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In Uzbekistan, where homosexuality is illegal, LGBTQ+ people must hide to survive · Global Voices
GV Central Asia and Caucasus

Amir Timur Square in Tashkent, capital of Uzbekistan. Photo by author who didn’t wish to be identified. The person on the photo is not meant to represent a member of the LGBTQ+ community. Used with permission.
Uzbekistan is one of the few remaining countries in post-Soviet Central Asia where homosexual acts between consenting adults are still punishable by law. Those found guilty can be sentenced to up to three years in prison. Uzbek society, deeply shaped by pre-modern Persian culture, has a rich history of same-sex love and its poetic representations. However, under Russian and later Soviet domination of the country in the 20th century, same-sex relations were made a criminal offence. When Uzbekistan gained independence in 1991, its government did not amend those laws.
Today, aggressive homophobia is part of the country's mainstream discourse. It has been openly endorsed by government officials, religious leaders (Muslim and Russian Orthodox alike), as well as numerous internet users, who call not only for the arrest, but also the murder of LGBTQ+ people. This climate of fear has severe consequences for the community, for whom no public space is safe. Sometimes, LGBTQ+ Uzbeks are forced to become sex workers or coerced into helping the police to denounce their peers. When they are murdered, the perpetrators face light penalties or no penalties at all. And that's if they're even identified.
Global Voices interviewed one of the very few LGBTQ+ activists in Uzbekistan, who provide legal and psychological support to a deeply underground community.
For security reasons, the activist's name has been omitted. This interview has been edited for brevity.
Боходир: Самой главной причиной гомофобии в узбекском обществе – это религия ислам, в которой говорится что бесакалбазов (людей нетрадиционной ориентации) надо убивать. Узбекистан является светской страной, но многие необразованные Узбеки не понимают этого, для них это обычное дело открыто призывать к убийствам ЛГБТ людей -это чаще происходит в социальных сетях. Все остаются безнаказанными и не боятся, потому что гомосексуальность ещё и наказывается уголовной статьёй 120.
В последнее время гомофобия возросла, появились ряд гомофобных каналов – которые публикуют личные данные ЛГБТ людей – начиная просто с фотографии и заканчиваю иногда паспортными данными.
Вторая причина так это статья – то есть власть тоже гомофобная. Все твердят что 120 статья хоть и существует, но не практикуется, однако 3 месяца тому назад, двое парней были задержаны по 120 статье. Таким образом 120 статья создаёт среду, в которой нарушаются права человека и совершаются преступления без наказаний. Сотрудники правоохранительных органов благодаря дискриминационной статье шантажируют ЛГБТ людей, но вначале их подвергают пыткам и моральным унижениям, угрожают разоблачением.
The main reason for homophobia in Uzbek society is the Islamic faith, which that claims that “besoqolboz” (people of non-traditional sexual orientations) should be killed. Many uneducated Uzbeks do not understand that Uzbekistan is a secular state, and see nothing wrong in openly calling for the killing of LGBT people, mostly on social media. They remain unpunished and unafraid, given that homosexuality is still a crime under the criminal code as per Article 120.
Lately, homophobia has been on the rise. Several homophobic channels [on social media] have appeared and publish private information about LGBT people, including photos and also passport data in some cases.
The second reason for homophobia is the law, which makes the government homophobic. Some people state that although Article 120 exists, it is not actually applied. But four months ago, two men were arrested under that very law. The existence of Article 120 creates an environment in which human rights are violated and crimes go unpunished. Members of law enforcement agencies also blackmail people under this law, torture them, submit them to moral degradation and threaten to out them to their relatives and employers.
Б: Многим ЛГБТ-людям трудно социализироваться в таком гомофобном обществе, к тому же их внутренняя гомофобия не даёт им покоя, некоторые из них ищут выход в исламе, других превращает в гей-гомофобов, которые потом становятся большой угрозой для остальных ЛГБТ-людей. Некоторые из них заканчивают свою жизнь самоубийством.
Существует очень много стереотипов об ЛГБТ-сообществе, типа они вербуют несовершеннолетних детей или ЛГБТ может привести к вырождению узбекской нации.
Под страхом разоблачения многие лесбиянки и геи выходят замуж/женятся против своей воли, под давлением родственников и родителей, а пройдя некоторое время, либо об их ориентации кто-то узнаёт и происходит развод, или же ведут двойную жизнь.
It is very difficult to develop a spirit of solidarity in such a homophobic society. An internalised homophobia is constantly at play. Some try to find refuge in Islam, other turn into homophobic gays and become a serious threat to other LGBT people. Others just end their lives by committing suicide.
There are many stereotypes of the LGBT community, including accusations of abusing underage children, or causing the extinction of the Uzbek nation.
Fearing that they will be found out, many lesbians and gays enter [heterosexual] marriages against their will, due to pressure from their families. After some time, when their sexual orientation is eventually discovered, they get divorced or maintain a double life.
A billboard depicting a “modest” dress code for students in the grounds of the Uzbek National University in Tashkent. Photo by author who didn’t wish to be identified. Used with permission.
Б: Необходимо открыть фонд для осуществление некоторых проектов и расширения возможностей. Открытие сайта — платформы для распространения всех необходимых информационных материалов для улучшения качества жизни ЛГБТ-людей, для создания безопасной и дружелюбной атмосферы, для работы с ЛГБТ-людьми. Сейчас преступники и гей-гомофобы контролируют все группы для знакомств и каналы про ЛГБТ в Узбекистане, и они имеют доверие ЛГБТ-людей к ним. Страдает очень огромное количество людей. ЛГБТ-люди говорят, что у них всё хорошо — потому что боятся, потому что не знают, куда обратиться.
It is absolutely necessary to establish a foundation for projects and new initiatives. To create a website in order to disseminate information to improve the quality of life of LGBT people. At the moment, criminals and homophobic gays have won the community's trust and control all the dating platforms and channels about LGBT issues in Uzbekistan. A huge number of people are at risk because of that. As they are afraid, LGBT people often say that everything is alright, because they don’t know where to go for support.
Б: В первую очередь это осуществление поучительных мероприятий для работ с ЛГБТ-людьми. Создание групп для добровольных волонтеров, которые могут предлагать помощь для развития любого направления активизма. Постоянный мониторинг преступлений, совершённых на почве ненависти к ЛГБТ-людям. Обращения к международным правозащитным организациям на основе мониторинга преступлений, совершённых на почве ненависти к ЛГБТ-людям.
Укрепление доверия между представителями сообщества и ЛГБТ-людьми. Они должны поверить в нас, нас немного, и мы не можем осуществлять работы абсолютно по всем направлениям активизма. Например у нас ещё нет возможностей для поднятия проблемы на законодательном уровне — потому что на законодательном уровне нас самих считают преступниками.
Есть активисты-психологи, которые могут оказывать помощь ЛГБТ-жертвам, пострадавшим от насилия и дискриминации.
Есть несколько активистов, которые работают по направлению здравоохранения — просвещают ЛГБТ-людей о ВИЧ-заболевании, помогают им обращаться в СПИД-центры, но об этом тоже знает небольшое количество ЛГБТ-людей.
Если мы будем молчать — тем самым будем давать добро на все эти преступления, насилие и  дискриминацию.
First, we need educational events for those who work with the community; we need to form groups of volunteers who can help develop forms of activism. We need to constantly monitor all hate crimes based on sexual orientation. We need to alert international human rights organisations, based on this monitoring, about hate crimes and hatred towards LGBT people.
But we also need to strengthen trust between LGBT people and the rest of society. People need to trust us, there are simply not enough of us to do all the activism which needs to be done. For example, given that the law describes us as criminals, we have no way to raise the issue on the legislative level.
Some activists are psychologists who are able to help members of the LGBT community who are victims of violence or discrimination.
Other activists work in public healthcare services and inform the LGBT community about HIV, help them access AIDS centres. Nevertheless, very few members of the community know about that.
If we remain silent, then we approve of all the crimes, discrimination, and violence.

