text:
Why Russian Television Said Nothing When a Nanny Beheaded a Four-Year-Old Girl · Global Voices
Darina Gribova

Gulchekhra Bobokulova. Image: YouTube
A nanny murdered a four-year-old girl earlier this week in Moscow. On Monday, February 29, Gulchekhra Bobokulova stabbed the child in the neck, decapitated her, and then set fire to the family's apartment. She had cared for the girl, whose name was Nastya, for more than a year. Then she went outside, dressed in black, hailed a cab, and went to the nearest metro station. There, she removed Nastya's head from her backpack, and held it aloft, shouting “Allahu Akhbar!” and threatened to blow herself up. Horrifying footage captured by surveillance cameras spread virally on the Internet. For 24 hours, Russia's national television networks said nothing.
Why? It could be that Bobokulova's threats of a terrorist attack led police to exercise extreme caution, but some of the Kremlin's harshest critics have pointed out that it took police nearly an hour to detain Bobokulova. Anti-corruption activist Alexey Navalny juxtaposed this response time to the swift police work often mobilized to combat political protests:
Нормативы спецслужб РФ:
– у метро с антипутинским плакатом – 5 мин до задержания;
– у метро с головой ребёнка и криком “Аллах Акбар” – 1 час
— Alexey Navalny (@navalny) February 29, 2016
Standards of Russian special services:
– stand beside a metro station with an anti-Putin banner—5 minutes until detention;
– stand beside a metro station with a child's head and yell “Allahu Akbar!”—1 hour.
The silence of major television networks about the incident offended not only Russian liberals who habitually lament the Kremlin's control over the media, but also several nationalists, who argued that the government was trying to hide the immigrant menace from the public. The nationalist media outlet “Sputnik & Pogrom” crowned Bobokulova the “Uzbek Mary Poppins,” sharing a graphic that first appeared on journalist Oleg Kashin's website demonstrating the complete lack of coverage of the story by the state-controlled television networks.
At the beginning of the week, Russian TV news bulletins covered several stories, including miners killed an in accident in Vorkuta, Europe's ongoing refugee crisis, the war in Syria, and the Academy Awards. On Tuesday, the day after Bobokulova was apprehended, two journalists working for national TV networks confirmed anonymously to the news agency RBC that the Kremlin ordered channels to ignore the murder. Vladimir Putin's press-secretary, Dmitry Peskov, later denied accusations that TV networks were pressured, adding that the Kremlin supported the decision “not to show crazy people.” Peskov also added that the incident should not be tied up or confused with “the issue of inter-ethnic relations.”
[Image headline: “(Coverage of) the killer nanny in the main news on Russian TV channels”]
Many Internet users noted Russian television networks’ sudden aversion to broadcasting news of gore and bloodshed, which for the past several years has featured so prominently in reports about the conflict in Ukraine.
pic.twitter.com/GFPlAxMGLv
— Все Плохо (@sranysovok) February 29, 2016
on the left: “A news item on the 3-year-old boy crucified by Ukrainian soldiers on the main square of Slovyansk. (Never happened in reality)”
on the right: “A news item on the girl in Moscow decapitated by an illegal migrant who showed off her severed head near a metro station.”
Несуществующий распятый мальчик в Украине произвел в России больший новостной фурор, чем реальная отрезанная голова ребенка в центре Москвы.
— ЕжоFF Band (@M_EzhoFF) February 29, 2016
The nonexistent crucified boy in Ukraine has become a bigger sensation in Russian news than the real severed head of a child in downtown Moscow.
Про няню не показывают в телевизоре. Ведь это не Украина, не Сирия, не Германия, где одна девочка ушла из дома на сутки, а потом вернулась.
— Сергей Д (@sd0107) February 29, 2016
They're not showing the nanny story on TV. Because it's not Ukraine, Syria, or Germany, where a girl ran away from home for a day and then came back.
The networks’ reluctance to cover this story when it was breaking makes sense: news about an Uzbek nanny slaughtering a Russian child could set off a wave of hatred and even violence against the millions of Central Asian migrants living throughout Moscow and the rest of the country. Most Russians, after all, get their news from TV.
While staying silent may have made sense, the ethics of keeping the public in the dark are another matter. Critics say Russian television news is itself responsible for cultivating rising levels of violence in Russia. According to Yulia Muchnik, a journalist in Tomsk, “The current federal television, built for purely propagandistic functions, forgot how to function professionally as a distributor of information.”
Television networks broke their silence a whole day after the killing, when Channel One aired a 30-second segment about the crime, saying an Uzbek citizen is suspected of murdering a girl in Moscow. The news anchor pointed out that the suspect has a history of mental illness, including treatment for schizophrenia. The broadcast never mentioned Bobokulova's name or any other details.
Online, Russian journalists debated the decision to wait so long on television to report any news about the murder. There's been no consensus, and even some Kremlin critics support the networks’ decision to remain silent for as long as they did. Journalist Anton Dolin, writing on Facebook, called the case a synecdoche that could lead to dangerous generalizations and stereotyping.
Какой вывод из этого случая сделает массовый зритель […]?
– няни это опасно; чужой человек в семье – это зло;
– малообразованные и низкооплачиваемые няни особо опасны;
– няни из Средней Азии это жуть;
– мусульмане это кошмар;
– “трудные” или не полностью здоровые дети – такой тяжкий груз, что можно не выдержать и убить.
Каждый из этих стереотипов опасен. Опаснее няни с топором и криком “Аллах акбар”.
What conclusion will the mass audience make from this case? […]
– babysitters are dangerous;
– a stranger in a family leads to no good;
– uneducated and underpaid nannies are especially dangerous;
– nannies from Central Asia are horrible;
– Muslims are dreadful;
– “difficult” or not completely healthy children are a heavy burden, one that might lead to someone snapping and killing them.
Each of these stereotypes is dangerous, much more so than a babysitter with an axe yelling “Allahu Akbar.”
While Dolin isn't alone for standing by the networks, most Russian journalists have argued that suppressing the news is unacceptable. But many of these reporters do insist that coverage of such events should be handled exclusively by professional journalists.
Russian politicians, meanwhile, demonstrated far less concern for ethics. A branch of Russia's Communist Party promptly created a stylized image of a hijab-wearing woman carrying a severed head, publishing the picture on its website to promote new restrictions on immigration:
Words fail. #Russia‘s Communist party uses illustration of murderous nanny/decapitated child on anti-migration site. pic.twitter.com/zmOcXWMP5G
— Natalia Antonova (@NataliaAntonova) March 1, 2016
State Duma deputy Dmitry Gudkov called on politicians to stop abusing the horrific murder to promote their own political agendas. After multiple complaints, the offending image was removed from the Communist Party's website.
Gulchekhra Bobokulova has admitted her guilt, saying in court that she had planned the murder more than a month in advance. She says “Allah commanded” her to kill the girl, and told police that it was retribution for Vladimir Putin's airstrikes in Syria. A source told the news agency Interfax that police found in Bobkulova's phone the numbers of two men known to have ties to extremist groups. On Friday, March 4, Bobkulova was formally charged with murder, arson, and knowingly making false claims about an act of terrorism.

author: Darina Gribova


text:
A Look at How Well Ghana’s Media Houses Are Using Social Media · Global Voices
Kofi Yeboah

Image from the Social Media Index Report showing top six radio stations on Twitter. Image used with permission.
The emergence of social media has revolutionised the way media transmits information to its audience in Africa, especially Ghana. Media houses now count social media platforms as important channels for distributing news.
In assessing the real usage of social media by news outlets in Ghana, Penplusbytes, a non-profit organisation promoting effective governance using technology in Africa, has released its first Social Media Index (SMI) report on Ghana’s print, radio and television media houses.
According to a press release issued by Penplusbytes, the index examined the media houses’ activity on social media up until February 8, 2016, and how effectively they use social media platforms, especially Twitter and Facebook, to interact with their target audience.The report looked at 37 newspapers found to be in active operation and/or most visible in newsstands. It also looked at 16 out of the 22 TV stations and 309 out of the 390 radio stations currently operating on air.
The report shows low usage of social media by print media. Many of the newspapers in Ghana do not have a strong social media presence as compared to radio and TV stations. According to the report, 20 out of 37 newspaper have active Facebook pages, and only 6 have active Twitter handles.
The radio stations in Ghana, according to the report, use social media more actively to engage their audience than newspapers. Citi FM, one of Ghana's most influential media houses, was identified as the leader in social media presence in Ghana. Citi FM has over 600,000 likes on Facebook and a verified Twitter account (the first media house in Ghana that got a verified account by Twitter) with over 265,000 followers.
Joy FM, another influential outlet, leads on Twitter with over 330,000 followers.
Penplusbytes's Social Media Index Infographic of Ghana's Media House. Image used with permission.
Viasat 1, a privately owned TV station, was the television outlet with the strongest Facebook presence — it has over 680,000 likes – while national TV station Ghana Television News has over 191,000 likes Facebook likes.
According to the report, Daily Graphic, the most read newspaper in Ghana, had the highest number of likes on Facebook with over 621,000 likes. Daily Guide, a privately owned newspaper, took the lead with respect to number of Twitter followers – over 12,000.
After Penplusbytes promoted their report on Facebook, Fundraising Africa, an online fundraising website, commented that:
More and more Ghanaians are looking to social media for up to the minute news, so it's important for the local media houses to satisfy this need or else Ghanaians may end up favouring foreign media houses’ social media accounts.
You can download the full report here.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Kofi Yeboah


text:
India’s Promise To Double Farmers’ Paltry Income May Be Too Little, Too Late · Global Voices
Rezwan

