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Humanities researchers have become ‘enemies of the nation’ in Brazil, says anthropologist · Global Voices
Talita Fernandes

Anthropologist and researcher Rosana Pinheiro Machado | Photo: Personal Archive / Used with permission.
This text is part of a special Global Voices series on women with academic careers called Women in Science. See other stories here and here.
An anthropologist known for her research on China and the political period that preceded the rise of far-right president Jair Bolsonaro, Rosana Pinheiro-Machado, 41, had a column in The Intercept Brazil and was a professor at a federal university in southern Brazil known as UFSM until she found herself in a tight corner.
With difficulty in pursuing an academic career in Brazil, she decided to migrate and accept an offer to take up the discipline of International Development at the University of Bath in the United Kingdom. She is also a member of the Higher Education Academy and was Professor of International Development at the University of Oxford between 2013 and 2017.
Like other Brazilian scholars, in recent years, Pinheiro-Machado has faced cuts in federal science funding and the growing devaluation of the humanities and those dedicated to them in the country.
In addition to this, there were also personal attacks, especially from people who adhered to far-right movements, who accused her of practicing and teaching communism in universities. By becoming practically “enemies of the nation,” professionals in the humanities field began to be persecuted in the country. She faced everything from accusations in the Federal Public Ministry to misogynistic swearing online and attempts to boycott her classes.
By accepting the offer, Pinheiro-Machado ended up becoming part of a “brain drain” of academics escaping Brazil in search of better professional opportunities.
Currently, her attention is mainly focused on researching China-Brazil relations and the informal economy, production and consumption of goods and social inclusion through consumption, new middle strata in the Global South, and narratives of the post-Covid world in the international media. She is the author of several books, the most recent being “Amanhã Vai Ser Maior” (Tomorrow Will Be Bigger, Editora Planeta, 2019), in which she analyzes the rise of the far-right in Brazil and possible “escape routes,” and has just started a new column in the Spanish newspaper El País.
In a videoconference call with Global Voices, she shared her career inspirations, current research, and experience as a woman in academia.
Talita Fernandes (TF): What motivated you to become a researcher? Did any women inspire you in this choice?
Rosana Pinheiro-Machado (RP): Eu não consigo separar a pesquisa da docência, então eu interpreto como o que me inspirou a ser professora de uma maneira geral. Eu venho de uma família muito ligada à política, eu sempre quis ir para questão mais intelectual e política. Isso se aliou com uma professora de História que eu tive, que foi muito importante na minha formação. Ela foi minha professora por anos na escola, e era um modelo para mim. Quando eu entrei para a faculdade de Ciências Sociais, a ideia era seguir carreira política. Mas aí eu descobri a pesquisa, começando minha carreira acadêmica com a Cornelia Eckert e a Ana Luiza Carvalho da Rocha, que foram minhas duas orientadoras e que, até hoje, influenciam a maneira como eu sou formatada como antropóloga, como etnógrafa. Hoje eu também tenho outros referenciais, como a Débora Diniz, que é alguém que não só me ajuda em termos práticos, mas uma pessoa que eu quero ser, que é um grande modelo para mim.
Rosana Pinheiro-Machado (RP): I can't separate research from teaching, so I interpret it as what inspired me to be a teacher in general. I come from a family very connected to politics. I always wanted to dive into a more intellectual and political issue. This was linked to a history teacher I had, who was very important in my education. She was my teacher for years at school and a role model for me. When I started studying social sciences during my undergraduate years, the idea was to pursue a political career. But then I discovered research, starting my academic career with Cornelia Eckert and Ana Luiza Carvalho da Rocha, who were my two advisors and who, to this day, influence the way I am as an anthropologist and as an ethnographer. Today I also have other references, like Débora Diniz, who is someone who not only helps me in practical terms but is also a person I want to be, who is a great role model for me.
TF: There are cases of researchers who left Brazil in recent years, like Débora Diniz and you. Are we experiencing a brain drain? What are some of the reasons in the current context that have led to this?
RP: Sim. Sem dúvida há uma fuga de cérebros. Mas aí tem duas coisas: uma coisa é como isso ficou difícil para todos os pesquisadores de todas as áreas, com a falta de recursos e com a falta de crédito e legitimidade do governo brasileiro em relação à ciência. A outra coisa, endereçada especificamente às mulheres na ciência, é o fato de que, principalmente pesquisadoras e especialmente pesquisadoras de ciências humanas, que estão lidando com aspectos de política, de desigualdade social, racial, de gênero, atualmente esses temas transformam quem trabalha com eles em inimigos da nação.
Eu passei por situações de pessoas ligando para a ouvidoria da universidade quando eu escrevia uma coluna sobre Paulo Freire [educador brasileiro, que costuma ser criticado pela extrema-direita]. Já tive que acionar o diretor, deixar a guarda universitária sob aviso para eu entrar em sala de aula. Pessoas me chamando de terrorista por ministrar um curso sobre movimentos sociais. Recebi um processo de investigação no Ministério Público Federal, pedindo para investigar toda minha carreira docente na universidade: com que dinheiro eu fui para o exterior, quais disciplinas eu estava ministrando, quais os processos administrativos que existiam contra mim. O processo foi arquivado, porque não tinha fundamento. Então, simplesmente, se tornou impossível [seguir no Brasil].
RP: Yes. There is definitely a brain drain. But there are two things: one thing is how difficult this has become for all researchers in all areas, with the lack of resources and the lack of credit and legitimacy of the Brazilian government in relation to science. The other thing, specifically addressed to women in science, is the fact that mainly researchers and especially researchers in the humanities who are dealing with aspects of politics, social inequality, race, gender, are transformed into enemies of the nation.
I went through situations of people calling the university ombudsperson when I was writing a column about Paulo Freire [Brazilian educator, who is often criticized by the far right]. Once I had to call the head of the department, and notify the college security, so I could enter in the classroom. I had people calling me a terrorist for teaching a course on social movements. I received  a complaint from the Federal Public Ministry, asking to investigate my entire teaching career at the university: with what money did I go abroad, what subjects I was teaching, what administrative proceedings existed against me. The process was shelved because it had no basis to move forward. So, it simply became impossible [to stay in Brazil].
TF: Do you believe that the attacks you suffered were motivated or intensified by the fact that you are a woman?
RP: Sem dúvida. Primeiro, porque o nível de linguagem dirigido a mim é uma linguagem que para homem não se aplica. Vagabunda, baranga, ou, ao contrário, “essa daí pelo menos eu comia”. Teve um youtuber que dizia: “por que está estudando, por que está fazendo pesquisa essa daqui? Até que é bonitinha, se tivesse um homem talvez estivesse quieta”. Esse tipo de linguagem sexualizada, para me chamar de coroa que precisa de botox, ou para me chamar de “comível”, é uma linguagem que só faz sentido para gênero.
RP: Without a doubt. First, because the level of language addressed to me is a language that does not apply for men. Slut, baranga (Brazilian slang for ugly woman), or, on the contrary, ‘That one, I would hit that.” There was a Youtuber who said: “Why is she studying? Why is she doing research? She's pretty cute. If she had a man, maybe she'd be quiet.” This kind of sexualized language, to call me a cougar who needs botox, or to call me “doable” is a language that only makes sense in a gender context.
TF: What should change in Brazil today in relation to research?
RP: A gente precisa de investimento e de valorização e precisa de um governo que não veja a ciência pelo senso comum, que veja a ciência pelo olhar dos cientistas. Que o Ministério da Ciência e Tecnologia seja conduzido por técnicos. Porque é muito mais do que investimento que a gente precisa. A gente precisa de apoio e de entender o que é o trabalho do cientista. É um absurdo a gente estar numa situação em que se é um inimigo da nação, que as pessoas não entendem o que você faz. E o que você faz, na verdade, é a linha de desenvolvimento nacional. Toda saída de desenvolvimento vai passar por inovação, tecnologia, inteligência artificial, soluções criativas para o século 21, soluções para um mundo mais sustentável. Não existe desenvolvimento sem ciência. No caso brasileiro, você não tem não só investimento; você é odiado, você é humilhado. A gente não recebe investimento e ainda é pisado pela comunidade.
RP: We need investment and appreciation and we need a government that does not see science through common sense, that sees science through the eyes of scientists. That the Ministry of Science and Technology be led by technicians. Because it's much more than the funding itself we need. We need support and to understand what is a scientist's work. It's absurd for us to be in a situation where you're an enemy of the nation, that people don't understand what you're doing. And what you actually do is the national development line. All development outputs will include innovation, technology, artificial intelligence, creative solutions for the 21st century, solutions for a more sustainable world. There is no development without science. In the Brazilian case, you don't only have investment; you are hated, you are humiliated. We do not receive investment and are still trampled by the community.
TF: Can you talk a little bit about your research on Bolsonarismo? Do you think it is a movement in itself? And how do you see it today, after two years of Jair Bolsonaro's government?
Rosana Pinheiro Machado in a lecture about the rise of Bolsonarismo, called: From hope to hate | Photo: Personal Archive / Used with permission.
RP: Acho importante ressaltar que as mulheres estão à frente nesse campo. Mulheres com análises focadas na vida concreta. Aqui eu destaco o trabalho da Isabela Kalil e da Esther Solano, e o meu, em parceria com a Lucia Scalco. Nós somos pessoas que, desde 2016, estamos falando do bolsonarismo como bolsonarismo. Desde que esse movimento começou a se delinear. Penso que é um movimento específico, e que ele é uma conjunção de forças em torno da figura do Bolsonaro. Mas é uma conjunção de forças de extrema-direita, essa combinação única de conservadorismo, autoritarismo, hiperliberalismo, e hiperpunitivismo. Essa combinação única, que eram forças dispersas, anteriormente, e começam a se unificar em torno da figura do Bolsonaro. Como eu sempre digo, o bolsonarismo é maior que Bolsonaro. O Bolsonaro é a figura que reuniu todas essas forças e isso vai orbitando em torno dele, mas também, como mostra a própria Isabela Kalil, em determinados momentos os grupos vão se radicalizar a ponto de achar que o Bolsonaro não está sendo forte o suficiente, não está sendo autoritário o suficiente, como se esperava.
RP: I think it's important to emphasize that women are at the forefront in this field. Women with analyzes focused on concrete life. Here I highlight the work of Isabela Kalil and Esther Solano, and mine, in partnership with Lucia Scalco. We are people who, since 2016, have been talking about bolsonarismo as bolsonarismo, since this movement began to take shape. I think it is a specific movement, and that it is a conjunction of forces around the figure of Bolsonaro. But it is a conjunction of far-right forces, this unique combination of conservatism, authoritarianism, hyper liberalism, and hyper punishment. This unique combination, which was previously dispersed forces, began to unify around the figure of Bolsonaro. As I always say, bolsonarismo is bigger than Bolsonaro. Bolsonaro is the figure that brought all these forces together and this goes around him, but also, as Isabela Kalil shows, at certain times the groups will radicalize to the point where they think Bolsonaro is not being strong enough, not being authoritarian enough, as expected.
TF: What has been the most rewarding moment of your career so far?
RP: Tendo vindo de escola pública, das condições que eu vim, acho que o momento mais gratificante da minha vida foi ter mudado a história da minha vida via conhecimento. Ter chegado na China pela primeira vez. Esse momento, quando eu pousei em Pequim, acho que foi um dos momentos mais bonitos da minha vida. Acho que esse é o primeiro, do âmbito pessoal. E depois o coroamento dessa pesquisa, quando eu ganhei o prêmio de melhor tese do Brasil.
Mas depois disso eu diria que foi o curso de escrita acadêmica que eu fiz no YouTube em 2020. Foi a coisa mais gratificante que eu fiz na minha vida, porque eu saí do Brasil, mas acho que eu consegui contribuir como nunca havia contribuído para o Brasil. Tive contato direto com 50 mil estudantes brasileiros, no mínimo. É um curso que reúne diversas coisas que eu pensava sobre escrita acadêmica, dessa falta de suporte à escrita, mas ele também é um espaço de acolhimento, de afeto.
RP: Having come from a public school, from the conditions I came from, I think the most rewarding moment in my life was changing the story of my life through knowledge. Having arrived in China for the first time, that moment, when I landed in Beijing, I think it was one of the most beautiful moments of my life. I think this is the first, on a personal level. And then the culmination of this research, when I won the award for best thesis in Brazil.
But after that, I would say it was the academic writing course I organized on YouTube in 2020. It was the most rewarding thing I've done in my life because I left Brazil, but I think I managed to contribute as I had never contributed to Brazil. I had direct contact with at least 50 thousand Brazilian students. It is a course that brings together several things I thought about academic writing, this lack of support for writing, but it is also a welcoming space, of affection.
TF: What advice would you like to give other women researchers?
RP:  Se eu pudesse dar um conselho, eu diria duas coisas. Primeiro: trabalhe com mulheres em colaboração, não em competição. O conhecimento colaborativo é melhor, é mais interessante. Ele é melhor como produto. Inclusive, individualmente, é melhor, porque você vai fazer mais, sua carreira vai ser melhor.
A segunda coisa é: leia muito. Muito, muito. Porque nós, mulheres, vamos precisar saber o dobro, o triplo, para chegar no mesmo lugar que os homens. Estude e colabore. E não acredite na síndrome da impostora. Somos todos meio ruins e somos todos muito bons. Precisamos lidar com as fraquezas de uma maneira realista e saber aproveitar as qualidades. Olhar para o conhecimento de uma maneira mais objetiva e menos fantasiosa em relação à nossa capacidade.
RP:  If I could give an advice, I would say two things. First: work with women in collaboration, not competing with them. Collaborative knowledge is better. It's more interesting. It's better as a product. Even individually, it's better, because you'll do more, and your career will be better.
The second thing is: read a lot. A lot. Because we women are going to need to know double, triple, to get to the same place as men. Study and collaborate. And don't believe in imposter syndrome. We're all kind of bad and we're all pretty good. We need to deal with weaknesses in a realistic way and know how to build on the strengths, looking at knowledge in a more objective and less fanciful way in relation to our ability.
Name: Rosana Pinheiro-Machado
Research field: University of Bath (UK), Anthropology and Social Sciences with a focus in emerging economies.
Where to find out more: Twitter @_pinheira