author: GV Central Asia and Caucasus


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Croatian president criticized for saying Yugoslavia was behind the Iron Curtain (it wasn’t) · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

Croatian President Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović during NATO Military Committee Conference in Split, Croatia, Sept. 17, 2016.  Photo by D. Myles Cullen, CC BY 2.0
Croatian President Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović drew an avalanche of sneers on Balkan social networks after she said Croatia was behind the Iron Curtain, an assertion considered historically inaccurate.
The president made the remarks during her acceptance speech of the 2019 Lifetime Achievement Award, given by the Fulbright Association in a ceremony on October 26 in greater Washington D.C., United States.
Grabar-Kitarović has been president of Croatia since 2015. She is currently campaigning for reelection — Croatians will vote on December 22.
This is what she said on October 26:
I was a girl born on the wrong side of the Iron Curtain when I started dreaming big. Together with my friends, all of them boys for that matter, I would lie down on the ground in the evening and gaze at the stars and the flickering lights of the aircraft flying high in the sky, wishing they would take me away, to those other places where people said freedom of choice existed. Where, they said, you could do whatever you wanted. Where, they said, you could say whatever you believed in without being persecuted. And where, they said, you could become whatever you wanted, only if you work hard enough. And I am proud tonight to dedicate this award both to my family and my nation.
Her words caused many angry reactions and accusations of historical revisionism.
Journalist Jelena Prtoric wrote an extensive thread on Twitter debunking her comments — while also taking the opportunity to poke criticism at Croatia's current state of freedom of expression:
I just wanted to remind you what free speech looks like today in the free Croatia
— Jelena Prtoric (@yellena_p) October 27, 2019
Meanwhile, others criticized the president's attempt to portray herself as a victim in spite of her privileged upbringing.
According to her official biography, Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović was born on April 29, 1968, in Rijeka, where she attended primary school. She attended high school in Los Alamos, New Mexico, in the US, graduating in 1986. At that time, the Iron Curtain was still standing, and kids from the Eastern Bloc didn't have a lot of opportunities to travel to the West.
Yugoslavs, on the other hand, prided themselves on the privilege of holding the “red passport,” which allowed them to travel both to the Western and Eastern Blocs, as well as to some Non-Aligned countries that were off-limits to a few Western citizens. Such mobility also extended to working and studying — for example, Yugoslavs formed, along with the Turks, the largest population of “guest workers” (gastarbeiter) in West Germany.
#Croatian President #KGK is again presenting a different view on history. She claims she grew up on the “wrong side” of the #IronCurtain & had no freedomsof choice, obviously forgetting she finished high school in the US #Trumpian https://t.co/rS4QoFXodG
— Adelina Marini (@AdelinaMarini) October 27, 2019
Grabar-Kitarović also belonged to the more affluent section of Yugoslavian society. In the 1980s, her family owned a butcher shop and a ranch with 22 cows in the village of Lopača near Rijeka. Unlike the countries of the Eastern Bloc or neighboring Albania, socialist Yugoslavia never completely clamped down on private property and allowed entrepreneurial activities.
Samo za @KolindaGK , @HDZ_HR i Udrugu Fulbright ! Zeljezna zavjesa izgledala je ovako. pic.twitter.com/rcljb0Tgv4
— špijunski (@pogledizstklma) October 27, 2019
Only for Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović, the [political party] Croatian Democratic Union and the Fulbright Association. This is how the Iron Curtain looked like.
Responding to the criticism, Grabar-Kitarović said that Winston Churchill included Yugoslavia within the range of the Iron Curtain when he first came up with the term. But Churchill made that speech in 1946, just after the communists took power in Yugoslavia, but before their split with the Soviets two years later.
Croatian historian Hrvoje Klasić explained how this type of revisionism, which tends to affect the public discussion in the Balkans, became widespread in recent times:
Predsjedničina je izjava, nažalost, produkt pristupa prošlosti u Hrvatskoj u zadnjih 30 godina koji je crno-bijel pa sve što se događalo od 1945. do 1990. ocjenjuje crnim, a sve se što je bilo u Hrvatskoj od 1991. godine ocjenjuje bijelim, a ni u jednom ni u drugom slučaju nije bilo tako. Kada je Churchill izgovorio riječi o Željeznoj zavjesi, Jugoslavija zbilja jest iza Željezne zavjese. Međutim, već sljedećih nekoliko godina, nakon sukoba Tita i Staljina, Jugoslavija dobiva specifičnu poziciju između istoka i zapada. Nekad je bila istok, nekad zapad, nekad je u isto vrijeme bila istok i zapad…
U trenutku kada se Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović rađa i odrasta, Jugoslavija sigurno nije iza Željezne zavjese, o čemu upravo svjedoči činjenica da je, za razliku od vršnjaka iz Poljske ili Bugarske, ona mogla putovati s tom putovnicom. I, što je još zanimljivije, mogla je putovati bez vize, zbog čega je ta putovnica bila itekako na cijeni i vjerojatno je jedna od najfalsificiranijih putovnica na svijetu. Ne moram govoriti da je u Jugoslaviji holivudska elita snimala filmove, što je samo jedan od dokaza da se nije radilo o životu iza Željezne zavjese, što ne znači da se nije radilo o životu u socijalističkoj zemlji.