An Indian farmer sticking to traditional method of farming. Image from Flickr by Kannan Muthuraman. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0
India is an agrarian economy where more than 50% of its population is directly or indirectly associated with farming. While India is one of the major — and fastest-growing — economies in the world, the agricultural sector, which employs around 120 million farmers (25% of the work force) contributes to only 18.1% of the country's Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Over the years, as other industries like manufacturing and BPO surged, India's farm productivity has declined. The country's farmers are getting poorer, leading to growing inequalities.
Last week, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced a “roadmap” for boosting the agriculture sector, with a promise to double the income of farmers by 2022. The country's 2016 budget reflects this plan and has drawn both accolades and criticism — but analysts say that the measures it contains may not be enough to reach the government's ambitious target.
An Indian farmer's average income works out to less than US $2 per day. In 2014, the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) computed the income of an average farm household to be about Indian Rupees (INR) 6,000 (US $90) per month, of which only Rs 3,000 (US $45) came from farming. The rest came from non-farm activities, including the “Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act” (MGNREGA) — a social security measure introduced in 2006 — which provides at least 100 days of wage employment in a financial year to every household whose adult members can do unskilled manual labour for the government. Under this scheme, the average wage per day varies according to states, ranging from a minimum of INR 122 (US $2.5) in Bihar, Jharkhand, to INR 191 (US $4) in Haryana. But the money is still not enough.
Pathetic pay, no promise of hikes, & huge debts… Is farming India's worst job? https://t.co/d3KKq7THBn pic.twitter.com/eQT3k2KE6G
— Newsflicks (@newsflicks) February 15, 2016
The reasons are many. The cost of inputs, including water, seeds and pesticides, are high and ever-increasing. At least 30 percent of the total output is too much for a low-income agricultural household to handle. The majority of these families live in deficit households, where expenditure exceeds income; most farmers have to take loans just to meet their day-to-day consumption requirements. As a result, over half of all agricultural households are indebted; the average loan amount outstanding for a farming household in India is Rs 47,000 (US $700). Marginal farmers are therefore trapped in a cycle of debt and low nutrition, as they need the loan to survive through lean periods when there is no income.
The ripple effects of the situation have been severe. In 2014, over 12,300 Indian farmers committed suicide due to drought and crop failures and there are reports of farmers selling their blood to make a living in the drought-hit Bundelkhand region.
Indian journalist, writer and thinker Devinder Sharma explained in his blog “Ground Reality” why farmers are becoming poorer and trying to get out of the sector entirely:
The rural landscape remains equally depressing — mounting rural indebtedness, unmanageable glut at the time of harvest, swelling rural to urban migration […] the rampant corruption in the banking system that denies the farmers access to easily available credit. […]
With agriculture turning into a highly losing proposition, more than 40 per cent of the farming population has expressed the desire to quit and migrate to the urban centres.
Compare that with the monthly salary of a peon in government service, the average monthly packet is at least five times more than what a farmer gets. While government employees look forward to a fixed monthly income packet every month and gets the benefit of an annual increment as an adjustment for general price rise, the farmer is left high and dry and at the mercy of the moneylender or the banker.
The choice of crops is also an issue. In India, rice and wheat comprise 70 percent of agricultural produce by area, but fetch less than 25 percent of the agricultural sector income.
People in #India R leaving farming because they have no proper support in village & migrating in city for job#ZeeNews #AbpNews #Modi #BJP
— Indian Lover (@indianlover0272) February 6, 2016
In an article at Rural India Online, Aparna Karthikeyan wrote about how farmers are trying to deal with the decreasing income in the agricultural sector. Apart from working in the fields, they have taken one or two full-time jobs to sustain their families. But not all of them are lucky — lack of education or non-flexible job hours can often be hindrances.
Farmers like Pawanjot Singh advised struggling farmers to quit if they cannot overcome the challenges involved in being agriculturalists. Rohit Parakh at The Logical Indian questioned why there is no minimum wage for farmers.
In a recent budget speech, India's Finance Minister Arun Jaitley promised to double the income of the struggling farmers, by spending Rs 359 billion (US $7.3 billion) on boosting the vast agriculture sector. There are a lot of variables in the roadmap to achieve this, but many fear that the plan contains no relief measures for the farmers. The only thing that the finance minister promised was to double farmers’ income by 2022, but in five years, inflation alone may counteract any gains.
Devinder Sharma explained:
The average income a farmer gets from farming activities, including what he keeps for his family consumption at home, [..] in 17 States is a paltry Rs 1,666 (USD$25) per month. [..]
Five years, the Finance Minister wants the farmers to wait. After five years, and even if the promise is realised, the income of farmers in these 17 States will go up to Rs 3,332 (USD$50) a month. I can imagine the Economic Survey, to be presented in 2022, proudly stating that because of the continuous efforts, the government has succeeded in doubling farmers income. Certainly, what an ‘achievement’ economists would say. But by that time, adjusting for inflation, even the Rs 3,332 (USD$50) would be equivalent to Rs 1,666 (USD$25) that a farmer is able to make now.
PM announced his intension to double farmer's income by 2022 but gave no assurances about curbing inflation. Effectively no gains.
— T. A. G. (@TusharG) February 29, 2016
Former Indian prime minister and noted economist Manmohan Singh said that the government’s announcement that farmers’ income would be doubled in the next five years is an “impossible idea”, because there is no clear path defined on how to achieve this:
To double #farmer's income in 5 years, Cultivation of unique crops exclusively available in India is a must #Budget2016 @RadhamohanBJP
— Ila Bharat (@KisanCalls) February 29, 2016
How you will double up the farmer's income by 2022,why not 2018? whats the gurantee & blue print? Will you double up the MSP in 2 yrs?
— Lalu Prasad Yadav (@laluprasadrjd) February 29, 2016
According to D. Jayaraj, a professor at the Madras Institute of Development Studies in Chennai, there are two effective ways to increase farmers income: increase guaranteed crop prices or raise subsidies on inputs such as fertilizers, pesticides and seeds.  As per a planning commission recommendation, an increase in agricultural productivity is the key to improving farmers’ standard of living — and the strategy of agricultural development should particularly focus on small, marginal and other disadvantaged farmers.
It remains to be seen whether the announcement to double the income of the farmers remains a campaign slogan or if positive changes are really in train.

author: Rezwan


text:
Photographs of Ramen, the Comfort Food Japan Has Elevated to a Fine Art · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

“Ramen with three slices of pork.” Image by Flickr user uka0310, CC BY 2.0
While the rest of the world may be more familiar with sushi, perhaps Japan's most beloved food is ramen.
The bowl of noodles, sliced meat and vegetables, served with a steaming broth is both a lunchtime staple and a surefire way to soak up excess alcohol after a long night of barhopping.
Noodles have been elevated to a gourmet fine art in Japan. The country boasts a wide variety of ramen styles based on how the dish is prepared or the region of Japan where the style of ramen originated — Sapporo in the north and Fukuoka in the southwest have developed their own distinctive regional versions.
There is a wide variety of blogs and publications in Japan devoted to ramen.
Ramen Walker, a magazine devoted to sampling and cataloguing, has even built an online map of Japanese ramen restaurants throughout the country.
The magazine also frequently posts photos and mini-reviews of ramen restaurants on its Twitter account.
東京・日野市の「麺・DINING 毘沙門天」で、鶏そば 塩 並盛り680円。 pic.twitter.com/h9KdNocfKm
— ラーメンWalker (@ramenwalker) February 28, 2016
We tried chicken ramen in a salt broth for US$6 at “Bishomenten Noodle & Dining House.” (Hino City, Tokyo)
埼玉・朝霞「中華蕎麦 瑞山」にて、しおそば730円 pic.twitter.com/eRJE2SvvKV
— ラーメンWalker (@ramenwalker) February 27, 2016
Ramen in salt broth for US$6.50 at Buckweat Noodle House “Seosan” (Asaka, Saitama)
埼玉「寿製麺 中華そば よしかわ」の、今年1月にオープンした川越店にて。中華そば750円 pic.twitter.com/lUbAnb8mJi
— ラーメンWalker (@ramenwalker) February 26, 2016
Ramen for US$6.50 at Yoshikawa Ramen's new location in Kawagoe (Saitama)
The sophistication of ramen eateries can range from the humble standing-only stalls in busy train stations, to sit-down restaurants boasting full service and the atmosphere of a Chinese fine-dining establishment.
Many cities in Japan also have a vibrant street food culture, and ramen is a part of it.
Some ramen chefs ply their trade each night from the back of small modified trucks, like this one on the truck route in Tsuruga:
[#ぷらっと静岡] 敦賀屋台ラーメン「池田屋ごんちゃん」なう(*´﹃｀*) pic.twitter.com/ub3yexDYLi
— かわうそ@東京みのりんピック！ (@kawauso100310) March 6, 2015
At “Iked-ya Gonchan” truck ramen in Tsuruga, Fukui  (*´﹃｀*)   [#JR Tours Shizuoka]
Japan is also home to the Yokohama Ramen Museum. Besides providing an overview of the history of ramen in Japan, the Yokohama Ramen Museum recreates the Japan of 1958. This is an important year, for 1958 was when the Nissin company sold the world's first instant ramen.
The year 1958 also generates nostalgic memories of a simpler time in Japan that had rebuilt after the Second World War and was starting to enjoy material prosperity.
Unlike Ramen Walker, the Tokyo Ramen Museum doesn't have much of a Twitter presence, but has uploaded thirty or so images to its Instagram account.
昭和33年の街並。レトロでノスタルジック！ #ラーメン#ラーメン博物館 #レトロ #昭和30年代 #shouwa #retoro
A photo posted by 新横浜ラーメン博物館(ramen museum) (@ramenmuseum) on
A street scene in Japan as it would have looked around 1958. Very retro and nostalgic!
If all this talk of ramen has whet your appetite and you want to explore the world of chukamen (中華麺) — or Chinese noodles — in English, All About Japan has collected a list of Japan's top ramen bloggers.

author: Nevin Thompson


text:
Poet and Activist Hanitr’Ony Discusses the Malagasy Language and Culture in a Changing World · Global Voices
Rakotomalala

