrule the decision to deny the request.
In practice, the turnaround time for responses to FOIA requests was often longer than the prescribed period, and some state bodies have refused to release information, citing confidentiality. The government would often find itself embroiled in lawsuits when FOIA requests were denied, with some litigants taking their cases all the way to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, Trinidad and Tobago's highest appellate court.
Former attorney general Ramesh Lawrence Maharaj, the architect of the original Act, came out strongly against a sitting attorney general—a political appointee—having the final say on whether or not a request would be denied, calling it “undemocratic.” Maharaj even suggested he would initiate legal proceedings and launch a campaign if necessary to advocate for public consultation in the matter.
The amendment was on the parliamentary agenda on June 10. Attorney General Faris Al Rawi admitted he had misjudged the response, but dismissed the need for consultation on the amendment, which was debated and passed in the Lower House on June 14 and 15 June 15.
Attorney Michael Rooplal of the Assembly of Southern Lawyers called the amendment “a retrograde step,” noting the senselessness of making such a shift in at a time when digital technology makes it easier to store, retrieve, and organise information. Rooplal added that:
“The FOIA is a vital cog in the public’s right to know and right to participate in the administration of our democratic society. Any derogation of these rights should be strongly guarded against, particularly in the present circumstances where there has been absolutely no consultation with the public on this issue.”

author: Janine Mendes-Franco


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Handcrafting behind bars: Women inmates in Albania create ‘made in prison’ accessories · Global Voices
Ardi Pulaj

Handmade products by women inmates, involved in the Made in Prison initiative in Albania. Photo: madeinprison.al, used with permission
Made in Prison is a website that sells handmade products by female inmates of the Ali Demi prison in Tirana, the only prison for women in the Balkan country whose population totals 2,8 million.
The project is an initiative by Orkidea (meaning “the orchid” in Albanian language), a local women's rights NGO, and has received funds from the US Embassy in Tirana. Since its launch on March 8, 2019, the project has been endorsed by Albania's Ministry of Justice and the General Directorate of Prisons.
As of June 12, the inmates have produced 235 handmade products, of which 82 have been sold to both Albanian and overseas costumers through the website, Orkidea has told Global Voices via email.
All the proceedings from the sales go to the personal bank accounts of each product's respective craftswoman.
On a testimony published at  the Made in Prison website, one inmate recounts how the project has positively affected her life:
My name is Mira. I am serving my sentence at the women’s prison since two years and a half now. I have learned many things here. The services offered are helping me change my life. I feel like a normal person again. I have been sentenced 3 years in prison and everything was hard, but now you are helping me to see a hopeful life.
Orkidea currently pays for the products’ materials, but participants have expressed a desire to cover some of those costs themselves in the future, as a way of turning the initiative into a sustainable business model.
Here are some of the products sold by Made in Prison.
This bag:
#Cante #Punimedore kodi 07 Cmimi 4000 L
A post shared by  Made in Prison Albania (@madeinprisonalbania) on
A pair of earrings:
#Vathe  #punimedore Kodi 013 Cmimi 790 L
A post shared by  Made in Prison Albania (@madeinprisonalbania) on
A brooch:
#Spile #punimdore  Kodi 015 Cmimi 690 L
A post shared by  Made in Prison Albania (@madeinprisonalbania) on
According to the European Prison Education Association (EPEA), Albania has 23 detention facilities. Ali Demi is the only one exclusively for women. There is also one hospital for detainees.
Describing the Ali Demi facility, EPEA says:
There are no known “gangsters’” in this prison, no kidnappers, and no women of high-profile political scandals. Many of them, without creating misunderstandings, are “accessories” of crimes committed by males, who might have been their husbands, brothers or, lovers. The most serious crimes perpetrated by these women are prostitution, burglary, fraud (embezzlement) and not by its importance, murder due to family circumstances.
Albania's prisons, labor camps, and internment facilities during the communist period have often been described as places of horror.
For many Albanians, Spaç is synonymous with torture and death. Countless dissidents and thousands of other individuals were imprisoned here before the 1990s. Photo by: Attila Terbócs (CC BY-SA 4.0)
One of them is the Spaç prison, in Lezhë County. According to World Monuments Fund, an organization dedicated to the preservation of historic architecture and cultural heritage sites around the world:
Spaç Prison was a notorious labor camp established in 1968 by the Communist government of Albania at the site of a copper and pyrite mine, in a remote and mountainous area in the center of the country. While only one of many such sites, the political prisoners held at Spaç included some of the most prominent Albanian intellectuals of the twentieth century.
Now, Spaç prison is a place of remembrance for locals and a tourist attraction.
According to Albania’s Association of Former Political Prisoners, about 5,577 men and 450 women were executed for political crimes during the communist era from 1946 to 1991. Tens of thousands were imprisoned or sent to labor camps.
Since the fall of communism, Albania's prisons have been criticized for its poor conditions, with issues such as overcrowding, limited access to natural light in cells, and lack of hygiene often cited as examples.
The Council of Europe has recommended Albanian authorities to increase efforts to protect prisoners’ human rights and support their rehabilitation.
The Made in Prison initiative could contribute to reintegrating women prisoners back in society after their release.

author: Ardi Pulaj


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Hong Kong press watchdog calls for investigation into police abuse against 26 journalists during protests · Global Voices
Hong Kong Free Press

Photo: Todd R. Darling / HKFP. Used with permission.
The following post is originally written by Jennifer Creery and published by Hong Kong Free Press on 19 June 2019. It is republished on Global Voices under a content partnership agreement.
Hong Kong’s press freedom watchdog filed a complaint with the Independent Police Complaints Council (IPCC) on Monday claiming police caused bodily harm to 26 journalists during several days of protests against the city’s controversial extradition bill.
The Hong Kong Journalists Association (HKJA) said the alleged misconduct was a breach of the Basic Law. It called on the chief executive to set up an independent committee to ascertain whether a top-level order was the cause of the incidents. The statement stressed,
A media that can do its job without fear is of utmost importance in the balance of police power and public safety as well as the protection of the public’s right to know.
Hong Kong was rocked by protests in recent weeks over the government’s proposed amendments to extradition laws which would allow it to handle case-by-case extradition requests from jurisdictions with no prior agreements – such as mainland China. The bill would enable the chief executive and local courts to handle extradition requests without legislative oversight. Critics have raised concerns over the risk of residents being extradited to the mainland, which lacks human rights protections.
Photo: Todd R. Darling / HKFP. Used with permission.
The occupation of the space outside the city’s legislature on June 12 ended in violence as police deployed tear gas and rubber bullets against protesting crowds after a few protesters advanced forwards and threw objects at the police officers.
The abuse alleged by the HKJA included:
The cases outlined by the HKJA arose between June 10 and 14 and were reportedly verified using photographs or videos provided by journalists or peers who witnessed the incident.
HKJA said that aside from a few journalists who were concerned about their safety or their employers’ policies, all agreed to provide background information to the IPCC.
The watchdog added that all journalists affected had their press credentials clearly displayed on their helmets or high visibility vests, and were not standing among protesters when the incident happened: “The Association has, therefore, sufficient reasons to believe that those abusive officers were fully aware of their journalists’ identity,” their statement read.

author: Hong Kong Free Press


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I won’t climb Everest: a graphic travel journal · Global Voices
Violeta Camarasa

author: Violeta Camarasa


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Bangladeshi surfer girls are pushing back against conservative gender norms · Global Voices
Samaya Anjum