The president's statement is, sadly, a product of the black-and-white approach to history that has been common in Croatia in the last 30 years. According to this approach, everything that took place from 1945 to 1990 is designated as black, and everything after 1991 is considered white, even though in both periods things were much more complicated. When Churchill spoke about the Iron Curtain, Yugoslavia was indeed behind the Iron Curtain. However, in the following years, after the clash between Tito and Stalin, Yugoslavia achieved a specific position between East and West. Sometimes it was pro-Eastern, sometimes pro-Western, and sometimes both at the same time…
At the time when Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović was born and growing up, Yugoslavia was most certainly not behind the Iron Curtain. The fact is that she, unlike her peers from Poland or Bulgaria, was able to travel with her passport. It is interesting that in many countries, the [Yugoslavian] passport allowed for entry without a visa, which made it very valuable and probably one of the most forged passports in the world at that time. I don't have to mention that the Hollywood elite was making movies in Yugoslavia back then, which is another proof that the country was not behind the Iron Curtain. However, it doesn't mean that life was not affected by the order of the then-socialist country.
Montenegrin historian Boban Batrićević shows in an series of articles, published between November 11 and 18, how Yugoslavia had close cooperation with NATO members since its founding in 1949. Concerned about a possible invasion from the Soviet Bloc, the Yugoslav leadership established a military program in 1951 with cooperation from the USA, the UK, and France, which included the import of modern weapons to replace the outdated World War II technology available to the Yugoslav People's Army. In 1953, Yugoslavia signed a friendship treaty with Greece and Turkey, both NATO members, which was upgraded to the level of military-political defense alliance in 1954.
All of this made socialist Yugoslavia an integral part of the Western security system, as its members pledged mutual aid in case of foreign invasion.
Sorry I couldn't resist
(author unknown to me) pic.twitter.com/9Mkc2zQOPa
— Tena Prelec (@tenaprelec) October 29, 2019
The Croatian president, who has a degree in International Relations, has put herself in similar situations before.
At multiple international events in 2017, she claimed that Yugoslavia was behind the Iron Curtain first along with Romania and Poland. In April 2019, she said it again during a visit to Czech Republic (a country that was actually behind the Iron Curtain).
But the instance when she received the largest amount of criticism was after an interview with the Austrian paper Kleine Zeitung on September 11, 2018. She said:
Odrasla sam u komunizmu, i nisam htjela ništa drugo nego da izađem iz toga. Htjela sam biti slobodna. Htjela sam imati mogućnost u dućanu birati između raznih vrsta jogurta, i da ne moram vlastima priopćavati koliko ću kruha trebati idućeg tjedna.
I grew up under communism and I wanted nothing more than to get out of it. I wanted to be free. I wanted to have an opportunity to choose between different brands of yogurt in the store, and to not have to report to authorities how much bread I would need next week.
Croatian fact-checking service Faktograf determined that all aspects of her claim were false. Using data from a specialized journal of the Yugoslav dairy industry (available through Open Access), it could determine that the country had over 85 brands of liquid and solid yogurts in 1975.
Faktograf also quoted consulted with historian Igor Duda, who researches consumerism in Yugoslavia in the 1970s and the 1980s. He said that, even though there were shortages of a few imported goods (like coffee) following the period of prosperity in the seventies, limited choice was much more related to local supply chains. For example, a small shop in a village would only sell products from local producers, without making use of the full range of products available across Yugoslavia.
Rationing of basic staples such as bread indeed happened in countries behind the Iron Curtain, but that was never the case in Yugoslavia during the lifetime of Kolinda Grabar-Kitarovic.
Besides the sarcastic criticism and the memes, some people also considered that, with that interview, Grabar-Kitarović attempted to inflame nationalist passions. Indeed, she said: “for decades, we Croats were forbidden to name our ethnicity. Instead of saying ‘I am a Croat,’ we had to say ‘I am from Croatia.’ Whoever would show national pride would be threatened with jail.”
In response, many people posted photos of their school and marriage certificates, as well as other ID documents from that time, which clearly include the word “Croatian” in the field for ethnicity.
Faktograf also noted that, according to official Yugoslav Census data, the number of people self-identifying as Croats in the federation increased from 3,78 million persons in 1948 to 4,42 million in 1982.
In fact, the principle of “brotherhood and unity” enforced by the Yugoslav regime actually encouraged expressions of all the diverse ethnic identities present in the country, as long as it didn't overstep into nationalistic chauvinism or challenge the supremacy of the Communist Party. Moreover, Josip Broz Tito himself had Croatian origins on his father's side, and neither he nor the official state narrative ever shied away from asserting it.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Filip Stojanovski