Hanitr'Ony at a conference on the Malagasy language. Reproduced with permission.
Learn the Malagasy language's rich history, and you'll have a pretty good grasp of Madagascar's own past and diversity. Most of the language's traditional vocabulary has Australasian origins, but Malagasy is also part of a language group composed of more than 20 local variants. Though it's spoken by some 22 million people, Malagasy is nevertheless threatened today by standardisation in the means of communication, which is promoting a convergence towards a single language.
Hanitra Salomon, known by the pen name “Hanitr’Ony”, comes from a literary family. She belongs to the latest generation of contemporary Malagasy poets and is a long-time defender of the Malagasy language. She recently spoke to Global Voices about the vital importance of protecting local languages from globalisation.
Global Voices (GV): Tell us a bit about your career. Where did this vocation come from?
Hanitra Salomon (HS): I was born into a family of artists. My parents are the poets, musicians, and singer-songwriters Dédé and Raivo Patricia of the Malagasy folk group Sorajavona. My mother is also a designer, so she is interested in beautiful things and literary texts. As a child I spent my time reading. I started to write for fun at the age of nine, and I soon discovered that it was important to me. My schooling was quite ordinary; I took the science stream for my baccalaureate at Saint-Michel Amparibe School in Antananarivo, and I studied sciences at the Ecole Supérieure Polytechnique also in Antananarivo (ESPA). I noticed that literature has its rightful place in the scientific world. I continued to develop my passion for literature, and in 1994-5 I took the RANTO course in writing at the Malagasy Academy, this course was run by several teachers active in research, including M. Siméon Rajaona. I took part in poetry readings and put on shows myself. Then I published in the daily papers in Madagascar, and finally I joined the literary circle of Faribolana Sandratra in 1993, and the Malagasy Union of Poets and Writers (HAVATSA-UPEM), four years later. My grandfather, Dox Razakandraina, was one of the 15 founder members of this association in 1952. In 2004, with nine other poets I founded the French branch of HAVATSA-UPEM. In 2010 I was one of the 11 founders of the French branch of the Malagasy Speakers’ Association, FIMPIMA France, under the auspices of Mme Hajaina Andrianasolo, who was then the Director of Training for the association of orators who practice Kabary, which is the art of Malagasy public speaking. Here is a video of our activities:
GV: What role does a writer play in society?
HS: In my opinion, the role given to authors, creative artists and researchers, and even to culture in general, represents the strength of the nation. Authors observe society, and the study of literary and artistic works can provoke significant events in a country. When you read Rado’s poems, such as ‘Zo’ (1972) which calls for citizens’ rights, or Ny Avana Ramanantoanina’s poems, like ‘Sambo’ (1915) written when in exile on the island of Mayotte following the events of the independence movement VVS (Vy, Vato, Sakelika) you see the link with the history of Madagascar. But authors can use their art to calm tensions and celebrate life, as Dox does in Ny Hirako (1941), Folihala (1968) or Dindona Fitia (1973). Besides drawing out the beauty of human society, as well as its ugliness, he questions what appear to be established truths and inspires people to think about increasing justice and equality in society. The writer must also take into account the many changes our world is going through. The author acts as a receiver for the waves emitted by the world and relays them to us through his or her writing.
A radio broadcast of an extract of one of Hanitr’Ony’s works:
GV: In theory, there are 22 million people (excluding the diaspora) who speak Malagasy, but it seems to me that you’re a little bit worried about the future of our language. Why?
HS: In theory, yes, 22 million people speak Malagasy, but many of them, especially in the big cities of Madagascar, speak a diluted form of the language, a different sort of Malagasy. The influx of foreign schools and education has strongly influenced how our language is, or isn’t, used. [Editor’s note: higher education in Madagascar is mostly in French.] It is no longer surprising to see young people in Madagascar who do not know how to speak their language in their country!
It is also the case that Malagasy children born overseas do not use their language because there are no Malagasy language schools where they can follow a specific curriculum from a very early age. Even if voluntary organisations give their time and energy to offer private lessons, it will be insufficient. Parents who therefore find that they are the only people who can pass on the language, can feel powerless due to a lack of time or means. In France, more than 90 percent of children with at least one Malagasy parent do not speak Malagasy on a daily basis.
These two facts worry me, but we must not forget that more than 70% of the population of Madagascar live in a rural environment where it is the official language. If we can maintain that, the language will not disappear. However, that is not sufficient. All Malagasy citizens must be educated to know and speak their language, and to do so as well as possible.
GV: You are extremely active in the promotion of Malagasy culture. Tell us about your recent projects and upcoming plans.
HS: Well, I wear several hats and have various activities happening at the same time, simply because I get lots of requests from all sorts of people who are interested in Malagasy culture. The French branch of HAVATSA-UPEM, which I chair at the moment, recently celebrated its 10th anniversary when we put on an exhibition and some lectures and shows.
HS: On 13 February, we organised a one-day Malagasy literary festival in conjunction with the Centre for Research into the Western Indian Ocean and the Austronesian World at the National Institute of Oriental Languages and Cultures (INALCO CROIMA) to commemorate the centenary of the birth of the poet Zakarandahy (1915–1994), which included a presentation on the place of love in Malagasy culture and literature entitled ‘Pages of Love’ or Takela-pitia.
HS: I am also continuing to present my bilingual children’s programme “Bitsiky ny Ankizy” (Children’s Whispers) on the internet radio station Radio Bitsika. It aims to awaken the curiosity of any child to the Malagasy language and tell them about our culture. Our young guests come from all nationalities and are happy to find out about Madagascar through the programme. I will also continue to give lessons in Malagasy to children and adults at all levels.
In the near future I would like our work to be supported by government bodies so that it can reach more people. By promoting the culture, people will get a different view of Madagascar. Those who came to Dox’s centenary event went away enriched by the exhibition and musical performances, saying “We didn’t know this side of Madagascar”.
In addition to its natural resources, Madagascar’s the greatest treasures are its culture and people. I would like this culture to have the place it deserves, so if anyone would like to help make this a reality, please write to me at hanitrony@gmail.com.
As for personal projects, following my collections Bitsik’Ony and Tsirin-kalokalo and my first single as a songwriter, Tiako, I am editing bilingual literary work.
Ny Ankizivavintsika (‘A Malagasy woman of our own’)   Photo by Lalie Rabeharison reproduced with permission
GV: Generally speaking, do you think Madagascar's leaders and citizens are sufficiently invested in Malagasy culture?
HS: Lots of cultural associations, clubs and institutions work to promote Malagasy culture and provide artists with the means to express themselves. Cultural events are very popular in Madagascar. The Malagasy have a great artistic sensibility and most people sing, play an instrument, write or do something else artistic, but the consumption and production of local literature remains low due to a lack of funds. It’s sad because most artists cannot earn enough to make a living from their talents. Music, painting, photography, cinema, sculpture, poetry, theatre, dance, books and so on are still neglected too much. However, we must recognise that a lot of effort has been put into improving living standards for artists, thanks to constant campaigning activists. But this is still not enough.
I think there is work to be done to ‘educate’ people’s curiosity and get them into the habit of being open to discovering unfamiliar artists and different styles. As far as the language is concerned, influential people in positions of power should set an example by making the effort to speak well. Make time to take lessons. Why not? Malagasy is predominantly a spoken language and the culture encourages good orators. (Mahay mandaha-teny e! Mpikabary ikoizana e!) People have a tendency to copy their representatives, so if the leaders speak their own language badly, the people will do the same.
GV: Is globalisation a threat, or is it an opportunity tell people about our culture?
HS: Globalisation has been making its mark for several decades. Major languages can be a means of communication, discussion and dissemination; they can be used to publicise novels and works by great authors from all over the world through translations, or through cultural summits where each country can present its own culture. But globalisation can also stifle, or even crush, a culture as resources are used to impose one language when dominant languages become standardized. Language has been a tool of conquest in the French colonies when speaking the local language was forbidden and resulted in punishment or fines. Things were more flexible in British colonies, but the French are now more supportive of work to protect languages in the process of extinction. On International Mother Language Day (21 February) we were reminded that of the 5,000–7,000 languages spoken in the world, 25 die each year (cf Nicholas Evans), and 2546 are in danger of death (UNESCO statement 21 February 2016 on International Mother Language Day)
GV: Is this any special message you'd like to share with Global Voices’ readers?
HS: First of all, I’d like to say that, despite the dreadful news we see every day, the bees continue to make honey, flowers grow each spring, we continue to do good deeds, and we work hard in the hope of seeing our dreams come true. My very last message is borrowed from the poet Di (Henri Rahaingoson) “Andrianiko ny teniko, ny an’ny hafa koa feheziko”, I will make my language sovereign; as for the languages of others, I will master them and make them mine as well. This adage expresses the state of mind that should be promoted in our modern world. We still have a lot to learn and discover. Let us not close ourselves off to travel, to the other, to the unknown, because that is what enriches us, but we should also value what makes us different, our own culture.

author: Rakotomalala


text:
Get a Load of What the Tibetan Delegates Wore to This Year’s Two Congresses in China · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

“Leader pins” belonging to Tibetan delegates at the Two Congresses. Image shared widely on social media.
China's top legislative and consultative bodies, the National People's Congress and Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, began their week-long deliberations on national policies this Saturday, March 5. Under the country's political system, the Communist Party alone represents the Chinese people, and the parliament largely rubber-stamps any decisions made by the party's Politburo Standing Committee.
With little opportunity for direct political participation, Chinese Internet users make sport of dissecting and often mocking statements by legislators at the annual conference. This year, attention is focused on pins bearing Chinese President Xi Jinping's image that appeared on the chests of Tibetan delegates. Many Internet users say the pins remind them of the leader-worship culture that plagued China during the Cultural Revolution, from 1966 until 1976, when Mao Zedong attempted to consolidate his power and sideline “revisionists” within the party.
Qin Feng, a reporter for Hong Kong Star TV, spotted the Tibetan delegates wearing two pins on their chests when they were entering Congress Hall. One of the pins featured the images of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zeming, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping. The other showed only Xi Jinping. The Tibetan delegation was the only one wearing such items.
Qin Feng uploaded the photos to her public account on WeChat, where they soon spread to other social media platforms, becoming a viral sensation within a few hours.
Before long, the reporter's WeChat account was blocked and the term “Xi's pin” became unsearchable on Sina Weibo.
Internet users who managed to comment on the photos when they were still widely accessible tended to treat the news rather satirically. China Digital Times saved backed up several responses, including these:
@北外乔木：西藏团给所有代表委员和随行人员配发胸章，这个做法应该全国推广。中华民族的这个优良传统已经失传30多年，不能让朝鲜一枝独秀。
@”Bei-Wai-Qiao-Mu”: Tibetan delegates and their staff members were asked to wear the pins. Such practice should be promoted across the country. Such Chinese national tradition has been missing in the past three decades and we should not let North Korea enjoy all the spotlight.
@巴楚渔樵: 像章应该别到肉里，才能表达忠诚。五人像章分散忠诚，不符合核心概念，文革中绝不允许五人这样的事情发生。
@”Ba-chu yu-qiao”: They should hook the pins on their flesh to express their loyalty. The one with five icons is too dispersed and against the principle of upholding the core. During the Cultural Revolution, no such kind of pins can be distributed.
@相尋夢里花：嗯，天安门上也该挂起。
@”Searching for flower in dream”: Yes, the iconic images should be hung up at Tiananmen Square.
@火石 ：翻身农奴到北京开两会，胸前两个像章，毛泽东，邓小平，江泽民，胡锦涛在一个像章里，习近平独占了一个像章，岂不是说习近平比前任的几任领导人都伟大？
@”Fire rock”: the liberated serfs [Tibetan were liberated from slavery system by the People Liberation Army in 1950s according to China's history book] wear two pins on their chests. One has Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zeming, Hu Jintao [and Xi JInping] and the other one has Xi only. Are they saying that Xi is greatest among all leaders?
@賈葭：看着国内又是大字报大批判，又是红像章劝进表，又是表忠心站队列，就不免有些侥幸。感谢这么多年来的朋友和读过的书，让我还能像个正常人，保持了一些基本的原则。
@Jia Jia: watching what happens in mainland China, the culture of Big-character poster and big criticism have returned. Now the pins have returned to show loyalty. I feel lucky [that he has left the country]. I am also thankful to my friends and the books that I have read, all these have helped me to remain a normal person and live up to some fundamental principles.

