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Puerto Ricans Take Heart in ‘Hamilton’ Creator Lin-Manuel Miranda’s Success · Global Voices
Ángel Carrión

In addition to the Pulitzer prize, Hamilton won a Grammy award for the best musical theater album back in February. Image from video.
The Puerto Rican press and social media have been active this week with the news that Lin-Manuel Miranda has become the most recent winner of the prestigious Pulitzer prize in the drama genre with his musical Hamilton, which he composed and wrote.
The musical is based on a biography written by Ron Chernow of Alexander Hamilton, who immigrated from the Caribbean to what would become the United States and later served as the country's first treasurer after it gained its independence from Britain. Miranda is the second Puerto Rican to receive that honor, with Quiara Alegria Hudes being the first for her play “Water by the Spoonful” in 2012.
The musical is a sensation on Broadway, where it has received praise from critics and the public. Lin-Manuel, who won the Tony award in 2008 for his musical “In the Heights,” was named one of the most influential people of the year by Time magazine. Filmmaker J.J. Abrams wrote this about him for Time:
Lin-Manuel Miranda conceived, wrote, and stars in this breakthrough masterpiece, cementing his place as one of the most miraculous creative minds of our time. Like Alexander Hamilton, Miranda is a powerful reminder that greatness comes from unlikely places. His Puerto Rican parents’ collection of Broadway-musical records was as strong an influence during his New York City upbringing as the hip-hop he would come to love. There is no recipe for genius, but one can see the disparate elements that Miranda has miraculously seized and synthesized, embraced and celebrated, to create something profoundly moving and wholly original. He has redefined the musical and made us see anew the origins of the remarkable experiment called democracy.
US Congressman for the state of Illinois Luis Gutierrez, who is of Puerto Rican descent, made the following observation while being interviewed by Amy Goodman on independent news channel Democracy Now! He referenced “West Side Story,” a musical and film about opposing gangs in New York City in the 1950s:
Isn’t it a difference when we get to write the scripts for the Broadway plays? The depiction in West Side Story of me and fellow young Puerto Ricans, and today the depiction of us as a community when we get to write the scripts, it’s very, very different. I’m so proud that I live in both the America in which a West Side Story showed us as gangbangers, as foreigners, as people that weren’t from here, and someone who writes about the history of the United States, Hamilton, in a way that all Americans celebrate.
In the publication Dialogo of the University of Puerto Rico, Ana Garcia Roman alluded to the precarious economic and fiscal government situation while reflecting on how welcome news like this is:
En un momento en el que las cosas en la Isla se tornan un poco grises, levantarse con noticias como esta, le sube el ánimo a cualquiera.
In a moment when things on the Island are becoming a little bad, waking up with news like this cheers anyone up.
Certainly, Lin-Manuel Miranda's accomplishment is a very pleasant antidote to the uncertain economic climate that Puerto Rico is living, and one that every Puerto Rican can be proud of. For this week, at least, on the front page of the country's newspapers there was a story that reminds Puerto Ricans of what they are capable of.

author: Ángel Carrión


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The Next Attack on Russia’s Free Press Comes Into Focus · Global Voices
Kevin Rothrock

The news agency RBC finds itself in trouble. Image edited by Kevin Rothrock.
Someone in Russia desperately wants people to think the billionaire Mikhail Prokhorov is preparing to sell off two particularly important assets: the energy company Quadra and the media holding group RBC. The rumors, which have circulated for years, have become so persistent that Prokhorov’s investment group, Onexim, didn’t even have time to deny the latest gossip before it could appear on Sunday, April 24, in a long article published on Gazeta.ru, titled “Prokhorov Selling Off Assets.”
Mikhail Prokhorov, who ran a relatively gentle presidential campaign against Vladimir Putin in 2012, has found himself in trouble this month. On April 11, the television network REN-TV aired two segments about Onexim: one accusing Quandra of inflating housing and utilities prices in the city of Lipetsk, and another claiming that Prokhorov hides his wealth in offshore accounts. Three days later (the same day that Vladimir Putin addressed the nation on television in his 3.5-hour-long “Q&A”), federal police raided the offices of several firms owned by Prokhorov, including Onexim’s office in Moscow. A spokesman for the government later said the searches were part of a separate investigation, though officers think they found evidence during the search that implicates Onexim in tax evasion.
Immediately after the raids, the television station Dozhd cited two anonymous sources inside RBC in a report claiming that the searches at Onexim’s office were part of a campaign to pressure Prokhorov into selling his news company, RBC. The newspaper Kommersant, meanwhile, said its own sources explained the raids as an effort by the authorities to influence RBC’s editorial policy. The Kremlin’s spokesman, Dmitry Peskov, later denied (in particularly strong terms) any connection between RBC’s editorial policy, the work of investigators, and the government.
On April 21, matters got a bit worse for Prokhorov when an anonymous blogger named Vredina999 shared screencaps of an article published on RBC about the difficulties ahead for Russia’s plan to privatize shares in various state enterprises, in order to plug budget shortfalls. In the images leaked by Vredina999, RBC appears to have published (by accident) a note written by one of the news agency’s editors addressed to the reporters working on the story. In the editorial notes, the authors were told to find an analyst who would criticize President Putin for limiting which companies can bid on shares in Russia’s state companies. (The final copy of RBC's article does feature expert commentary from an economist to this effect exactly.)
RBC accidentally publishes an unfinished story, including a slightly embarrassing editorial note. Image: Ruposters.ru
Vredina999’s discovery really started making waves when it was picked up the next day by the pro-Kremlin news website Ruposters (which is headed by the former Kremlin staff member Stanislav Apetyan). In its report, Ruposters described RBC’s editorial notes as instructions on finding the “correct opinion.” Egor Timofeev, RBC’s spokesperson, responded that the leaked notes were simply ordinary editorial questions, and not part of a diabolical effort to inject ideology into the agency’s stories.
According to the newspaper Gazeta.ru, officials in the Kremlin have grown deeply impatient with RBC’s independent reporting, becoming particularly angry with the news agency since it published information about Katerina Tikhonova, Putin’s alleged daughter, and Kirill Shamalov, her alleged husband. (Gazeta.ru decided not to publish hyperlinks to these stories, perhaps fearing direct ties to the materials.) After both these reports (in January 2015 and December 2015, respectively), Reuters ran stories focused on these individuals’ relationship to Putin.
Also, following the release of the so-called “Panama Papers,” RBC’s print newspaper ran a frontpage story about illicit offshore accounts. The story’s featured image was a photograph of Putin. (In response, one of Russia’s loudest pundits and most vocal Kremlin supporters, Dmitry Kiselyov, used his television show on April 10 to denounce RBC as a “Russian assistant” to American propagandists.)
Dmitry Kiselyov displays RBC's controversial frontpage. Image: Tjournal.ru
Meanwhile at RBC, Elizveta Osetinskaya, the news agency’s chief editor and arbiter of major policy decisions, will soon depart on an extended sabbatical. Earlier in April, RBC announced that she would relocate temporarily to Stanford University in September. Just a few weeks later, however, it was revealed that Osetinskaya will be taking her leave of absence starting even sooner (in May).

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Kevin Rothrock


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The ‘Urabá Diaries’ Lay Bare the Struggles and Hopes of Young People in Colombia’s North · Global Voices
Marco Sarmiento