author: Talita Fernandes


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LIVE on July 13: Indigenous+Digital: How young people are revitalizing their native languages on the internet · Global Voices
Eduardo Avila

Around 40 percent of the more than 7,000 languages spoken globally are considered endangered, and with the start of the International Decade of Indigenous Languages only six months away, Indigenous communities around the world are reflecting upon both the challenges facing their languages, and on the actions they must take to preserve and revitalize them.
Among the strategies being employed by Indigenous communities is the use of digital technologies to enhance the learning and promotion of their languages. Creating a new generation of young speakers is especially crucial, as according to UNESCO's Language Vitality and Endangerment scale, intergenerational transmission and the use of a language in new domains are key factors in determining a language's health.
Join us on July 13 (July 14 for audiences in Oceania) for a special episode of our Global Voices Insights webinar series, bringing together language advocates and activists from Australia and Mexico around the topic “Indigenous+Digital: How young people are revitalizing their native languages on the internet.”
Organized by Global Voices’ Rising Voices initiative and First Languages Australia with the support of the Embassy of Australia in Mexico, the session will be live-streamed on YouTube starting at 7pm Mexico City time (CDT)/10am Sydney time (AEST). Click here to calculate the equivalent time in your time zone. Simultaneous interpretation will be available through the Zoom platform for registered participants.
The session is free and open to the public and will be live streamed on Zoom (registration required) and YouTube.
The webinar will feature the following:
Isela Xospa (Moderator): Isela is a designer, illustrator, and editor, originally from the Milpa Alta in the Nahua southeast region of Mexico City. She has worked for the Fondo de Cultura Económica, ILCE México and the David Bowie Archive, and is the founder of Ediciones Xospatronik, where she writes, illustrates, and edits books for children and young people in indigenous languages.
Annalee Pope: Annalee is Wakka Wakka woman from Central Queensland, Australia. Annalee began working to revive and strengthen Aboriginal languages in 2013, when she became the Coordinator of the Central Queensland Language Centre. Annalee joined First Languages Australia as a project officer on the Priority Languages Support Project, and then got involved with First languages Australia’s Young Champion program when it began in 2013. She has since become a mentor for young language champions.
Joaquín Yescas Martínez: Joaquín is a Zapoteco Xhidza man from Oaxaca, Mexico, co-founder of the Xhidza Collective and Coordinator of Xhidza Telecommunications, founder and coordinator of the Xhidza Penguin School, and technician and audiovisual producer at Radio Bëë Xhidza. Joaquín is an activist for indigenous languages, Free Software, free culture, hacker ethics and community philosophy.
Maria Lilia Hau Ucan: Maria is originally from Kinil, Yucatan, Mexico. A lawyer by training, she has worked as a teacher, speaker, translator, interpreter and collaborator on different projects with community and revitalization approaches focused on the Mayan language and culture.
Rachel Dikul Baker: Dikul is a Yolŋu woman from the Northern Territory in Australia. When she's not traveling the world running marathons, she mentors other young Yolŋu women, helping them build resilience and self-esteem and identify career pathways that fulfil their potential. Dikul’s role at ARDS Aboriginal Corporation involves documenting Yolŋu languages, cross-cultural facilitation and translation, broadcasting on Yolŋu Radio and language literacy activities. She speaks Djambarrbuyngu and four other Yolŋu languages.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Eduardo Avila


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US anti-corruption list will not bring down popular Salvadoran President Bukele · Global Voices
Eddie Galdamez

US ambassador to El Salvador Jean Manes, left, meets with El Salvador's then-President-elect Nayib Bukele, February 7, 2019. Photo: Douglas Tobar on Flickr, Office of Public Affairs of the US Embassy, El Salvador, under public domain.
This story was originally published on ElSalvadorinfo.net and an edited version is republished by Global Voices.
On Thursday, July 1, the highly anticipated corruption list, or the “Engel List,” was made public by the U.S. State Department. The released report includes four top Salvadoran officials currently part of the Nayib Bukele administration and two of President Bukele's former ministers. They are accused of corruption and impeding democracy and may face sanctions and be denied entry to the U.S.
The so-called Engel List gets its name from then-U.S. Representative Eliot Engel, the sponsor and architect of a law—the Engel U.S.-Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement Act—that requires the State Department to assemble a list of high-profile individuals regarded as corrupt in El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala.
Corruption in public office is a problem that has consumed El Salvador for decades. A clear example of the country's corruption at the highest level is that three of the previous four Salvadoran presidents have faced legal issues related to corruption. Paco Flores died awaiting corruption trial, Tony Saca is in jail serving a 10-year sentence for corruption, and Mauricio Funes is in Nicaragua, hiding from Salvadoran and Guatemalan extradition requests.
Internationally, the Engel List will make the Bukele administration's popularity take another hit. Bukele has been denounced on many occasions for his authoritarian tendencies. However, in El Salvador, the damage this list will do to the popular Nayib Bukele administration will be minimal. The list left out individuals who needed to be included and President Bukele still has a high approval rating within the country.
For instance, politicians Norman Quijano, Ernesto Muyshondt, Benito Lara and Aristides Valencia allegedly paid money to criminal organizations in exchange for votes in the 2014 presidential elections and 2015 municipal and legislative elections; however, they were left out of the list. There is video and audio evidence against them; also, their case is at the trial stage.
Former President Mauricio Funes is not on the list either, even though he allegedly stole millions of dollars from El Salvador. Funes is facing many corruption charges in El Salvador and Guatemala.
Lastly, there have been politicians who received illegal bonuses under the Tony Saca administration. Margarita Escobar, a member of the right-wing political party ARENA and currently a legislator, admitted in a TV interview to receiving illegal bonuses. Why isn't she on the list?
In response, Jean Manes, the U.S. ambassador to El Salvador, made it clear that this list is a living document meant to be updated at least once a year. “At any time, more names could be included,” she said.
Yet, by leaving some alleged corrupt individuals out, the U.S. State Department's corruption list could look more like an attack on the popular Nayib Bukele administration than an attack on corruption. Some U.S. officials, such as Norma Torres, the U.S. Representative for California's 35th District, and Secretary of State Antony Blinken, have long criticized the Bukele administration. Relations between the U.S. and El Salvador have been diminishing this year, especially since Bukele has been criticized for corroding El Salvador's democratic institutions.
Still, with an approval rate of over 75 per cent, the Bukele administration will not have a hard time justifying the position that this list is just plain politics and not an attack on corruption.
In fact, President Nayib Bukele has already reacted to the Engel List by saying, “Thanks for the list, but in El Salvador, we have our own list.” Bukele also wrote a lengthy response on his Facebook page.”Can you take seriously a list that clearly was made for purely political reasons and that has nothing to do with the real fight against corruption?” he asked.
So, instead of hurting Bukele's image, the list may actually ensure the continued popularity of his administration.
Most Salvadorans continue to approve Bukele's administration and the work done in the last two years; this has been confirmed by the many polls conducted by reputable organizations. It includes polls conducted by the UCA and Francisco Gavidia University, two universities critical of Bukele.
The reduction in the homicide rate is one of the main reasons why most Salvadorans approve of Bukele; since taking office, the country has seen a sharp decline in recorded homicides. Additionally, most Salvadorans acknowledge that Bukele has done an excellent job managing the pandemic, from shutting things down at the beginning to the vaccination process.
The Engel List is part of U.S. President Joe Biden's anti-corruption measures aimed at strengthening democracy and reducing corruption in the Central American region. Less corruption and stronger democratic institutions could reduce irregular immigration to the United States. Lately, the number of migrants at the U.S. border has hit a new high.
For the list to have an effect in the country, the U.S. State Department should present evidence to the Salvadoran attorney-general so that charges against these individuals can be filed.