author: Oiwan Lam


text:
New Video Hopes to Appeal to Thai Generosity to Help Myanmar Refugees · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

A Thai soldier stands guard at a camp for Karen refugees on the Thai-Myanmar border. Photo: Rusty Stewart / Flickr. CC 2.0.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has produced a video encouraging Thais to help Myanmar refugees living along the Thailand-Myanmar border.
Titled “The Life of Pa Thu,” the video highlights the situation of child refugees and is part of the “Namjai for Refugees” campaign, which aims to provide assistance to 106,000 Myanmar refugees living in nine camps inside Thailand. The word “namjai” means “generosity” in the Thai language. The campaign seeks to extend the culture of giving to refugees living in the northern part of the country.
The video features a Thai actress telling a story about a child refugee to an audience of young students. In the video, Pa Thu is a child who lived on a farm with his parents, until “bad guys” abducted his father, forcing him and his mother to flee into the jungle. Eventually, they reache a refugee camp. The video also shows Pa Thu wishing to return home and see his father again. The video ends by encouraging Thais to help the refugees by supporting the work of UNHCR:
For the past 60 years, the region has been awash in refugees because of a war between various ethnic groups and Myanmar’s national government. The refugees in Thailand are mostly Karen and Karenni ethnic peoples who were displaced from their homes when the war spread to their provinces, now more than 30 years ago.
The UNHCR is calling for donations to help Thailand's asylum seekers:
They had no choice but to seek asylum and safety in Thailand. Most are children, women and the elderly. All are struggling to rebuild their lives while coping with the trauma of the past and the hardship of the present.
We can’t change their past experience but, together with your Namjai, we can help them to create a better future.
In particular, the United Nations shared the harrowing story of Nor Mu, a child refugee:
My village was full of armed people. If they found anyone, they would slit their throat or shoot with gun. We also were forced to be their laborers. Women were not an exception. My family was shot dead. I was left with my grandmother.
Many in the region hope peace negotiations can be rekindled between various ethnic groups and Myanmar's new ruling party, headed by Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. If the two sides can reach a settlement, it would bring an end to one of the world's longest ongoing civil wars.
In addition to the nine camps along the Thailand-Myanmar border, there are also displaced persons at the China-Myanmar border, the Rohingya ethnic group is still persecuted in Western Myanmar, and there are Myanmar refugees in Malaysia.

author: Mong Palatino


text:
Singapore’s Immortal ‘Void-Deck’ Football Tradition? Nope. · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

A typical void deck in a Singapore residential apartment building. Photo: jeremyfoo / Flickr. CC 2.0.
In Singapore, the open space at the ground floor of a public high-rise apartment building is called a “void deck.” This is a shared space where people often hold weddings, funerals, games, and other public gatherings. Last February, officials placed steel railings in several buildings, responding to complaints by some residents about noisy football games being played in void decks. Many Internet users are hitting back, however, saying the new installations (some are removable and others are permanent) are unnecessary and a waste of taxpayers’ money.
The backlash to the steel railings seems to have begun with a single viral Facebook post. The post was later removed, but the website Mothership.sg still carries excerpts from the text:
To whoever thought of this: shame on you. It is a bad solution to a non-problem and a waste of taxpayers’ money. You are essentially using our funds to deprive us of a space we can use, and have been using. This is on top of the multiple CCTVs installed all around the void deck.
Void deck railings to stop ball games https://t.co/G4qYJrV540 pic.twitter.com/Wb1PCo31QB
— AsiaOne (@sphasiaone) February 25, 2016
This photograph shows how you effectively kill a void deck: https://t.co/KULCEQCDOa pic.twitter.com/OQKjgBM6aU
— Mothership.sg (@MothershipSG) February 23, 2016
Internet users in Singapore upset about the steel railings have argued that void decks are a valuable means of cultivating closer social ties among the country's population. Critics say the steel barriers threaten that sense of community.
The blogger “Everything Also Complain” wrote, “Void decks were designed to break down the walls between us, but now we’re building them up again.”
Some netizens urged the authorities to build more sports facilities for young people, instead of spoiling people's void decks. Others mockingly suggested that the steel railings can be used to park bicycles, hang laundry, and do parkour.
TMG | SMACK IN THE MIDDLE: How to have fun at the void deck with railings https://t.co/ZBuQHWp9GG pic.twitter.com/xRH380s335
— edvarcl (@scoopsg) March 2, 2016
Others are reminding the government that void decks are already considered as part of Singapore’s cultural heritage. In fact, exhibitions are often organized to celebrate the value of void decks. For example, Jinghui, an author at photojournalist-tgh.tv, once constructed an entire exhibition entry dedicated to sharing the history of Singapore's void-deck culture.
…the void deck, it is uniquely Singapore, something that we can be proud of, an identity, space, icon that we created for ourselves. The void deck is not doubt a common space that encompasses historical, cultural, recreational, heritage and communal space for all Singaporeans from all walks of life.
Writer Kirsten Han noted that the trend in recent years has been to discourage the use of void decks and other open-space facilities for unofficial social gatherings. She links this development to the urban policies in other countries where authorities are developing new anti-homeless structures in public places:
Sure, it’s kind of annoying to have a football flying around sometimes. Smudge marks on white walls can also be a little irritating. And it isn’t the most pleasant experience to see someone who is homeless or in need sleeping on benches. But there are ways of dealing with issues—for example, examining why people are homeless and needing to seek shelter in void decks—that don’t involve making our lived environments more and more sterile.
Meanwhile, Carlton Tan of the Asian Correspondent, blames the increasingly “paranoid state” that seeks to control the behavior of its citizens:
There is little empty space in Singapore, whether physical or mental, because the state’s intense fear of social disorder (justified or not) creates in it an irresistible urge to bring all things under control. In the paranoid state’s mind, ambiguity cannot be tolerated, even if it means an own-goal.


text:
Twitter Reports Massive Increase in Russian Government’s Content Removal Requests · Global Voices
Tanya Lokot

Images edited by Kevin Rothrock.
The latest Twitter transparency report shows that the number of the Kremlin's requests to take down content grew more than 25-fold in the second half of 2015, compared to reports from previous periods.
According to Twitter, between the months of July and December in 2015 the Russian government and other official bodies, such as law enforcement agencies, submitted 1,735 requests to remove content from Twitter—more than 25 times the number submitted in the first half of 2015 (68 requests), and 19 times more than during the same period in 2014 (91 requests).
Among the hundreds of requests, only six were accompanied by court orders. 1,729 take down requests came directly from Russian government agencies such as Roscomnadzor and the police, without going through courts first. A total of 1,774 different Twitter accounts were specified in the removal requests. Some of the copies of content removal requests can be found in the Lumen database.
Russia had the second highest number of removal requests for the period, with Turkey taking the lead with 1,761 requests.
Twitter reports that it withheld some content upon the Russian government's request in 5% of the cases. Withholding content means that content in accounts or tweets is made unavailable to users in a particular country, using Twitter's Country Withheld Content tool.
We received 1,729 removal requests from the Federal Service for Supervision in the Sphere of Telecom, Information Technologies and Mass Communications (Roskomnadzor) regarding content determined to violate Russian laws, such as Federal Law 149-FZ. We withheld 14 accounts and 82 individual Tweets (pertaining to 74 accounts), which included content reported for promoting suicide and content posted by the controversial group known as Right Sector.
The Twitter report notes that in some cases content was removed because it violated Twitter's own terms of service: in 75% of the cases where content was withheld after being reported by Russian authorities, it was removed “for violating [Twitter's] child sexual exploitation and abusive behavior policies.”
Twitter also provided some examples of situations where it decided not to withhold content despite a request from the Russian authorities.
We did not take action on reports of Tweets linking to YouTube videos criticizing the Russian government, including a Tweet from a prominent figure from a Russian opposition party. We also did not take action on reports of content related to the Charlie Hebdo Twitter account, Tweets supporting the band Pussy Riot, or on a Tweet citing a book criticizing Lenin and Stalin.
Additionally, Twitter reports that during the second half of 2015, it received 82 requests for information about 87 specific user accounts from the Kremlin, but refused to disclose any information in all of these cases. This number (82 requests for information) is up from the amount requested during the first half of 2015 (43 requests), but down from the 108 requests for user information in the second half of 2014.