Photo: Road to Urabá, photography of Wikimedia Commons, from the public domain.
Diarios de Urabá (Urabá Diaries), a series published on the blogging platform Medium, offers a window into the lives of people living in the agricultural and cattle ranching region of the north of Colombia. The Diarios bring together stories, as told by educators working in the region, of everyday struggles of the residents there, whose trials and tribulations would otherwise be little known had it not been for the space they created for themselves online.
Written in a clear style of language, the Diarios takes readers closer to the students trying to get an education and find a future for themselves in a place “where the roads, although in poor condition, are watched over by a magnificent vegetation of a thousand colours”:
El agua es un bien escaso, pero abundan las soluciones para encontrarla. Por eso en nuestro Urabá cordobés la lluvia es sinónimo de felicidad. En esta tierra de contrastes y absurdos hay personas dispuestas a recorrer horas de camino, desafiando las condiciones del medio, para ir a la escuela.
Water is very scarce, but there are many solutions for finding it. That is why in our Cordoban Urabá, rain is synonymous with happiness. In this land of contrasts and absurdity, there are people willing to traverse hours of path, braving the environmental conditions, in order to go to school.
Urabá was one of the areas of Colombia that suffered an “armed strike” (a forced strike) during the first days of April, ordered by the criminal organisation known as the Clan Úsuga. This group could very well become an important actor in Colombia if a peace agreement between the government and the guerrilla groups that have been fighting for more than 50 years is signed.
The Colombian conflict has gone through numerous phases, but it can be viewed as the continuation of a fight over land ownership and the political orientation of the people, who is constantly caught in the middle between the two opposing sides.
In the complex Colombian context, what is it like to live within a region in conflict? To totter between armed groups and the struggle to work the land? The Diarios have been inactive for months, but the testimonies haven't lost their strength or their relevance. Readers can still, for however briefly, follow the journey of those who are ultimately first in the firing line of the country's political and economic tug-of-war.
Ángel, who features in the Diarios, could very well be one teenager more in the region where cattle is the wealth of a few landowners. On this land emerged the right-wing paramilitaries as a counter to the leftist guerrillas. Ángel grew up seeing his father work for the paramilitaries, and at the age of 12, he followed in his footsteps. By that time, his parents had separated and he was faced with the dilemma of incorporating himself fully into the criminal group or following his dreams of being a footballer like Cristiano Ronaldo.
One day he finally decided — he packed his bags and went to find his mother:
Después de un tiempo la vida lejos de su mamá empezó a hacerse más difícil, no solo la extrañaba sino que también se enfrentaba con la obligación de vincularse formalmente al grupo para el que trabajaba esporádicamente, lo que significaba dejar su familia, su colegio y su sueño de ser como Cristiano Ronaldo. Ángel no es una persona que este dispuesta a renunciar a sus sueños tan fácilmente, así que alistó maletas y se fue a buscar a su mamá para, al igual que ella, empezar de nuevo
After some time, living far from his mum became more difficult. Not only did he miss her, but he was also faced with the obligation to be formally linked to the group that he had sporadically been working for, which would mean leaving his family, his school and his dream of being like Cristiano Ronaldo. Ángel isn't someone who is willing to give up his dreams so easily, so he got his suitcases ready and left in search of his mum to, in the same way as her, start afresh.
Ángel's world is not the same as that of Richar, who is also the focus of one of the stories told in the Diarios. Richar lives in an isolated community, where an aqueduct and sewage system are too much of a luxury. Richar is a chilapo, a derogatory term used for those who are a mix of indigenous and black, and he is offended when he is associated with either of these ethnicities. This is perhaps because of displacement, also a product of the armed conflict; his grandparents with whom he lives haven't communicated this cultural heritage to him:
La escuela tendría entonces esa responsabilidad. En el área de ciencias sociales Los Estándares de Educación le apuntan al desarrollo de pensamiento crítico frente a diversos temas entre los cuales se encuentran: respeto por los derechos humanos e inclusión social. Cada institución educativa debe adecuar su plan de trabajo para lograr estos objetivos teniendo cierta libertad para decidir cómo, de acuerdo con su contexto.
Sin embargo el plan de área del colegio de Richar, al igual que el de muchos otros colegios, no fue elaborado pensando en las necesidades de los estudiantes que atiende, sino que fue copiado de Internet
The school would then have that responsibility. In the area of social sciences, education standards are aiming at the development of critical thinking in the face of various issues, among which are the respect for human rights and social inclusion. Every educational institution must adapt its work plan to reach these objectives, with some freedom to decide how to fit its individual context.
However, the work plan of Richar's school, as well as many other schools, was not developed with the needs of the students attending in mind, but was copied from the internet.
Without these values incorporated, the quality of education received not only suffers, but intolerance appears in its place:
“Richar cree que llamar a alguien indio o negro es un insulto, se resiste a aceptar hombres con el pelo largo, personas con tatuajes, mujeres solteras, acentos diferentes y diversidad religiosa. Esto significa que las futuras generaciones no tendrán las herramientas para construir la sociedad cohesionada y en paz que desde hace más de cincuenta años pretende el país.”
Richar believes that calling someone “Indian” or “black” is an insult, he is opposed to accepting men with long hair, people with tattoos, single women, different accents and religious diversity. This means that future generations will not have the tools to construct the united and peaceful society that the country has been hoping for, for more than 50 years.
But the reflection goes beyond that. Instead of an integrated vision of education, the government is bringing about the opposite:
Permiten la realización de ciertas actividades, como “El Día de la Antioqueñidad”, que lo único que genera es profundizar en los regionalismos, culpables de la segregación al interior de las comunidades con el imaginario de superioridad cultural.
Esta celebración conmemora del día de la independencia del departamento en 1813. Sin embargo la celebración no tiene ningún tinte histórico sino que se limita a exaltar el sector más poderoso del departamento, hacendados y empresarios blancos, olvidando que la historia antioqueña la han escrito también negros, mestizos, indígenas, desplazados, costeños. Al igual que en los demás departamentos de este país fragmentado por las ideas regionalistas.
They allow certain activities to be carried out, like “El día de la Antioqueñidad” [a day to celebrate all things Antioquian], which is only deepening regionalism, guilty of the segregation within communities that have imagined superiority.
This celebration commemorates the day of independence for the department in 1813. However, the celebration doesn't have any historical tinges, but rather is limited to praising the most powerful sector of the department — white landowners and businessmen — forgetting that the history of Antioquia has also been written by black people, people of mixed race, indigenous people, displaced people, and coastal dwellers. It is the same for other departments of this country, fragmented by regionalist ideas.
Joseph, who features in an entry titled Cuando sea grande quiero ser (When I grow up I want to be), wants to break this exclusion. He was born in Itsmina, a town in the neighbouring department of Chocó, which is said to be the poorest in Colombia, where the population of people of African descent is the majority. Because of this, when the teacher in ethics class asked his pupils to imagine how they will be when they are older, Joseph was unable to respond. But it was then that he realised his calling. At night he imagined the rest of his life and he saw himself in a classroom teaching. Eventually, Joseph studied at the Technological University of Chocó, completed his degree in physical education, and moved to Urabá in pursuit of his dreams.
Joseph is sensible, has formed a family and meets the requirements of his work. Nevertheless, the government, always at a distance, demands quality from its people without giving them the means to achieve it. This has become a nightmare for the young teacher. In spite of this, neither the difficult environment nor the indifference that his teaching colleagues communicate to their pupils, nor the pointless meetings that go nowhere, convince him to give up, as has happened to others.
Diarios de Urabá exposes with concern how the “Escuela Nueva” (New School) model, imposed because of the shortage of students, fosters an unsatisfactory education. It also explains how religious institutions are taking hold of the system, which is supposed to be secular according to the country's constitution.
Nevertheless, hope remains, thanks to those who are waging one of the most important battles of the region:
“Menos mal [que esta] región está plagada de soñadores, líderes y personas dispuestas a demostrar que su historia no definirá su futuro.”
Thankfully [this] region is plagued by dreamers, leaders, and people who are willing to prove that its history will not define its future.

author: Marco Sarmiento


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After Weeks of Scorching Heat, Myanmar Is Hit by the Worst Hailstorm in 50 Years · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Kakku pagodas in southern Shan State damaged after strong winds. Photo by Myanmar Army Commander-in-Chief Office / Facebook. Photo taken from The Irrawaddy, content partner of Global Voices.
A rare hailstorm recently hit several provinces of Myanmar, at a time when the whole country is experiencing a prolonged drought caused by rising temperatures. Strong winds struck Mandalay, Sagaing and the states of Shan and Chin, while hailstones as big as golf balls rained down on these regions.
More than 1,700 pagodas and 7,500 houses were damaged across the country. Authorities described the freak hailstorm as the worst in 50 years.
Many residents were surprised to see hailstones in the middle of summer. Currently, Myanmar is struggling to cope from the harsh impact of the El Niño weather phenomenon. Water shortages are affecting both urban and rural residents, especially farmers who are dependent on rain for the cultivation of their crops. According to hospitals, heat stroke cases are on the rise because of the hot weather.
Meteorologists said the extreme weather events are related to the “atmospheric instability” in the region.
Below are some of the hailstorm photos shared by Myanmar Internet users:
Hail Stone in Myanmar. pic.twitter.com/T13ZFd1xU8
— Htun Naing (@htunnaing68) April 24, 2016
Strong wind & massive hail storm hit some villages in SintKai tsp at Mandalay region. Source: Mizzima news pic.twitter.com/AxmIqI2Nn4
— zawzaw (@Socllab) April 23, 2016
Hail in Mandalay and Sagaing ,Myanmar.. That was creepy.Never seen that much before o.O pic.twitter.com/tVWU0DhGlC
— Wint Jamie (@WintJames24) April 25, 2016
#Hailstones at my home back door  Photo taken by Dad. (23Apr16)
A photo posted by WinLei Phyu (@winleiphyu) on

author: Mong Palatino


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Ecuadorians Come Together Online to Help Those Affected by the Earthquake · Global Voices
Daniela Gallardo

Screenshot of video taken in Quito, the capital of Ecuador.
It is a tragedy that has united 14 million residents. As Global Voices reported, during the evening of April 16, 2016, Ecuador's coast was shaken from north to south by a 7.8-magnitude earthquake, one of the worst to hit Latin America in the last decade. The epicenter was located in the Pacific Ocean at a depth of 20 kilometers, and 697 aftershocks were felt after the initial tremor. The strongest aftershock, which registered 6.2 on the Richter scale, took place during the early morning of April 20, as the Geophysical Institute of Ecuador confirmed via its Twitter account (@IGecuador).
This event has made people forget about their political and social differences. Personal approval or rejection of the national government's policies were put aside in order to help the most affected provinces: Esmeraldas, Manabí, Santa Elena, Guayas, Los Ríos and Santo Domingo de los Tsáchilas, all belonging to the coastal region. Hundreds of buildings were reduced to rubble in just minutes. Roads were damaged. The touristic center of Ecuador was devastated.
Este es el edifico de las calles Ayacucho y García Moreno #Guayaquil que se desplomó con el #TerremotoEcuador. pic.twitter.com/PnTpZMXXZu
— LaHistoria (@lahistoriaec) April 17, 2016
This is the building on Ayacucho and Garcia Moreno streets in #Guayaquil which collapsed during the earthquake #EarthquakeEcuador
For those Ecuadorians watching in horror from abroad, all they could do was wait for news to trickle out of the affected areas. Ecuadorian journalist Sabrina Duque, who currently resides in Lisbon, spoke with alternative news site GkillCity about what it's like to experience the tragedy from distance:
Cuando estás lejos y no puedes abrazar a quien quieres, la tragedia te duele de una forma diferente. ¿Cómo puedes ayudar si no puedes poner manos a la obra? Enviar donaciones al consulado más cercano o depositar dinero en la Cruz Roja te sabe a poco. Quieres estar ahí, y ayudar a alguien. Conversar con alguna persona en busca de desahogarse del susto que se ha llevado. Llevar a los niños a jugar al parque, para que se olviden un momento de la tristeza y sus padres puedan poner en orden la cabeza. O simplemente quieres estar ahí para abrazar a tu mamá.
When you are far away and you cannot embrace who you want, tragedy hurts in a different way. How can you help if you cannot be there to lend a hand? Send donations to the nearest consulate or give money to the Red Cross about which you know little. You want to be there and help someone. Talk to someone who is looking to unburden the scare he has experienced. Take the kids to play in the park, so they can forget about the sadness for a moment, and so that their parents can sort out their thoughts. Or you just want to be there to hug your mom.
Social media has served as a great support not only for Ecuadorians abroad, but also for those on the ground. The first news of the earthquake came from Facebook and Twitter users who used the hashtags #TerremotoEcuador (#EarthquakeEcuador) and #SismoEcuador (#SeismEcuador) to report what was happening in their locations. Then #DesaparecidosEc (#MissingEc) was created to identify missing persons, which the country's Ministry of the Interior used to search for victims. Reporting those who had been rescued was done through #EncontradosEc (#FoundEc).
Likewise, volunteers coordinated using the hashtag #SeNecesitaEC (#NeededEc) for collecting food, clothing and medicine. #SeOfreceEc (#OfferedEc) is useful for users who want to make donations. Minister of Production, Employment and Competitiveness Vinicio Alvarado has posted updates on his Twitter account about the financial support that the country has received from the private sector.
The #EcuadorListoYSolidario (#EcuadorReadyAndUnited) is used throughout the day to send messages of encouragement to those affected. The government has also created the website of the same name, Ecuador listo y solidario, to register volunteers and to communicate the status of transport routes, the collection centers for donations and recommendations for emergencies.
¿Buscas un familiar extraviado?, ingresa su información en esta plataforma #DesaparecidosEC http://1.usa.gov/1VxcvRX
— Min Interior Ecuador (@MinInteriorEc) 18 de abril de 2016
Are you looking for a missing relative?, enter their information on this platform #MissingEc
200 personas entre voluntarios y funcionarios ayudan en #Manta #EcuadorListoYSolidario pic.twitter.com/OTajOla7xn
— El Ciudadano (@ElCiudadano_ec) 19 de abril de 2016
200 people, including volunteers and staff, help in Manta, Ecuador #EcuadorReadyAndUnited
#EncontradosEc estas son algunas de las personas que fueron encontrabas en buen estado de salud #OremosporEcuador pic.twitter.com/4N4BC45oGh
— Abigail Jacome (@abigailj23) 18 de abril de 2016
#FoundEc these are some of the people who were found in good health #Let'sPrayForEcuador
A group of Ecuadorian hacktivists designed Divi-Damos, a free digital tool to manage the donations being collected throughout the country. The purpose of the platform is to make decisions based on an up-close understanding of the situation on the ground. Thus, agencies that are in charge of the distribution of donations can estimate what is received, request what is needed, and know in real time about the delivery of supplies to those who need it.
Another citizen initiative is Mapping Ecuador, a digital map that facilitates the set-up of routes for the delivery of aid to the victims of Manabí and Esmeraldas, the regions most affected by the earthquake. At the same time, this allows the authorities to rebuild the cities affected by the earthquake.
The creators of the tool have focused on publicizing its use and teaching many people how to build maps. More explanations can be found in this Spanish-language Hangout created by the group:
More Hangouts and tutorials are shared under the hashtag #MappingEcuador.
On April 20, Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa announced the implementation of economic measures to address the damages and costs of the earthquake. Some of the measures include an increase in taxes and the creation of new contributions, which provoked reactions on social media. On Twitter, the #EcuadorNoConfiaEnCorrea (#EcuadorDoesn'tTrustCorrea) trend continued for several hours and supported the citizen initiatives over those of the government.
Presidente que le pasa la factura del desastre a todos el País y no busca soluciones alternativas para emergencias #EcuadorNoConfiaEnCorrea
— Roberto Díaz Macias (@rodiazmacias) 22 de abril de 2016
A president who passes the bill for the disaster on to the whole country and does not seek alternative solutions for emergencies #EcuadorDoesn'tTrustCorrea
El ciudadano se ha empoderado de la organización de la colaboración, no hubo necesidad de que [el presidente Rafael Correa] este en el país #EcuadorNoConfiaEnCorrea
— Betty Manzur (@BettyManzur) 22 de abril de 2016
Citizens have taken charge of all the organizing and the collaboration, there was no need for Rafael Correa in this country #EcuadorDoesn'tTrustCorrea
Some even organized a sit-in and donation drive for April 28 to protest. “The country is in an emergency and [the ruling party] Alianza País has politicized the situation!” a press release, tweeted below, read. “As civil society, we've organized ourselves effectively on various fronts to offer our support to those who need it today, without interference from this authoritarian and populist government.”
Apoyemos al #PlantónSolidario, la sociedad civil puede y debe organizarse. #EcuadorNoConfiaEnCorrea
Favor leer: pic.twitter.com/qOJcRvdhta
— Rocío Carpio (@marocape) 22 de abril de 2016
Let us support the #SolidaritySitIn, civil society can and should be organized. #EcuadorDoesn'tTrustCorrea
As of April 24, the Department of Risk Management and local media reported 655 people dead; and 4,605 injured. The Pedernales canton (north of the Manabí province) has been hit the hardest — 80% of the area, home to about 50,000 residents, is destroyed, and the cost to rebuild it, according to the government, is approximately $240 million.
Authorities have made a plea to the public to distribute information about the earthquake responsibly. They request that users, in their digital collaboration efforts, turn to official sources of information in order not to spread panic in the affected areas.
En estos momentos es importante informarnos en medios y cuentas oficiales #EcuadorListoYSolidario
— TC Televisión (@tctelevision) 20 de abril de 2016
In these moments it is important to get informed through official media and accounts #EcuadorReadyAndUnited
Online discussions and volunteer efforts continue, and while people still may disagree over the way the country is run, every donation made in the spirit of aid is helping to heal the extreme political polarization that was until recently dividing Ecuador:
Nunca subestimen el valor de una palabra de aliento!! #TerremotoEcuador pic.twitter.com/l6QczLi5ks
— Gabino Torres (@gabinotorres) April 19, 2016
Tweet: Never underestimate the value of a word of encouragement!! #EarthquakeEcuador
Image: Keep it up! You're not alone. Together we're more. Strength! Strength! Keep it up!