author: Eddie Galdamez


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Will President Moïse’s assassination bring stability or unleash even more chaos in Haiti? · Global Voices
Joseph W. Alliance

Jovenel Moïse with Canadian prime minister, Justin Trudeau in Lima, Peru, April 14, 2018. Photo by Peru's Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores on Flickr, CC BY-SA 2.0.
His presidency was tumultuous, but he had weathered so many crises that Jovenel Moïse at times looked invincible. Perhaps he even came to believe that he could not be removed from power despite the fact that, in the post-1986 “Baby Doc” era, only two Haitian presidents—René Préval between February 7, 1996 and February 7, 2001 and Michel Martelly between May 2011 and February 2016—have been able to complete their terms in office.
In a February 2021 speech, Moïse proudly declared that he symbolised the end of this cycle, whereby presidents have been ousted, either by coups d’etat or political assassinations. His message was that, in the new era, nobody would be able to imprison, exile, or assassinate him; that Haitian heads of state would no longer suffer such tragic fates; his was a brand of bravado that has caused Haitians to ironically nickname him “Apredye,” or “After-God”:
Around 1:00 am on July 7, however, history proved him wrong in the most brutal and unforgiving fashion, when a group of unidentified individuals assassinated Moïse and also shot his wife, First Lady Martine Moïse, at their home in Pelerin, on the outskirts of the capital, Port-au-Prince. She has since been hospitalised and there are plans to airlift her out of Haiti for medical treatment.
Moïse's former ad interim prime minister, Claude Joseph, confirmed that the president had been assassinated.
At the moment, however, it is unclear who currently holds political power in Haiti. Just two days before his murder, Moïse had nominated his seventh prime minister, so citizens are confused as to whether the newly nominated Ariel Henry or the departed ad interim Claude Joseph momentarily succeeds Moïse as head of state:
J’ai nommé le citoyen Ariel Henry au poste de Premier Ministre. Il aura à former un gouvernement d’ouverture incluant les forces vives de la Nation, résoudre le problème criant de l’insécurité et accompagner le CEP pour la réalisation des élections générales et du référendum. pic.twitter.com/w5qSOjncSJ
— Président Jovenel Moïse (@moisejovenel) July 5, 2021
I have appointed Citizen Ariel Henry to the post of Prime Minister. He will have to form an open government including the vital forces of the Nation, resolve the glaring problem of insecurity and support the CEP [the country's Provisional Electoral Council] in carrying out the general elections and the referendum.
Nevertheless, Joseph took centre stage, calling the murder a “heinous, inhuman and barbaric act” and adding, in an attempt to show stability to both Haitians and the world:
The country’s security situation is under the control of the National Police of Haiti and the Armed Forces of Haiti. Democracy and the republic will win.
Democracy, however, has not appeared to be winning for quite some time under Moïse's leadership. The 53-year-old businessman-turned-politician had been at Haiti's helm since February 2017, after his predecessor, Michel Martelly, stepped down following a long and contested electoral process.
The very next year, in July 2018, people took the streets to protest against increased gas and food prices. Public anger was further fuelled by corruption allegations against President Moïse through Haiti's involvement in PetroCaribe, a regional Venezuela-led energy initiative through which billions of dollars were allegedly embezzled.
By February 2019—33 years after the country broke the stranglehold of more than two decades of dictatorship—there was widespread social unrest, with citizens calling for “tabula rasa” (a clean slate).
Moïse, however, refused to step down. Instead, he put in place a committee to facilitate dialogue as a way to handle the country's deepening socio-economic crisis. He went through several prime ministers in an attempt to stabilise the nation, but his problems were much more deep-rooted: endemic corruption and resulting instability, lack of public faith in the Haitian National Police which has failed to deal with the problem of armed gangs, and the legacy of a United Nations peacekeeping presence marred by rape scandals and a crippling cholera outbreak following Haiti's devastating 2010 earthquake.
By November 2019, inflation was hovering at around 20 per cent, the country had been without a ratified prime minister since March, and violent civil protests had the country locked down for more than eight weeks while calls for Moïse's resignation continued.
Haiti's opposition has consistently maintained that Moïse's presidential term should have ended on February 7, 2021, five years after Martelly stepped down, but Moïse has been hanging on—even amidst reports of a foiled assassination plot this year—saying he had one more year since he didn't take office until 2017. The political impasse led to Moïse ruling by decree for over a year now, since Haiti has not yet held legislative elections.
The killing came just five months after the speech in which President Moïse claimed his political invincibility, making him the first sitting president to be assassinated in Haiti’s modern political history, though in the post-Duvalier era, other heads of state came close.
On the morning of June 20, 1988, for instance, Leslie Manigat, who had been sworn into power by the Haitian military four months earlier, was unceremoniously stripped of his power at his private residence by military strongman, Henri Namphy, but was allowed to flee into exile. Later that year, on September 17, rebel army officers arrested then-president Prosper Avril in a coup attempt that was soon aborted.
On September 30, 1991, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, Haiti's first democratically elected president, was overthrown by the military. He, too, was able to flee to Venezuela and then to the United States, where he spent three years in exile. He returned to power on October 15, 1994, via Operation Uphold Democracy, following the United Nations Security Council's adoption of Resolution 940, which authorised a multinational force to restore the legitimately elected president.
In February 2004, Aristide again had to leave office after being elected for the second time in December 2000. Aristide went to spend seven years in exile in South Africa before returning to Haiti in March 2011.
President Moïse shouldered all the blame for his government's inability to address the country’s rampant insecurity, poverty, gang violence and structural inequality. His regime has even been accused of spreading gang violence to intimidate his political opponents and Haitian civil society.
Now, his death stands poised to prove whether or not he was simply a scapegoat for all the country's issues. Will history vindicate him by revealing that the real obstacles to change and democracy are—as Moïse liked to label them–the “oligarchs” (the country's wealthy and predatory elite)? For now, the post-Moïse era is hinged on uncertainty and doubt.

author: Joseph W. Alliance


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China’s Belt and Road megaproject in the Mediterranean: Was it the Greek shipping tycoons who sealed the deal? · Global Voices
Andreas Bloom