author: Tanya Lokot


text:
Being Intentional About What’s in Our Networks · Global Voices
Zara Rahman

PHOTO: 3D Social Networking by Stockmonkeys.com (CC BY 2.0)
Eloquent arguments by someone with a vastly different perspective to my own are exactly what I need to be able to challenge my own thinking and, if necessary, revise my own opinions.
Last week, my friend Tin wrote about being intentional about who was in his networks. His thoughts got me thinking about not only who is in my own network, but also what, and how to widen both.
In lots of ways, this is actually the opposite of what many social networks and platforms are trying to do, and this worries me greatly. “You might also like…”, or “Recommended for you” features point us towards things that we'll like because they are similar to us, rather than things that will make us think.
But here's the thing: I'm okay with disagreeing with things I see online. More than that even; I want to see things I disagree with online. Eloquent arguments by someone with a vastly different perspective to my own are exactly what I need to be able to challenge my own thinking and, if necessary, revise my own opinions.
Contradictorily though, while more and more people from all corners of the world are getting online, it feels like getting those diverse perspectives and voices on my screen is getting harder and harder to do. Astra Taylor's book The People's Platform explores this phenomenon:
While the Internet offers marginalized groups powerful and potentially world-changing opportunities to meet and act together, new technologies also magnify inequality, reinforcing elements of the old order. Networks do not eradicate power: they distribute it in different ways, shuffling hierarchies and producing new mechanisms of exclusion.
Taylor describes the trend towards “homophily” – our tendency to associate with and bond with others similar to ourselves – and how this is affecting our digital behaviour, and her book, (which I strongly recommend) explores these themes of diversity and power in social platforms in far more detail.
“Eloquent arguments by someone with a vastly different perspective to my own are exactly what I need to be able to challenge my own thinking and, if necessary, revise my own opinions.”
It's not hard to think of many examples, either, both online and offline. The one that I thought of most though that has taken off largely since Taylor's book came out in 2014, is that of Medium. In the words of a recent BBC article about the platform, “Medium has become an outlet for people who already have the biggest audiences in the world”. I don't agree with everything in that article, but the latter half of it goes on to a topic I do agree with: “Medium can sometimes seem the least likely place to be confronted with a view different to your own.”
Somewhat ironically, after spending 6 years in prison from 2008-2014, Hossein Derakhshan wrote about the phenomena of centralization of the web, and of information online, actually in a Medium publication.
So what I'm saying isn't new. We know that what we're reading and the information we're getting online is becoming increasingly homogenous, increasingly intentionally designed to please us, and – in my opinion – increasingly boring, in a lot of ways.
But more practically speaking, it got me thinking about what we can do to counter that algorithmically-induced homophily. I wrote about the beginnings of my own attempts to do so, back in 2014 – but here are some more up-to-date tactics I've been trying out.
I think I'm a bit slow to the party, but I love newsletters. People who have other interests to me and who are good at curating that information online have been a regular source of interestingness for me. People who go beyond the “most popular” parts of sites, and dig down to find hidden gems among the overwhelming mass of information on the Internet, have my utmost respect and gratitude. In this age of outsourcing curation to machines, hand-picked morsels – often on topics I wouldn't otherwise read (so, would probably not get recommended) are teaching me a lot. If it's not too meta, this Buzzfeed piece of interesting newsletters has some great recommendations in there.
Another tactic has been following people on Twitter who have absolutely nothing in common with me, and those who display a totally different opinion to my own. I don't get into conversation with them online very often at all, but it's fascinating to see what kinds of information sources they follow, who they interact with, and the kinds of things they find interesting.
Given that it's becoming easier to simply go with the algorithmic flow, fighting against these trends is going to require intention and effort from all of us. In my opinion, a first step that we can all take is being more intentional about what, who, and where we get our information. These trends will harm people on the margins of society the most, and it's all of our responsibilities to reach out and make an actual effort to hear them.

author: Zara Rahman


text:
McDonald’s Ad Featuring a Man Coming Out to His Father Goes Viral in Taiwan · Global Voices
Hong Kong Free Press

The message on the cup says, “I like boys”. Photo: YouTube screenshot.
This post was written by Karen Cheung and originally published on Hong Kong Free Press on March 7, 2016. The edited version below is republished on Global Voices as part of a partnership agreement.
A Taiwan McDonald’s commercial featuring a young man coming out of the closet to his father in the fast food chain has gone viral and been warmly received by netizens’ overall. However, it has been criticised by religious groups such as Taiwan Family, which issued a statement condemning McDonald’s for spreading “improper” ideas to children.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights in Taiwan have been regarded as some of the most progressive in East Asia. Last year, its pride parade was the largest in Asia with more than 78,000 protesters in streets. Moreover, newly elected President Tsai Yingwen has shown her support for LGBT rights and endorsed same-sex marriage.
Taiwan's liberal social environment has given space to creative commercials that address the generational conflicts on the controversial subject of sexual orientation.
The video opens with a young man and his father sitting in silence at McDonald’s McCafe. The camera then pans up to a message the young man has written on a cup facing his father, which says “I like boys.” The older man stands up and leaves, but returns soon after to write on the cup as well and modify the message to become “I accept that you like boys.” The young man then tears up and the two smile at each other.
The video was uploaded on March 4 and has received more than 770,000 views on YouTube. It also has been shared more than 9,000 times on Facebook, with most of the feedback being positive; according to Facebook reactions, 10,000 liked the post, 4,100 ‘loved’ it, with 83 ‘angry’ and 1,800 ‘saddened’ by it. One person commented on YouTube: “The last couple of seconds made me cry”, and another said, “Support gay marriage!”
Brenda Kou, head of marketing at McDonald’s Corporation, told independent news site Apple Daily that the commercial’s intention was to show the spirit of communication and dialogue, which are the basis of reaching any consensus. She also said that they wanted to denote that different voices can be accepted in society.
Murphy Chou, chief creative officer at Leo Burnett Taiwan – which produced the commercial – said that it was not a stance on LGBT issues; rather, it was a depiction of the struggles that come with being a parent who wants to support their children. He added that McDonald’s in France aired an LGBT-themed commercial around 2010.
Anti-LGBT group Taiwan Family issued a statement the following evening, saying that they were opposed to any public promotion of ideas that would encourage LGBT behaviour. The group also said that McDonald’s was a place frequented by many children and called for parents to boycott McDonald's, saying,”I feel corrupted even using their washroom,” news site Ming Pao reported.
Many netizens anticipated such conservative reactions, and on gossip forum, Disp BBS, one user gathered a list of corporations that are pro-LGBT rights including Google, Facebook, Apple and Starbucks. The user then challenged the religious coalitions to boycott them all.
On Twitter, @tuzzi pointed to the list and criticized the anti-LGBT groups:
護家盟要抵制麥當勞 網友昨天就預測到了 – Disp BBS https://t.co/BHS0HlE7QX //這些人到底怎麼回事。台灣多少破碎的家庭，護家盟有過什麼保護的作為呢？除了反同他們還做過什麼別的呢？反同團體號稱「護家」，不就是耶穌口中所說的「假冒為善的人」嗎？
— tuzzi (@tuzzi) March 6, 2016
Taiwan Family called for a boycott of McDonald's. Netizens predicted that yesterday. See Disp BBS https://t.co/BHS0HlE7QX // What's wrong with this group of people? There are so many broken families in Taiwan, what have they done to protect them? Aside from being anti-LGBT rights, what have they done? These anti-LGBT groups said they were protecting family, isn't such a claim hypocritical in Jesus's view?

author: Hong Kong Free Press


text:
Russia’s Paranoid Patriotism Gets a Cartoon Movie · Global Voices
Kevin Rothrock