Image Credit: Rashed Alam, Bangladesh Surf Girls And Boys. Used with permission
About 6 years ago, Bangladeshi surfer Rashed Alam and his wife, Venessa Rude, started up an initiative to teach a group of young girls to surf. In the face of very conservative ideas about gender norms, this was a big step to take for both the couple and the girls themselves. Today Bangladesh Surf Girls and Boys has grown into a local club with 30 boys and 12 girls and operates at the small coastal town of Cox's Bazar in southeastern Bangladesh.
According to UNICEF, Bangladesh has the fourth highest prevailing rate of child marriage in the world, with about 22% of girls married off before they reach the age of 15. Outside the more progressive cities, female children are often considered burdensome when it comes to financially securing their families. Every day dozens of women get harassed on the streets and some even become victims of acid attacks among other forms of violence. For these women, early marriage or finding work as a housemaid is the most pragmatic aim in life.
The free-spirited girls who dared to surf & dream in male-dominated Bangladesh. Then: https://t.co/KNWQ3DjLE1. Now: https://t.co/KNWQ3DjLE1. pic.twitter.com/LgqzAPvJ2C
— Ben Salt (@_bensalt) August 10, 2017
Born to a destitute family, Nasima Akter became homeless when she was 7-years-old after refusing her parent's demand that she earn money through prostitution. She found hope in surfing the waters of Cox's Bazar and later emerged as the first Muslim surfer girl in Bangladesh. Nasima joined the local Lifesaving and Surfing Club and was trained by surfer Rashed Alam. Her story came to eminence through the documentary The Most Fearless filmed by California-based documentary filmmaker Heather Kessinger.
Most girls at Cox's Bazar are deprived of education at an early age and are driven into the working world to support their families. Many of the girls hustle to earn a few dollars by selling jewelry or snacks to tourists on the beach and the weight of their families weighs down heavily on their shoulders. Alam, who comes from the same background, came across a group of eight girls, aged between 11 to 14-years-old, who spent their days in the same daily struggle that he experienced. He became like an elder brother to them.
Rashed Alam training surf girls. Image Credit: Rashed Alam, Bangladesh Surf Girls And Boys. Used with permission
The girls watched Alam in awe as he smoothly glided through the waters of the Bay of Bengal on his surfboard, and upon him returning to the shore, one of the youngest among them, named Shoma Akter, boldly approached him and said, “I want to do that.” Alam told the L.A. Times that this encounter was the beginning of his project.
Alam and Venessa became role models for these girls, looking out for them and making sure that they were safe at the beach. They had to convince the girls’ parents that there was a future for them outside of the home.
#tbt❤ It feels just like yesterday that Johanara was selling eggs to support her family on the beach. And now she is surfing on a shortboard and teaching other little girls to surf! We are so proud of her and the courage she has at overcoming the many obstacles she faces with being one of the few female surfers in the country. Thank you to all who have dreamed with us and supported us!❤??♀? . . #bangladeshsurfgirls #dreambig #oneday #girlssurftoo
A post shared by  Bangladesh Surf Girls And Boys (@bangladeshsurfgirlsandboys) on
The young surfers began stealing an hour or two to practice late in the mornings and kept it secret for weeks before telling their families. In most cases, parents reacted disapprovingly upon learning about their daughter's new hobby out of fear for their reputations.
In February 2015, after arriving in Bangladesh to document their stories, photographer Allison Joyce and Venessa Rude started a GoFund me page to cover the cost of food supplies, transportation and tutoring fees — a step which allowed the girls to enroll in school and continue surfing without pressure from their families.
Alam gave the girls lessons on CPR and rescue to open the door for them to become lifeguards when they turn 18. In the afternoons, Venessa tutored the girls in English, a skill that would allow them to land tourism or office jobs.
Here is a video from the Bangladesh Surf Girls And Boys Blog:
Global Voices contacted Venessa Rude to get an update of the surfing girls and she mentioned that there are about 75 active Bangladeshi surfers in Cox's Bazar, and out of those, 12 are girls (all from Bangladesh Surf Girls And Boys Club).
On several occasions, the girls have been belittled by the men in their community who find it unacceptable for them to practice a sport in the waters; however, the spirit and fearlessness of the girls have always showcased how women can push back against societal norms. “No one is used to seeing confident girls like this,” says Venessa.
The media attention has opened the windows to brand new opportunities such as an ICT workshop to enhance their skills in digital literacy organized by the Microsoft Bangladesh team:
Find out how Microsoft designed an #ICT workshop for #Bangladesh Surf Girls to equip them with basic literacy skills https://t.co/xEW5rnvoKJ pic.twitter.com/PSRoVWq7Kt
— Microsoft Asia (@MicrosoftASIA) December 26, 2016
Surfing has not only allowed them to retain a piece of their childhood but they now confidently dream of securing a bright future for themselves — dignified jobs, education and the ability to marry whenever they want. One of them currently aspires to be a doctor, while others dream of being professional surfers or lifeguards at the beach.
Venessa has the latest updates:
Currently, our oldest girls are helping give surfing, lifesaving, and skating lessons to our younger girls and boys. Over the years, some of our older girls have been married off or sent off to garment factories to work. It just became too hard for them to pursue surfing and have people harass them, but we still have a few of our original girls left, and Rashed is having them train younger girls so that they have a bigger team and can work together.

author: Samaya Anjum


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For Albania and North Macedonia, are the European Union’s doors half-open or half-closed? · Global Voices
Ardi Pulaj