Screenshoot from New China TV Youtube channel video.
In Sino-Greek relations, the dominant narrative in Greek mainstream media runs that China is taking the lead by investing in Greece, mostly through its flagship project in Piraeus. But a more layered account of the events, whereby Greek shipowners catalyzed that deal and gained concessions in China in return, is often overlooked. The controversial practices of Greek shipping tycoons in past decades may suggest why.
The most common perception of China-Greece relations in public opinion over the past few years is that China’s investment in Greek port infrastructure provided benefits to both countries, at a time when Greece badly needed support. China’s state-owned shipping giant COSCO became involved in Piraeus, Greece’s largest port, to the southwest of Athens, beginning in 2008 with the acquisition of a container terminal, and culminating in 2016 with an acquisition of 51 percent of the company running the port, and likely to soon increase to 67.  This gave Chinese business a critical entry point for their Maritime Silk Road in Europe.
This video by New China TV neatly sums up the official Chinese and Greek “win-win” narrative, whereby COSCO gets to increase container throughput into Europe, and Greece turns into a “logistics hub”:
Populist fantasies credit the strength of the relationship to heritage: “Greece and China represent two of the most ancient civilizations in the history of humanity”, says the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs; A less romantic analysis, meanwhile, underlines the role of Chinese business during the crisis years: “China invested in Greece, when others shined through their absence”, said Greek prime minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis at the Greek-Chinese Business Forum in Shanghai in 2016.
The Chinese ambassador to Greece, Zhang Qiyue, commemorated in November 2020 in an op-ed an event from the Cold War era:
In the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China Greek shipowners were the first to break the blockade and deliver much-needed supplies and equipment to China.
Her narrative conveniently overlooks the distinction between the Greek government (firmly allied to the US at the time) and its rogue businessmen. But it is a reminder that Greek presence in China is not new.
Following COSCO’s takeover of Piraeus, leftist prime minister Alexis Tsipras (2015-2019) said in a speech at a high-level One Belt One Road Forum, in Beijing:
An increasing number of Greek shipowners build their ships in China, while our biggest port – is becoming a global gateway to Europe for products coming from Chinese and other Asian ports
Tsipras’ conservative successor Kyriakos Mitsotakis, echoed this during his meeting with Xi Jinping in Shanghai in 2019:
In ships’ supply chain, it is important to look at Greek businesses which have a great know-how in ship supply and may cooperate with Chinese shipyards, so that this market can open up also in this respect. This will be a win-win solution for Greek producers, for Chinese shipyards and, naturally, for Greek ship-owners, who will continue to build their ships in China.
A lesser known narrative–though by no means concealed–suggests that COSCO ended up in Piraeus through a synergy of Chinese interests and Greek shipping, years before Greece’s national debt crisis.
When we spoke with Konstantinos Tsimonis, Lecturer in Chinese Society at King's College London, he suggested that Greek shipowners, who control a fifth of global fleet capacity, and over half for the European Union, may be acting as a political mediator or facilitator for Chinese business in Greece:
Δεν μπορείς απλά να πας και να επενδύσεις έτσι: Έχει σημασία ποιός σε φέρει και πόσο embedded είσαι: τοπικοί παράγοντες βοήθησαν τους κινέζους να διαπλεύσουν τα αχαρτογράφητα–για τους ίδιους–νερά της ελληνικής οικονομίας και πολιτικής. Η COSCO μπορεί να φέρει ένα θέμα στο Ελληνικό Κοινοβούλιο σε 24 ώρες, αν νιώθει ότι κινδυνεύουν οι επενδύσεις της. Δεν μπορείς να το κάνεις αυτό χωρίς ισχυρούς τοπικούς εταίρους.
You don’t just go and invest like that: it matters who brings you and how embedded you are: local agents helped the Chinese navigate through the uncharted–for them–waters of Greek economy and politics. COSCO can bring an issue to the Greek parliament in 24 hours, if it feels its investments are at risk. You can’t do that without strong local partners.
But he also questioned the overall relevance of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI):
Η εταιρική σχέση υπήρχε, και θα υπήρχε ανεξαρτήτως από το BRI ή όχι. Το BRI έρχεται να δώσει μία συνολική πλατφόρμα, ένα όραμα σε όλες αυτές τις επιχειρηματικές δραστηριότητες των κινεζικών εταιριών, κρατικών και μη. Επίσης, τους προσφέρει κάποια χρηματοδοτικά εργαλεία.
The partnership existed, and would exist whether or not the BRI existed at all. The BRI provides a holistic platform, a vision for all the business activities of both state and non-state Chinese companies. And it also provides them with some basic financing tools.
Greek shipowners are not only part of the BRI story; they are a protagonist in China’s dependence on international trade, as Sotiris Petropoulos, assistant professor of Political Science and International Relations at the University of the Peloponnese, explains to GV:
Εδώ και αρκετές δεκαετίες η ελληνόκτητη ναυτιλία έχει αποτελέσει έναν σημαντικό παράγοντα της οικονομικής μεγένθυνσης της Κίνας, εξυπηρετώντας εν πρώτοις τις ανάγκες της τελευταίας σε εισαγωγές προϊόντων και πρωτίστως πρώτων υλών. Υπάρχουν για παράδειγμα αναφορές ότι ο ελληνόκτητος στόλος ευθύνεται για το 50% των εισαγωγών ενεργειακών πόρων στην Κίνα καθώς και του 20% περίπου άλλων προϊόντων/αγαθών.
For decades Greek shipping has played an important role in the economic growth of China, primarily serving the latter's need for imports and chiefly raw materials: there are for instance reports that Greek-owned shipping is behind 50 percent of imports of energy resources and 20 percent of imports of other products/goods in China.
In 2014, Chinese ambassador to Greece Zou Xiaoli summarized the backdrop to the creation of a 5 billion-euro (US$ 5.9 billion) fund meant to support Greek investment in Chinese shipyards:
The Greek shipowners’ support of Chinese manufacturers has contributed significantly to the growth of the Chinese shipbuilding industry. At the crucial moment of international financial crisis in the year 2010, China Development Bank established a US$5 billion fund to help Greek shipowners buy Chinese-made vessels, injecting confidence and strength into our two countries’ long-lasting maritime cooperation.
China is now a leading shipbuilding nation, receiving orders equivalent to 41 percent of compensate gross tonnage for 2020, second only to South Korea at 43 percent; While in Q1 of 2021 they placed more orders in South Korea, Greeks are among the best customers in both countries.
According to Yiorgos Gogos, general secretary of Piraeus’ dockworkers’ union in Piraeus, who spoke to Global Voices, one person played a key role in bringing China to Greece long before the BRI started:
Πιστεύουμε ότι ήταν ο Κωνσταντακόπουλος, της Costa Mare, ο οποίος έφερε σε επαφή τον Καραμανλή και τον επικεφαλής της COSCO στα πλαίσια της επίσκεψης του πρώτου στην Κίνα το 2006. Οι Έλληνες εφοπλιστές έφεραν την COSCO  στον Πειραιά, και μέσα από συμφωνίες με διαδοχικές ελληνικές κυβερνήσεις πήραν τα τρία πράγματα που οι εφοπλιστές χρειάζονται περισσότερο: φορτία, παραγγελίες σε κινέζικα ναυπηγεία, και χρηματοδότηση από κινέζικες τράπεζες. Η Ελλάδα είναι το Ελ Ντοράντο της ελληνικής ναυτηλίας.
We believe that it was Constantacopoulos, of the Costa Mare shipping group, who brought together [Greek prime minister] Karamanlis and the head of COSCO, during the former’s visit to China in 2006. Greek shipowners brought COSCO to Piraeus, and through deals with consecutive Greek governments got the three things that shipowners need most: cargo, orders in Chinese shipyards, and finance from Chinese banks. China is the El Dorado of Greek Shipping.
Tsimonis warns that China has no blank check in Greece:
Η COSCO μπορεί να αντιμετωπίσει προβλήματα αν υπερβάλλει με τακτικές μονοπωλιακού χαρακτήρα στον Πειραιά, εις βάρος των επιχειρήσεων που νιώθουν ότι επίσης έχουν δικαίωμα να λειτουργούν εκεί.
COSCO may encounter problems if it goes too far with monopoly tactics in Piraeus, at the expense of businesses who feel they are also entitled to operate there.
The reference is to reactions against COSCO's plans to build shipyards in the existing ship repair zone in Piraeus in recent years.
It also remains to be seen whether and for how long Greek shipowners will continue to benefit: Virginia Marantidou, in an analysis for the Jamestown Foundation, a US-based think tank, suggests that the terms of leasing agreements by Chinese shipping finance institutions may lead to a debt trap of sorts for some of those Greek shipowners in the end.
Finally, the very terrain of shipbuilding may change, despite support from the Chinese state. Tsimonis warns:
Η αύξηση του κόστους εργασίας στην Κίνα μπορεί να οδηγήσει στη μεταφορά ορισμένων ελληνικών κατασκευαστικών δραστηριοτήτων σε μέρη όπως η Ινδονησία.
The rising cost of labour in China may lead to the transfer of some Greek shipbuilding work to places like Indonesia.
Why are Greeks little informed or concerned by the activities of Greek shipowners overseas? The reasons are not entirely clear, but the practices of this business community has for years been seen as controversial, because the Greek treasury earns very little from them.
Despite commitment by the incumbent government to change this, only 14 percent of Greek-owned ships are registered in Greece; the rest are listed in open registries such as those in Liberia, the Marshall Islands and Malta, a practice known as “flying flags of convenience”. Out of the 200 leading Greek-owned shipping companies, 156 do not have a single vessel flying the Greek flag. Thus the disparity between the support afforded to these businesses through Sino-Greek relations and their contribution to Greek society remains for many a cause of tension.
This story is part of a Civic Media Observatory investigation into competing narratives about China’s Belt and Road Initiative, and explores how societies and communities hold differing perceptions of potential benefits and harms of Chinese-led development. To learn more about this project and its methods, click here.

author: Andreas Bloom


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Developers say the reef at St. Vincent’s Indian Bay is dead. These photos say otherwise · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

Fish over seagrass bed at Indian Bay, St. Vincent. Photo by Nadia Huggins, used with permission.
One of the most memorable parts of photographer Nadia Huggins’ childhood was swimming at Indian Bay, a narrow south coast beach, conveniently close to St. Vincent's capital, Kingstown, with clear, turquoise waters protected by offshore reefs. Through her photographic practice over the past six-plus years, she has continued to pay homage to the area, documenting the beach and its surrounding reef “in fine detail.” Her images convey a deep respect for, and intimacy with, the ocean, and its effect on the island's inhabitants and how they see themselves.
As she explains in one of her artist's statements, “Most people's experience with the sea occurs at eye level with the horizon and they are oblivious to what is happening below the surface. I am interested in the notion that ‘just because you can’t see something doesn’t mean it isn’t there’.” It is a perspective that seems especially poignant now, as there is a pending proposal to excavate a large portion of the reef—approximately 17,500 square feet (1,626 square metres) spanning from the shoreline to as far as 150 feet (45.72 metres) out to sea—and replace it with an artificial reef and imported sand, despite the fact that the area forms part of the island's proposed South Coast Marine Conservation Area.
Huggins says the monitoring data indicates that the coral reefs in this area are abundant, healthy, and vital to sustainable local fisheries. She is convinced that “there is value in preserving […] life in this zone” and that “regeneration is VERY possible at Indian Bay.” In the first of series of Facebook posts to draw attention to the situation, she explained:
Without human interference, I have witnessed firsthand elkhorn coral regrowing in key spots throughout the bay. Imagine what is possible if we actually put some real intentional effort into it and no, an artificial reef is not the solution.
I'm all for development and seeing my country thrive, but there is a very thin line between progress and preservation. Some things are sacred and meant to be protected for future generations. Reefs have the ability to regenerate. Even a dead reef serves a very important purpose in an ecosystem.
To prove her point, Huggins and a colleague went back into the water on July 4 to take more up-to-date photos and show that the reef has life in it yet:
The environmental assessment done by the developers claims that the reef at Indian Bay is dead. There isn't a single underwater image documenting this claim. Everything was shot from the sand. Sort of similar to how most people approach things here, never really delving into issues deeply enough to understand what's really going on, just viewing things at a surface level […] take a look at the images and let me know if this looks like a dead reef.
Seagrass bed very close to shore; it's an ideal habitat for sea turtles. Photo by Nadia Huggins, July 4, 2021, used with permission.
Nascent stage of an elkhorn coral taken on July 4, 2021 at a depth of -.3 metres and location coordinates of 13°08’12.8”N and 61°12'32.0″W. Photo by Nadia Huggins, used with permission.
Brain coral, July 4, 2021. Photo by Nadia Huggins, used with permission.
Marine creature peeping out from a brain coral, July 4, 2021. Photo by Nadia Huggins, used with permission.
Encrusting zoantid, July 4, 2021. Photo by Nadia Huggins, used with permission.
Cluster of white sea urchins, July 4, 2021. Photo by Nadia Huggins, used with permission.
Star coral, July 4, 2021. Photo by Nadia Huggins, used with permission.
Making the point that “to the naked eye, a reef could look like a dead brown rock [because] the human eye can only see a very specific range of colours underwater,” Huggins posted comparative raw and filtered photos to better illustrate “the spectrum of colours that truly exist.” She also advised commenters on her post that they could visit the country's Ministry of Planning and Development and request to see the documents from the developer of La Vue Hotel and Beach Club.
Meanwhile, Facebook user Karen Palmer said it was “unacceptable” that “the ‘assessment’ that was submitted with the [developer's] request [was] done by one individual who is an Environmental Engineer, but has zero input from other experts such as Marine Biologists”:
It lacks data to support the argument that the reef is dead, lacks a structured plan and directive of how the work would be carried out, and makes no mention of how the contractors would be held accountable for correctly and responsibly carrying out any of the proposed actions, nor does it list an informed study of the negative impacts of removing coral reef. This is all aside from the fact that it is incredibly tone deaf and irresponsible for anyone to propose removal of live coral reef in this day and age, let alone a section of reef that is within a proposed marine park.
Mr. Adem Adem of A&A Capital Inc, who has an interest in the development, claimed—in reference to Huggins’ photos—that “the pictures you see are not the area where we will place an artificial reef; it is far from where we are planning on doing the cleaning.” He went on to say that “not in a million years would any investor of this project think or plan to remove live coral reef; I invite anyone to come and see, what is close to the shoreline is dead coral”. He also challenged Palmer's allegation that the group did not consult marine biologists:
We have hired marine biologists to come and see the area; they took several pictures at different times when the corals were exposed, and they are not live reef.
In response, Huggins posted a photograph alongside a readout of her camera's focal length metadata, countering:
For the background to be in focus so clearly (which is referred to as having a narrow depth of field) you have to be positioned very close to the shore as you can see from the coconut tree and tiny portion of the building.
The GPS coordinates of this coral are approximately 13.136802, -61.208856. It shows an elkhorn coral growing near the proposed zone of excavation.
Please don't mamaguy me.
“Mamaguy” is a Caribbean expression meaning to deceive with falsehoods.
In another Facebook post, Huggins shared shots of several critically endangered elkhorn coral colonies, all within the proposed evacuation zone, noting that the species “plays a critical role in acting as a wave breaker, especially during hurricane season—which we are in the midst of now.”
Elkhorn coral at Indian Bay. Photo by Nadia Huggins, used with permission.
St. Vincent was one of the Caribbean territories affected by the recent passage of Elsa, the first major storm of the 2021 Atlantic hurricane season.
Elkhorn colony at Indian Bay. Photo by Nadia Huggins, used with permission.
While local and regional social media users advocate for the preservation of the existing natural coral reef—even starting an online petition which, at the time of publishing, had already garnered close to 2,000 signatures—Indian Bay continues to teem with life beneath the surface:
Jellyfish in motion at Indian Bay. Photo by Nadia Huggins, used with permission.
Fish playing with a sand dollar at Indian Bay. Photo by Nadia Huggins, used with permission.
Crab about to dine on a sea urchin at Indian Bay. Photo by Nadia Huggins, used with permission.
Indian Bay's coral reef teems with life. Photo by Nadia Huggins, used with permission.
You can view more of Nadia's Indian Bay photographs here, here and here.