“Children Versus Wizards.” Image: YouTube.
A Russian charity group has made what appears to be a truly amazing animated film. The movie, titled “Children Versus Wizards,” is a Russian chauvinist’s fantasy. It takes place in a world overcome by dark magic and NATO, where Russia alone resists the tide of Western evil. The movie isn’t out yet, but there is a promotional video available on YouTube, and the footage is as unusual as it is stunningly ugly.
The events in the film are depicted as having occurred 15 years ago. Two military cadets, Ivan Tsaritsyn and Petr Tikhogromov, are sent to Scotland, where they’re meant to infiltrate the “Higher Academy of Occult Sciences.” Their mission is to find five Russian orphans who traveled abroad to study at the wizard school. Instead of returning home, however (to their orphanages), these children “began to have a negative attitude toward Russia.” Ivan and Petr are charged with discovering why they turned against their homeland.
The enemy attacks in 2004, just as it did in 1941. Once again, Russia is threatened with invasion, except this is a subtler enemy. The enemy wants revenge for losing in the Second World War.
At the same time, the wizard school dispatches to Moscow its own star pupil, a “former Russian” named Leonard. In Russia, he meets with schoolchildren, and performs various “miracles,” in order to lure them back to Scotland.
(Definitely not Deatheaters.)
The [internal] enemy is something else altogether. The main antagonist, Leonard, took up occultism and betrayed his homeland. But this isn’t visible to others. He didn’t become an enemy outwardly or take on the enemy’s form. On the outside, he remains the same, but he’s changed on the inside. At first glance, he is Russian, but he hates Russia. He doesn’t break the law, he respects boundaries, and he’s even extremely law abiding, but he is an enemy even more frightening than the one Russia faced 75 years ago [the Nazis]. You can’t tell him apart from everyone else, but he’s cultivating hatred against Russia in the youth, so they grow up to become enemies of our fatherland. Such children speak Russian, they even live here, but they’re only at home in other countries. A hidden enemy is far more dangerous than one you can see.
Just look at how crazy-law-abiding this guy is. He sits in his chair, drives through green traffic lights … wears pants.
At one school, Leonard encounters a girl named Nadia Eropkina, who “has that rare ability to notice what others do not see.” Armed with this spidey sense, she tries extra hard to resist the charms of Leonard. (She’s later tricked into coming to the university, where she’s eventually rescued and returned to Russia.)
Back at the cadet ranch, Ivan and Petr join the muscly Lieutenant Colonel Telegin, a special forces veteran of several wars and “combat operations.” They board a military helicopter and set off for the shores of Scotland, but inclement weather forces them to ditch their aircraft over Kosovo. Luckily, there’s a nearby warehouse hidden in the mountains containing Russian “mini-helicopters” stashed away in 1999.
In a flashback sequence, Telegin treats the boys to a tale of how these helicopters were used to “fight off the bandits” and rescue the locals. When they find the helicopters, Telegin convinces the boys to take a “minor detour” to Greece, where they can get advice from a group of Orthodox priests and receive a blessing.
(Every boy's dream.)
In Greece, it’s revealed that Ivan suffers from excessive pride. In order to understand the nature of spiritual struggle, he spends a night alone in a cave, where he’s confronted by various horrors and monsters. He emerges fine, though, and the next day he gets a blessing and a wooden cross. Then the three set off again, this time for the university’s castle in Scotland. When they arrive, Telegin hides in the forest, as he’s too old and buff to pass for a student.
(Every boy's dream, continued.)
Once inside the school, Ivan and Petr perform all manner of shenanigans, trying to blend in and outsmart the faculty, while searching for their compatriots. When they find them, all but one of them are “no longer Russian, but [merely] Russian-speaking.” They have “renounced everything in mankind that saves his humanity,” and they now “serve dark forces.”
(You know they're evil because they're flying on something that isn't a mini-helicopter.)
Luckily, the entire time Ivan and Petr were skulking about the campus, Lieutenant Colonel Telegin was planting mines, which he detonates when rescuing the film’s heroes. (He’s able to find the children amidst all the explosions thanks to the wooden cross Ivan received in Greece, which, it turns out, glows brightly—like, really brightly—when gripped during prayer.)
(Definitely not Dumbledore's Deluminator.)
Flying away from the burning castle, the heroes are confronted by NATO warships, deployed by the university’s demented headmaster. As they fall within the crosshairs of the vessels below, the children begin to pray together. A moment later, a bunch of Russian nuclear submarines surface, and the NATO ships immediately retreat.
The book “Children Versus Wizards” emerged in 2004. The publisher—curiously named after the home of the KGB’s headquarters—says it was written by a Greek businessman named Nikos Zervas, though an exhaustive search in 2006 by the newspaper Kommersant strongly suggests that the book’s origins are entirely Russian.
The film differs from its source material in several ways. Most notably, Harry Potter appears to have been removed from the plot. Zervas released the book just a year after JK Rowling published “Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix,” the fifth book in the series. Also by that time, there were already three Potter films available, together earning nearly $3 billion worldwide.
In Zervas’ book, interest in Harry Potter (who’s a real person, in the story’s universe) is what allows the evil wizards to infiltrate Russia in the first place. Potter is described as Merlin’s greatest student (and, at the end of the book, he’s revealed to be Hermione’s hormone-injecting, transvestite sister). Public interest in Potter weakens the “spiritual shield” around Russia, which has until now preserved it as one of the world’s last bastions of Christianity.
Not all of the book’s villains are warped versions of JK Rowling’s beloved characters, however. There’s also Leo Ryabinovsky, Kokhan Kosh, and “the famous American wizard Moisha Skopidofl.” (These are all stereotypical Jewish names.)
The film is the work of the St. Sergius of Radonezh Charity Foundation, an organization that says its primary function is providing support to orphans, handicapped persons, and veterans. While the foundation says it operates without regard for “nationality, citizenship, or religion,” it appears to have close ties to state and religious officials in Russia. On its website, the group says it produced “Children Versus Wizards” with help from the Russian Orthodox Church, the Russian Orthodox publishing house “Foma,” and the Suvorov Military School, as well as the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Culture. It’s unclear what support exactly these groups offered to the film.
Brought to you by…
In an interview with the website Russkaya Planeta, Elena Asanbekova, the film’s administrative director, said that the Russian Orthodox Church’s public relations department helped by writing a letter to Vladimir Medinsky, Russia’s minister of culture, asking the state to offer some assistance. The “Foma” publishing house wrote a similar letter to Medinsky. (It’s not clear if the Russian government ultimately funded the project, but the film’s producers do credit the ministries of culture and defense with “support.”)
Asanbekova also said Orthodox priests agreed to bless the film’s production, and they provided the voices for the movie’s cleric characters.
The director of the film is a man named Nikolai Mazurov, who works as the general director at an advertising studio called Madmoon. On Vimeo, you can watch three promotional videos uploaded by Madmoon: one is for a clothing store, the other is for a veterinarians’ conference, and the third is a commercial for Gazprom, Russia's biggest natural gas producer.
The director, Nikolai Mazurov.
Years ago, Mazurov was an active LiveJournal user, where he posted reviews of Hollywood films (he loved Guy Ritchie’s “Sherlock Holmes”), along with some of his own photography. (A warning: not all of Mazurov’s pictures from this time adhere to the chastity at the heart of “Children Versus Wizards.”)
Archpriest Sergy Shashtin, a rector at the Krutitsy Metochion in Moscow, appears several times in the film’s promotional video on YouTube. Shashtin works with youths in Russia and Serbia, maintaining cross-cultural bonds with projects like “Our Serbia,” “Serbian Code,” and “The School of Friendship.” In the film’s promo, Shashtin says Russia is at war today, putting a spiritual spin on what’s commonly referred to as an “information war” in political discourse:
The war that’s going on right now, it’s not happening on the battlefield—it’s occurring in people’s souls. And the main goal today is the preservation of the morality of our children and our younger generations.
The promo for “Children Versus Wizards” arrived on YouTube on December 29, 2015. For roughly six weeks, nobody seemed to notice. Then, in mid-February, interest suddenly exploded. The surge may have something to do with the military-themed holiday Defender of the Fatherland Day, which Russians celebrate on February 23. As of the time of this writing, the video has more than 106,300 views.
On Vkontakte, where the film’s page now has 340 members, the vast majority of the comments are negative, if not downright abusive. Despite a devoted contingent of fans (many of whom seem to be familiar with the books), most Internet users appear to think “Children Versus Wizards” is a poorly animated piece of “patriotic trash.” Several people compare the movie unfavorably with Hollywood’s offerings from the past decade, including “Zootopia,” “The Lorax,” and “The Guardians.”
In August 2014, the YouTube blogger PisiMISSED posted a 10-minute review of Zervas’ original book, mocking its plot, racism, Russian chauvinism, and poor writing. The video has almost 75,000 views.
For all the derision, there is also a petition on Change.org asking Russia's Ministry of Culture to support a sequel for the film (a curious campaign, considering that the first installment hasn't yet been released). The petition has more than 10,600 signatures, according to the website.
In her interview, Elena Asanbekova said her team’s main objective was to make an educational film using unique animation. She says the movie has been prescreened for some children, who watched it slack jawed, amazed by the “special effects and good animation” and won over by the “deeper meaning” and “humor.”
The film, like the book, perhaps wouldn’t exist without the support of people in the Russian Orthodox Church. Why did they settle on this story about evil wizards as a means of winning back Russia’s “lost youth”?
Archpriest Sergy Shashtin never explains his particular interest in “Children Versus Wizards,” but his name did come up at a Russian Orthodox conference in May 2009, where clergy members discussed ways for the church to recruit new members. At the meeting, the clerics said, “The missionary’s task is to create a hook for raising interest in one’s faith—interest in God.” One priest in particular concluded, “The most successful missionaries were the ancient prophets. They went around naked, eating feces, and marrying harlots—all in order to reach people.”
In today’s world, however, why eat filth, when you can upload it to YouTube, where 106,300 people will consume it for you?

author: Kevin Rothrock


text:
Social Media Slams Idea That Murdered Backpackers in Ecuador ‘Were Asking for It’ · Global Voices
Gina Yauri