author: Daniela Gallardo


text:
French Activists Say If You Are Harassed or You See Harassment on the Street, Speak Up · Global Voices
Rakotomalala

‘Hey sweetie, how are you?’ ‘You, you look hot.’ ‘Nice tail! ” Screenshot from the Hé’ app by Stop Harcèlement de Rue, which simulates sexual harassment in the street.
Unfortunately, sexual harassment of women in public spaces is nothing new in France, just as it is in other parts of the world. A French amateur survey on Google Forms, which has gathered over 5,000 responses since it was created in 2013, shows that 94% of respondents say they have been a victim of physical or verbal street harassment. With regards to the frequency of harassment, 32% replied: ‘at least once a week’.
Another study carried out by the Thomson Reuters foundation in 2014, revealed that 85% of women in Paris “have little faith” that anyone would come to their aide if they were assaulted on the metro. A different study found 41% of women in Paris claim to have been subjected to physical violence (a pinch on the bottom, a grope, or even rape).
However, various France-based organisations such as Projet Crocodile (The Crocodile Project), Paye Ta Shneck (Pay Your Squeeze) and Stop Harcèlement de Rue (Stop Street Harassment) are all fighting to raise awareness of street harassment and educate the public on why it is unacceptable in the hopes of eradicating it forever.
They also provide strategies for those who witness or experience such acts. One such technique is to create a diversion, as illustrated by Vincent Lahouze, an artist based in Paris, France. He recounted on his blog how he ended a potentially dangerous situation of harassment in the Parisian metro:
La jeune femme avait le visage tourné vers la vitre, elle semblait tétanisée. Je me suis approché encore, pour écouter ce que l’homme lui disait, collé à elle. (Toi j’vais te baiser tu sais oh oui j’vais te baiser salement et tu vas aimer ça hein bien sûr que tu vas aimer ça mmh allez t’écoutes ce que j’dis petite pute réponds petite salope j’sais que tu en as envie je l’ai vu dans ton regard de petite chienne en chaleur fallait pas porter une jupe si t’es pas intéressée ouais toi j’vais te baiser…) La jeune femme ne disait rien, le regard fixé sur son reflet, sans sourire, pétrifiée. [..] C’est fou comme la peur nous paralyse dans ces moments-là, vraiment.
Mais je me suis assis à côté d’eux et tout en croisant le regard de la jeune femme, je lui ai dit, Hey Camille! Ça faisait un bail que je ne t’avais pas vue! Comment ça va, ma cousine? puis me tournant vers l’homme, avec un grand sourire, je ne vous dérange pas, j’espère? Ces quelques mots ont suffit à la jeune femme pour reprendre vie, et comprenant ce que je tentais de faire m’a suivi dans ma brève comédie familiale. L’homme a immédiatement retiré sa main, comme si les fils de sa marionnette venaient de se couper, comme s’il venait de se brûler au contact de la peau de la jeune femme. Sans un regard, il s’est levé, et il est sorti de la rame sans se retourner.
The young woman had her face turned to the window, she seemed petrified. I approached closer, to hear what the man was saying to her in her ear, while pinning her in her corner. He whispered to her: ‘I'm going to take you good, you know, I'm going to have you hard and you're going to love it. Of course, you're going to love it …listen to what I'm saying, you little b*tch, answer me, you little whore, I know you want it, I saw it in your little slut face…You shouldn't wear a skirt if you're not up for it, yeah you, I'm going to take you…’ The young woman said nothing, her gaze fixed on her reflection, frozen, paralyzed with fear. […] It's crazy how fear can paralyse us in moments like this.
I sat down next to them and, catching the young women's eye, I said to her, ‘Hey Camille! I haven't seen you for ages! How's it going, cousin?’ then, turning towards the man with a big smile, ‘I'm not bothering you, I hope?’  These few words were enough to bring the young woman back to life and, understanding what I was trying to do, she played along with my brief family reunion make-believe. The man retracted his hand immediately, as if his puppet strings had just been cut, as if he had just burnt himself on the young woman's skin. He got up and left the carriage without so much as a look back.
Below is a poster from Stop Harcèlement de Rue which explains how to react if harassed:
How to react when faced with street harassment: 1) State the problem: ‘Your hand is on my thigh’; 2) The impact: ‘It makes me uncomfortable’; 3) The solution: ‘Remove it’.
Stop Harcèlement de Rue encourages people to speak up if they see their friends or strangers harassing someone. The organisation also released a mobile app last year called Hé! (Hey!) which simulates street harassment for anyone who has never experienced it personally.
In 2015, the government introduced a plan to combat sexist violence in the street. An awareness campaign was launched to promote “a free conversation on the subject of street harassment”, including video advertisements such as this one (with English subtitles):
In an interview with newspaper Le Figaro in March 2015, Secretary of State for Women's Rights Pascale Boistard explained why the government introduced the plan:
Il faut que chacun sache comment réagir face à des situations inacceptables. Nous réfléchissons également à la façon dont de nouvelles technologies peuvent permettre aux voyageurs importunés comme aux témoins de prévenir les forces de l'ordre de façon discrète, comme avec un SMS ou via une application dédiée. Mais le plus important, à mes yeux, est de faire prendre conscience aux femmes de leurs droits.
Everyone should know how to react when faced with an unacceptable situation. We also consider the ways in which new technologies can allow both hassled travellers and witnesses alike to alert the police in a discreet manner, for example by text or via a dedicated application. But the most important, in my eyes, is to make women more aware of their rights.
Further French-language resources against harassment are available in the toolkit page of the Stop Street Harassment project and at the NON, c'est non (No means No) project.

author: Rakotomalala


text:
Iranian Cartoonist Atena Farghadani’s Prison Sentence Reduced From 12 Years to 18 Months · Global Voices
Tori Egherman