author: Janine Mendes-Franco


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Environmentalists stage protest in front of Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Ecology and Natural Resources · Global Voices
OC Media

A screenshot from Ecofront's video https://www.facebook.com/1296601400388722/videos/353823426307406
This article was first published on OC Media. An edited version is republished here under a content partnership agreement.
A group of environmentalists staged a protest in front of the Ministry of Ecology and Natural Resources in Baku on July 6.  They cited ongoing deforestation and the long term lease — up to 49 years — of forest lands to private holders as the reason for the demonstration.
The protest was organised by Ecofront, an Azerbaijani environmental NGO.
Before the demonstration, Ecofront posted a list of demands on Facebook. These included the termination of a recent contract with the Beta Tea company which plans to clear 43 hectares of forest to create a tea plantation, the suspension of all excavation works on lands owned by the Azerbaijan Forest Fund, and the opening of all Forest Fund land lease agreements to the public.
At the protest, activists announced that they wanted to meet with the Minister of Ecology and Natural Resources Mukhtar Babayev to convey all their demands. However, a ministry spokesperson told them that the meeting was not possible due to pandemic safety measures.
“With this action, we are saying: stop cutting down trees and destroying nature,” Ecofront co-founder Javid Gara said in a live broadcast during the protest. “Otherwise, huge natural disasters await Azerbaijan.” He also specifically placed blame on “oligarchs, officials, and entrepreneurs” for the ongoing deforestation.
The recent forest lease agreements are part of Azerbaijan’s Agro Park program, established on April 16, 2014. According to the Minister of Ecology and Natural Resources, over 50 agro parks will be established in the country. So far, only 16 of these agro parks were set up while information on exact time frame for the agro parks does not appear in any of the official documents.

author: OC Media


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In Turkey, 13-year-old girl challenges stereotypes in athletics · Global Voices
Arzu Geybullayeva

A screenshot from a  YouTube video of Merve Akpinar's interview in Ankara.
A handball player from Turkey's southeastern province, Şanlıurfa, is breaking stereotypes while galvanizing support for girls’ participation in sports both in her village and around the country. In an interview with a local news agency in Turkey's capital Ankara, Merve Akpinar, 13, said, “They cast me out when I first started, telling me I couldn't wear shorts or play with boys because I was a girl. But then I asked, why can't I play like everyone else. So I made a promise to myself that I would change the fate of girls in my village.” Her interview went viral with prominent individuals and sports clubs alike supporting her plea on social media.
The teen told interviewers that she first discovered handball in fifth grade. Despite facing intense social pressure for deviating from what is deemed appropriate for girls, she did not give up on her aspiration to join the team and play. Akpinar's story is particularly important in a country where women's struggle for equality is an ongoing debate. The lack of equality also extends to sports. One recent study concludes that “sexual harassment, wage inequality, funding limitations, media misrepresentation, and family influence” are among key obstacles hindering female participation in Turkish sports.
Akpinar, who is one of seven children, has been playing on a handball team since 6th grade. She said in an interview with Demiroren News Agency, that she was speaking on behalf of many other girls across Turkey. “I am not just Merve. I am the voice of Fatma, who collects cotton in Çukurova. I am the voice of Şemsi from Harran. I am the hope of young girls. I want to be the voice of all girls in Turkey. I believe I can change the minds [sic]. Many have succeeded at this path. God willing, I will be successful too. I never imagined that what I will say in that interview will attract so much attention. If girls want, they could be more successful than boys.”
Among her fans were writer and novelist Elif Şafak and numerous Turkish football clubs who voiced their support online:
13-year-old girl in Turkey explaining in tears how she has been belittled & discriminated against for being a girl & how she is determined to change this gross inequality. Huge, heartfelt respect for her talent, courage, determination. Brava #merveakpınar pic.twitter.com/zDhKkhQF6x
— Elif Shafak (@Elif_Safak) July 6, 2021
Sen tüm Türkiye’deki kız çocuklarının umudusun. Senin ve cesaret verdiğin tüm kız çocuklarının yanındayız! #MerveAkpınar pic.twitter.com/y5NgB36dUu
— Fenerbahçe SK (@Fenerbahce) July 5, 2021
You are the hope of all young girls in Turkey. We stand with you and all the girls you inspire
Cesaretin ve azminle tüm kız çocuklarına umut oldun. ??????
Yanındayız #MerveAkpınar pic.twitter.com/W0neDKpgV3
— Beşiktaş JK (@Besiktas) July 5, 2021
You've been a hope to all young girls with your courage and ambition. We stand with you
Galatasaray football club joined the messages of solidarity and support. “You have reminded us once again that the magical side of life is hope. You have encouraged young girls Merve. The courage, determination, strength and belief of you and all other girls, make sports more beautiful,” tweeted the club.
Inspired by Akpinar's determination, the mayor of Ankara, Mansur Yavaş, announced via Twitter that he will help set up the Şanlıurfa Children of the Sun Youth and Sports Club for kids of all genders:
Merve'nin azim ve başarısının ilhamıyla EGO Spor Kulübümüze kardeş olacak Şanlıurfa Güneşin Çocukları Gençlik ve Spor Kulübünün kuruluşuna hazırlanıyoruz.
İnanıyoruz ki #MerveAkpınar‘ın gücü ve inancı tüm kadınlara ses, yollarına umut olacak. pic.twitter.com/U5qCdhw8Jp
— Mansur Yavaş (@mansuryavas06) July 6, 2021
Inspired by Merve's determination and success, we are preparing to set up Şanlıurfa Children of the Sun Youth and Sports Club, a sibling club to our EGO Sports Club. We believe that Merve Akpınar's strength and belief will be a voice for all women and hope for their path.
Dilek Kaya İmamoğlu, the wife of Istanbul's Mayor, praised Akpinar, tweeting, “Despite being told she cannot wear shorts, she cannot play, and she cannot do it, Merve who is chasing her dreams has a message for us: ‘I will change the faith of all the girls in my village.’ Dear girls, I am sure you will inspire hundreds, thousands of girls. It is great to have you.”
The 9th grader's current wish is that the school will get a new handball hall where she can practice together with her team. Speaking to Demiroren News Agency (DNA), Akpinar's parents, Ali and Emine Akpinar, said they have always supported their daughter in her athletic endeavors. In an interview with the DNA news agency, Akpinar's father said his daughter's interview would change the fate of all young girls. “Everyone should support their daughters and give them an education. I am a farmer. I have never watched a game of handball. I learned it from my daughter Merve that you play this sport with hands. Everyone should trust their daughters. Why can't girls play ball just as boys do.”

author: Arzu Geybullayeva


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Tintin in Bangladesh…. only in the artist’s imagination! · Global Voices
পান্থ রহমান রেজা (Pantha)