María José Coni and Marina Menegazzo. Images shared on various Twitter accounts.
The discovery of the lifeless bodies of two tourists in Ecuador inspired some social media users to insinuate that the women were somehow to blame for the violence they suffered — a view that quickly encountered backlash online.
On February 22, 2016, friends and family of Marina Menegazzo, 21, and María José Coni, 22, launched an extensive social media campaign to find the two young Argentinians, who had disappeared while backpacking in Ecuador's Montañita Beach.
Six days later, Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa tweeted his support in response to an appeal of Belén Menegazzo, Marina's sister:
@Belenanguela ¡Ánimo Belén! Ya tenemos nuestra policía investigando. Un abrazo a tus padres y a los de María José.
Todo Ecuador con ustedes.
— Rafael Correa (@MashiRafael) 28 de febrero de 2016
@Belenanguela's tweet: My sister and her friend went missing last Monday, the 22nd in Montañita, Ecuador. Please spread the word!!!!
@MashiRafael's tweet: Be strong Belén! Our police forces are investigating. A hug for your and Maria José's parents. All of Ecuador is with you.
Just 24 hours later, Ecuadorian Home Secretary José Serrano confirmed on Twitter that the young women's bodies had been found showing evidence of head trauma.
On February 29, Serrano held a press conference, revealing details of the murder investigation and the arrest of two suspects: Alberto Segundo Mina Ponce, who confessed to killing María José Coni, and Aurelio Eduardo Rodríguez, AKA “El Rojo”, who Mina Ponce said killed Marina Menegazzo.
Imágenes d los presuntos responsables del asesinato de la jóvenes ciudadanas argentinas q fueron aprehendidos ayer pic.twitter.com/ybbaX50YXI
— José Serrano Salgado (@ppsesa) 29 de febrero de 2016
Images of the men arrested yesterday, suspects in the murder of two young Argentinian women.
According to Serrano, the young women supposedly left the hostel where they were staying on the afternoon of February 22 and met the two murder suspects in one of Montañita's bars later that evening. The killing would have taken place in the early hours of February 23 in the house of one of the men.
Ecuadorian newspaper El Comercio reported that Mina Ponce had confessed he wanted to sexually abuse María José Coni. When she spurned his advances, he hit her with a stick, causing a fatal injury. After hearing noises from another room in the house, he said he approached and saw “El Rojo” stabbing Marina Menegazzo. Both men were drunk. Mina Ponce said that he removed the bodies from his house in a wheelbarrow, abandoning one body some 400 meters away and then attempting to hide the other. Both were stuffed into bags.
Investigators say that the victims went to the attackers’ house by their own free will, an account that Gladys Stefaní, mother of María José Coni, refuted while speaking to Argentinian news channel Todo Noticias (TN).
Condolences were quick to come for the families and friends of the two women on Argentinian and Ecuadorian social networks.
Ecuadorian painter and model Susana Rivadeneira expressed her regrets:
Pena, rabia y verguenza q pase esto en mi Pais!Unidos en oracion por Marina y Ma Jose y por tantas personas que ni nos enteramos #montañita
— Susana Rivadeneira (@masusanar) 28 de febrero de 2016
Pain, anger and shame that this has happened in my country. We are united in prayer for Marina and María José and for so many others that we don't even know about #montañita
Argentinian President Mauricio Macri showed his support on his Twitter account and offered the victims’ families legal assistance.
Fabián Gustavo, an Argentinian father himself, responded with a message of solidarity following President Macri's statement:
@mauriciomacri muy bien querido Presidente en nombre de todo el pueblo argentino los acompañamos en el dolor
— fabian gustavo (@fabiangc1977) 29 de febrero de 2016
@mauriciomacri's tweet: All the legal assistance that you require is available to you through the Argentinian Embassy in Ecuador.
@fabiangc1977's tweet: Thank you, Mr. President. On behalf of all Argentinian people, we are united in this time of sadness
However, amongst the messages of solidarity were those who questioned the safety of travelling in Ecuador. Argentinian news website Infobae published a video on its Facebook page asking Argentinian citizens: “Would you travel to Ecuador after what happened to the Argentinian girls? Would you let your daughters travel alone to Ecuador?” To which the last interviewee replied:
No, de ninguna manera. Solos no. Menos siendo mujeres. Mucha desventaja física. Solos no. Solas no.
No, no way. Not alone. Much less if they are women. They are at a physical disadvantage. Not alone. Not alone.
Soon, the deeply rooted problem of victim blaming surfaced in online discussions of the women's murders. One such comment was from psychiatrist Hugo Marietán, who in an interview with the BigBang news website stated:
La víctima propiciatoria es la que asume un alto riesgo y de alguna forma parte de lo que moviliza el crimen. Con facilidad ocupa el lugar de víctima. Puede resultar odioso decir que se pusieron en riesgo, pero seguirán muriendo mujeres si no toman precauciones. Seguro se toparon con gente que los ayudaron y no les pasó nada y luego se confiaron. Pero se cruzaron con personas que se abusaron de esa confianza.
Propitiatory victim is the one who takes a high risk and somehow facilitates the crime. They easily become a victim. It may be awful to say that they put themselves at risk, but women will continue to be killed if they don't take precautions for their safety. They surely ran into people who helped them and nothing happened, so they lowered their guard. But they crossed paths with people who abused this trust.
Along the same lines, Twitter user Stefanía García made her own observation of the photo released of the suspects:
Quién se va a dormir a la casa de extraños, peor con esa pinta? #Montañita#MontañitaNoTieneLaCulpa
— Stefanía García (@StefyGarciaLoor) 1 de marzo de 2016
Who goes to stay the night at a stranger's house, let alone strangers that look like that? #MontañitaIsNotToBlame
The backlash to this victim blaming didn't take long.
Paraguayan María Guadalupe Acosta wrote an open letter putting herself in the place of the tragic backpackers. Her letter, titled “Yesterday they killed me”, has received thousands of ‘likes’ and went viral on Facebook.
Ayer me mataron.
Me negué a que me tocaran y con un palo me reventaron el cráneo. Me metieron una cuchillada y dejaron que muera desangrada. […]
[…] Pero peor que la muerte, fue la humillación que vino después.
Desde el momento que tuvieron mi cuerpo inerte nadie se preguntó donde estaba el hijo de puta que acabo con mis sueños, mis esperanzas, mi vida.
Yesterday they killed me.
I refused to let them touch me and they cracked my skull open with a stick. They stuck a knife in me and left me to bleed to death. […]
[…] But even worse than my death was the humiliation that followed. From the moment they ended my life, no one asked where was the son of a bitch that ended my hopes and dreams forever.
Acosta continued, referring to victim blaming:
Cuestionaron a mis padres, por darme alas, por dejar que sea independiente, como cualquier ser humano. Les dijeron que seguro andábamos drogadas y lo buscamos, que algo hicimos, que ellos deberían habernos tenido vigiladas.
Y solo muerta entendí que no, que para el mundo yo no soy igual a un hombre. Que morir fue mi culpa, que siempre va a ser.
They questioned my parents for giving me my freedom, for letting me be independent, like any other human. They told them that surely we were hanging out, high on drugs and looking for it, that it had to be something we did, that they should have looked after us.
She ended with an appeal to all women:
Te pido que por mí y por todas las mujeres a quienes nos callaron, nos silenciaron, nos cagaron la vida y los sueños, levantes la voz. Vamos a pelear, yo a tu lado, en espíritu, y te prometo que un día vamos a ser tantas, que no existirán la cantidad de bolsas suficientes para callarnos a todas.
I urge you for the sake of myself and women everywhere who were gagged, silenced, had our lives and dreams shit on, to speak out. We will fight, me by your side in spirit, and I promise that one day there will be so many of us, there won't be enough bags to shut us up.
Porque casos como el de las argentinas sugieren que uno de los problemas es que el consentimiento no es bien comprendido. La gente cree que usar falda es darle permiso a la otra persona para que toque tu cuerpo y eso, considero muy pero muy anticuado, irracional y egoísta.
Cases like this suggest that one of the problems is a lack of understanding of consent. People think that a woman wearing a skirt gives them permission to touch their body and I think that is extremely outdated, irrational and selfish.
The Facebook page of anti-gender-based violence organization Soy Nosotras (I am all of us) reflected:
Cada día ese SOY NOSOTRAS se llena de sentido. Porque en cada una de las mujeres que mueren por día en manos de la violencia machista, morimos todas.
Every day the notion that I AM ALL OF US makes more sense. Because every day that a woman dies at the hands of gender-based violence, we all die.
As for the victim blaming, the page commented that:
Y en el mientras tanto, todas, tenemos que vivir con la carga de soportar los comentarios de una sociedad que avanza pero que por momentos parece no entender nada. ¿Cómo somos capaces de cuestionar sus edades para viajar “solas”? ¿Qué hacían en Ecuador? ¿Por qué deciden ir de mochileras como están las cosas? ¿Por qué las familias “las dejan” viajar? ¿Qué se le cruza a una MADRE para permitirle ir de mochilera?
Meanwhile, we have to put up with comments from a society that is said to be progressive, yet at times seems to understand nothing at all. How can we question their age to travel “alone”? What were they doing in Ecuador? Why did they decide to go backpacking given the current situation? Why did their families “let them” travel? What is a MOTHER thinking when she lets her daughter go backpacking?
Juan Pablo Torres, Ecuadorian lecturer at the Universidad de SEK Ecuador, summarized on Facebook many of the recurring opinions on the case:
Me parece terrible la manera en la que el cobarde asesinato de las dos turistas mendocinas ha explotado lo peor de los seres humanos en redes sociales:
Machistas: “Eso les pasa por andar en Montañita en tanga”
Patriarcas: “Eso les pasa por andar solas”
Fervientes correistas: “El Ministro del Interior solucionó el caso más rápido que en cualquier país”.
Fervientes opositores: “La inseguridad es culpa del gobierno”
Racistas: “Esas chicas tan guapas nunca se hubiesen quedado en la casa de esos”
Clasistas: “Eso es culpa de la pobreza y miseria del sector de Montañita”
Xenófobos: “Por qué tienen que venirse a quejar de la seguridad acá, sino les gusta regresen a Argentina”
Teorías de conspiración: “Les pagaron a dos para que se hagan pasar por los asesinos, porque encubren una red en la que está involucrado el Presidente”
Ultraconservadores: “Eso les pasa por andar drogadas”
Estúpidos (no encuentro una categoría para calificarlos): “Si van a Montañita corren el riesgo de que pase eso”
Estos son comentarios leídos en mi red social, por lo cuál me siento más avergonzado, como es posible que sigamos pensando de manera tan retrograda. […]
I think it's awful how the cowardly killing of the two tourists from Mendoza has exposed the worst of humankind across social media:
Chauvinists: “That's what you get for walking around Montañita in a thong”
Patriarchs: “That's what you get for walking alone”
Fervent government supporters: “The Minister of Interior solved the case quicker than in any other country”
Fervent government adversaries: “The lack of safety is the government's fault”
Racists: “Such pretty girls would never have stayed at those guys’ house”
Classists: “This is all down to the poverty and misery of Montañita”
Xenophobes: “Why do they have to come and moan about the lack of safety here? If they don't like it they can go back to Argentina”
Conspiracy theorists: “Those guys were paid to pass themselves off as the killers; it is all a cover-up to protect the president”
Ultraconservatives: “That's what you get for hanging out high on drugs”
Idiots (I can't find any other category for these people): “If you go to Montañita, you run the risk of this happening”
These are all comments from my social media feeds which leave me totally ashamed. How can such backward thinking still exist in this day and age […]
“We have the right to go and the right to RETURN.” Illustration taken with permission from the Facebook page of Uruguayan illustrator Soledad Voulgaris