EU Flag. Photo by Giampaolo Squarcina, licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0
Foreign ministers of the European Union (EU), meeting at the General Affairs Council in Luxembourg on June 18, postponed to October a decision on whether to open talks with Albania and North Macedonia about accession to the EU.
A divided EU decides to postpone the decision of opening accession talks with North Macedonia and Albania to October, dealing a major blow to both countries.https://t.co/PnUX2Atwaw
— EURACTIV (@EURACTIV) June 19, 2019
Both Western Balkan countries had been hopeful that the meeting would have resulted in a positive decision, so the conclusion by the heads of diplomacy of the EU member states to delay until the fall came as a disappointment.
The EU has finally found a common line on membership talks with North Macedonia and Albania — by deciding not to decide https://t.co/Y0BifkzH7O
— POLITICOEurope (@POLITICOEurope) June 18, 2019
The European Commission declared in May 2019 that both countries had made the necessary progress on democratic standards and the rule of law. But some EU member countries, including France and Germany, were still not willing on Tuesday to give the green light, politico.eu reported.
After the Council’s meeting, the European Commissioner for Enlargement and Neighborhood Policy, Johannes Hahn, said:
Unfortunately a minority of member states were not able to support the Commission’s proposal to open accession negotiations with Albania and North Macedonia already today. Our collective credibility is at stake and our incentives and leverage for tough reforms across the region are equally at stake.
The following statement was released at the end of the meeting:
In light of the limited time available and the importance of the matter, the Council will revert to the issue with a view to reaching a clear and substantive decision as soon as possible and no later than October 2019.
The postponement has to do with more than “the limited time available”.
Albania is grappling with a political crisis since February after an investigation by Voice of America and the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network alleged that government officials collaborated with criminal gangs in a vote-buying scheme in the 2017 elections. Opposition MPs renounced their mandates and took to the streets demanding that Prime Minister Edi Rama resign, and calling for the creation of a transitional government to oversee fresh parliamentary elections.
Rama has refused to resign and insists that elections will be held in 2021 as planned, and municipal elections on June 30, 2019. President Ilir Meta responded by canceling the municipal elections, citing the need to quell political tensions in the country. This triggered the adoption of a resolution by ruling Socialist Party (SP) MP’s declaring Meta's cancellation of the elections invalid, and calling on public institutions to proceed with election plans. Rama also declared his intention to seek Meta's dismissal from office.
Municipalities led by the opposition parties, Democratic Party (DP) and Socialist Movement for Integration (SMI), however, called for the removal of election materials from local election commissions, in accordance with Meta’s annulment decree. Protests in various parts of the country have been marked by tensions and face-offs with the police.
Also contributing to the deepening political crisis in Albania has been the publication by the German newspaper, Bild of taped conversations relating to the 2017 vote-buying scheme, currently being investigated by Albania's Prosecutor’s Office.
PM Rama and opposition leader Lulzim Basha, used the EU postponement to blame each other:
Lajm shumë pozitiv nga Europa në rrugën e çeljes së negociatave?Pavarësisht luftës pa limite të frontit politik të së keqes,që po bën çmos të sakatojë vendin në sytë e Europës,për të bllokuar negociatat me sharje,kërcënime,molotovë e përgjime baltosëse,Shqipëria po reziston?
— Edi Rama (@ediramaal) June 18, 2019
Very positive news from Europe on the path to opening negotiations; Despite the unprecedented war of the evil's political front, which is doing its best to tarnish the country in the eyes of Europe, to block the negotiations, with threats, Molotov and demeaning wiretaps, Albania is resisting.
.@lulzimbasha_al : Që Shqipëria të bëhet Europë, duhet të sillemi ne si europianë,te kemi zgjedhje te lira e te ndershme,t’i japim fund politikaneve te korruptuar.
Për këtë ju ftoj të protestojmë së bashku si njerëz të lire,si qytetarë europianë të premten në ora 20.00 në Tiranë.
— Partia Demokratike (@pdshqiperi) June 18, 2019
For Albania to become like Europe, we must behave as Europeans, have free and fair elections, and put an end to corrupt politicians. For this I invite you to protest together as free people, as European citizens on Friday at 20.00 in Tirana.
Of the Western Balkans countries, only Serbia and Montenegro have officially begun accession talks with the EU, in 2014 and 2012 respectively.
Macedonia made significant strides recently after it changed its name to North Macedonia, resolving a 27-year-old dispute with its NATO and EU member neighbor, Greece. But North Macedonia still has to wait until October, together with Albania, for the EU's decision.
The country’s foreign minister, Nikola Dimitrov, however, spoke with a dose of optimism:
Let’s be realistic, let’s do the impossible! And we will manage in Oct because we have shown already that we can move mountains. And we will continue the reform path because we want our #European dream come true. And I have one promise: we will make it embarrassing not to happen!
— Nikola Dimitrov (@Dimitrov_Nikola) June 18, 2019
North Macedonia and Albania are viewed as key states to promote stability in the Balkans, but they are still plagued with corruption and organized crime. Some in Brussels argue the EU should not rush to accept new members, citing lingering corruption and justice issues in member states Romania and Bulgaria.
After being snubbed by EU ministers at the June 18 meeting, prime minister of North Macedonia Zoran Zaev reportedly told the Financial Times: “We don't need some new radicalism, nationalism and populism in our country.”
“There is a promise from Europe that it is a merit-based system and they must make decisions on the arguments of what we deserve and what we fulfilled. After 15 years, we really deserve this and Europe must deliver,” he added.
The risk of rising nationalism and populism was echoed by observers, while others blamed the EU for failing to keep their promises:
"Nationalist forces will grow stronger in the #Balkans if Albania and North Macedonia are not given the green light to launch EU accession talks by the autumn" https://t.co/tzdAQjHjQ9 #geopolitics
— Vihar Georgiev (@vihargg) June 19, 2019
"This is not just about enlargement policy, it's about the EU itself . . . It basically says the EU is incapable of taking decisions in a core area of its policy" my comments for @FT @VALERIEin140 https://t.co/tJBTt8WRwH ??????
— Florian Bieber (@fbieber) June 19, 2019
The @EUCouncil postpones the decision of opening accession talks with #Albania and #NorthMacedonia to later this year, in October. Inaction could taint #EUenlargement as a successful foreign policy and hinder #WesternBalkans stability. https://t.co/RxK0h0Y4UR pic.twitter.com/W6dLpDcP9u
— Fabio Seferi (@fabioseferi) June 19, 2019
You must change your name! You must do this! You must do that! says the #EU, but the #EU doesn't do anything but give "clear recognition." What a joke! Oh and it couples you with #Albania, which is even further from EU membership. https://t.co/bhYtYm8Vxg #EUValues
— Meto Koloski (@MetodijaKoloski) June 18, 2019
Today’s conclusions left everyone disappointed.
I think it speaks volumes that critics today are not far right supporters, isolationists or nationalist but researchers, academics, analysts & journalists who’ve zealously promoted #EU integration with Western #Balkans for years. https://t.co/Igk5wdcmR6
— Alfonc Rakaj (@alrakaj) June 18, 2019
In this matter it is not only the EU’s credibility at stake.
As North Macedonia’s foreign minister Dimitrov has pointed out, if the EU fails to endorse North Macedonia in joining the bloc, they will lose influence in the region and risk boosting rivals such as Russia and China. Other countries seeking influence in the region include Turkey and the Gulf states.


text:
Hong Kong police remove ‘riot’ label from June 12 protests, but citizens still demand justice · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

A canister of tear gas exploded next to lawmaker Wu Chi Wai. Screen capture from Youtube FTVV.
After 2 million Hong Kong people rallied against the June 12 anti-extradition protest being labeled a ‘riot’ by police, Hong Kong police chief Stephen Lo stepped back and said this label was a misunderstanding.
However, the withdrawal of the “riot” label has not pacified widespread indignation against the authorities. Many are still demanding to know why the police discharged 150 tear gas cans as well as rounds of bean bags and rubber bullets if they just wanted to quell a few aggressive protesters.
In a press conference on June 18, Stephen Lo said:
I did not mean that all those taking part in the protests that day were taking part in rioting…And they need not worry that they could have committed riot offences.
Lo also reported that the police arrested 32 people on June 12, and only 5 protesters have been charged with rioting.
In a Legislative Council session on June 19, Secretary for Security John Lee Ka-chiu stressed that the police had used a “minimum level of force” and justified the shooting of protesters’ heads as the result of “chaos”:
Police will target the protester’s largest part of the body. But the situation was chaotic and [people] were moving…
However, viral video footage presents a different picture. Below are the two most widely circulated incidents concerning the abusive use of force by police during the protests.
The street outside the Citic Building was a police approved protest area with a permit, applied by Civic Human Rights Front (CHRF), that was valid between the dates of June 12 and June 14. However, at around 4 pm on June 12, riot police blocked the road from both sides and deployed at least 9 canisters of tear gas at the hundreds of protesters occupying the area.
After the roads were sealed off on both sides, the protesters began taking refuge inside the nearest building. The video below attempts to reconstruct the incident with marked map and explanation notes on screen:
A number of protesters wrote their accounts on citizen media outlets. Below is Man-bun’s account on inmediahk.net:
三點過後，㷛底（立會前門範圍）及會場另一邊（會展方向）均傳來騷動聲，大會主持再三籲請保持冷靜、強調這是一個和平集會，雖然大家都顯得緊張，但基本仍按主持主張留在原地｡ 未幾，有救傷物品及傷者從㷛底方向被抬進場，大會要求讓出通道，各人才意識到警方已經在那邊施放催淚彈。不久，槍聲與嘈雜人聲趨近清晰可辨，警方顯然正分別朝集會群眾的兩邊夾擊推進，由於一直都沒有收到警方的任何警告，市民先是錯愕、憤怒，接着開始慌亂，紛紛湧向最近而且唯一的逃生口，亦即中信大廈的大堂，筆者當時就站在門口附近，當即被人潮捲入大廈…
沒多久筆者已感到呼吸困難、大汗淋漓，開始聽到有人高呼索取哮喘藥……催淚煙不絕湧進大樓内，飄昇上各個樓層，令呼吸更困難，先是剌鼻、淚眼、後來連皮膚也感到異樣赤痛，有人到後樓梯尋找可能出口，但回報大門均告鎖上…人群緩慢向二樓住天橋方向的出口撤出…沿途看得見多人情緒幾瀕崩潰，哭泣著由身邊人摻扶離開，亦聽到有市民哮喘病發不適暈倒。
After 3pm, we heard the uproars from the direction of the Legislative Council and the other side (Wanchai Exhibition center direction). The rally organizers asked us to keep calm and stressed that the protest was peaceful. Although we were nervous, a majority decided to stay in the same spot. After a moment, injured people were moved in the protest area and we gave them space. Only by then were we aware that the police had deployed tear gas. Very soon we heard the sound of gun fire approaching. The police had sealed the area and kept pushing forward. Since we did not receive any warning from the police, people were shocked, angry and panicking. They rushed to the only exit, which was the Citic Building. Since I was sitting near the entrance, I was pushed inside by the crowds…
Inside the building, I found it difficult to breathe and kept sweating. I heard that someone was yelling out for asthma medicine… tear gas kept rushing in the building, at first you found it difficult to breathe, then you felt the pain in your nose and eyes and even skin. A majority of the doors were locked inside the building… after a while, the crowds slowly retreated via the pedestrian bridge connecting to the second floor… many were crying along the way, and I had heard that at least one citizen had an asthma attack and fainted.
The writer stressed that if the protesters were not helping each other out in such an orderly manner, the incident would have cost many lives.
At Tim Mei Avenue near the Legislative Council, riot police fired tear gas at protesters across the buffer area where Democracy Party lawmaker Wu Chi Wai was standing. He stayed there to act as a human shield against any direct conflict between the police and the protesters. Although there hadn't been any aggressive behavior coming from the protesters, the riot police started deploying tear gas at the crowds who were up to 100 feet from the police.
Wu Chi Wai was outraged and yelled, “I want to see your commander!” to the nearby police. Instead of a ceasefire, the riot police fired another tear gas can which exploded just 2-3 meters away from Wu. The lawmaker ended up being surrounded by tear gas with zero protection.
Wu’s experience was not the only case, at least 10 reporters told the Hong Kong Journalist Association that riot police fired tear gas cans at them at close range. 3 of them were hit on their heads by the canisters.
John Lee continues to invite protesters to submit their cases to the police department’s Complaints and Internal Investigations Branch (CII). Yet, the CII has been widely criticized as ineffectual as the investigators are also from the police department. Moreover, on June 12, the Special Tactical Squad (the elite team of the riot police) did not have their numbers displayed on their uniforms, making it very difficult to file a valid complaint.
The response from both the police and government authorities has failed to answer peoples’ demands. Lawmakers from the pan-democratic sector, Christian leaders, experts from the legal community, and a coalition of civil society groups have called for an independent investigation into the excessive use of force during the June 12 protests.
For more background on the anti-extradition protests, see our special coverage page.