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MP of populist right-wing political party from North Macedonia confirms existence of party’s troll army · Global Voices
Metamorphosis Foundation

Daniela Rangelova, MP from VMRO-DPMNE on 360 degrees TV show. Screen shot from online video, fair use.
This story originally appeared on Meta.mk News Agency, a project of Metamorphosis Foundation. An edited version is published below as part of a content-sharing agreement.
Daniela Rangelova, a member of Parliament of the Republic of North Macedonia from the right-wing populist party VMRO-DPMNE that ruled the country from 2006 to 2017  confirmed the existence of the party’s troll army during a TV debate conducted by the “360 degrees” show on 8 November 2019 in Skopje.
When asked about her communication with the current party leadership and their disagreement with some of her positions —including her support to the EU agenda — and public appearances, she said that they have no courage to say what they feel in her face, but rather use their “bots” as conduit.
Тие се многу фини кога ќе се сретнеме, но после секој мој настап јас сум линчувана на социјалните мрежи од партиски ботови коишто јас ги знам, што функционираа во времето кога јас бев член на раководството и од луѓе коишто се на платен список на партијата за линчување на неистомислениците.
They all act very nice when we meet face to face, but after each of my public appearances I suffer lynching on the social networks by party’s bots, which are familiar to me, who were functioning in the same manner at the time when I was a member of the party management, and by people who are paid by the party to lynch people that express disagreement.
Digital rights activist Violeta Gjorgjievska was one of the many people who reacted on Facebook to this revelation:
Vcera vecer ostanav kasno vo nokjta da go chujam intervjuto i da se uveram deka toa shto go plasiraat mediumite e tochno… I ne mi se veruvashe i seuste ne mi se veruva deka tn botovi koi me maltretiraa online vo izminative nekolku godini zatoa shto ne bevme na ista pozicija so razmisluvanjata okolu politichkite sluchuvanja vo malata ni zemja Makedonija go pravele toa za pari….
Kje gi prasham javno vaka, iako ne mi vekje prijateli na FB, za kolku gi prodadovte spomenite, nashite zaednichki spomeni, od korzoto ( so nekoi od niv idev na korzo zaedno), od maaskite druzbi ( so nekoi od niv bevme del od choporativnite maalski druzbi), od ovekonechuvanje na vashite ljubovi ( nekoi od niv stanaa del od mojata familija), od neprespanite nokji polni so diskusii (nekoi od niv zaedno studiravme), od srednoskolskite druzbi po hodnicite na SU (nekoi od niv gi poznavav od sredno) …m? Za kolku gi prodadovte, za 500- che, za 1000-che? Kako ve plakjaa, a? Po zrtva ili po komentar? …
Tragedijata da bide uste pogolema, nekoi od niv ja napushtija drzavata i se odselija nekade na zapad… Pa neli ne za NATO i EU… Samo kje konstatiram, deka Mark Zuckerberg ne go kreirashe FB za vie da si igrate Maskbook… Ama dobro e shto izleze taka, zatoa shto maskite padna…
Yesterday evening I stayed late to hear the interview and to make sure that the media reports about it are true… I couldn't believe and I still refuse to believe that the so-called bots who harrased me online during the past few years for not sharing the same political positions in our little country Macedonia were doing it for money…
I ask them publicly in this way, even though they are no longer my Facebook friends, for how much did you sell our common memories, memories of going out as teenagers, socializing in the neighborhood, from attending weddings (some of them become members of my family), from the sleepless nights full of discussions during the university studies, the memories of hanging out in high school hallways… How much did it cost? Did you sell them for 500 or 1000 denars? Did you get paid by the victim or by a comment? …
It's even more tragic that some of them left the country and moved out to the West… Even though they worked against NATO and EU… I can only state that Mark Zuckerberg haven't created Facebook so you can play Maskbook… But at least one good thing from this is that the masks are off.
This is not the first time for high party officials to reveal details about the existence of the “troll army” or “bots” – a branch of the party propaganda machinery intended for coordinated and orchestrated influence over the public opinions over the social networks.
”Armies” or “factories” of trolls are malicious social network users who act in coordinated manner. These armies are usually comprised of people —hiding behind false identities — hired to troll and spread propaganda, and “bots” (short for robots), ”unmanned accounts programmed to spread certain messages.”
The most famous example of entity running a troll army is the company Internet Research Agency from St. Petersburg, accused of attempts of malicious influence across the world in line with Kremlin’s goals. The terms “bots” has become common in the Balkans region as a nickname for the “internet team” of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), who are called “SNS bots” by its opponents.