A collage from the fan art series by Zahidul Haque Apu. Used with Permission.
Tintin was a popular comic book character for cartoon lovers young and old in Bangladesh during the 1990s. Many teenagers used to borrow the book from the local library or saved pocket money to buy the Bengali translation of the popular European comic.
In recent months, drawings of Tintin's adventures in Bangladesh have become popular and have been shared widely on social media. Cartoonist Zahidul Haque Apu revitalized Tintin's memory with his concept art series ‘Tintin in Bangladesh’, which places the beloved comic book character at iconic sites throughout the country.
The Adventures of Tintin is a French-language series of comic books (BDs) created by Belgian cartoonist Hergé, whose real name was Georges Remi. In the series, Tintin, a young Belgian reporter and adventurer along with his dog Snowy (Milou), explored the Soviet Union, Belgian Congo, Peru, India, Egypt, Morocco, Indonesia, Nepal, Tibet, China and many more countries. Alas, Tintin never made it to Bangladesh.
The famous Bengali translation of the Tintin series was published by Ananda Publishers from India in the 1990s. Tintin fan and blogger, Russell John, collected all the original cover art of the translated series in his blog and noted:
The first title published in Bengali was “Tintin in Tibet” 1988 followed by “The Castafiore Emerald” the next year, the last title was “Tintin in Congo”, published in 2006.
Zahidul Haque Apu is the artist behind the Tintin fan art revival in Bangladesh. He is better known as RJ (Radio Jockey) Apu as he has hosted a show for a local radio station for the past 15 years and is currently serving as the program head. His favourite pastime is drawing.
Tintin in front of various historical sites and tourist spots in Bangladesh. Image by Zahidul Haque Apu, used with permission.
In a phone interview with Global Voices, he shared more about what inspired him to make these drawings.
ছোটবেলা থেকে আঁকাআঁকির ঝোঁক ছিল। কিন্তু সেটায় সময় দিতে পারছিলাম না। করোনা এসে সেই সুযোগ করে দেয়। কারণ, তিন মাস আগে আমি করোনায় আক্রান্ত হয়েছিলাম। টানা ২১ দিন সবার থেকে আলাদা ছিলাম। এ সময় মানসিকভাবে, শারীরিকভাবে ভালো ছিলাম না। কিছুই ভালো লাগতো না। যেহেতু কিছুই করার নেই, ভাবলাম, আঁকাআঁকিতে একটু সময় দিই।
হঠাৎ একদিন কৈশোরের পছন্দের চরিত্র টিনটিনের কথা মাথায় এলো। ছোটবেলায় টিনটিনের খুব ফ্যান ছিলাম। টিনটিন তখন বাংলা অনুবাদে বের হতো। বাংলায় পড়তাম। কিন্তু রাস্তাঘাট, গাড়ি-ঘোড়া, মানুষজন সবকিছুই বিদেশি। বাংলাদেশি কিছু নাই। তখন বুঝতাম না কিছু। তাই মনে প্রশ্ন আসতো, টিনটিন কেন বাংলাদেশে আসে না
[..] সেই ভাবনা থেকেই টিনটিনকে আঁকতে শুরু করি।
I used to draw since my childhood. I never could give it serious time due to study and work. The pandemic is one of the reasons. I was diagnosed with COVID-19 a few months back. I had to be in isolation for 21 days in a row. At that time I was not feeling well mentally or physically. Nothing felt good. Since I had nothing else to do, I thought, let's give some time to draw.
One day Tintin, my favourite character from childhood, came to mind. I was a big fan of Tintin and used to read the Bengali translation during the 1990s. But the characters, the animals and the places were all foreign — I could not relate to many things. So the question would come to mind, ‘why Tintin does not come to Bangladesh?’ … From that thought, I started creating the fan art series ‘Tintin in Bangladesh’.
Apu first posted the Tintin fan art on his Facebook timeline. People liked them and his works began to be widely shared, even in a popular Tintin fan group on Facebook. He got a lot of encouragement from people and thus created a Facebook page called Arts by Apu. His fan art has attracted over 8,000 followers.
He receives a lot of comments from people on his art, mainly on Facebook. Adnan SaiQat from Chandpur appreciates his art on Chandpur, a city near the confluence of two major rivers, the Padma and the Meghna:
আমাদের চাঁদপুরের লঞ্চঘাটের সাথে বেশ মিলে গেলো। গেইট দিয়ে ঢুকে হাতের ডান পাশ ঠিক এমনই! সুন্দর…
The drawing matches our Chandpur launch terminal. If you enter through the main gate, you get this view on the right side — just like that! Beautiful …
Tintin with Baker Bhai, a very popular character from a Bangladeshi TV series during the 1990s. Image by Zahidul Haque Apu, used with permission.
He has also started creating innovative fusions — mixing local cultures and fictional characters. In one of his latest covers, Tintin is seen with Baker Bhai and friends, one of the most popular fictional characters in Bangladesh, created by novelist and filmmaker Humayun Ahmed for a widely acclaimed TV show during the 1990s.
Jasarat Al Atun, a user on Facebook commented:
ইশ যদি এই কনসেপ্ট আর্ট এর উপর সত্যি একটা কমিক বুক বানানো হত!
If only a whole comic book on this concept art could be created!
Zahidul Haque Apu. Image used with permission.
Apu shared what inspired him to create this cross-genre fan art.
আমার একটা মেয়ে আছে। ৬ বছর বয়স। ভীষণ কৌতুহলী। ওকে আমি আমার ছেলেবেলা, নব্বই দশকের কথা বলি, কিছু বোঝে; আবার অনেক কিছুই বোঝে না। করোনার কারণে দীর্ঘদিন ধরেই ঘরে বন্দি আছে। বাংলাদেশকেও ওকে ঘুরিয়ে দেখাতে পারি নাই। তখন মাথায় এলো, বাচ্চারা যেটা পছন্দ করে, সেটার মাধ্যমে যদি চেনানো যায়। আমার মেয়ে টিনটিন পছন্দ করে। তাই টিনটিনের থ্রুতে ওকে বাংলাদেশ চেনানো শুরু করি।
I have a 6-year-old daughter. Very curious. I tell her about my childhood, the icons, the characters of the 1990s. She understands some, but do not so much. Moreover, she is at home for a long time due to the pandemic. We can't travel now. So I thought if children could learn via their favourite characters. Tintin is also her favourite character. So I created this series ‘Tintin in Bangladesh’ so that she can learn about these places and characters.
For many fans, the drawings have triggered nostalgia and warm feelings — with many viewers requesting that Tintin visit their town next.
টিনটিনকে নিয়ে আমার ফ্যান আর্ট দেখে অন্যরাও যখন নস্টালজিক হন, তখন মনে হয়, আমি একা নই, আমার মতো আরো অনেকেই আছেন। টিনটিনকে বাংলাদেশের আরো বিভিন্ন জায়গায় নিয়ে যাওয়ার ইচ্ছে আছে। দেখা যাক, কতোটা পারি।
When others get nostalgic about places seeing my fan art about Tintin, it seems like I'm not alone. There are many more like me. I want to take Tintin to more places in Bangladesh. Let's see how much I can do.

author: পান্থ রহমান রেজা (Pantha)


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By gathering knowledge, volunteers step in to save and revive the Macedonian music industry · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

Vasil Buraliev. Courtesy photo, used with permission.
Gathering over 30,000 songs published in the previous 69 years, a group of enthusiasts has created the VBU Music Registry, the biggest public record database documenting music production from North Macedonia and music published by local artists abroad.
So far, volunteers of this nonprofit initiative have created a digitized archive covering over 2000 albums, 1000 EPs and over 5000 singles by over 11,000 songwriters, composers and performers, creating free online portfolios for them. The registry was founded in 2013 by Vasil Buraliev, IT developer and entrepreneur, who, in the 1990s, was a participant in the nascent electronic music scene in Skopje, as composer and producer.
Global Voices spoke to Buraliev about the challenges of digital activism in the area of culture in North Macedonia, the state of the music industry and the negative influence of COVID-19 on its business model.
I started the VBU Music Registry because of my love of music, which is a wholly romantic notion. I was motivated by a kind of revolt against the generally demeaning attitude against domestic music when compared to imported products, declining societal values and the lack of media freedoms. During that period (2012-2013) I resented the fact that mainstream media only aired music deemed politically suitable, while artists who were not close to the then-government were ignored or censored.
My intent was to create a media that will show the domestic public that the music promoted by mainstream media is not the best, and most importantly, not the only music created in the country. I wanted to showcase its cultural treasures, channeling  my anger against damaging and corruptive practices.
Our biggest success is creating a community of individual enthusiasts united via self-governing model and creating new value by accumulating public knowledge about the music production in the country. At a broader level, this team provides services to a wide community of musicians and fans numbering around three thousand people. This results in a continuous, albeit slow, growth of public attention about domestic music.
At the moment, our biggest challenges are technical, from automating the data input about music publications to integration with online music streaming and download services.
Geographically dispersed core team of VBU Music Registry rarely meets in face to face, and do all of their communication online (several team members are not in the photo). Courtesy photo, used with permission.
I personally find the work on VBU Music Registry very fulfilling. This inner feeling of doing something good positively affects both my personal and professional life. The biggest benefit of doing voluntary and nonprofit activity is enabling me to meet a lot of good people. This also brings future potential for new kinds of both nonprofit and business cooperation.
VBU Music Registry documents track recordings and all involved participants, from authors to performers. Screenshot of data on the album “Simultaneous kiss” by Foltin.
The state of the Macedonian music industry can be compared to a person with severe COVID-19 symptoms gasping for air via a ventilator.
Its predominant business model relies on income generated from live music events. Therefore, the restrictive measures limiting concerts, weddings and other live performances had a severe negative impact on most musicians. This also led to low demand for services of recording studios and producers. The events industry's losses have affected the whole supply chain.
Royalties are supposed to provide additional income to copyright holders — composers, songwriters and performers — proportionally to the number of times their recorded music is played in public via media or in hotels, restaurants and cafés. But musicians complain that a small group of well-placed individuals has been abusing this mechanism at the expense of the majority.
Moreover, actual selling of music on CDs or online has been almost nonexistent, and musicians lack access to other forms of income present in countries with more developed music industries. In my opinion the situation is desperate.
For most Macedonian musicians, live performances are the primary, and often the only income source. Even before the COVID-19 pandemic some of them had established presences on streaming services and e-music shops. Mostly these are younger performers who have greater affinity for technology. However, almost all Macedonian musicians lack managerial teams who would take care of this aspect of their work, and the results are lacking.
Online banner for #1000subscribersMk initiative reading “Subscribe to the channel of your favorite music performer.”
The Registry started the “1000 subscribers” initiative based on the notion that prohibition of public events due to COVID-19 affects the performer's ability to earn a living. We urged citizens to subscribe to the YouTube channels of their favorite performers to help them monetize the viewing of their videos, which they view anyway.
The platform provides this option to earn money from ads shown on the videos only to channels with over 1000 subscribers and a minimum of 4000 hours of views over the last 12 months. Reaching the thousand subscribers threshold gives musicians a chance to start earning from every listen of their songs.
As a service helping music publishers and authors, the VBU Music Registry has been stressing the importance of copyrights and performers rights as a source of income. We address both the businesses who are by law required to pay fees for playing music to collecting society ZAMP, and educate the general public, reaching out to all music fans. By various promotional actions we strive to explain to citizens how important it is to pay for the music they listen to everyday, while disregarding the effect of piracy on the livelihood of musicians.
Young audiences, which are trend setters in music, lately seem to prefer trap music, a subgenre of hip hop music that originated in the Southern US in the 1990s, sung in local languages.
However, to achieve regional or international success, artists need to understand that making good music is not enough—one needs clear goals, good planning and marketing. Regardless of genre, an international management team is a must, or at least a local partner working on the target market.
As a genre, electronic music has a slight advantage because tracks without lyrics need not deal with language barriers.
For all genres where the text and vocals play a role, it’s almost necessary to make songs in English or the language of the country or region of the target market. For instance, successful artists like Leb i sol, Toše Proeski and Karolina Gočeva published songs in Serbian or Croatian to gain acceptance by audiences in the region of Yugoslavia. New generation performers like Yova, Toby and Station: Innermost sing in English.
Vasil Buraliev. Courtesy photo, used with permission.
The VBU Music Registry has inspiring ambitions—Buraliev would like to document the music of the Balkans, and have the interface in regional languages. But, the resources available to a volunteer effort are limited, despite fundraising attempts.

author: Filip Stojanovski


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China wipes out LGBTQ channels on WeChat with no explanation · Global Voices
CitizenNews