author: Gina Yauri


text:
There Are Many, Many Things the Chinese Communist Party Doesn’t Want Shown on TV · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Popular online TV drama “The Addiction” was taken down two weeks ago. Chinese Communist Party guidelines state that homosexuality ought not appear in TV series. Screen capture from YouTube
A set of guidelines that specify what ought not to be shown on television circulated on Chinese social media last week following the abrupt takedown of two popular series, “The Addiction” and “Girl Love“, from online film and television streaming portals.
The document, entitled “General Regulations on Television Content Production”, was distributed last December to the industry by two Chinese Communist Party-affiliated groups, the China Television Drama Production Industry Association and the China Alliance of Radio, Film and Television last December. The idea behind them was to “enact the spirit of Xi Jinping's speech on the National Forum on Literature and Art”, referring to Chinese President Xi Jinping's remarks at that symposium in late 2014 calling on artists to serve the people and conform to communist thinking.
But if producers were to follow the guidelines to the letter, TV would become very boring in China. The document bans “abnormal” sexual behavior, crime scenes, police investigation, violence, deviant acts, stories that deviate from historical facts and literary classics, among other things.
Until now, China's entertainment industry has been following the “Regulation on the Management of TV Drama Content“, which was passed in March 2010 and released to the public by China’s State Administration of Press and Publication, Radio, Film and Television (SARFT). That document lays out 11 principles on content but does not specify what ought not be shown on TV, leaving space for creativity.
However, the line between party and state in China is a hazy one. Li Jingsheng, chief of the television department within SARFT, recently stressed during a conference that the industry should follow the latest guidelines issued by the two party-affiliated groups and that SARFT will ensure online entertainment meets the same standards as broadcast TV. His comments explain why the two popular online dramas were taken down.
Apart from showing gay and lesbian relationships, the party document forbids a laundry list of content that would make for compelling TV and instead appears to leave room only for happy propaganda.
The immediate reaction among Chinese netizens was to wonder what can exactly be shown on TV according to the guidelines. Below is a translation of the section on what shouldn't appear in a TV series (the original Chinese version was circulated via screenshots):
1. Content that contradicts the Chinese path and social system, that is harmful to the country's image, unity and social stability, that:
2. Content that is harmful to national unity:
3. Content that goes against state religious policy:
4. Content that advocates feudal beliefs that go against the scientific spirit:
5. Content that exhibits excessive terror, violence or evil behavior that could induce criminal acts:
6. Content that exhibits obscenity, vulgarity or banality:
7. Content that insults or defames others:
8. Content that distorts and debases national cultural traditions:
9. Content that is harmful to social morale and has a negative impact on underage viewers:
10. Content that is forbidden by laws and regulations:
As one may imagine, the document has attracted all kinds of curses from Chinese netizens, who say it bans creativity and spells doom for the industry. To calm the outrage, one party mouthpiece clarified that the set of guidelines is meant for the industry's “self-regulation”.
Yet, as the takedown of the two popular online TV series indicated, the party guidelines empower authorities to arbitrarily and selectively censor and ban content that they find challenges their ideology.


text:
‘Unmasking the Corrupt’? Transparency International’s Trinidad and Tobago Chapter Is Giving It a Shot · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

Deryck Murray of the Trinidad and Tobago Transparency Institute (TTTI), left, meets Clare Short of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). Photo: EITI. CC 2.0.
In Trinidad and Tobago, and the Caribbean as a whole, corruption is perceived to be enormously high. From public services like housing and utilities, to sports and the tendering process for state contracts, dirty dealing seems to be pervasive.
On Tuesday, March 8, the local chapter of Transparency International — the Trinidad and Tobago Transparency Institute (TTTI) — will host its annual anti-corruption conference in Trinidad's capital city, Port of Spain. Titled “Unmask the Corrupt”, the event boasts the presence of Transparency International's chairman, José Carlos Ugaz, who, prior to his appointment to the TI board, was a Peruvian juror instrumental in the investigation and conviction of the country's former president, Alberto Fujimori, on corruption charges.
Global Voices sat down with Deryck Murray, chairperson of TTTI, to talk about the results of the 2015 Corruption Perception Index (CPI), his organisation's work, and why continued efforts to fight corruption are critical to the region's future.
Global Voices (GV): The results of TI’s 2015 CPI are out. Can you explain how the surveys are actually done?
Deryck Murray (DM): There are 13 accredited surveys across the world, from bodies like the World Economic Forum and the World Bank. A country must have a minimum of three completed surveys — which include things like corruption barometers and economic markers — to be included in the CPI. For instance, Barbados had higher scores than Trinidad and Tobago in previous indexes, but because they did not complete last year's surveys, they do not appear in the 2015 index. [Of the regional territories surveyed in 2015, Jamaica topped the list with a score of 41 and a country ranking of 69. Guyana earned a score of 29 and a ranking of 119.]
GV: Tell us about the 2015 index and where Trinidad and Tobago — and the Caribbean as a whole — fell in the rankings this year.
DM: I'd like to deal with scores and not rankings. Let's start with the good performers. Denmark earned the top score of 91; Trinidad and Tobago scored 39 out of a possible 100. Scores reflect what people think of the countries in question, so in the case of Denmark, for instance, people who participated in the survey perceive that while there may be corruption, there are also tax laws and other types of rule enforcement in place and that if instances of corruption arise, there is a straightforward process to investigate, bring charges, reach conclusions and implement consequences.
I always like to make the education analogy. In school, if you got a mark of 39/100 where does that put you? You fail. When aspiring to your scores, you should be looking to be in the top percentile. As a student, you'd be frightened to show your parents a report card that had a grade of 39. When it comes to the 2015 Corruption Perception Index, that score of 39 has translated into Trinidad and Tobago being ranked #72 in the world. Some might say that's not so bad in a field of 167 countries — we beat 95 others. But the fact that we're ‘better’ than a few other countries is of little comfort to me.
Jamaica was level with us last year, this year they have improved. They brought in procurement legislation, they have a Contractor General who supervises all awards of contracts and who can prosecute allegations of corruption, bribes, etc. There are pending cases in Jamaica and people would look at that and conclude they are better than last year. For Trinidad and Tobago to be better, we have to do those things.
The problem is that we are not doing anything significant to warrant improvements in the scores. We have passed procurement legislation through the house [of parliament] but we have not yet put any mechanism in place to make that legislation respected. It calls for a Regulator and an Office of the Regulator, both of which are not yet in effect. That Regulator needs to establish a schedule of rules by which an assessment of tenders and award of contracts will take place. Until this exists, procurement legislation is just two words. We must implement the provisions in the legislation and make them functional.
GV: So what is TTTI doing to advocate in that regard?
DM: We are working with other civil society groups for them to advocate along the same lines in order to exert greater pressure to implement these measures as quickly as possible. When you look at procurement legislation, even if everything were in place, you still need whistleblower protection. People need to feel free to come forward and speak.
GV: What does TTTI do and why is important to countries – and a region – like ours?
DM: It's important because when you talk about corruption allegations, money laundering, white collar crime, it doesn’t always translate to people that someone is staling their money, stealing opportunities from their children and family, robbing them of services that they are entitled to have — proper education, water, electricity, health care — as citizens of this country. Our work must translate to let people understand what the fight is against; it affects their quality of life. When billions of dollars are stolen, people need to go right down the line and understand that it has cost them a hospital, a school, a recreation ground.
GV: Has this been successful or does the average citizen still not connect the dots?
DM: Success has to be measured incrementally, in the sense that the more people that get the message the more likely it is that our leaders will have to act to end impunity — and that will slowly start to unmask the corrupt.
It’s what I call an anti-corruption package. All our laws have to be synchronized — they are not stand-alone packages — they must work in tandem with one another. For example, when we talk about corruption we usually talk about it in the public service, by public officials, but for the cycle of corruption to work, the private sector would have to pay bribes to the public service. It's a supply and demand situation across the board.
In the conference, people are going to be talking about money laundering and cybercrime…about the way things are done and who you need to have on your payroll to facilitate these illicit transactions. When we highlight these issues, it’s to educate our people about what they really face in terms of being denied development opportunities and merit awards — because even if money isn’t changing hands, there are still issues of nepotism and cronyism that need to be confronted.
GV: What are some of the specific measures we can take?
DM: Implementing and enforcing laws, looking at campaign financing, instituting anti-corruption measures. Many of our institutions are outmoded and our legal system is in backlog. Offenders know this and take the chance because they know there is such a small likelihood that they will never be prosecuted — or even investigated because of the backlog. The judicial system needs to move more quickly. From the judges and magistrates to the lawyers and witnesses, the chain must not be broken.
GV: Has your organisation been using social media to help its cause?
DM: Not sufficiently. We need to be able to do that a lot more. TTTI has stayed close to traditional media — we're interviewed and consulted quite a bit — but social media can allow the issue of transparency to be more embracing of youth, and let them take the lead. The youth arm of TTTI ran an anti-corruption programme in December 2015 and it was brilliant! They incorporated spoken word, poems and skits and brought the message across in a number of different ways so that it really resonated.
GV: Jose Carlos Ugaz, Chairman of Transparency International, will be speaking at the TTTI’s 5th annual anti-corruption conference. What is the significance of his presence?
DM: The top man from TI and the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago will be on the same platform during this conference. What it says is that the CPI 2015 results pose a specific challenge to our country's new government, because it is a benchmark by which to judge themselves and to be judged against going forward. The international focus is on this country because of the presence of José Ugaz. For serious-minded citizens, civil society organisations, ministries, business executives and other people who can have an impact on how business is done, this conference is a must.
The new chair was elected about a year ago. He was a prosecutor in Peru responsible for a significant number of prosecutions, including then-President Fujimori, and he won more than 200 cases against 1,500 members of the Fujimori network. He just went in and started prosecuting everyone associated and it was a major breakthrough. The question we need to ask ourselves is, ‘Why wouldn’t that happen in Trinidad and Tobago?’
GV: Perhaps because people fear victimisation.
DM: That cannot be a reason for everyone to kowtow. You need people to stand up and be counted. The alternative is that your children have to grow up in a corrupt society — buy exam papers, driver’s licenses, jobs. Let's unmask the corrupt. That cannot happen if all the good people run and hide.
GV: Are money laundering and cybercrime huge issues across the region?
DM: The world is so small that you could be sitting in an office somewhere and robbing someone else's bank account across the world. The conference talks about the issues; we need to galvanise the people in regional societies. One approach is the way of the Arab Spring, or you could do it through accepted channels and processes — parliament, advocacy, applying pressure through reasoned arguments to effect change — which is our preferred path.
GV: How do you see the future of the Caribbean when it comes to transparency and good governance?
DM: We have to continue working on it across the region. We have, in the past, engaged other territories to get them to start individual [TI] chapters, but we are also happy to explore the possibility of multi-territorial chapters, since in smaller islands there may be greater pressures on individuals not to speak out. We need to be able to support and encourage formation of chapters. TTTI collaborated with Jamaica, which finally got chapter status at end of 2015, so there are two regional TI chapters now. We are currently working with Guyana to get theirs established.
Combating corruption will be a continual battle; I continue to be optimistic in fighting for improvement and we will succeed. The thing is to be firm in your commitment. I know what my principles are and I'm not going to waver from that. You have to work with other people; it will be slow and gradual, but we have to keep chipping away.
I am perfectly aware that we need 40-somethings down in the trenches doing the hard work, but because most people in my age group are committed, we need to be examples. That is what I’d like to stand for and be known for. And the 40-somethings need to convince the 18-year-olds, who in turn need to convince the kids. It starts from young — we need them to know that integrity succeeds.

author: Janine Mendes-Franco