author: Oiwan Lam


text:
Is China headed towards another Cultural Revolution?: An interview with Professor Xu Youyu · Global Voices
Sinopsis

Students from Beijing University stage a huge demonstration in Tiananmen Square as they start an unlimited hunger strike as the part of mass pro-democracy protest against the Chinese government, on May 18, 1989. Catherine Henriette/AFP/Getty Images. Historical Photo under Fair Use.
This interview by Filip Jirouš originally appeared in Czech on Sinopsis.cz as part of a series on the 30th anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre. An edited version is published below as part of a content-sharing agreement.
Xu Youyu is a political science scholar who has conducted extensive research on China's Cultural Revolution. He sympathized with the protesting students during the 1989 democracy movement and stayed in the Square until the last possible moment before the Tiananmen Massacre in 1989. He is one of the signatories of the Charter 08, a manifesto which demands Chinese constitutional reform. He was briefly detained in May 2014 for organizing a June 4 seminar and since November 2015 he has become a visiting scholar at The New School in New York.
Sinopsis.cz interviewed Xu about his experience during the 1989 protests and his views on the current social climate in China today.
Sinopsis (S): 2019 is the 30th anniversary of the Tiananmen Massacre. What's your feeling at this special moment?
Xu Youyu (Xu): I feel sad. Justice has not been served to those who were killed, suppressed and jailed. Those who were exiled still can not return to their homeland.
S: The Tiananmen democracy movement started on April 15, 1989. When did you start observing the movement? When did you start participating in it?
Xu: I have forgotten when exactly. Between April 15 to 20, I started observing student protests and rallies in streets. By May, I participated in all kinds of rallies. I hoped the government could take students’ demand positively and resolve the conflicts and antagonism according to the law.
S: Did you believe that the 1989 democracy movement could be successful? Or from the very beginning, did you believe that the movement would inevitably fail?
Xu: I consider it successfully if the student protests were not repressed. That’s why I don’t think […] that the movement was doomed to fail but that it had a number of opportunities to be successful. The best opportunity was during Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev’s China visit. The students could have retreated from the Tiananmen Square and returned to the campus. By end of May, the radical voices always gained a upper hand than the rational voices among the sit-in students in the Tiananmen Square. There wasn’t any legitimate leaders in the Square, if things got out of control, the consequences would be disastrous.
S: Did you stay in the Square until the last minute? What was the atmosphere among the activists?
Xu: I retreated with the last group of students from the Southeast corner of the Square. People were in anguish and depressed.
S: You attempted to persuade student activists to retreat from Tiananmen before the tanks moved in. Why did you do that? Did you foresee the tragedy approaching? How did they respond to you?
Xu: I tried to persuade the students to retreat from the Square and return back to school near the end of May. I told them the military troops had started to mobilize and would start cracking down on the protests. Two postgraduate students from Beijing Steel and Iron Institute in the sit-in area rebuked me: “How could people’s army repress its own people?”
S: Many people said the 1989 democracy movement is a student movement. However, there were teachers, workers, police officers, and soldiers standing by the young people in the Square. Among these groups of people, did they hold different views and sentiments?
Xu: People from all walks of life supported the students and expressed their sympathy. Among the supporters, the intellectuals spent more time reminding the students to take care of themselves and their bodies. They reminded the students to take long term considerations and avoid unnecessary sacrifice. They told them the path to democracy is very long and they had to be persistent.
S: Are you in contact with other Charter 08 signatories? Does anyone regret giving their signature? [Note: The open call for constitutional reform was initiated by Liu Xiaobo, Nobel Peace Prize laureate who was jailed for supporting the 1989 student democracy movement. Liu passed away in July 2017 during his fourth prison term.]
Xu: We are still in contact and no one regrets.
S: You have participated in the ceremony for the unveiling of Liu Xiaobo’s brass bust in Prague. How do you feel about the event?
Xu: First of all, the brass bust is an invaluable piece of art. It touches and shakes the heart of the audience. Secondly, I am impressed to see that fact that people from the Czech Republic and Europe would commemorate Liu Xiaobo and support China’s democratic movement with such an affectionate manner. I learned during that ceremony that a number of Chinese fellows had traveled a long way to Prague for the unveiling ritual, I am so moved.
S: In China Change’s interview, you said the worst is yet to come. What do you mean by that? Is the current situation in China that hopeless?
Xu: China is now moving towards the Cultural Revolution, moving towards North Korea. The worst would be it has returned to the Cultural Revolution Era and turned into another North Korea. There is still space for getting worse.
S: You are now living abroad. Are you in exile? Why do you choose to leave the country?
Xu: I am not in exile. I have been invited by the New School in New York as a visiting researcher, similar to a previous arrangement. The environment here is very good for conducting research and I can observe the development of China from a new perspective. Hence I would like to stay here for a bit longer.
S: If you had one year to rule China, what kind of reform would you initiate?
Xu: First, release all the political prisoners. Then open up freedom of press and freedom to form political parties.
S: How can the West help address the situation in China?
Xu: Pay attention to the Chinese human rights situation and support Chinese people who advocate for and defend their own rights.

author: Sinopsis


text:
‘Is vagina a dirty word?’ Ugandan feminist Stella Nyanzi’s court battle continues · Global Voices
Rosebell Kagumire