Atena Farghadani stood trial in 2015 for charges that included insulting members of parliament and spreading propaganda against the system. Image taken from the “Free Atena” Facebook page.
Activist and cartoonist Atena Farghadani is set to be released from prison in Iran after an appeals court reduced her sentence from 12 years to 18 months.
On April 25, Journalism is Not a Crime, an organization that documents persecution of Iranian journalists, reported that she will be freed on May 11, 2016, according to her lawyer.
In 2015, Farghadani went on trial in Iran for a cartoon about access to contraception. In it, she portrayed members of Iran's parliament as animals. At the time, the country's parliament was voting on a bill to limit access to voluntary contraception.
She was tried in what is called a Revolutionary Court, which are known to hand down harsh sentences for minor offenses.
In June 2015, Farghadani was convicted on charges of spreading propaganda against the system, insulting members of parliament through paintings, and insulting the supreme leader, and sentenced to 12 years in prison. At the time, Hadi Ghaemi of the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran commented, “The peaceful expression of dissent remains a red line in Iran. Cross it and you risk prison time.”
According to Human Rights Watch, Farghadani may have been a particular target because of her connection to the families of political prisoners who died in prison following Iran's flawed presidential elections in 2009.
Throughout her custody, Farghadani has faced violence at the hands of authorities. According to a report from the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran (see pdf):
On 10 January 2015, Ms. Atena Farghdani was summoned to branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court, where she was arrested and subsequently beaten in front of her parents. Upon Ms. Atena’s protest, she was taken to a court room, where she was insulted and beaten again, this time allegedly in front of a court judge. […] Of the two months in detention, she reportedly spent 20 days in solitary confinement and was also subject to a harsh bodily search and mistreatment. She also allegedly engaged in a hunger strike to protest her prison conditions, lack of access to defense lawyer and contacts with family members.
According to a different UN report, she was also “reportedly forced to take virginity and pregnancy tests,” which Iranian authorities justified as a response to “allegations of sexual assault against her on some websites.”
Pulitzer Prize winning cartoonist Ann Telnaes urged vigilance to ensure Farghadani is released:
To my cartooning colleagues around the world: let's keep watching and speaking out for Atena Farghadani https://t.co/nYfb7t9cJO
— Ann Telnaes (@AnnTelnaes) April 25, 2016
For past coverage on Global Voices of Atena Farghadani's case:

author: Tori Egherman


text:
Latin America’s Women Confront Sexual Harassment By Sharing Their Stories of Abuse · Global Voices
Elizabeth Rivera

“Do not let it happen again.” Photo from the Flickr account of Pablo Fernández. Used under CC 2.0 licence.
Over the past few days, the Twitter hashtag #MiPrimerAcoso (“My First Assault”) has accumulated tweets from tens of thousands of women relating harrowing testimonies of their first – and often not their last – experiences with sexual harassment.
This conversation began on social networks in support of a nationwide protest against sexist violence, called “Vivas Nos Queremos” (“We Want Us Alive”), that was held in several cities throughout Mexico on April 24, 2012.
Online the movement hasn't been limited to people in Mexico, and women from other Latin American countries have also dared to share their painful experiences.
¿Cuándo y cómo fue tu primer acoso? Hoy a partir de las 2pmMX usando el hashtag #MiPrimerAcoso. Todas tenemos una historia, ¡levanta la voz!
— (e)stereotipas (@e_stereotipas) April 23, 2016
When and what was your first encounter with sexual harassment? Today from 2pm (Mexican time) use the hashtag #MiPrimerAcoso. We all have a story, speak out!
Asked to share stories about the first time they were sexually harassed, most women have recalled assaults that occurred in childhood. Here are some Twitter users demonstrating just how early such violence begins:
Tenía 12 años. Estaba en la puerta del colegio esperando para entrar. Pasó un tipo y me metió la mano por debajo del jumper. #MiPrimerAcoso
— Nam (@namirita) April 24, 2016
I was 12 years old. I was at the school gate waiting to enter. A guy passed by and put his hand underneath my jumper. My First Assault
#MiPrimerAcoso tenía 11 años y un tipo pasó en una bicicleta y me apretó un seno. Una señora en la calle me culpó por llevar esa blusa.
— Barbie Barrio (@salta_violetta) April 23, 2016
My First Assault: I was 11 years old and a guy passed by on a bicycle and squeezed my breast. A lady in the street blamed me for wearing that blouse.
Estaba en el bondi.13 años.El tipo apoyó sus genitales en mi hombro.Me quedé quieta.No supe q hacer.Me dió asco y vergüenza #MiPrimerAcoso
— CONNIE ® (@connieansaldi) April 24, 2016
I was on the tram. 13 years old. The guy put his genitals on my shoulder. I stood still. I didn’t know what to do. I was disgusted and ashamed. My First Assault.
#MiPrimerAcoso: Tenía como 8 años iba sentada en el camión y un estúpido me pegó su miserable pene en el brazo. Iba con mi madre,no le dije.
— Alma Maldonado (@almaldo2) April 23, 2016
My First Assault: I was about 8 years old, I was seated on the bus and an idiot stuck his miserable penis on my arm. I was with my mother, I did not tell her.
#MiPrimerAcoso Como 6 años. Un señor me sentó en sus piernas y metió la mano bajo mi vestido. Me quité disimuladamente porque me dio pena.
— Silvea (@loverita) April 23, 2016
My First Assault: About 6 years old. A man sat me on his lap and reached a hand under my dress. I moved away covertly because I was ashamed.
#miprimeracoso Cuando tenía 5 años un Tio, mayor de 40 años, me levantó para cargarme y luego dedearme mis genitales bajo el vestido.
— Tatiana García (@Tatatiu) April 23, 2016
My First Assault: When I was 5 years old a guy, who was more than 40 years old, picked me up to hold me and then fingered my genitals underneath my dress.
#MiPrimerAcoso tenía 8 años. Mi vecino adolescente me llevó a un lugar recóndito, me bajó los pantalones para tocarme. Logré escapar.
— Sndy (@pistolitabumbum) April 24, 2016
My First Assault: I was 8 years old. My teenage neighbor took me to a secluded place, and pulled down my pants to touch me. I managed to escape.
Reading through women's stories, Karina Velázquez wondered how skeptics might respond:
Llegando y leyendo #MiPrimerAcoso y casi todas hablan de edades impresionantes: 4, 6, 8, 11…Ahora digan “por provocadoras”, quiero ver…
— Karina Velázquez (@karyva) April 23, 2016
Arriving and reading My First Assault tweets and almost all of them speak of shocking ages: 4, 6, 8, 11… Now say it's “because we’re provocative,” I want to see it…
For those who preferred to participate anonymously, there was also an online space on Facebook:
Si quieres contar #MiPrimerAcoso anónimamente envía un mensaje privado a https://t.co/xlyPGkEghG y lo publicaremos desde la cuenta
— (e)stereotipas (@e_stereotipas) April 23, 2016
If you would like to speak about My First Assault anonymously send a private message to facebook.com/estereotipas/ and we will publish it from our account.
Here is one of dozens of the testimonies submitted anonymously:
#MiPrimerAcoso pic.twitter.com/bxWU5xQkmf
— (e)stereotipas (@e_stereotipas) April 23, 2016
My First Assault: My parents worked and I would wait leaning out the window until they returned, I was about 10 years old and a teenage neighbor came up to my window, lowered his shorts, and began to masturbate, urging me to touch him, until I fell from the little chair that I was using while trying to get away. I never returned to wait for my parents at the window, nor did I let my little sister who was 5 years younger do it either.
Another recurring theme was the silence in which many women endure sexual harassment on an almost daily basis. Whether it is because of embarrassment, guilt, or helplessness, many women have chosen to say nothing. Others say they did speak up, but were ridiculed or not believed, and so they decided to kept further incidents to themselves, until now:
pic.twitter.com/KnAXcJKb9W
— A Eme (@alejandraemeuve) April 23, 2016
The boys at the public pool who took turns swimming past me to touch my butt while I was in the pool with my little sister, and I had no idea what to do. The guy in shabby clothes who followed me for two blocks, masturbating. The taxi driver that stopped in front of me and demanded that I get in the car. The man that cornered me on the street with his truck while I was walking home alone, until a bus rescued me. The guy who approached me at the entrance of the movie theater where I was waiting for my friends and told me: “come, you will go with me to the movie that you want.” The drugged-up kid who last Thursday screamed at me: “you’re going to like it!” while he walked fast behind me, until fortunately I arrived at the bus stop and he then began to harass other people (how lucky). The ex-boyfriend who, for many years, too many years, did with my body what he pleased every time he drank too much, and then later remembered nothing. The subtle acts of people close to me as well as people I don’t know, which make me feel uncomfortable, like I should suddenly cover up my body, or take off running. And all that I can’t even manage to remember right now. Cities that are full of death traps. Families that are full of silence. All the harassers that with small and large actions add to the layers of fear. It is not about convincing anyone that there’s a problem; it's about getting rid of the problem, starting with saying it, demarcating it, and seeing it. And I swallow my own words a little bit: while I still believe that there aren’t any universal codes with which to respond, we don’t “have to” say anything, nor are there standards for brave victims or cowardly victims. It’s true that reading what you all are saying for the first time has given me confidence to say these things so publicly, and sharing has made me feel sad for the Alejandra who was assaulted, because it shouldn't have happened, but it has also released me from a shame that should have never existed either. It’s like giving me an embrace that has been kept away for many years, which I extend to you all now. Thank you.
Leí en muchos TL que el HT #MiPrimerAcoso las confronta/incomoda. Muchas voces se alzan, muchas continúan calladas. Somos más de lo que ven.
— Wady*Castillo (@SoyWady) April 24, 2016
I have read many messages on my timeline saying the hashtag “My First Assault” is uncomfortable and challenging. Voices have been raised, many remain silent. We are more than what you see.
Muchas callamos los acosos por vergüenza, porque nos sentimos culpables, porque la sociedad nos hace sentir culpables. #miprimeracoso
— Rubens (@nancyortiz_) April 24, 2016
Many of us remain silent about sexual harassment because of shame, because we feel guilty, because society makes us feel guilty. My First Assault.
Sacudida con el hashtag #MiPrimerAcoso. Porque nos cuesta decirlo, porque nos sigue poniendo vulnerables y porque aún hay quienes se burlan.
— Eileen Truax (@EileenTruax) April 23, 2016
Shocked by the hashtag My First Assault. Because it is so difficult to say it, because we continue to be vulnerable, and because still there are those who mock us.
Many of the women who shared their stories wrote that their first experience with sexual harassment was at the hands of a family member, which put them in even more vulnerable situations that culminated in silence.
#MiPrimerAcoso el hermano de mi amiga se metia a tocarla mientras dormía, su mamá no le creyó, sus hermanas sí porq les había hecho lo mismo
— Misspartes (@misspartes) April 23, 2016
My First Assault: The brother of my friend would touch her while she slept, her mother didn’t believe her, her sisters did because he did the same thing to them.
Mi primer acoso me lo hizo el padre de mi mamá y yo tenia 9 años.Lo hable a los 25 y nadie me creyo #MiPrimerAcoso pic.twitter.com/iVRqUreYb4
— Elizeth (@lichiitaz) April 24, 2016
[The poster reads: We live in a society that teaches women NOT TO GET RAPED instead of teaching men NOT TO RAPE.]
My first assault was at the hands of my mother’s father and I was 9 years old. I came forward when I was 25 years old and nobody believed me. My First Assault.
#MiPrimerAcoso fue a los 9 años en una reunión familiar. Nadie lo supo entonces y me duele mucho pensar que aún ahora no me creerían.
— Tania Tagle (@Tania_Tagle) April 23, 2016
My First Assault was when I was 9 years old, at a family reunion. Nobody knew about it then and it hurts me very much to think that even now they wouldn’t believe me.
It is so commonplace for a woman to be violated in the streets that a prevalent theme in thousands of tweets is the feeling that sexual assault has been normalized.
Yo no recuerdo #MiPrimerAcoso. Como tampoco recuerdo lo que es caminar en la calle sin miedo a que algo pase y escale.
— Sambuka (@samnbk) April 23, 2016
I don’t remember My First Assault. The same way I don’t remember what it’s like to walk down the street without the fear that something will happen and escalate.
Mi madre me dijo que ignorara a los hombres que se me quedan viendo mientras camino; por la calle “porque así son ellos”. #miprimeracoso
— Paloma (@ThePalomina) April 24, 2016
My mother told me to ignore the men who stare at me as I walk down the street, because “that’s the way men are.” My First Assault.
Desde que somos niñas tenemos que vivir con su violencia machista, sus miradas puercas, sus piropos y chiflidos callejeros, sus manoseadas.
— Barbie Barrio (@salta_violetta) April 23, 2016
Since we were children we have had to live with their sexist violence, their filthy looks, their catcalls and street whistling, their groping.
Crecí desde muy pequeñita viendo cómo en la calle TODOS los días acosaban a mis hermanas. Cuando me pasó pensé que era normal #MiPrimerAcoso
— Wady*Castillo (@SoyWady) April 23, 2016
Growing up, since I was very little I saw how in the streets my sisters were harassed EVERY DAY. When it happened to me I thought it was normal. My First Assault.
El problema no solo es #MiPrimerAcoso, el problema es que le sigue un segundo, un tercero, un cuarto…hasta que crees que es normal.
— Edi_C (@edi_co) April 24, 2016
The problem is not only My First Assault, the problem is that it happens a second a time, a third time, a fourth…until you believe that it’s normal.
Although there were those who joked about the subject or responded with misogynistic comments, there were some men who read the testimonies carefully and reflected on the disturbing reality of daily harassment against women, as well as their own role in gender violence.
Leyendo historias de #MiPrimerAcoso pienso todas las veces que los hombres, desde niños, somos testigos y normalizadores de esa violencia.
— Javier Raya (@javier_raya) April 24, 2016
Reading the stories from My First Assault, I think of all the times that we as men, from childhood, are witnesses to and normalizers of that type of violence.
Es desgarrador leer cientos de mujeres abrir su corazón con el hashtag #MiPrimerAcoso.
Pero es más desgarrador saber que no fue el último.
— Hector Fernandez (@SootsWiinic) April 24, 2016
It is heartbreaking to read hundreds of women open their hearts with the hashtag My First Assault.
But it is more heartbreaking to know that it was not the last time.
Just a few days ago, three women publicly urged Mexicans not to remain silent when they are the victims of sexual crimes. Many online embraced the call, appealing for solidarity, and arguing that speaking up and supporting those who are suffering from harassment are ways to break the cycle of violence.
Muchos #MiPrimerAcoso son experiencias brutalmente solitarias en espacios eminentemente públicos. Si lo notamos, aproximémonos, protejamos.
— La Tremens (@MssFortune) April 24, 2016
Many of the My First Assault stories are brutally solitary experiences in eminently public spaces. If we notice it, we must approach [the situation], we must protect each other.
Sea amable con usted misma. La niña que fue a los 10 años no supo reaccionar ni tenía por qué. La adulta que es hoy puede ayudarse y ayudar.
— Virginia (@Huishte) April 23, 2016
First tweet: Hug your girlfriends soon. Speaking about My First Assault is very difficult for many girls because on top of it all one might feel guilty for not reacting.
Second tweet: Be kind to yourself. The girl who was 10 years old didn’t know how to react or why. The adult you are today can help herself and help others.
Los testimonios de #MiPrimerAcoso me llenan de rabia pero también de esperanza. Ya no tenemos miedo. Ahora nos tenemos unas a otras.
— Tania Tagle (@Tania_Tagle) April 23, 2016
The testimonies of My First Assault fill me with anger but also with hope. Now we are not afraid. Now we have one another.
You can read more testimonies and reflections on Twitter at #MiPrimerAcoso (My First Assault).