A year ago, in an interview with Kanal 5 TV on 28 November 2018, Nikola Todorov, a former government minister in several VMRO-DPMNE administrations run by current fugitive from justice Nikola Gruevski (who has subesequently been convicted on corruption charges and received asylum in Hungary), pointed out that the party has created an army of “party political bots” used for manufacturing an illusion of support by the people or the public, but also serve as intimidation mechanism using serious threats to hinder the work of individuals who are blacklisted by the party. In the interview, he said:
It’s those bots. Political party bots, whose job is to promote all those negative and destructive ideas of VMRO-DPMNE management, and to spread hate speech and falsehoods….This whole system for lynching via social networks that was built by VMRO-DPMNE is very dangerous at this moment. I would say… I’m afraid the people who work for that system would end up in jail for obeying the orders of VMRO-DPMNE management. And these are young people, in their twenties, who sit behind computers…
Todorov was let off from the political party leadership structures because he didn’t support the campaign for boycott of the 2018 consultative referendum on support of entering EU and NATO with a changed name of the country, despite statements made by the party's president Mickoski that anyone can vote according to their conscience.
VMRO-DPMNE has not admitted that the party run the online “I Boycott” campaign, through its troll army. However, the social media profiles active in the pro-boycott campaign were the same used before and after the referendum to promote party positions and for cyberbullying people it has blacklisted.
Statements made by Rangelova in November and Todorov last year indicate that the troll army has several branches, connected to the Center for Communication of VMRO-DPMNE, which have been financed through state resources over the years of their rule between 2006 and 2017.
The troll army's branches
According to Meta.mk's monitoring of the bots’ activities throughout the years, the troll army seems to consist of three branches. One branch runs a network of individual (non-anonymous) and fake (anonymous) social media presences, the second branch consists of persons from the media outlets close to the party which serve both as source (incl. anonymous authors) and amplifiers of the social media manipulations with articles presenting them as ‘voice of the people.’ The third branch is a kind of foot soldiers, party loyalists who think they owe their employment in the public administration to the party, with a duty to like or share content produced by the first two branches, so they would be visible to their wider circles of friends. They would receive instructions to do this regularly (promoting new posts by select pages), or to target certain post with comments of approval (for party representatives) or disapproval and hate (for undesirables).
Leaked wiretaps published in early 2015 indicated that beseides ‘broadcasting’ party propaganda, the troll army operatives are also engaged in surveilance, or monitoring of activities of designated persons of interest over social networks. For instance, the “Bomb number 7” leaks showed that then-government minister Mile Janakieski gave orders to officials to threaten civil servants with resignation or demotion for “liking” an undesired Facebook page (owned by then-opposition candidate) during an election campaign.
The headquarters of political party VMRO-DPMNE in Skopje, North Macedonia. Photo by Global Voices, CC-BY.
Later that same year, European Union facilitator Peter Vanhoutte revealed that the total amount paid in personal income taxes by the party for its employees in 2014 was about 3,200 euros — the equivalent to employment of one person. In contrast, the party had been engaging far more people in its lavish headquarters in Skopje.
During the subsequent period there were more indications that such people are possibly paid through suspected fictitious contracts for services paid through different state institutions.
For example, Hungarian-American lobbyist Jason Miko, who for years was presented as ‘independent analyst’ writing weekly pro-VMRO-DPMNE columns in the now-defunct daily “Dnevnik,” was  in 2015 and 2016 paid for his services though contracts for ‘informing the domestic and international public’ with the Ministry of Defense.
On the other hand, over the years, some local members of the troll army were recruited from the ranks of prospective young social media ‘influencers,’ and molded into columnists in collusion with media outlets controlled by the political party.
Over a year ago, Meta.mk reported about a journalist investigation which determined that an Internet Research Agency operative specialized in establishing “bot armies” had a working visit to North Macedonia in June 2015. Anna Bogacheva, who was also charged by US special counsel Robert Mueller for allegedly interfering in the US elections, refused to explain with whom she had been working in the country in the months after then-President Gorgje Ivanov showed support for Putin by attending the Victory Day parade in Moscow, which was boycotted by NATO and allied countries in protest of aggression against Ukraine.
In the subsequent period the Kremlin and its Balkan proxies provided diplomatic and propaganda support for VMRO-DPMNE regime, which lost power after the elections of December 2016. Its promotion of conspiracy theories contributed to escalation of tensions during the first half of 2017, culminating with the attack on the parliament organized by top VMRO brass.