Dr. Stella Nyanzi. Photo by Zahara Abdul, used with permission via Cipesa.
On Friday, June 21, a court in Uganda’s capital, Kampala, ruled that jailed feminist scholar and activist Stella Nyanzi has a case to answer and should prepare to defend herself. The case arises from a poem by Nyanzi — a reflection on the birth and misrule of Uganda’s long-serving President Yoweri Museveni, in which she evokes representations of vaginas — including his mother's.
On Wednesday, June 19, 2019, prosecutors closed their case after presenting three witnesses. Nyanzi's lawyer then asked the court to declare that there is no case to answer and ordered Nyanzi's release.
But on June 21, 2019, the courts decided that Nyanzi does have to answer to these charges and will not yet be released and reunited with her three children.
Nyanzi, known to deploy radical rudeness and public insult as a tactic to challenge Museveni's power, has been held at Luzira maximum security prison since November 2018.
Nyanzi faces two counts of cyber harassment and offensive communication, each under the Computer Misuse Act of 2011.
In count one, prosecutors alleged that Nyanzi, in a Facebook post dated September 16, 2018, made “obscene, lewd and indecent suggestions” with the vagina references — deemed cyber harassment.
In count two, the state claims she transmitted the post “over the internet to disturb the peace, quiet or right to privacy of President Museveni with no purpose of legitimate communication” — deemed offensive communication.
Dr Stella Nyanzi in Buganda road Chief Magistrate court dock #Kampala. Magistrate Gladys Kamasanyu ruled today that Suspended #Makerere University research fellow Dr Stella Nyanzi currently on remand in #Luzira prison, has a case to answer #PushforStellaNyanzi #FreeStellaNyanzi pic.twitter.com/n4Dn8s12aN
— Noy Frederic (@fuddish) June 21, 2019
Nyanzi's lawyers submitted to the court that there was no case to answer after the prosecutors produced three witnesses: two investigating officers in the Uganda police, and lawyer Charles Dalton Opwonya, as a member of Uganda’s Anti-Pornography Committee, made an unlikely expert witness.
Nyanzi's ongoing trial before Magistrate Gladys Kamasanyu has been one of the most animated on record. Opwonya was the witness that took center stage as he was tasked by Nyanzi’s defense team to prove his qualification in matters of morality:
Thread 2:
June 18 Court session.
Q: Is vagina a dirty word?
Opwonya: most of the time it is
Q: is the literal vagina a clean thing?
Opwonya: yes
Q: Can a vagina be dirty
Opwonya: yes if you don't wash it#FreeStellaNyanzi #PushforStellaNyanzi pic.twitter.com/UGMpkE80WB
— Rosebell Kagumire ♉ (@RosebellK) June 18, 2019
On June 18, in a cross-examination that took more than six hours, Opwonya claimed Nyanzi’s post about Museveni’s birthday — from which the charges stem — harmed and broke his children’s innocence.
He said Nyanzi was “ a vile subject” since her nude protest back in 2016 at Makerere University. Opwonya was cross-examined on a range of issues connected to the case, from Bible proverbs to nude protests, to feminist literature to the question of whether Uganda’s president is a dictator.
Thread 4 lastly: June 18 Court session.
Cross- examination of state witness 2- lawyer Charles Dalton Opwonya the man who reads the Bible in French because English is a shallow language ?#FreeStellaNyanzi #PushforStellaNyanzi pic.twitter.com/MZD98OEshu
— Rosebell Kagumire ♉ (@RosebellK) June 18, 2019
Nyanzi's tactics in her writings about the powerful, like dysphemisms and euphemisms, were brought into play. Opwonya condemned Nyanzi for being obscene and told the court that the word vagina should never be spoken in public.
The trial not only centered on Nyanzi’s use of social media but Opwonya's as well:
The question of a share and a post becomes contentious as Opwonya claims a quote he posted on his Facebook TL was a share not a post. ?#FreeStellaNyanzi #PushforStellaNyanzi
— Rosebell Kagumire ♉ (@RosebellK) June 18, 2019
On the eve of her 45th birthday on June 16, Nyanzi released #45Poems4Freedom, poems full of commentary on the president and parliament and also addressed themes like feminism, oppression, prison congestion, sexual harassment and press freedom.
Nyanzi reiterated that she will not be gagged.
Many Ugandan and African netizens shared the poems, and the hashtag trended alongside #PushForStellaNyanzi and #FreeStellaNyanzi:
As Stella Nyanzi spends her birthday in prison here is 1 of #45Poems4Freedom #StellaSpeaks, lets keep the campaign to #PushforStellaNyanzi pic.twitter.com/Nus6rA27lk
— Panashe Chigumadzi (@PanasheChig) June 16, 2019
Netizens shared powerful phrases from Nyanzi's poetry collection, such as “women shall no longer wait for timid men…”
Searing words from #FreeStellaNyanzi
“Women shall no longer wait for timid men
To fight for the liberation of Uganda
We pack missiles in our own pens and grenades in our mouths
And shoot our truths at the dictatorship”
More …https://t.co/pOGQ0WWol7
— waikwa wanyoike (@waikwawanyoike) June 16, 2019
Member of Parliament Robert Kyagulanyi, known as Bobi Wine, sent messages of support and shared Nyanzi’s poetry:
#45Poems4Freedom #FreeStellaNyanzi pic.twitter.com/gxPsAJGbVR
— BOBI WINE (@HEBobiwine) June 16, 2019
Netizens came through with political cartoons and commentary on the state of press freedom in Uganda, depicting Nyanzi in a jail cell for speaking her mind online:
PRESS FREEDOM IN UGANDA
A soul-less ape-like monster
Sits at the helm of power in our state house
Just like a limelight intoxicated superstar
He saturates our public media with vows
Although the masses know he’s a lying fraudster
They clap their hands and gasp with “Wows!” pic.twitter.com/DMBx91LDix
— Atukwasize ChrisOgon (@chrisatuk) June 16, 2019
Many continue to send support for Nyanzi, who has become not only a household name in Uganda but represents the defiant spirit of African women at the front lines of change:
Today is Dr. Stella Nyanzi’s 45th birthday and she’s spending it in prison for speaking truth to power. We honour her by sharing one of 45 poems she wrote from her prison cell in Luzira. #PushforStellaNyanzi #FreeStellaNyanzi #StellaNyanziDay https://t.co/oaT38bcAl9
— Adventures (@adventurefrom) June 16, 2019
This??? @drstellanyanzi‘s poems are refreshing. In a few lines she sums up the plight and deep seated emotion of the average, unconnected Ugandan. The one who cheers in the presence of the oppressor; the one who cheers to hide their pain and anguish. Wow. #FreeStellaNyanzi https://t.co/B3NMREjNKJ
— Jenifa Ochwo (@JenifaOchwo) June 18, 2019
After the June 21 ruling, Nyanzi's defense lawyer, Isaac Semakadde, told the court that they would present about five “learned” witnesses in answer to the charged. He told reporters that Nyanzi's witnesses would come from several disciplines from law to religion to literature.
Nyanzi said she was not surprised by the ruling and hopes through her witnesses, the case will be a great tool to educate the nation. She declined her right to bail, saying it is a tool of oppression and those on bail lack freedom.
On June 26, Nyanzi's witnesses are expected to appear in court as her trial continues.
She still faces charges of cyber harassment and offensive communication from April 2017 over a Facebook post in which she called President Museveni “a pair of buttocks,” which prosecution still states was an obscene or indecent suggestion. For this case, she was remanded to Luzira prison for two weeks and later released on bail. The case is coming up for mention on July 1.
Nyanzi has also challenged her sacking from Makerere University. The court decision on that case will be delivered on October 16, 2019.

author: Rosebell Kagumire


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Netizen Report: Lawyers seek court challenge against  Ethio Telecom over internet shutdown · Global Voices
Netizen Report Team