A screenshot of posts uploaded by the U.S Consulate in China were cited as proof that the Chinese LGBTQ community had been infiltrated by foreign forces.
The following post is the English version of a Chinese report written by Rex Yung and published on Hong Kong-based CitizenNews on July 7, 2021. It is published on Global Voices under a content partnership agreement.
At least 14 LGBTQ public channels on WeChat, the most popular Chinese social media platform, were permanently blocked on July 6, 2021. All their content vanished without a trace.
The majority of the channels were run by university-based LGBTQ groups including Purple at Tsinghua University, Colorsworld at Peking University, Gender Equality Research Association at Wuhan University and Zhihe Society at Fudan University.
Chinese Foreign Affairs spokesperson Wang Wenbin said on July 8 that the removal of LGBTQ channels on WeChat was in accordance with Chinese law:
A spokesperson for the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that the deletion of LGBTQ accounts on WeChat is “administering the Internet according to law” and should not be “problematic.” No specific reasons for deleting these accounts have been given. pic.twitter.com/4rX5t5RVJC
— FreeChineseFeminists (@FeministChina) July 8, 2021
CitizenNews’ reporters reached out to a number of group administrators through various channels, but they all declined to comment on the incident.
An LGBTQ activist commented anonymously that the incident had hit the community very hard as they don’t have many in-person opportunities to connect with other LGBTQ people — and now even virtual channels are blocked.
He revealed that many sexual minority groups had been under pressure because of June's LGBTQ Pride Month and the 100th anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party. The community had faced many verbal attacks on social media in the past few months, but they were shocked that all their accounts were shut down so abruptly.
According to a report from Reuters, the Chinese authorities have been investigating the loyalty of the university-based LGBTQ groups since May 2021:
Towards the end of May, the Chinese Communist Youth League met with LGBT students at various universities across the country questioning their loyalty and whether their funding sources were from overseas. Then, their accounts deleted https://t.co/KpnmJz586F
— Pak Yiu (@pakwayne) July 7, 2021
Many of the LGBTQ groups blocked on WeChat have been established for many years. For example, the Guangzhou-based Gay and Lesbian Campus Association of China was founded in 2006. In 2014, they published a report entitled ‘Report on the Misrepresentation and Stigmatization of Homosexuality in Chinese High School Textbooks’, criticizing textbooks that reinforced stigmas on homosexuality. One of their members even sued the Ministry of Education for discrimination.
Founded in 2005, the Zhihe Society of Fudan University is the first student organization that focuses on gender equity in China. Since its establishment, the society had run a play called ‘Monologues from the Vagina’ on campus annually until 2018 when the University authorities stepped in to ban their performance.
Earlier this year, the Society was punished with a three-month suspension for repeatedly violating the Fudan University Student Association Management Regulations. One of the violations cited by the university administrator was that it had forwarded the announcement of an online lecture on feminism organized by the University of Michigan in the United States. The act was flagged as a ‘very serious violation’ as it mobilized students to participate in activities organized by foreign forces outside of the university.
In recent years, thanks to the ideological struggle against Western culture, there is a general belief that feminist and queer movements in China are colluding with foreign forces.
Regarding the disbanding of LGBTQ accounts on WeChat, reactions are very polarized on Chinese social media. Those who support equal rights for LGBTQ people are outraged by the crackdown. Some believe that the action has something to do with the three-child policy. One comment on Weibo said:
真全世界保守势力崛起，先炸女权社区又炸lgbt，反正都滚回床上生三孩去
A surge of conservative forces. First they targeted the feminist, then they went after LGBT people. They just want you to go to bed and give birth to three children.
Another said:
同性恋不能生三孩，所以这是有政策支持的伐异
Gays and Lesbians can’t give birth to three children, this is a policy-backed crackdown on difference.
As for those who are against LGBTQ rights, they celebrate the disbandment of the public channels on social media and praise the authorities for stepping in to ban LGBTQ groups’ campus activities.
For example, Mei Xinyu, a researcher at the Ministry of Commerce, wrote in a WeChat post,
這就對了，對性變態（LGBT），最多只可默許，豈容搞成特權群體凌駕於正常人之上！這是維護國家安全，也是中國社會挽救危亡的努力
This is the right way. In dealing with the perverted LGBT, we could allow their existence in silence, but we could not let them enjoy the privilege of standing above other normal people. This is an attempt to protect national security and save the Chinese society from extinction.
Many criticize the LGBTQ community for taking part in the pride month activities on Weibo. For example, one comment said:
你当然可以说”我是同性恋我骄傲“，但请问一句，你说这个的意义是什么？你骄傲不骄傲，和我们普罗大众有什么关系？有人迫害你了吗？有人歧视打压同性恋了吗？所谓的要权利，其实是以自己的少数群体身份索要特权。
You can say ‘I am gay and I am proud’. But what is the point of saying that in public? Whether you are proud of not has nothing to do with the general public. Have you been oppressed? Are the gay and lesbian being discriminated upon? The rights that they demand is a privilege in the name of the sexual minority.
A number of posts circulating online speculate that the Chinese LGBTQ community has been infiltrated by foreign forces. Though this is widely viewed as a conspiracy theory, some cited a Weibo post by the U.S. consulates in China supporting LGBTQ rights as evidence.
One such post summed up the US's plot against China in two points:
第一，LGBTQI可以将人重新分类为不同族群，美国可以在不同族群中进行挑拨离间，破坏中国人的团结，增加我们的内耗。
第二，中国低生育率已经到了不得不干预的程度，国家及时出台了三胎政策，各地也在纷纷试水各种鼓励生育措施。此种情况下，鼓吹LGBTQI，让更多中国人加入这个不生育的群体，就是要破坏让中国人口大计。
First, LGBTQI divides people into different groups. This would give space for the US to sow discord and destroy the unity of the Chinese people and instigate internal conflicts;
Second, China's fertility rate has become so low that it must intervene, and while the country has launched the three-child policy and encouraged fertility. Against such background, LGBTQI movement would encourage more Chinese people to become infertile and sabotage China's population plan.
China's official stance on homosexuality has followed a ‘Three No’ policy for many years — no support, no encouragement and no opposition.
The country decriminalized homosexuality in 1997 and removed homosexuality from the list of mental illnesses in 2001.
In early 2019, China accepted the UN Human Rights Council’s recommendations on improving LGBTQ people’s rights. Though it did not recognize same-sex-partnership in its updated Civil Code last year.
Suppression of feminist and LGBTQ communities’ online presence has escalated in recent months.
In April, the Chinese social media platform Douban closed at least eight feminist channels. The platforms said the action was taken to prevent the spread of extremism and radical political views. One month later,  Xiao Meili, a well-known feminist, was accused by online nationalists of colluding with foreign forces and supporting Hong Kong independence. Eventually, Xiao, together with more than a dozen feminists who spoke out for her, had their accounts blocked by Weibo.
However, no authority has given any official explanation on the suppressive policies. An LGBTQ rights supporter described the situation as:
一個封把你的嘴巴捂住，你就真的發不出聲。到底和誰去抗爭呢？沒有一個具體的對象，站在背後的到底是誰呢？是哪個部門呢？是哪股勢力呢？就非常壓抑，非常窒息，非常可笑。
Something covers your mouth and you can’t make any noise. Who should I file the appeal to? You can’t identify who exactly is in charge. Which government authority is staging the clampdown? What kind of power are you confronting? The whole thing is so repressive, suffocating and ridiculous.

author: CitizenNews


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EU flag torn down from Georgian Parliament in second day of far-right street violence · Global Voices
OC Media

A screenshot taken from Bloomberg Quick Take video https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AQ6zc9vWgQ0
This article was first published on OC Media. An edited version is republished here under a content partnership agreement.
Several thousand people including queer rights activists and supporters as well as opposition leaders gathered outside the parliament building in Tbilisi on Tuesday, July 7, to protest the violent suppression of a planned Pride march the previous day.
The Pride march planned for Monday, July 6, was called off after mobs of violent homophobic protesters took to the streets following calls by the Georgian Orthodox Church. At least 53 journalists were attacked during the conflict. Similar attacks reportedly took place on Tuesday.
During Tuesday’s protest, which was protected by police, members of the Georgian queer community and Tbilisi Pride unfurled rainbow flags next to a metal cross illegally erected outside parliament the previous day.
Police initially secured the space in front of Parliament building where activists gathered in silent protest, meanwhile, the homophobic counter-protesters gathered in front of the Kashveti church located across the parliament.
Soon after, the counter-protesters broke out and laid siege to the anti-violence demonstrators on three sides, repeatedly attempting to break through the police lines. Some threw eggs or plastic bottles filled with sand, resulting in arrests.
Police again refrained from deploying riot gear, including water cannons, which are frequently used against nonviolent or less violent anti-government demonstrations, including during the coronavirus pandemic and in cold weather.
After several hours, police cleared the area in front of parliament and escorted the crowds away, allowing the far-right mob to reclaim the space. The groups then tore down the EU flag that hangs outside parliament and set it alight. Protesters had also removed the flag the previous day.
The Interior Ministry said they detained 100 individuals throughout the evening, releasing 68 of them shortly after.
The anti-violence demonstration was joined by several opposition groups including the Libertarian party Girchi — More Freedom, European Georgia, and Lelo.
Hate groups, including Guram Palavandishvili, who leads the Society for the Protection of Children’s Rights, were aggressive towards journalists throughout the evening. Palavandishvili is an outspoken critic of LGBT groups and rallies. He was detained in 2019 during similar protest.
During the standoff, counter-protesters attacked a TV crew from Formula with one attempting to cut a cable to prevent the station from broadcasting.
Palavandishvili personally threatened OC Media’s director, Mariam Nikuradze, telling her that “there will be dead among you.”
Another unidentified man threatened to “smash” Nikuradze’s camera “on her head.”
Shortly before the rival demonstrations began, a group of men assaulted a camera operator working for Palitranews in front of Parliament, leading to the first detentions of the day.
Independent private TV company Pirveli, three of whose journalists were injured on Monday, reported mass police mobilization outside their offices in the early hours of Wednesday morning.
Pirveli’s news program cited reports from the Georgian security services indicating that several groups planned to stage a protest outside the channel’s offices.
Pirveli, as well as TV companies Formula and Mtavari, have been supportive of Georgian queer rights and critical of the government over their response to recent hate crimes.
On Wednesday morning, the Interior Ministry reported four additional arrests for obstructing journalistic work and group violence against employees of TV channels Pirveli and Mtavari on Monday. The day was unprecedented in the scale of violence against media professionals as they tried to cover the anti-Pride demonstrations.