author: Metamorphosis Foundation


text:
Nigeria’s social media bill will obliterate online freedom of expression · Global Voices
Nwachukwu Egbunike

Senator Mohammed Sani Musa is the sponsor of the social media bill. Screenshot from Channel Television You Tube video.
On November 20, the Protection from Internet Falsehoods and Manipulation of other Related Matters Bill 2019, known as the “social media bill,” sponsored by Senator Mohammed Sani Musa, sailed through a second reading.
The social media bill aims to curb online falsehoods and mis- and disinformation. However, the real intent is not regulation, but rather, the annihilation of online freedom of expression, criminalization of government criticism and legalization of internet shutdowns in Nigeria.
A similar bill was beaten dead in its track in 2016.
This bill aims to “[prevent] the transmission of false statements or declaration of facts in Nigeria,” according to Section 1a. It will ban the dissemination statements likely to be ”prejudicial” to Nigeria, including subjects like public health, public safety, ”public tranquility or public finances” and Nigeria's ”friendly relations with other countries.”
The bill will also “detect, control and safeguard against coordinated misuse of online accounts and bots,” according to Section 1c. In other words, everything is permissible to monitor and control in the proposed law — under the guise of fighting false information.
The social media bill is omniscient since it will be binding for every Nigerian citizen, regardless of residence or geographic location, as long as the ambiguous “false statement of fact” is transmitted within the country. Section 3a to b(i) of the social media bill states that:
A person must not do any act in or outside Nigeria in order to transmit in Nigeria a statement knowing or having reasons to believe that it is a false statements of fact; and the transmission of the statement in Nigeria is likely to be, prejudicial to the security of Nigeria or any part of Nigeria.
The nebulous “national security” excuse is used to justify the trumping of free expression. But it does not stop there, the Nigerian government is always right and cannot be criticized. According to Section 3b(vi), any statement that diminishes “public confidence in the performance of any duty or function of, in the exercise of any power of the government” is prohibited.
According to Section 3b(v), this applies to any statement that: “incites feelings of enmity, hatred, directed at persons or ill-will between different groups of persons.” This is dangerous because it leaves regulators open to contradictory interpretations that could be abused by political actors.
Who defines and approves what incites feelings of hatred? It means that seeking transparency or even daring to hold a politician accountable could be declared hateful.
The punishment upon conviction for any provisions of the bill is a fine that ranges between 200,000 and 10 million naira [about $556 to $28,000 United States dollars], imprisonment for a term not exceeding three years or both.
The social media bill also grants the government unlimited power to switch off the internet, through the “Access Blocking Order” as contained in Section 12, number 3:
The Law Enforcement Department may direct the NCC [Nigerian Communications Commission – the regulatory agency for the telecommunication industry] to order the internet access service provider to take reasonable steps to disable access by end-users in Nigeria.
Internet service providers must comply with this blocking order or risk upon conviction a fine within the range of 5 to 10 million naira [$14,000-28,000 USD].
In addition, the bill under consideration indemnifies the internet service providers from any “civil or criminal liability” incurred from a lawsuit brought against them for “complying to any access blocking order,” according to section 12, number 5.
The human rights violations get murkier because the law grants the police a legal license to command an access-blocking order at whim. Section 15a states that only the “initiative” of the police in face of “overwhelming sufficing evidence” is needed to cancel an internet shutdown in the country.
Consequently, “no appeal may be made to the High Court” [Section 13(2)] by any party to revoke such a ban without first applying to the police to revoke an existing blocking order. The implications of this are obvious — no one can resort to the courts for redress in the face of this violation while the blocking order persists.
Three lawmakers seem to be the arrowhead of the bill in the Senate, the upper house of Nigeria’s parliament: Mohammed Sani Musa (the sponsor of the bill), Abba Moro and Elisha Abbo.
Out of the four senators pushing for the Social Media Bill, 3 of them are first timers:
1. Mo Sani: Was outed on social media for being an APC member while allegedly handling card reader contracts in 2015 elections.#NoToSocialMediaBill pic.twitter.com/QWSoD0bEtL
— Ndi Kato (@YarKafanchan) November 20, 2019
Mohammed Sani Musa’s company, Activate Technologies Limited, supplied the Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) machine used for the 2019 general elections, while he was the candidate of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) for Niger East Senatorial district, according to the investigate outlet, Premium Times. This is an allegation that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) admitted. Musa’s conflict of interest raised some doubts about the true independence of Nigeria’s election umpire in the last election.
Screenshot of Nigerian member of parliament, Senator Elisha Abbo.
Ishaku Elisha Abbo of the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) is a senator representing the Adamawa North Senatorial District in Adamawa State, in northeast Nigerian. In July 2019, in the presence of a police officer, Abbo assaulted a female staff member in an adult sex toy store in Abuja. After a video of the assault went viral on social media, Abbo offered a public apology.
Abba Moro, also with the PDP, is the senator representing Benue South district, northcentral Nigeria. On March 15, 2014, Moro, as minister of interior, was responsible for the Nigerian Immigration Recruitment tragedy in which about 6 million Nigerian youths who applied for 4,000 vacant positions in Nigerian Immigration Service were forced to assemble in various recruitment locations in the country.
The resulting stampede due to overcrowding led to about 20 deaths and multiple injuries. Moro was a recipient of part of the application fees paid by the job-seekers amounting to 675 million naira [about $1.8 million USD]. Moro not only enriched himself but also bypassed the extant procurement laws for the Immigration Service.
Using the hashtag #SayNoToSocialMediaBill, Nigerian netizens took to Twitter to express their collective indignation:
I, Bukky Shonibare, #SayNoToSocialMediaBill.
It's a grievous infringement on the Constitutional right to free speech. We must be able to speak our minds, even when we are wrong or mistaken, without fear of intimidation, harassment or incarceration by the State.
What do you say? https://t.co/PRmif19Hk2
— HERmbassador (@BukkyShonibare) November 22, 2019
Sikemi Okunrinboye started a petition against the National Assembly, the president of the Senate and the president of Nigeria. The petition has gathered over 32,000 signatories.
The National Assembly of the Federal Republic of Nigeria: Stop the Social Media Bill!!!
Please sign the Petition https://t.co/fnXUwgEbf6
— Ebuka Obi-Uchendu (@Ebuka) November 23, 2019
Others Nigerians are reaching out to their lawmakers to vote against the bill.
i wrote an email to the senators representing my state about the social media bill telling them to vote it down. you should too.
— tòlú daniel (@iamToluDaniel) November 23, 2019
However, very few lawmakers, like Chimaroke Nnamani, stood against the bill when it was tendered in parliament for the second reading.
Opposing the social media bill during the second reading at plenary today -part 1 pic.twitter.com/Xn6oh6vNeD
— HE Chimaroke Nnamani MD. FACOG. D.Sc (@ChimarokeNamani) November 20, 2019
In a statement, Amnesty International condemned the use of “laws to justify human rights violations” because it will not only stop Nigerians “from speaking their minds” but will also “send them to jail for doing so.”
The parliament, under the pretext of curbing mis- and disinformation, is considering the enactment of a draconian law. Ironically, the greatest propagators of false information online are political actors.
Both Nigeria's ruling and main opposition parties turned Twitter into a minefield of ethnic hate speech, disinformation and propaganda during the 2019 presidential elections.
In these troubling times of freedom of expression in Nigeria, the wise charge from American writer Toni Morrison evokes hope:
This is precisely the time when artists go to work. There is no time for despair, no place for self-pity, no need for silence, no room for fear. We speak, we write, we do language.
The bill is currently at its second reading in the Senate. To become law, it will need to move to committee stage where legislators will review it. The committee presents its report to Parliament, the bill is debated, a clean copy is re-presented to the Senate for a final vote and then, there's the presidential assent.
The Parliament must be hard-pressed to throw out the social media bill in its entirety. This is because Africa’s most populous country will slide smoothly into full dictatorship once freedom of expression has been extinguished.