Ethio Telecom building in Addis Ababa. Photo by Francisco Anzola via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY 2.0)
The Advox Netizen Report offers an international snapshot of challenges, victories, and emerging trends in technology and human rights around the world. This report covers news and events from June 14-20, 2019.
After a week-long internet shutdown in Ethiopia, a group of lawyers is bringing a court challenge against Ethio Telecom, the country’s sole (state-run) telecommunications service provider.
In an interview with BBC Amharic, lead attorney Yohannes Enyew said the lawyers plan to challenge the shutdown on constitutional grounds, arguing that it violates citizens’ constitutional rights of free expression and access to information.
Connectivity was completely cut off nationwide from June 11-14, according to NetBlocks, an internet censorship research group. Access was then restored in the capital, but remains spotty in other regions. People have also reported that SMS messaging services have been inaccessible.
Authorities haven’t publicly commented on the decision to pull the plug, but many speculate that the disruption was intended to prevent students from cheating on national secondary school exams.
This is nothing unusual for Ethiopians, who since 2015 have endured multiple long-standing shutdowns of mobile internet connections and specific services like Facebook and WhatsApp, often in the face of mass public protests. But the court challenge against the state-run telecommunications company, which is the only provider of phone and internet service in the country, may be the first of its kind.
By bringing their case directly to the court, the lawyers will be bucking standard local procedure, which requires a preliminary submission to the Ethiopian Institute of the Ombudsman. This may cause the case to be thrown out on procedural grounds. But it nevertheless represents an important assertion of agency by civil society in Ethiopia. The country has undergone a dramatic shift since the February 2018 resignation of former Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, who stepped down in the face of mass land rights protests and infighting within the ruling political coalition.
Current Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, in contrast to his predecessors, has worked to bring democratic reforms to the country and to reinforce protections for fundamental rights. Although the upcoming court challenge may not stand, it could set a symbolic precedent for challenging state institutions under the country’s new regime — one that could inspire further civic action in the future.
Muhammad Bilal Khan, a 22-year-old Pakistani video journalist, was stabbed to death on June 16 in Islamabad. Police say Khan had received a phone call from an unidentified person telling him to come to a certain neighborhood of the capital city, where he was then fatally attacked. With more than 54,000 followers on YouTube, Khan conducted regular interviews about religion and politics in his videos, and did not hesitate to criticize the country’s top politicians and security agencies.
In the wake of his killing, #Justice4MuhammadBilalKhan began to trend on social media. Pakistan's army has denied that state agents were involved in his death. His killing has been condemned by local groups as well as the Committee to Protect Journalists.
Also on June 18, a youth wing leader of Pakistan’s conservative PML-N party was arrested by federal investigative agents for posting “hateful content” against state institutions on social media and using “inappropriate language” against top officials, including Prime Minister Imran Khan. The government has filed a case against him under Pakistan’s controversial Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act, which local experts have criticized for placing overly broad restrictions on free expression.
In the wake of post-election clashes in Jakarta, Indonesian police claim that they are conducting “cyber patrols” of private WhatsApp groups whose members are suspected of spreading disinformation.
A representative of Facebook, which owns WhatsApp, has denied that investigators would be able to “wiretap” groups because messages sent via the app are end-to-end encrypted, meaning only the sender and recipient (and no one in between) can read them — not even the company itself.
It is unclear how authorities are monitoring these groups — they may gain membership simply by using a different identity, or by asking group members to share chat logs with them.
Authorities have said that they only target groups as part of an official investigation and therefore “would not violate privacy rights,” according to a story by Coconuts Indonesia. Rights advocates, meanwhile, worry that police are using viral hoaxes to justify conducting mass surveillance.
Over the past four months, Algeria has been rocked by mass protests and the resignation of long-time leader Abdelaziz Bouteflika, who was a major target of protests. On June 12, two independent news websites, Tout Sur l'Algérie and Algérie Part, abruptly became inaccessible over multiple internet providers in the country. Four days later, major social media and other internet services went offline as well, in what many suspect was an effort to prevent students from cheating on national exams.
The digital investigation group Bellingcat, which uses online and open source tools to gather evidence about human rights violations and incidents of violence in conflict zones, was briefly kicked off YouTube on June 18.
Group founder and editor Eliot Higgins tweeted a screenshot of an email he received from YouTube indicating that its channel had incurred “repeated or severe violations” of YouTube’s community guidelines including “promotion or display of gratuitous violence.” Although the group deals with lots of content associated with war and war crimes, Higgins noted that they are careful not to post or promote videos showing gratuitous violence. After multiple journalists condemned the block on Twitter, Bellingcat’s channel was restored.
Ellery Roberts Biddle, L. Finch, Rezwan Islam, Talal Raza and Taisa Sganzerla contributed to this report.

author: Netizen Report Team


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Years after eviction by an oil extraction project, a Ugandan community waits for justice · Global Voices
Guest Contributor

A resident of Rwamutonga affected by the eviction speaks at a community meeting. Photo courtesy Winfred Ngabiirwe. Used with permission.
By Winfred Ngabiirwe
In August 2014, Onyera Lucy and other residents of Rwamutonga village in the Hoima district of Uganda woke up to gunshots and teargas. Their homes were burned, farms destroyed, and property looted as they were forcefully evicted from their homes to make way for a U.S.-backed oil waste treatment plant.
For the past five years, Lucy has been living in limbo and travels from Hoima to Masindi every few months, carrying the hopes of her community as she seeks justice for their land. Every journey takes her more than two hours and involves motorcycle and bus connections. For the last five years, she has returned from every trip empty-handed with no news on the status of their land ownership.
Discovered more than 12 years ago, Uganda’s commercial oil reserves are estimated at 6.5 billion barrels, with the potential to bring in revenue of over US$50 billion over 25 years. But oil extraction and related infrastructure are happening in areas—like Lucy's village of Rwamutonga—where land rights and land tenure are not clearly defined. As a result, local communities are losing out.
Discovered more than 12 years ago, Uganda’s commercial oil reserves are estimated at 6.5 billion barrels, with the potential to bring in revenue of over US$50 billion over 25 years. But oil extraction and related infrastructure are happening in areas—like Lucy's village of Rwamutonga—where land rights and land tenure are not clearly defined.
Before the evictions, the residents of Rwamutonga had lived and farmed on the land for more than 30 years. Land had been allocated to some people by the area chief, while others inherited it from their parents in keeping with local custom. But many were never given formal title deeds.
After the 2014 eviction, the members of over 200 households lived for 30 months in a makeshift camp near the contested area. In early 2017 they were allowed to return while they waited for a court ruling on the ownership of the land.
Evicted families in Rwamutonga village, Bugambe subcounty in Hoima district. Photo courtesy Winfred Ngabiirwe. Used with permission.
The situation in Rwamutonga is being replicated across Africa and around the world where natural resources have been discovered.
The World Bank reports that only about 10 percent of rural land in sub-Saharan Africa is registered. The rest is undocumented, informally administered and thus vulnerable to land grabbing and expropriation without adequate compensation.
In Rwamutonga, for example, residents had been farming cotton, tea, maize and cassava for decades. Strong land rights would help to protect these livelihoods.
Too often, the revenue opportunity from oil extraction has led governments to engage directly with investors without adequately consulting and involving communities and local governments who could bring the question of customary rights and interests to bear on the decision-making process.
The Government of Uganda has an opportunity to change this pattern. Treating local communities as equal partners in extractive projects and respecting their property and human rights, including seeking prior informed consent for such projects, is the first step towards creating true economic development.
The residents of Rwamutonga should have been consulted before any agreement was made to sell the land for use as an oil waste treatment plant. Direct engagement with local communities in the planning of extractive projects would allow the government and investors to understand local interests, concerns, potential areas of disagreement and in the process builds trust and reduces the risk of conflict. Reduced conflict also reduces economic losses, and therefore can increase revenue for governments and investors.
Direct engagement with local communities in the planning of extractive projects would allow the government and investors to understand local interests, concerns, potential areas of disagreement and in the process builds trust and reduces the risk of conflict.
While the government of Uganda is not directly responsible for human rights abuses by private actors, they should ensure that extractive companies respect local laws and regulations. If necessary, the should use international human rights laws to prevent, investigate, punish and redress such abuses.
The U.S. company has pulled out while seeking financial damages, and the oil plant in Rwamutonga has not gone ahead. Yet no redress has been offered to the residents for their forceful eviction.
Lucy and her community continue to seek justice through the Ugandan court system with the hope of obtaining legal claim to their land. But postponed court dates, poor legal representation and political interests have hampered their progress and it seems likely they could lose their land, making them homeless once again.
Winfred Ngabiirwe is the executive director at Global Rights Alert in Uganda.