author: Elizabeth Rivera


text:
Russian Prosecutor General Accuses ‘Right Sector’ of Using Social Media to Overthrow the Kremlin · Global Voices
Tanya Lokot

One of the currently available VKontakte pages for the Ukrainian nationalist organization “Right Sector.” Image by Tetyana Lokot.
In a new report, Russian Prosecutor General, Yuri Chaika, has publicly accused Ukrainian nationalist group “Right Sector” of attempts to use the Internet to stage mass unrest in Russia, in a bid to overthrow the Russian government.
According to RIA Novosti, Chaika will deliver the news in a public address to the Federation Council on April 27, and a copy of the report has been made available to the news agency.
The Prosecutor General claims that “Right Sector” members used the Russian social network VKontakte to create public pages and organize “mass riots and unsanctioned public events,” which eventually led to the blocking of these pages.
According to Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, the Ukrainian nationalists have already refuted Chaika's claims.
«Правый сектор» опроверг обвинения Чайки в подготовке госпереворота в России: «У нас много своих дел сейчас в Украине»
— МК (@mkomsomolets) April 26, 2016
“Right Sector” has denied Chaika's accusations of preparing a state coup in Russia: “We have our hands full in Ukraine right now.”
“Right Sector” as an organization has been banned in Russia since November 2014. In March 2014, Russian investigators officially charged Dmitry Yarosh, who was the leader of the Ukrainian nationalist group at the time, with inciting terrorism and extremism.
In April 2014, Russian media censor Roscomnadzor blocked a number of VKontakte pages linked to the “Right Sector” movement, claiming that the group was publishing extremist content.
Several Russian Internet users have also been charged with extremism for, among other things, reposting “Right Sector”-related content or for subscribing to the nationalist organization's existing pages on social media.
The Russian Prosecutor General's report notes that over the last 10 years, the number of extremism-related crimes in Russia grew ten-fold: from 130 cases in 2004 to 1,329 in 2015. Most of these criminal cases, according to Chaika, deal with “extremist” content posted online.
in 2015 the Prosecutor's Office was instrumental in deleting “illegal extremist and terrorist materials” from over seven thousand websites. In addition, the Office inspected over 11 thousand media reports and found over 15 thousand violations connected to publishing extremist content. A total of 836 pages or articles were added to Russia's federal list of extremist materials in 2015.

author: Tanya Lokot


text:
Xulhaz Mannan, an LGBT Activist in Bangladesh, Is the Latest Victim in a String of Brutal Killings · Global Voices
Rezwan