author: Nwachukwu Egbunike


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‘Suspension won’t silence me’: Teen speaks out after embedding message about Xinjiang Uyghurs in TikTok makeup tutorial · Global Voices
Hong Kong Free Press

Screen capture from Feroza Aziz's make-up tutorial. Via HKFP's youtube channel.
This post is originally written by Holmes Chan and Tom Grundy and published on Hong Kong Free Press on 27 November 2019. The following edited version is published on Global Voices under a content partnership agreement.
A teenager who spoke out about the plight of Uyghurs in Xinjiang has challenged the Chinese-owned social media app TikTok over its decision to block her from posting new content.
Feroza Aziz, 17, made headlines earlier this week after posting videos detailing the treatment of Uyghurs by the Chinese authorities. She sought to sneak through TikTok’s content moderation system by disguising the clips as “makeup tutorials.”
Aziz told HKFP on 27 November that she took advantage of viewers’ interest in fashion to make her message heard. The videos netted more than half a million “likes” on the popular social platform, and its duplicates on other platforms have been viewed millions of times.
Aziz has since been blocked from posting content on TikTok, though a spokesperson from the company told BBC News that it “does not moderate content due to political sensitivities.” The app – known as Douyin in mainland China and TikTok in the rest of the world – is owned by Chinese company Bytedance, based in Beijing. Aziz said:
I knew that if I start with a makeup tutorial, then people would want to watch. I then realized that I should use this idea of disguising my video because it will reach out to more people without TikTok [finding] out that I am talking about China’s corrupt government.
In the viral video, Aziz started with instructions on using an eyelash curler, before asking viewers to use their phone to search about what is happening to Uyghurs in Xinjiang:
how they’re getting concentration camps, throwing innocent Muslims in there, separating families from each other, kidnapping them, murdering them, raping them, forcing them to eat pork, forcing them to drink, forcing them to convert […] This is another Holocaust, yet no one is talking about it. Please be aware, please spread awareness in Xinjiang right now.
Aziz, an Afghan-American, urged governments around the world to take action to “stop innocent people dying” and tackle the humanitarian crisis:
As a Muslim myself, I have been a victim of racism and prejudice. I also grew up in a Jewish community, so I have always been aware of the Holocaust and the genocide placed on the Jews in World War II. […] After finding out about this issue, I knew that I had to say something about this, because if I didn’t say anything, who would?
Aziz said that her video was meant to raise awareness, and the reception had been mostly positive on social media.
While the makeup tutorial video remains available on TikTok, Aziz said on 26 November that she had been banned from posting new content for a month, but added: “This won’t silence me.”
On 15 November, TikTok banned one of Aziz’s old accounts for posting an unrelated video that allegedly broke its rules on terrorism-related material, and also blocked her smartphone on 25 November, according to BBC News.
I am blocked from posting on tik tok for a month. This won’t silence me.
— feroza.x (@x_feroza) November 25, 2019
The previous video showed Aziz reacting to a montage of Caucasian celebrities, with a caption of “me only liking white boys in middle school.” The video then transitions to a montage of non-white men with the caption “me now.” The video ends with a visual punchline of Bin Laden’s picture.
Aziz told HKFP that the video was meant as “dark humour” and “poking fun at those who have told me and my other Muslim brothers and sisters that I should marry a terrorist”:
As a Muslim-American growing up in an almost all-white community, I have been ridiculed my whole life for my religion. I’ve been told to leave the country, go bomb another country, or to go marry a terrorist.
I decided, why not take these negative and racist remarks made to me, and make it into a funny video where more Muslims can laugh at, because the truth is, they face the same prejudice.
TikTok says the ban was not due to criticism of China. Her previous account, they said, had posted a video of Osama bin Laden on Nov. 15, leading to a ban for her phone. She says the video was an obvious joke about racism she has faced as a Muslim, and shared the video with us: pic.twitter.com/5w7WpV2gB9
— Drew Harwell (@drewharwell) November 26, 2019
Aziz added that it was “extremely suspicious” for TikTok to cite her old video as the reason for her suspension because both the video and the old account had already been deleted.
I created a new [account] and never posted that Bin Laden video again and never posted anything that would offend anyone. But right when I post about China’s concentration camps I get suspended, over a video I made that was deleted on another account that was also deleted? It makes no sense!
Finally today on 28 November, the company issued a public apology and gave Aziz back her account. But the video blogger said she did not buy Tiktok's error claim:
UPDATE: Tiktok has issued a public apology and gave me my account back. Do I believe they took it away because of a unrelated satirical video that was deleted on a previous deleted account of mine? Right after I finished posting a 3 part video about the Uyghurs? No.
The predominantly Muslim Uighur ethnic group is among the minorities targetted in what Beijing claims is a campaign to tackle unrest and separatism. The UN says a million Uighurs have been arbitrarily detained in extralegal “political reeducation camps,” whilst Human Rights Watch reports that surveillance and repression in Xinjiang have increased dramatically since 2016.
The NGO says that biometric data is collected from residents, passports are confiscated, religious activities are restricted, “abnormally long” beards, public prayers and Muslim veils are banned, whilst vehicle and mobile phone owners are made to install trackers.