author: Guest Contributor


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Hong Kong anti-extradition protesters paralyze government and police operations · Global Voices
Hong Kong Free Press

Thousands of protesters gathered outside the police headquarter on June 21 demanding independent investigation on police excessive use of force on June 12. Photo from inmediahk.net. CC: AT – NC
The following post was written by Jennifer Creery and originally published by Hong Kong Free Press (HKFP) on June 21 2019. This version is republished on Global Voices under a content partnership agreement.
Protesters demonstrating against Hong Kong's anti-extradition law flocked to the city’s legislature on Friday June 21, blocking roads around the government complex before surrounding police headquarters in Wan Chai as some moved east to the government Revenue Tower. The crowds dispersed peacefully at around 3am on the next day.
Student groups had vowed to escalate their actions if authorities did not answer by 5pm on Thursday to their set of demands, which include:
Clad in black, many protesters stayed overnight from Thursday into Friday at the rear of the legislature, forcing the government to announce the shutdown of Central Government Offices on Friday due to “security considerations.”
As more joined the protests on Friday morning, legislative meetings were cancelled and protesters moved to the police headquarters in Wan Chai. Later, the crowds would extend to the government Revenue Tower as well as to the Immigration Tower.
Addressing crowds outside police headquarters, pro-democracy lawmakers Lam Cheuk-ting and Au Nok-hin both declared that Secretary for Security John Lee, and Police Commissioner Stephen Lo, must step down after tear gas was unleashed against demonstrators on 12 of June. Au said:
Stephen Lo cannot ignore the incidents since June 12 – we must insist on our demands: absolve arrested protesters, investigate police’s abuse of power.
Prominent youth activist Joshua Wong, of the pro-democracy party Demosistō, also addressed crowds, chanting “Stephen Lo, come out!” and “John Lee, dialogue!”
Senior police superintendent Yu Hoi Kwan told reporters that there were no plans for a clearance operation as yet, but the occupation around their headquarters had affected the deployment of emergency services. She urged the crowd to disperse.
Protesters throng the police headquarters in Hong Kong. Photo: Todd R. Darling/HKFP. Used with permission.
Jeers and chants of “release the righteous,” “retract,” and “shame on police thugs” were heard as crowds swelled. A few dozen eggs were thrown at the front wall outside the police headquarters, a symbolic act of people's resistance expressed by acclaimed Japanese writer Haruki Murakami:
If there is a hard, high wall and an egg that breaks against it, no matter how right the wall or how wrong the egg, I will stand on the side of the egg. Why? Because each of us is an egg, a unique soul enclosed in a fragile egg. Each of us is confronting a high wall. The high wall is the system which forces us to do the things we would not ordinarily see fit to do as individuals . . . We are all human beings, individuals, fragile eggs. We have no hope against the wall: it's too high, too dark, too cold. To fight the wall, we must join our souls together for warmth, strength. We must not let the system control us — create who we are. It is we who created the system.
Tsang Chui-mei, a 47-year-old visual artist, told HKFP she thought the extradition protests had become an opportunity to unite people from all walks of life:
All of the messages are from online. There is no single organiser or leader, it’s better this way. All Hong Kong citizens have a right to ask for freedom.
Lance Yan, a 48-year-old illustrator, told HKFP he joined the protest on Friday to protect young protesters in case of clashes:
We have a responsibility to protect them so that they’re not alone.
Twenty-three-year-old Celia Lai, who works in marketing, told HKFP she attended the protest on Wednesday but considers herself a “coward” for failing to go to the front lines. “I want to do more this time,” she said.
“We don’t have a leader this time,” she said, referring to the 2014 Umbrella Movement led by student groups:
It’s more pure and self-motivated, and people are acting on their own will and they’re more determined.
The latest occupation comes after weeks of protests against legal amendments of the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance and the Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Ordinance proposed in February, which would empower Hong Kong's government to handle case-by-case extradition requests from jurisdictions with no prior agreements – notably China.
Lawyers, journalists, foreign politicians and businesses have raised concerns over the risk of residents being extradited to the mainland, which lacks human rights protections. Taiwan has also made it clear that, if the new law was passed, it would not receive the murder suspect whose case triggered the proposal.
The government announced the suspension of the bill on June 16, after 2 million people rallied on streets of the City calling for the Chief Executive Carrie Lam to step down.


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New documentary explores the roots of Myanmar’s persecution of the Rohingya community · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

A Rohingya refugee community. Photo provided by Shahida Tulaganova, used with permission
A new documentary provides a historical overview of the situation of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar.
The film ‘Exiled’, directed by veteran war reporter Shahida Tulaganova, “explores the roots of increasing violence” in Myanmar’s Rakhine State from the perspectives of Rohingya refugees, former Burmese government officials and radical Buddhist monks. Also interviewed in the film is General Khin Nyunt, the former head of Burmese Military Intelligence accused of masterminding the policy of persecution of Rohingya.
Myanmar has a predominantly Buddhist population, but also has more than one hundred ethnic minority groups, including the Rohingya, whom the government refuses to recognize and considers ‘illegal migrants’ from Bangladesh and India.
In recent years, communal violence erupted in Rakhine between some Rohingya and radical Buddhist groups. Hate speech against the Rohingya, who are mostly Muslim, is also amplified online.
Since 2017, thousands of Rohingya were forced to flee their homes after the government army clashed with the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army.
Human rights groups have long reported on the deteriorating situation of the Rohingya in various refugee camps. They have also criticized the government which came to power in 2015 under Aung Sang Suu Kyi, for continuing the ‘genocidal’ policies of the previous military regime.
The film ‘Exiled’ gives the historical context for the violence inflicted on the Rohingya population.
Tulaganova, the film's director, first learned about the situation in Rakhine in 2012, when riots led to the burning of Rohingya communities. She monitored and studied the issue in the succeeding years and was motivated to tell the story of the Rohingya in the context of the evolution of modern-day Myanmar, instead of merely highlighting sporadic events of ongoing violence and the humanitarian crisis. She told Global Voices that:
It was very important for me to show the whole story and talk to people who set up the system of extermination of Rohingya, like former chief of Burmese military intelligence, General Khin Nyut,and show that exodus of 2017 is not a sporadic, one off outcome of violence. It has been happening as of 1978, but the world didn't know about it.
Tulaganova had difficulties obtaining a journalist visa, which also restricted her work.
I had to sign several papers saying that I will not travel anywhere near Rakhine state and I had to sign those. However, I was desperate to get the point of view of people who live there, so I had to think of a Plan B. So, I have found a courageous and very talented Burmese film-director who was willing to travel to Rakhine state and interview people on my behalf. And it all worked out. Unfortunately, I was given visa for 10 days only and I was feeling like Cinderella, who has to manage to get access and film everyone I had to in such a short time. But I had fantastic and very experienced field producers in Burma who made it happen.
Tulaganova is aware that her film will never be screened in Myanmar, but she hopes more people inside and outside the country will come to better understand the systematic persecution against the Rohingya. She adds that ‘Exiled’ offers a universal story about the violence experienced by ethnic minorities.
I wish people in Myanmar see this film since it is not only about Rohingya, it is about all ethnic minorities, which face persecutions for years. I believe, that Myanmar audience can learn a lot from this film.
My target audience is the world. I tried to tell the story of genocide and this is a universal story. What happened to Rohingya echoes to what had happened to Jews during the Second World War, to Bosnians during Yugoslav war and etc- this is a story about state-organized and planned systematic extermination of an entire ethnic group. And when I talk about extermination, with Rohingya it is not only physical extermination. It is about denial of education, healthcare, childbirth – the system which is ultimately designed to kill them morally and physically. This is the most horrible part of their story for me.
Some members of the production team. Photo provided by Shahida Tulaganova, used with permission.
Asked about what the international community can do to help the Rohingya, Tulaganova urged United Nation officials to take more decisive actions:
First and foremost, the UN and other agencies operating in the Rakhine state should recognize that they have failed both the Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims. UN was trying to play it safe and in many instances, refused to call Rohingya -Rohingya, because of the insistence of Burmese officials. So did many other foreign countries. This is wrong.
I think that serious sanctions have to be imposed on Burmese officials (military and political). I think that the world powers should recognize this is a genocide and put pressure on the government of Burma to get their act together and recognize Rohingya as nationals of Myanmar without any verification process, provide safe return of Rohingya to their villages and pay compensation for the loss of their property.
Below is the trailer for ‘Exiled':