Xulhaz and Tonoy. Image from their Facebook profiles.
Two more progressive thinkers have been hacked to death in Bangladesh's capital Dhaka.
Thirty-five year-old Xulhaz Mannan was the editor of Bangladesh's first LGBT magazine, and worked with the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and as a protocol officer for a former US Ambassador to Bangladesh. He was murdered along with his friend Mahbub Rabbi Tonoy, who was a theatre activist.
The gruesome murders come two days after university professor Rezaul Karim Siddiqui was killed in a northern district of Bangladesh. This month, four progressive Bangladeshis have been hacked to death, allegedly at the hands of Islamist militants.
Since 2005, at least 23 bloggers, publishers, editors and activists have been killed and scores of others attacked or threatened with death for their progressive and secular views. These bloggers and intellectuals were not advocating or perpetrating violence. They were writing about the complex, political climate in Bangladesh and promoting the protection of human rights.
According to local reports, on April 25, at around 5pm, a man posing as a deliveryman arrived at Mannan's building, pretending to deliver a package. As Mannan took him inside, a few more of his accomplices entered the house and they lethally attacked Mannan and Tonoy with machetes, signs of trained killers, leaving both of them dead on the spot. The attackers fled after firing blank shots from their guns, shouting Naraye Takbir, Allahu Akbar” [Shout it out: God is great]. On their way out they fought off a security guard and a policeman who arrived on the scene.
Mannan's LGBT magazine Roopbaan was launched in 2014 to promote greater acceptance of LGBT communities, who face widespread discrimination in Bangladesh. Mannan had been arranging an annual Rainbow Rally since 2014. It was cancelled this year after police received threats against the group; four LGBT activists were even briefly detained.
In a tweet sent twenty hours after the attack, the local militant organisation Ansar Al Islam claimed responsibility. The group claims to be Bangladesh's unit of al-Qaeda in the Indian Sub-Continent. The tweet claimed the victims were “promoting homosexuality in Bangladesh since 1998 with the help of their masters, the US crusaders and their Indian allies.”
Ansar al Islam #Bangladesh /AQIS claims responsiblity for the murder of Xulhaz Mannan and Mahbub Tanoy. pic.twitter.com/Jing4yRsf7
— Tasneem Khalil (@tasneem) April 26, 2016
Bangladeshi Islamist militants have been blamed for more than a dozen murders of secular bloggers and online activists since 2013. Many of these killings have been claimed on the Internet or on social media by accounts believed to be linked to ISIS, Ansar Al Islam or Ansarullah Bangla Team.
Bangladesh's Minister of Home affairs Mr. Asaduzzaman Khan has tried to distance the situation in his country from international militant organisations like ISIS and Al Qaeda. He maintains that home-grown militants are behind the attacks and claims that local militant groups might share the ideology of international militant organisations or may be imitating them.
The Prime Minister Hasina Sheikh has blamed the opposition, saying that they are orchestrating the attacks to destabilize the country and upset her secular rule. She recently was critical against the writers who write about religion and “offend religious sentiments” and added that anyone “killing another person in response to what they have written is not Islamic”.
People, as usual, showed their frustration and anger online and protested the murder:
Moshiul Alam asks who is next in an oped in Bangla Daily Prothom Alo:
ব্লগার থেকে পুস্তক প্রকাশক, তারপর নিরীহ সেতারবাদক। এরপর কে? যে ছবি আঁকে? নাটক-সিনেমা বানায়? গল্প-উপন্যাস লেখে? কিংবা স্রেফ বই পড়ে?
From bloggers to publishers to this innocent Sitar player. Who is next? A painter? Film director? A novelist? Or merely a reader?
Will the straight people of Bangladesh come down on the streets to protest the murder of @roopbaan Editor?#shahbag
— Munazir Hussain Syed (@Munazir43rd) April 25, 2016
#Bangladesh: Murder of #LGBT editor appalling indictment of authorities failure to protect https://t.co/YIPnjgUNVL pic.twitter.com/4AWnN1S8CL
— PEN International (@pen_int) April 25, 2016
Blogger, lawyer and activist Rayhan Rashid is critical of virtual activists who aren't coming out on the streets to protest:
ব্লগার মরছে, একটিভিস্টি মরছে, প্রকাশক মরছে, শিয়া মরছে, ধর্মান্তরি মরছে, ভিন্নধর্মী মরছে, বিদেশী মরছে, সাধু মরছে, সন্নাসী মরছে, সেতারবাদক মরছে, শিক্ষক মরছে, সংস্কৃতি কর্মী মরছে, অধিকার-কর্মী মরছে। যথারীতি প্রতিবার আমরা আবেগ ভরা বাক্যবাণ ছুঁড়ে দিচ্ছি ইথারে আর ফেসবুকে।
Bloggers, activists, publishers, shias, apostates, atheists, Hindus, foreigners, priests, saints, sitar players, professors, cultural activists, rights activists, none are being spared. And after every killing, we are venting only in Facebook and elsewhere online.
What are the militants thinking?
Blogger Nijhoom Majumdar read the documents published by the radical groups and analysed their ideology and threats. He writes in an explanatory post:
ওরা তাদের এই বইয়ে পরিষ্কারভাবে বলে দিয়েছে যে এই “ম্যান মেইড” (তাগুতি) আইন বা গণতন্ত্র ওরা মানে না এবং এটিকে তারা ধ্বংস করবেই। ধ্বংস করে ওরা খিলাফাহ প্রতিষ্ঠা করবে। ওরা কোরান ও হাদীসের থেকে সেগুলোর কম্পাটিবল আদর্শ থেকে আইন বানাবে এবং এবং বাংলাদেশের মাটিতে ওরা এটা করবেই। [..]
আনসার আল ইসলাম কোরান শরীফের বিভিন্ন সূরা বিশেষ করে সূরা তওবা, সূরা আহজাব ও সূরা বাকারার নানাবিধ আয়াত দিয়ে স্পস্ট দেখিয়ে দিয়েছে যে বর্তমান সময়ে যারা নবী, রাসূল কিংবা আল্লাহ সম্পর্কে প্রশ্ন উত্থাপন করে কিংবা সমালোচনা করে তাদের জন্য একটাই “ঔষধ” আর সেটির নাম হচ্ছে “তরবারী”। [..]
এই বই পড়ে বুঝতে পারলাম যে এই যে কয়েকটি অল্প দলে দলে ভাগ হয়ে এই ব্লগার, লেখক, শিক্ষক, ম্যাগাজিনের সম্পাদকদের হত্যা করা হচ্ছে এই পুরো নিয়মটি তারা ফলো করছে নবীর সময়কার “আবু রা’ফে” কে যে পদ্ধতিতে হত্যা করা হয়েছে সেই পদ্ধতিতে। এই পদ্ধতিতে একটি দলে ৪ থেকে ৫ জন থাকে। এরা অনেকদিন ধরে টার্গেটের বাড়ী রেকি করে, খোঁজ খবর নেয় এবং একদিন সুযোগ বুঝে ছুরি বা তলোয়ার নিয়ে কোপায়। [..]
এইরকম খুন যে তারা আরো করবে সেটি তারা তাদের ওয়েব সাইটে লিখে দিয়েছে পরিষ্কার ভাবে। হতে পারে সেটি লেখক, কবি, সাহিত্যিক, ব্লগার, সমাজ কর্মী। যে কেউ। এইসব খুন, খিলাফাহ প্রতিষ্ঠার জন্য এই নৃসংসতা সব কিছুরই একটা যুক্তি তারা দিয়েছে। সেটি হচ্ছে- মৃত্যুর পর তারা আল্লাহর কাছে “কোন মুখ” নিয়ে দাঁড়াবে কিংবা নবীর সামনে কিভাবে দাঁড়াবে যদি নবী বা আল্লাহ তাদের জিজ্ঞেস করে যে দুনিয়ায় তারা কেন আল্লাহর আইন প্রতিষ্ঠা করতে পারেনি। আর তারা এইসব ব্যার্থতার দায় নিয়ে পরকালে “জাহান্নামী” হতে চায় না, সে কারনেই তারা দুনিয়ায় এসব করছে।
They have stated their ideology clearly in that book that they do not accept democracy or man made (Taguti) rule of law. They will do anything to destroy these and establish a Caliphate. They will make laws in line with the Quran and Sunnah and establish their writ in Bangladesh. [..]
Ansar Al Islam misconstrues a few chapters in the Quran, claiming that for those who question the prophet Mohamed, other prophets and God or criticise them, there is only ‘medicine’ for them – that is the ‘sword’ or machetes.
I also understood from their book that the way they kill bloggers, writers, professors or magazine editors is copied from how Abu Ra'af was killed during the prophet's time. In that tactic each team consists of four to five assailants. They take regular surveillance of the target's life, gather intelligence and attack with machetes or swords.
They have stated on their website that they will kill more people: writers, poets, artists, bloggers or activists. They have provided their reason for these killings and establishing a Caliphate with violence. They say they have to answer God and the prophet if they fail to establish God's rule. They don't want to go to hell for their failures, so they are doing all this in their lifetime.
A tremendous loss for the LGBT community:
Bangladesh, a predominantly Muslim nation, criminalises homosexuality. The colonial-era British anti-sodomy law punishes gay sex with hefty fines and prison sentences of ten years to life in jail.
Xulhaz Mannan was well-known and well regarded in the gay community in Dhaka. He was openly gay and fearless. Pakistani columnist Sabrina Toppa recalls her conversation with Xulhaz:
We talked at length about why it was so important for Roopban, Bangladesh's first LGBT magazine, to be underground, to be in Bangla, to be low in subscription numbers as long as the people who needed it found it, why no journalist needed to report on the difficulty of creating an LGBT magazine if it meant imperilling the lives of all the members involved. Xulhaz was a pragmatist, but fundamentally open to the world, regardless of its prejudice and hostilities
Xulhaz was optimistic in an interview to the Guardian:
In a country where the whole concept of sex and sexuality is a taboo, we are learning to navigate our ways by highlighting ‘love’ as the center of all, as a human right that can't be denied, hoping for better, and may be ‘faster’, acceptance.. some day!
The LGBT magazine Roopbaan, had not been condemned by the government and received some support from foreign embassies. The community had been careful to protect their identities; but it seems Xulhaz was exposed too soon.
Singer Armeen Musa writes:
Can they silence our outrage, our protests, our cries,
By making sure one by one we will die ?
It's 4:30am.
And I know you're awake.
Wondering who could be next.
Is it I?

author: Rezwan


text:
Anatomy of a Macedonian ‘Colorful Revolution’ · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

“I am sick of fear, I want freedom!” Photo by Vanšo Džambaski, CC BY-SA.
For over two weeks, tens of thousands of Macedonian citizens from over a dozen cities have rallied together in what has been dubbed the “Colorful Revolution” to protest against state corruption and impunity. The movement takes its name from protesters tossing paint on government buildings and landmarks.
The demonstrations began after President Gjorge Ivanov announced a pardon for more than 50 top politicians and their associates who were under investigation for abuses of power. Last year, the political opposition revealed the country's secret service under ex-Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski had secretly wiretapped over 20,000 people; in those conversations, top Macedonian officials seem to implicate themselves in a variety of misdeeds including election fraud, which the Macedonian Special Prosecutor's Office was investigating until the president's pardon on April 12.
Since then, the movement has grown in strength, and participants are eagerly sharing their organizing tactics online in the hopes of encouraging others to join in. Here's how they're going about it.
The protests are organized ‘horizontally’ by a loose network of activists, including members of NGOs and civic initiatives, as well as members of some opposition parties — and any individual citizen who joins. A set of common principles is what unites them, and this has been essential in defining the movement.
For example, one graphic shared on Twitter laid out the protesters’ beliefs plainly:
“Why do I protest, and what is the Colorful Revolution?” via @MKColorful
Зошто Протестирам и што е ШаренаРеволуција?
1. Оваа борба е против авторитарниот и корумпиран режим, чие олицетворение е Никола Груевски.
2. Оваа борба е немирна, но ненасилна.
3. Ни една група од граѓанското општество нема монопол врз борбата против авторитарниот режим.
Секој/а граѓанин/ка што се согласува со овие принципи е дел од #Протестирам и #ШаренаРеволуција. Ги повикуваме сите оние кои се согласуваат со овие принципи да излезат на протести.
Why do I protest, and what is the Colorful Revolution?
1. This is a struggle against the authoritarian and corrupt regime, personified by ex-Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski.
2. This struggle is not peaceful [in the sense of passive], but it is strictly nonviolent.
3. No civil society organization holds the monopoly on  the struggle against the authoritarian regime.
Every citizen adhering with these principles is part of “I protest” (#протестирам) and the #ColorfulRevolution. We call upon all who agree with these principles to come out and protest.
Participants have taken this decentralized approach as a way to attract more people and to prevent anyone from “hijacking” the protest for their own cause. Colorful Revolution's protesters often experiment and disagree on various approaches, and resolve differences through open discussion.
Reflecting the linguistic diversity of Macedonia, the protesters have been sharing information about the demands in various local languages, like Macedonian, Albanian (#protestoj!), Roma, as well as English.
Even the English translation of the term #ColorfulRevolution was a result of “the wisdom of crowds.” The Macedonian term #ШаренаРеволуција (“sharena revolucija” in the Latin alphabet) refers to mix of various colors, and can be translated as “multicolored” too.
However, “colorful” stuck, especially after Germany's international broadcaster Deutsche Welle used it within their article titled, “Protesters hit Macedonia's capital with paint balls and soap suds in a ‘Colorful Revolution’.” I held an informal poll on Twitter to see what Macedonian users thought about the translation. Results showed respondents overwhelmingly agreed with Deutsche Welle's choice:
Кој е подобар превод за #шаренареволуција односно #шаренатареволуција. Пинг #протестирам #п. Pls RT.
— Filip Stojanovski (@razvigor) April 20, 2016
Which translation is more suitable: Multicolor Revolution, Multicolored Revolution or Colorful Revolution?
Participants are often seen wearing T-shirts with a stylized logo of the three most prominent special public prosecutors, Lenče Risteska, Katica Janeva and Fatime Fetai, against the acronym “СЈО” (for Special Public Prosecutor's Office, in Macedonian). The original design was shared online for people to download and make their own t-shirts as a sign of support for the anti-corruption efforts of the prosecutors.
Photo by Vančo Džambaski, CC BY-SA.
Soon, over a dozen designers started making logos and other visual materials, and posting them online in high resolution for public use. The web page sharena-revolucija.ie.mk collects these designs in one place, providing an easy to use digital resource. Participants have used them to make t-shirts, banners, stickers, various badges and flags.
Screen shot of sharena-revolucija.ie.mk with all the various logo designs used by protesters.
All paraphernalia is self-financed by the protesters. The protests have also led to the blossoming of cottage industry catering to their needs — entrepreneurial street vendors offering whistles or bottled water follow the marches. They quickly switch to selling umbrellas when it rains.
Violent acts that bring criminal liability are strictly forbidden. This includes any activity that can harm another person, especially police officers. People who throw stones or other dangerous objects or strike out at others are considered provocateurs. This is in line with the established tradition of nonviolence of past protest movements in Macedonia.
But activities such as throwing eggs or paint or writing graffiti on buildings or statues are considered misdemeanors under Macedonian law, with penalty of about 50 euros (about 56 US dollars), and so the Colorful Revolution has embraced these tactics.
Protesters are using balloons filled with paint and sand (for safety in case of bad aim and for aerodynamics). The following online tutorial explains how to make them:
Дали сакате да се приклучите на #ШаренатаРеволуција? Многу е лесно, треба да следите само неколку чекори:
1. Земете што е можно поширока инка или направете сами
2. Вметнете го исечениот крај во еден празен балон
3. Наполнете го балонот до пола со обичен песок
4. Наполнете едно шишенце (полесно е ако е со цуцла) со боја
5. Закачете го балонот на шишенцето и наполнете го балонот со боја
6. Заврзете го балонот и исплакнете го со вода
7. Спремни сте за шарена револуција
Would you like to join the #ColorfulRevolution? It's easy, just follow these few steps:
1. Take a wide funnel or make your own from a big syringe
2. Put the cut end into an empty baloon
3. Fill half of the balloon with sand
4. Fill a plastic bottle with paint (used to transport the paint from home to protest site)
5. Tie the balloon to the bottle noose to fill it with paint
6. Tie the balloon and rinse it with water
7. You are now ready for a colorful revolution.
There's a loose consensus among the protesters to paint only objects that symbolize the power and what they deem the arrogance of the regime, such as the Triumphal Arch and the statue of clothed Prometheus, which bears resemblance to the works by Arno Breker symbolizing “The Party” as bringer of light and knowledge to the people.
The Prometheus statue, built as part of the controversial development project Skopje 2014, turned pink. Photo by Filip Stojanovski, CC BY.
In response to arrests of some protesters on charges of rioting or participating in a mob, the movement is also sharing legal information in Macedonian and Albanian about citizens’ rights in case one is detained or arrested.
The Colorful Revolution name not only is a reference to the paint-filled balloons, but also ridicules the government claims that the protests are part of “Color Revolution,” which refer to the non-violent revolutions that took place in several countries formerly belonging to the Soviet Union and were perceived to be fomented by external Western forces.
To people acquainted with the history of Macedonian politics, these claims sound a bit ironic. In 2006, the ruling party VMRO-DPMNE changed their election campaign color scheme from red and black to orange in order to capitalize on the 2004 Ukrainian Orange Revolution and appear pro-Western and progressive.
VMRO-DPMNE publicity photo from 2006.
VMRO-DPMNE is now attempting to present themselves simultaneously as supported and victimized by the West. The party has poured several million dollars into lobbying in the US to present the opposition as pro-Russian. This went to such lengths that the US issued a denial of their support for VMRO-DPMNE or any other particular party.
On the other hand, ex-Prime Minister and current VMRO-DPMNE head Nikola Gruevski as well as President Ivanov blame the West for the protests. Russia has issued diplomatic note of support of the Macedonian government, while government-funded Russia Today has prioritized the message of the counter-protests and reported that they are more numerous than the anti-corruption protests.
One Twitter use poked fun at all the spin by doctoring a video clip of Gruevski:
#Ж#ШаренаРеволуција pic.twitter.com/UHLnQrrbhc
— Иван Ајнштајн (@IvanAjnstajn) April 24, 2016