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Malaysian artists and activists face probe over a short film depicting police brutality · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

A scene depicting torture from the animated film “Chilli Powder and Thinner.” Source: YouTube
The Freedom Film Network (FFN) premiered a four-minute animation “Chilli Powder and Thinner” on June 12, which features testimony from a 16-year-old boy who, along with two other individuals, was allegedly arrested and beaten up by police. Human rights groups are urging Malaysian authorities to probe allegations of police torture instead of harassing the artists and activists who created the film.
The title refers to the torture method used against the boy: the application of chili powder and paint thinner to the skin.
On July 2, the police questioned FFN filmmaker Anna Har and cartoonist Amin Landak about the film. The police also raided the FFN office as well as Landak's home. They are being investigated under Section 500 of the Penal Code for defamation, Section 505 (b) of the Penal Code for statements that could cause public alarm and distress, and Section 233 (1) (a) of the Communications and Multimedia Act for improper use of network facilities.
The price of making a documentary about police brutality in Malaysia. Having your office and home raided by law enforcement and investigated under a draconian law. @freedomfilmfest https://t.co/nR6a8dpd2r
— Poh Si Teng (@pohsi) July 3, 2021
Stop this intimidation! Police are raiding the office of the @freedomfilmfest in Petaling Jaya and the house of cartoonist Amin Landak today.
The raid is related to their investigation of Anna Har of FFN and Amin over the release of the film “Chilli powder and Thinner”. pic.twitter.com/dEzKA4U9Iy
— prakkash (@arulprk) July 2, 2021
The police's actions were widely condemned by civil society groups. But it didn’t stop the police from summoning four activists belonging to human rights organization Suara Rakyat Malaysia (Suaram) and Malaysian activist coalition MISI: Solidariti on July 6 in connection to the short film.
They are heading in now pic.twitter.com/XdjAWx1QGt
— FreedomFilmFest ? (@freedomfilmfest) July 6, 2021
Freedom Film Fest released a defiant statement after the police raid:
Investigate the allegations of torture and death in custody: Not the people who speak out!
These ongoing harassments against activists, journalists, and artists attempt to silence our voice and deflect the public pressure on the prevalent cases of custodial death in the past few months.
In the statement, the FNC listed demands for police reform, including establishing an Independent Police Complaints of Misconduct Commission (IPCMC).
For the last 18 years, we have told human rights stories exposing injustices faced by ordinary people to bring about change. The investigation and raid over the animation film “Chili Powder and Thinner” has galvanised us. pic.twitter.com/e1h0wx5Spr
— FreedomFilmFest ? (@freedomfilmfest) July 7, 2021
In a podcast interview, Har said harassing artists is not the proper response from authorities when faced with allegations of abuse.
Ideally what would have been best would be the police… investigate the case itself and find out if this is really happening. And if it does, then take action, then tell the public, that will instil public confidence. By doing something like this…[it] just looks like intimidation.
MISI: Solidariti reiterated in a statement that the FFN have done nothing wrong:
Today, one of our founders was investigated by the police for doing what all of us would have done- shed light on injustice. We're a youth-led collective fighting for what's right. This is a heartfelt message we want to convey to all of you.
The case has attracted international attention. A joint statement from The Centre for Independent Journalism and their partners said the police's actions reflect the worsening suppression of free speech in Malaysia:
Retaliatory investigations against human rights defenders, artists and journalists for raising attention to violations of basic human rights show the dire need to protect freedom of expression and ensure police officers in Malaysia are held accountable for any instances of misconduct.
Similarly, Zaid Malek of the Lawyers for Liberty noted in a press statement that the raids and interrogations conducted by the police affirmed the allegations made in the film:
The heavy-handed response of the police to a short film on police brutality with interrogations and raids underscores the exact problem that the short film tries to address; instances of unlawful acts by police conducted with impunity.
Having looked at the entirety of the video, there is nothing in it that warrants a police investigation.
Several international human rights groups have sent a letter addressed to Malaysian Minister of Home Affairs Hamzah Zainudin expressing concern about the social impact of the police's actions.
Our organisations are concerned about the raids on their office and home which we believe are aimed to intimidate them and to create a chilling effect for those who would like to speak up and expose abuses by the authorities.
Groups supporting the beleaguered artists and activists are calling for a social media campaign on July 10, encouraging users to share their views or reactions about the film.
Watch the film “Chilli Powder and Thinner” here:

author: Mong Palatino


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Nizar Banat: the voice of truth assassinated by the Palestinian Authority · Global Voices
أيمن حسونة

Screenshot from video shared on Twitter showing thousands march in Nizar's funeral demanding the “Downfall of the regime”.
At dawn on Thursday, June 24, 25 members of the Palestinian Authority Preventive Security stormed the home of Nizar Banat in the city of Hebron. They blew up the door of his house, attacked him while he was asleep, beat him, sprayed him with pepper spray, and dragged him naked to their offices. A few hours later, they announced his death.
Palestinians, who are still resisting displacement and ethnic cleansing in Sheikh Jarrah, Silwan and Beita, woke up to the tragedy of losing one of the voices most critical of the Palestinian Authority's policies, this time at the hands of Palestinian security.
Nizar, 43, became famous for his Facebook videos criticizing the corruption of the Palestinian Authority (PA). He planned to run for the legislative elections that were canceled earlier this year. He was known for his stinging statements against officials of the Fatah movement and the PA, the latter for its handling of COVID-19 and its position on the events of Sheikh Jarrah and Silwan neighborhood and the aggression against Gaza.
Days before his murder, Nizar posted a video criticizing the nearly finalized deal for expired vaccines between the PA and Israel. The deal was canceled after word spread, drawing widespread criticism locally and internationally.
After the security forces’ assault on him, Nizar — as if sensing his imminent death — published what seemed like a farewell note on his Facebook page:
So this is the end! The end of a word, and an alleged freedom. I leave you as I lie on the ground, covered by the sky, asleep, fleeing in search of a home for my word and my freedom, for a foothold to establish the freedom of the sacred Palestinian opinion.
I don't know what caused their hatred. They attacked and beat me before I could count them. With an iron crowbar, three cans of pepper spray, hundreds of hits with batons and (Palestinian) rifle butts.
I leave you, satisfied with myself.
I leave you and I haven't stolen a penny.
I leave you and I have not sold a meter to the Jews.
I leave you and my freedom with me is complete, and undiminished.
In the end, I do not know who made the decision to kill me, but I am heading to the judge of earth and heaven. I don't know for which file was I killed. The vaccine file, or the file of the assassination of activists who preceded me, or your rampant corruption… and your issue are many..
I leave you and in your hands are all the reasons for my murder, murdering my voice, my ambition, and my opinion. If my body leaves you, do not let my voice die.
Let today be the beginning of Nizar Banat, not the end.
And may God bear witness that each word I uttered was for my children to live with dignity. »
Once word of his assassination spread, social media was flooded with people denouncing the incident, and calls for demonstrations circulated in various Palestinian cities.
Nizar's name  echoed through Palestine. South of Nablus, in the village of Beita, people chanted “Nizar” while resisting displacement and eviction.
The people of Umm al-Fahm organized a prayer for Nizar's soul, stressing the unity of Palestinian blood, and accusing the PA of clientism and being another face of the occupation.
Journalist Ali Obeidat asked a question on Facebook about the of impact this crime — in which a Palestinian was killed by another Palestinian — on the global solidarity that the Palestinian cause has gained over the past months.
How will you convince tens of thousands of supporters of the Palestinian cause, who rallied and stood at the forefront of defending our cause in Jerusalem, Beita and Beit Dajan, that the gas stinging the eyes of people in Ramallah was fired by a Palestinian, that the batons striking people's heads and backs are Palestinian, and that the blood spilled is that of a Palestinian by a Palestinian?
And before all that, how will they understand that the free voice of Nizar Banat was forever silenced by Palestinian hands?
The authority insists on destroying everything that is built popularly!!
Within hours of the incident, the Palestinian prime minister ordered the formation of an investigation committee to look into Nizar's killing, which drew widespread condemnation among Palestinian activists, who dismissed it as another “killing tool.”
“لجنة التحقيق” هي جزء من أدوات القتل، تماما كالهراوة واعقاب البنادق وكاتم الصوت.. لا تتحدث عن لجنة تحقيق امسك هرواة انزل بها على رأس من يعارض السلطة .. هشم رأسه اقتله.. يمكنك ان تتبادل الدور مع اي شخص اخر في المنظومة.. هو يهشم الرأس انت تحقق او العكس .. #نزار_بنات
— Arafat Alhaj (@Hajj_Arafat) June 24, 2021
The “investigation committee” is another killing tool, just like the batons, gun butts and silencers. Don’t talk about an investigation committee. Grab a baton instead and strike the head of the Authority's opposer. Smash his head and kill him. You can exchange the role with anyone else in the system. He smashes the head, you investigate or vice versa
Journalist Majdoleen Hassouna, a friend of Nizar Banat's, was at the forefront of the Ramallah demonstration. In a tweet, Majduline said her “nerves gave in” and she screamed at the Palestinian security men that the man killed was a brother to them and not one of their enemies. “One of them insulted me, while the other lowered his gaze in shame,” she tweeted.
The late cartoonist Naji Al-Ali‘s work was heavily recalled on social media, the most prominent of which was the one depicting a Palestinian citizen writing his will after publishing an article on democracy:
#FreePalestine of the rotten extension of the occupation PA.#NizarBanat #نزار_شهيد #نزار_بنات pic.twitter.com/fTeyVZX6CF
— Im-att777 (@Nana77766) June 24, 2021
Basil al-Araj, who earned the nickname “The Clashing Intellectual” for the way the Israeli forces chased and killed him in 2017, was also present in posts about Nizar’s murder. They are both seen as victims of the PA's oppression, for speaking out against corruption and the hurdles it allegedly places in front of the people in their quest to get rid of the Israeli occupation.
ناجي العلي، باسل الأعرج، أحمد جرّار، أبو العز حلاوة، فارس حلاوة، الزعبور، نزار بنات.
تذكروا أسماء شهداء بلادنا اللي تآمرت عليهم “الممثل الشرعي والوحيد للشعب الفلسطيني”. تذكروهم منيح، وأحقدوا، لأنه الحقد أضعف الإيمان.
— ameed (@HastaLaIntesar) June 24, 2021
Naji Al-Ali, Basil Al-Araj, Ahmed Jarrar, Abu Al-Ezz Halawa, Fares Halawa, Al-Zabour, Nizar Banat. Remember the names of the martyrs of our country, against whom “the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people” conspired. Remember them well, and hold grudges, for this is the least we can do.
The anger initially targeting Israel was bifurcated after Nizar's murder at what many Palestinians believe are two occupations. Israel steals their land and displaces their people, and the PA closely collaborates with Israelis on security issues, handing over people, and abandoning the areas Israeli forces storm, as in the case of Jenin, two weeks ago.
Ali Mawasy wrote on Facebook:
The protests in West Bank against the Authority are protests against occupation. Its a mere floor of the same building. Denying that only enforces it. The occupation created the authority to get rid of the question of refugees’ right of return, and its survival means the perpetuation of apartheid, resulting in poverty, deprivation and destruction.
The demonstrations persisted for days, and despite mounting criticism and calls for the PA and Fatah movement to stop sending their so-called “mercenaries” to suppress demonstrators, they continued, resulting in clashes in several areas of the West Bank, which is under the PA's control.
The murder also sparked a conversation about concepts of resistance and patriotism.
Nizar's murder unified the Palestinian people in the face of injustice and tyranny, whether in the form of occupation, or a complicit government.
كانوا يتجمعون يزعمون أنّها لهم وأنّهم أسيادها
أمّا هي فتلعنهم بكل ذرة تراب فيها وبكل نبض يسري في نسمات هوائها#سلطة_العار#كلاب_الأثر pic.twitter.com/yZHInlA2kI
— Nasma || GAZA (@NasmaSoliman) June 26, 2021
They'd come together, claiming it was theirs and that they were its masters.
As for her, she curses them with every atom of dust and with every pulse that flows in its air.

author: أيمن حسونة