author: Mong Palatino


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Parents, students threaten to sue Bhutanese employment agency after ‘learn and earn’ debacle in Japan · Global Voices
Rezwan

“The Plight of Bhutanese Students in Japan.” Representatives of Bhutanese Parents’ Committee of The Learn and Earn Program’ speak to media in Tokyo in February 2019. Screencap from the Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan YouTube Channel.
It all started as a very promising opportunity for Bhutanese students. Since 2017, the government of Bhutan has sent around 800 Bhutanese students to Japan under the “Learn and Earn” program as part of a drive to increase employment opportunities for citizens of the kingdom in the Himalayas.
The program, which is supervised by Bhutan's Ministry of Labour and Human Resources (MOLHR), matches students who travel to Japan and enroll in Japanese language schools with collateral-free loans provided by Bhutanese financial institutions, expecting that they will work to pay back the investment.
However, the reality was far from what the students expected. Students complained that they faced extortion, threats and hard times during their stay in Japan. In December 2018, a 24-year-old Bhutanese student committed suicide and several students contracted tuberculosis.
Bhutan's overseas training and employment programs were first launched in October 2013 to bring about full employment for Bhutanese citizens. As part of the strategy, the government of Bhutan arranged a trainee program with Japan where Bhutanese students would be trained in Japan and bring back valuable skills that would make them employable once they returned home. At the program's inception, Bhutan's People’s Democratic Party (the political party in power at that time) had pledged to create 82,000 jobs by 2018.
The Bhutanese initiative takes advantage of Japan's “300,000 Foreign Students Plan“, an initiative launched in 2008 aimed at increasing the number of foreign students or trainees in Japan from 140,000 to 300,000 students by 2020. However, foreign trainees such as those coming to Japan from Bhutan on the Learn and Earn program typically end up as sources of cheap, exploitable labor, with little in the way of support from their Japanese hosts.
Many Bhutanese students in the Learn and Earn program took on loans, notably to cover the cost of round-trip air tickets to Japan, mandatory Japanese-language training, and housing. However, as Japanese employers pay trainees very low monthly wages, students needed to work at least two jobs and live in squalid conditions, in order to repay the loans. Students were contractually obligated to invest a considerable amount of time and high tuition fees on Japanese-language classes to achieve the N2 level in the Japanese Language Proficiency Test (JLPT) required for job placements.
Given their poor living conditions and diets, many trainees became sick from physical and mental stress. There were also reports of Learn and Earn participants being subjected to forced labor, and passport theft and illegal wage deductions by Japanese employers.
Five hundred Learn and Earn students are reportedly ready to file cases. Nagwang Tobgay, the legal officer of the Parents’ Committee of The Learn and Earn Program’ laid down the allegations in a press conference at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan in Tokyo in February 2019:
The parents alleged that Bhutan's Ministry of Labour conducted no research into working and living conditions in Japan for students before launching the program. The Labour Ministry had to suspend registration for the Learn and Earn program within five months of its introduction because of the overwhelming number of applicants.
Learn and Earn participants from Bhutan are also supposed to be received and assisted in Japan by Support for New Departure (SND), an organization affiliated with the Japanese government. The parents allege that SND did nothing to help the Bhutanese students, who instead faced extortion and threats from employers and others.
Prior to the 2019 press conference in Tokyo, questions had already been raised about the Bhutanese government's plan to send students to Japan.
After the student's suicide in 2018, the Bhutan Employment Overseas (BEO), selected as and licensed by Bhutan's Ministry of Labour in order to feed participants into Japan's Learn and Earn program, came under scrutiny in Bhutan. The country's Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) called for the cancellation of BEO's trade license, which the ACC deemed to have been illegally granted.
In August 2018, Japanese journalist Idei Yasuhiro (出井康博) published an expose of the program in Foresight magazine which was translated into English by Bhutanese activists. In the report, Idei noted that:
The Japanese Government set up “the foreign students 300,000 plan” back in 2008. The goal was achieved in 2017, but in reality, the figure was attained by the increase of those students in disguise who, in reality, have come to Japan with a purpose of finding higher-paying work than the ones in their home countries.
Idei's investigation into the Learn and Earn program spanned six months and included communication with the Managing Director of BEO and his wife—who is a Japanese national— and the Ministry of Labour and Human Resources and the Consulate of Japan in Thimphu, Bhutan.
In the article, Idei narrates the story of a Bhutanese student who took a loan of Nu 700,000 (US$ 9,859) from Bhutan Development Bank and handed the sum in cash to BEO:
Dorji (alias, in his 20’s) from Thimphu, Bhutan, came to Tokyo as an overseas student going to a Japanese language school. In his first year in Japan, he owed Nu 700,000 (1,150,000 JPY) for his school tuition fees, traveling and living expenses. In Bhutan, the average salary of a civil servant is about Nu 20,000 (30,000 JPY). So, Nu. 700,000 is a huge sum to bear. [..]
Dorji has two part-time jobs where he spends easily over 28 hours a week, which means he is working longer hours than he is legally allowed as a student visa holder in Japan. [..]
Dorji is now registered in a language school in Japan and has a morning shift 6 days a week. In the afternoon, he takes his Japanese lessons in school, and then for 3 to 4 days every week, after class, he goes for his night shift work in a warehouse where he packs lunch boxes for convenience stores. When he gets a night shift, he barely gets any sleep.
With his pale face and thin build, it did not come as a surprise when he said he had lost over 5 kg since arriving in the country. [..] Just like Dorji, most of the Bhutanese students are experiencing a series of hardship and misfortune in Japan in their debt-ridden lives.
However, according to Idei, Bhutanese Employment Overseas (BEO) promised students like Dorji:
You will earn an enormous amount of money in Japan as you have never seen before in Bhutan. Though it is illegal for you to work for over 28 hours a week in Japan, it won’t be hard to work around the laws. You can pay off your debts in no time.
Idei's report also states that the contract signed between Dorji and BEO stated that he would earn about 150,000 JPY a month. To make 150,000 JPY a month, the hourly wage should be 1,200 JPY at minimum, a way that is virtually unattainable for someone who does not speak Japanese.
Even if a student receives a hard-earned salary of about 150,000 JPY a month, more than 23,000 JPY of that would go to repayment of loans. Other monthly expenses would include rent (for shared housing) of 20,000 JPY, and tuition fees of 70,000 JPY (for a total of 800,000 JPY annually) for mandatory Japanese-language training.
Students are effectively stranded in Japan, as they must repay the relatively large loans before they can return to Bhutan.
So far, the Bhutanese government has responded by deferring the students’ loans. Labour minister Ugyen Dorji claimed that the issues faced by Bhutanese youth are not as severe as reported in social media and Bhutanese and Japanese media. He said that about 80 percent of young people placed in Japan are paying regular loan installments and that the government will continue the program.

author: Rezwan