author: Filip Stojanovski


text:
Arrests Add Fuel to Anti-Impunity Protesters’ Fire in Macedonia · Global Voices
Anastasija Petrеvska

Banner “Freedom for the Activists!” at April 25 protest in Skopje. Photo by Vančo Džambaski, CC BY-NC-SA.
As massive protests against impunity for corruption continue in several Macedonian cities, police have placed five demonstrators under house arrest and are set to bring charges of participating in a mob or rioting against several others.
Authorities first summoned the protesters for questioning, then arrested them on April 25. They include university professor Zdravko Saveski, PhD, and Vladimir Kunovski, both of whom are founding members of the newly formed leftist political party Levica (The Left). The two are accused of participation in a mob, and were ordered to serve eight days of house arrest.
According to the Ministry of Interior, Saveski burned a photograph of the president and threw objects at the president's Public Outreach Office, which was ransacked on the second day of protests. Kunovski, meanwhile, allegedly took out chairs, two drawers, and a packet of juices using the broken window of the office. The packet of juices he then shared with the people present outside, according to the ministry.
The Helsinki Committee for Human Rights has accused authorities of selectively targeting prominent protesters like them in a blatant attempt to scare demonstrators and smother public unrest. House arrest for demonstrators, of course, means that they cannot participate in any rallies.
Macedonians have flooded the streets of the capital Skopje and other cities since April 12, when President Gjorge Ivanov extended a pardon to more than 50 top politicians and businessmen who were under investigation from the Special Prosecutor's Office for suspected corruption, election fraud and misuse of power. These alleged crimes came to light in conversations wiretapped reportedly on the order of former Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski that were leaked last year by the political opposition.
The pardon also earned condemnation from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the US and the European Union, among others. Negotiations scheduled for last week in Vienna to end the political crisis were canceled, and Macedonia's government at the moment is showing no signs of reversing course.
Pro-government media outlet Kurir.mk published a list of 13 demonstrators, along with their ages and city of residence, who it said were involved in the destruction of the president's Public Outreach Office and would face charges. But some of those who appeared on the list denied that they had participated in any of the damage done to the office. One woman maintained she was actually arrested for complaining to police for dragging her male friend to the ground who had been filming officers.
Zdravko Saveski and Vladimir Kunovski also appear in that Kurir.mk article. The NGO Solidarity Movement published a Facebook status Saveski posted before going to the police station, accompanied with their message that they won't be intimidated.
Соборци и соборки за слобода, БЛИСКУ Е ПОБЕДАТА! Го раздрмавме режимот! Но, не смееме да потклекнеме! Борбата не е завршена! Мора да излегуваме масовно на протести. Да се види колкаво е незадоволството од режимот. А не само да се претпоставува.
СЛОБОДАТА е скапа. И мора да ја заслужиме! Секој ден во 6!
Fellow freedom fighters, VICTORY IS COMING! We have shaken the regime! But we must not yield or surrender! The fight is not over! We must go to protests in mass numbers. So that the grave discontent with the regime is seen, not just speculated.
FREEDOM is not easy to obtain! And we must fight for it to deserve it! Every day at 6 pm!
Zdravko Saveski, PhD. Photo by Vančo Džambaski, CC BY-NC-SA.
At noon on April 25, after the pair were arrested, Levica organized a press conference in front of the court, and dozens other protesters came to express their solidarity. At the emergency press conference in front of the Criminal Court, Levica condemned the authorities’ actions. According to member Dimitar Apasiev: “This is a question of open political persecution against political opponents, following right after announcements made by a certain civil movement that claimed some parties should be banned, removed from the legal system — something that is already starting to enfold.”
The last bit is a reference to a speech made by a counter-demonstrator from the GDOM movement (which supports the ruling party VMRO-DPMNE), who called for constitutional amendments “banning the work of civil organisations and political parties that are destroying Macedonia.”
Levica demanded that the minister and deputy minister of interior affairs should record the criminal reports but refrain from processing them until the political crisis is resolved. The party members also called on public prosecutors to refrain from requiring arrest for these cases and for judges overseeing the cases to under no circumstances file the criminal charges.
Outrage over the arrests was palpable on social media and seemed to fuel the determination of protesters to gather at 6 pm, in spite of cold and rain, as they have every day since April 12. The sentiment was summed up by activist Mariglen Demiri, who wrote “We have more people than you have prisons.”
In Skopje, a new group announced its presence with a large banner — veterans of the World War II struggle against fascism. Men and women in their 90s marched at the head of the column that walked from the Special Prosecutors’ Office to the Parliament.
Banner of Union of World War II Veterans at the April 25 protest in Skopje. Photo by Vančo Džambaski, CC BY-NC-SA.
After a round of speeches by activists and artists, thousands of participants took a new route for the daily protest march through the soaking rain. They walked besides the new building of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, throwing paint on its plaster and marble facade, and then as usual ended their procession in front of the government.
Protesters marching through an underpass in Skopje on April 25. Photo by Vančo Džambaski, CC BY-NC-SA.
Besides Skopje, during that day protests took place in Bitola, Strumica and Kumanovo. More cities joined the so-called Colorful Revolution movement on April 26, with demonstrations scheduled in Tetovo, Ohrid, Radoviš, Kičevo, Bitola, Prilep, and Veles.

author: Anastasija Petrеvska


text:
Buenos Aires’ Not So Little Italy · Global Voices
Gabriela García Calderón Orbe

Plaza Cortazar, in the Palermo neighborhood of Buenos Aires. Photo: Flickr / Omar Uran / CC 2.0
Italian migration in Argentina is the largest and most important migratory movement in South American country. According to some estimates, about 3 million Italian immigrants arrived in Argentina between 1814 and 1970.
Italian immigrants soon become part of Argentinian society, but recent generations have developed a certain nostalgia for the Old Country, looking today to older generations to reclaim various traditions and customs.
There's a tangible “Italianness” about a neighborhood in Buenos Aires, where a Piccola Itaila (a little Italy) is emerging today:
[…] cinco cuadras que son un espacio gastronómico y cultural para compartir y expresar la italianidad. Sus impulsores ya imaginan el arco en la esquina de Arévalo y Gorriti, en el barrio porteño de Palermo.
La italianidad en la Argentina resulta difícil de definir porque logró distribuirse en toda la sociedad, porque es inasible y omnipresente. Está en las palabras entremezcladas con el lunfardo, está en el valor de la familia y los amigos, está en las recetas heredadas y argentinizadas, está en cada barrio porteño con los negocios de nombres italianos, está en los aperitivos, está en las Volturno para el café corto y fuerte. Está.
[…] five blocks that are a gastronomic and cultural space to share and express Italianness. Their promoters already imagine the arch in the corner of Arévalo and Gorriti, in the Buenos Aires’ neighborhood of Palermo.
Italianness in Argentina is hard to define as it managed to spread out all aroud society, because it's ethereal and omnipresent. We find it in the words mingled with lunfardo, we find it in the value of family and friends, in the inherited and Argentinized recipes, in each Buenos Aires’ neighborhood on the shops with Italian names, it's in the aperitifs, in the Volturno for the strong coffee. It's there.
“Lunfardo” is the jargon used originally by the working classes in Buenos Aires, and some of its terms and phrases were later introduced in popular Spanish in Argentina and Uruguay.
September 20 is a special date for Italians, both at home and abroad. It was on this day in 1870 that Italian troops completed the nation's unification by defeating the Papal States under Pope Pius IX. For the past three years, in honor of this event, Italian Argentines in Buenos Aires have staged and celebrated the “Al Dente!” festival.
On Twitter, some users shared pictures of the celebration held in 2015.
👉 Así se vivió el #FestivalAlDente y ArgNoticias te lo cuenta: https://t.co/lgJoxsrX8G
🌟 ¡Te esperamos el año que viene de nuevo! 🌟
— Festival Al Dente (@FestivalAlDente) 22 de octubre de 2015
This is how we lived the Al Dente Festival and ArgNoticias tells you everything. We wait for you next year again!
Así pasamos por @FestivalAlDente #AlDente #FestivalAlDente pic.twitter.com/S0oyVKbAxc
— Maximiliano Bagnasco (@MaxBagnascoCari) 29 de septiembre de 2015
This is how we spent Al Dente Festival.
Un importante tumulto di popolo. E ‘incredibile il successo ottenuto in soli tre edizioni. #FestivalAlDente pic.twitter.com/M8vOkV5eSd
— Fernando O. (@mobilepadawan) 27 de septiembre de 2015
An important crowd. It's amazing the success gained in just three editions.

author: Gabriela García Calderón Orbe


text:
Chinese Big Brother Is Watching You, Even in Australia · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Many Chinese dissidents are signing a petition in support of Wu Wei, demanding that the University of Sydney reconsider the case and protect Wu's right of free speech. Image from Change.org
Wu Wei, a Chinese-born Australian PhD candidate and tutor at the University of Sydney's business school, resigned on April 18 over petitions from Chinese students that he had made “racist” remarks anonymously on popular Chinese social media platform Weibo under the screen name “Pekojima”.
The university had launched an internal investigation into the matter, and Wu since apologized for his comments which were highly critical of China and privileged Chinese.
On Twitter, Chinese dissidents are raising concerns that the incident, which was a hot topic on Chinese social media, represents an attempt by the Chinese authorities to scare voices of dissent abroad into silence.
As reported on mainland Chinese media outlets, the remarks that got Wu into trouble  included:
Since April 14, when the case first became a hot topic on Chinese social media, Chinese Communist Party-affiliated media have certainly egged on the outrage. Some of Wu's supporters have questioned the motives of the Chinese who complained and wondered how the overseas students managed to match Wu's anonymously written posts, most of which were published in 2015 on Weibo, with his real-life identity.
Though Wu never expressed any inappropriate remarks on class, those who called for the school to fire him said they felt uncomfortable having him as a teacher, knowing what he had written. Evin Wang wrote on Facebook with screenshots of his posts on Weibo and the hashtags #FireWeiWu and #Stopbeingracist on 13 April:
As a Chinese student, I feel very insecure in his tutorials and lectures, because of how clearly he shows his HATE towards China and the Chinese people. He makes me wonder, if he hates Chinese so much, how could he possibly teach Chinese students without any prejudice? Is there any chance that he could hurt us in his tutorial? How can we pay $4750 tuition fee per unit to get this kind of “tutor”?!WE DO NOT ACCEPT IT.
On the other hand, a Change.org petition directed at the school argues the complaints were built on a series of anonymously written comments and extracted out of context:
We are concerned that Mr Wu is becoming a victim of the Chinese government’s increasingly intrusive attempts to curb voices of dissent among overseas Chinese. Mr Wu has a long track record of critical comments against the Chinese government, its political system and social affairs on social networks.
A Chinese student studying in Australia wrote anonymously to a Hong Kong-based investigative journalism platform called the Initium, explaining how the incident has created a chilling effect on overseas Chinese circles. The student referenced “human flesh search”, a term describing when online vigilantes dig through a person's social media history to find incriminating messages to later shame them:
在微博上，中國籍留學生中還是有小比例的異見者，但在日常生活中，幾乎聽不到有人公開表達這類政治觀點，或許peer pressure讓他們學會了自我審查。[…] 僅僅在微博上表達對吳維的支持，我就被一群中國籍留學生「人肉」出一些資料，在知識網站知乎上擁有上萬粉絲的「大V」發布了我的私人信息，聲稱我和其他幾位是「辱華邪教」。這種洪水般的惡意嚇到了我，隨後我刪掉所有個人信息：公開這樣的言論會給我父母帶來麻煩。
在大部分中國籍留學生心中，這樣的「人肉」，和利用群體壓力讓一個個泛異見者沉默，是針對「不愛國」最好的解決方案之一[…]
On Weibo, there is a small circle of dissidents among overseas Chinese communities. But they seldom express their political views. Perhaps they have learned how to self-censor under peer pressure. […] I was “human flesh searched” by a group of overseas Chinese students after I expressed my support for Wu Wei on Weibo. And on Zhi Hu, a Chinese version of question-and-answer site Quora, a big-V [online celebrity] published my personal data along with a few others, labeling us as “a cult against Chinese”. I was intimidated by such hostility and had to delete all my online data and posts: the distribution of the content would bring my parents trouble.
For overseas Chinese students, such kinds of “human flesh search” actions is one of the best means to silence dissent and those who are not patriotic enough.
The Chinese student further argued that the hullabaloo has extended the obligation of “patriotism” to overseas Chinese who have foreign passports:
最近的事件中，微博上出現了不少諸如「中國人移民了也要愛中國」之類的的言論。其荒謬性自無需贅述；但這樣的言論卻被很多微博用戶「點贊」。在大部分中國籍留學生的認知中，中國血統意味着背負愛中國的道德義務；而愛中國，在澳大利亞中國籍留學生的圈子裏，則經常地被等同為「支持中國當局」。
Throughout this recent incident, many have expressed opinions such as “Chinese have to love China even if they have migrated”. This is outright ridiculous. But these opinions have gained a large number of “likes”. Among overseas Chinese students, being Chinese means an obligation to love China. And among Chinese students in Australia, loving China is equal to “supporting Chinese government”.
Twitter user @RZLHK suggested that the Chinese big brother is watching even when one has left China:
Welcome to University of Sidney. Feeling like in Beijing. The Communists always watching you. #巴丢草 #吴维 @badiucao pic.twitter.com/JmieZL5URC
— RZLHK (@RZLHK) April 19, 2016
Coincidentally, the overseas Chinese students’ campaign against Wu Wei was parallel to a domestic propaganda crusade against “sea turtle spies” — Chinese nationals who have returned to China after studying overseas. On April 20, state broadcaster CCTV suggested that the increasing number of young people studying abroad could put the country's national security at risk.
Taken to the extreme, this suggests that under the watchful eye of big brother, overseas Chinese students must make a performance of their love for China's government in order to return home without posting a security threat.

author: Oiwan Lam


text:
Eight Challenges Indian-Language Wikipedias Need to Overcome · Global Voices
Subhashish Panigrahi

From language input to Unicode standards, Indian-language Wikipedias need a sustained effort from the community. Credit: Johann Dréo CC BY 2.0/Flickr
A version of this post was previously published on The Wire.
Even after a decade of existence, Indian language Wikipedias are not yet known to many Indian language speakers. Wikipedia, the largest available encyclopedia made in the human history, is what it is today because of the hundreds and thousands of volunteer editors. But while native-language Wikipedias are becoming game-changers in other corners of the world, the scenario in India is skewed. Here, from my point of view, are some of the challenges that Indian-language Wikipedias are currently facing.
The language communities of many of the Indian languages are such that many of them do not know how to search for information online, in language typed in their script. Some of these communities even believe that because Google’s home page does not display their script, their language does not exist on the Internet. Google, which starting with five Indian languages as options in its interface, now has has nine Indian languages. But this does not stop a Santali or Manipuri user from searching in Unicode Ol chiki (the script for Santali) or in Unicode Meithei (the script for Manipuri). Google, or any search engine, for that matter, will display anything available in any script on the Internet. But the perceived lack of this very function is keeping many people from connecting to the Internet, and to Wikipedia in particular.
Wikipedia  is written by people like you and me. And everything, from writing to editing, is done by volunteers. And anybody can correct the mistakes and inaccuracies that exist in many Wikipedia articles. While several Indian languages are spoken by millions of people, the Wikipedia editor communities for these languages are very small, with only a handful editors contributing to editing those language versions of Wikipedia. In January this year, Hindi Wikipedia, for instance, had only 89 editors, while the total number of Hindi speakers is over 550 million.
A vast majority of people in India do not know how to type in their own language. There is also little documentation instructing users about language input. Even though many government-run schools in India are seeing a proliferation in computer use and Internet access, native language input and other essential training of basic computing are not widely taught in schools in all states. This is unfortunate, as there is a wide variety of free software for native-language input, and the challenges of typing in Indian languages that existed a few years back are now almost non-existent.
With over 1 billion mobile phone users, India's 15% internet penetration rate will soon start growing at a faster pace. This in turn—along with the tough competition that will compel TSPs to lower data charges—will help many Indians get access to the Internet. If these people are not educated about native language input they will be victims of the English-centric Internet and fail to enjoy the virtues of the former. Many Indians who have smartphones need full Indian language support, and especially built-in input methods, to be able to contribute to Wikipedia in their own languages.
The relative lack of native language content on the Internet is another major factor in the low adoption of Indian language Wikpedias. According to an Internet and Mobile Association of India survey conducted in 2012, over 6% of the population is left behind with regard to joining the online sphere simply because of a scarcity of content in their languages. Take my home state of Odisha, for instance: while the Kerala state government’s official tourism portal is available in Odia and other Indian languages, at the time of writing the Odisha government’s tourism portal had no information in Odia. It is unfortunate that our languages are neglected largely within our own states.
Instead of adopting the Unicode standard, many traditional media outlets continue to use non-standard variants of the ASCII/ISCII script encoding systems  Unicode, a global standard, has been available for Indian languages for almost 25 years now, but most of India's vernacular print media has failed to adopt it. As a result, many popular Indian-language newspapers are unavailable in Unicode on the open Internet.
The majority of the information published on the Internet, and by the Indian government, in particular, is copyrighted. This paywalled garden of copyright restrictions restricts access of this information and prevents people from sharing and learning more. Wikipedia, on the other hand, is distributed under a Creative Commons Share-Alike license that allows anyone to make use of the content, and even distribute it commercially. Opening up information for the masses under free license regime could make it easily accessible to millions of people.
Many people in India cannot read, speak or write, and the country has over 60 million people with some form of hearing impairment. There is a desperate need for a high-quality text-to-speech and speech-to-text engines for people with physical disabilities. These products also be freely available so that those who cannot afford to buy expensive proprietary software like JAWS can contribute to Wikipedia in their languages. Many of the text-to-speech engines available today for Indian languages sound so mechanical that it is difficult for the average speaker to use them.
Subhashish Panigrahi is an educator and free knowledge evangelist, and currently works for Communications, Program Capacity & Learning at Wikimedia Foundation, and Access to Knowledge at the Centre for Internet and Society.  Portions of this article are taken from a speech Subhashish gave at BHASHA: Indian Languages Digital Festival in New Delhi.

author: Subhashish Panigrahi