author: Hong Kong Free Press


text:
Tanzanian rapper scolded for lyrics about nation’s cashew crisis · Global Voices
Amanda Lichtenstein

Rapper Roma Mkatoliki, from Tanzania, is known for his activism in his lyrics. His latest song, “Anaitwa Roma,” released this month, took on the cashew crisis and other social issues. Photos courtesy of Roma Mkatoliki.
When Tanzanian rapper Ibrahim Mussa, known as Roma Mkatoliki, released “Anaitwa Roma” (Swahili for “He is Called Roma”) this month, he received a strong reprimand from the government for the song's lyrics.
Arts and Information Minister Harrison Mwakyembe said the musician “lacks the academic credentials” to criticize state policies. Yet, the Tanga-born hip hop artist is a former teacher. “Roma” told Global Voices in a November 26 phone interview that he taught chemistry and computer science for a few years, but realized that hip hop was his calling.
“I see myself as an ambassador, to be a voice of the voiceless, to speak on behalf of the challenges and struggles of everyday Tanzanians,” Roma said.
The song, which soared in popularity online since its November 14 release, criticizes the government's 2018 decision to deploy the military to purchase cashew nuts from farmers in an attempt to force middlemen to increase the market price.
Instead of accepting offers from companies who wanted to buy the crop at $1.3 per kilo, Magufuli ordered the army to buy the cashews from farmers in southern Mtwara for $1.43 per kilo. According to the BBC: “Critics have accused the president of trying to use the crisis over cashews, one of Tanzania's main exports, for political gain,” particularly in the Mtwara region, an opposition stronghold.
Tanzania produces 75 percent of East Africa's cashew crop, according to the International Nut and Dried Fruit Council Foundation.
Roma's hit song has drawn nearly 800,000 views on YouTube since its release on November 14, 2019, with over 4,000 comments:
“I had to take the song [“Anaitwa Roma”] to digital platforms because most [Tanzanian-based] radio stations wouldn't play the song — well, they hesitated,” Roma told Global Voices from Washington, DC, where he recently performed at an exclusive event for Swahili Society USA.
That's because, over the last few years, the current administration has targeted and censored Roma Mkatoliki and several other musical artists who perform Bongo Flava, or Tanzanian-style hip hop, especially those who critique the government.
The rapper Roma Mkatoliki is known for his activism and powerful lyrics. Photo courtesy of Roma Mkatoliki.
In April 2017, Roma and three other people were kidnapped and tortured by armed men who stormed their recording studio in Dar es Salaam. The kidnappers also confiscated computers, TVs and studio equipment. Roma and the others were held and questioned over a period of three days without explanation, before being released.
Online rumors circulated that Roma had staged the kidnapping as a publicity stunt, which he has adamantly denied both online and in the interview with Global Voices. “Why would I make up something like my own death? By the grace of God I survived,” Roma said.
Nearly a year after the ordeal, in March 2018, the Tanzanian Communication Authority imposed a six-month ban on Roma's music for his “sexually explicit” song, “Kibamia.” The ban applied to Roma along with several other Bongo Flava artists whose song lyrics “were against Tanzanian social norms and values,” according to The Citizen, a local daily.
The Arts and Information minister also warned Roma to register formally with Tanzania's arts council, Baraza la Sanaa la Tanzania (BASATA), which falls under his ministry. While the government lifted the ban, Roma's ability to perform live shows is contingent on correcting his lyrics and formally registering with the council.
Maria Sarungi Tsehai, an outspoken activist herself, saluted the activist rapper on Twitter for making a strong comeback after a nearly two-year hiatus, and for challenging the policies and priorities of the Magufuli's administration.
Yoo yoo yooo! #AnaitwaRoma trending at numero uno (number one) right now in #Tanzania
We did it ??
Finally a worthy and serious cause for Freedom is topping the charts!
Hongera @Roma_Mkatoliki unastahili!
Kana bado ingia hapa https://t.co/gpRfNTr3LD sikiliza now! pic.twitter.com/S3QoOhbr2j
— Maria Sarungi Tsehai (@MariaSTsehai) November 15, 2019
In an increasingly repressive environment for freedom of expression in Tanzania, the outspoken hip hop artist opens his song with a declaration:
Anaitwa Roma. Hakuna wa kumstopisha. Nani wa kumnyazaisha? Kazi kuongea ongea. Kesho yake on air. Kesho kutwa wamepotea.
His name is Roma, there's no stopping him, who will silence him? It's work to sing and sing. Tomorrow, it's on the air. Day after tomorrow, they are lost.
Early in the song, Roma calls out Magufuli's unorthodox cashew policy:
Hii si ni chi ya demokrasi. Mkimindi basi mnawajua. Mbona hamuwakamati? Tuyaache hayo. Vipi korosho za Mtwara? Maana wapiga kura wengi wakulima wafanaya biashara. Kumniyma mpinzani agenda mtendee tu yaliyo mema. Sio kumpeleka difenda. Utani uutie vilema.
This nation has no democracy. If you mind, then, you know them — why not arrest them? But let's leave that matter. What's up with the cashews of Mtwara? I mean, there are a lot of voters who are farmers and traders. To deprive the opponent's agenda, do only what is good for him. Not to send a defender. Joke's on the lame.
He comments on Tanzanian leadership:
Viongozi hawana maarifa. Hawataki wakosolewe. Wanafanya kazi kwa sifa.
Our leaders have no knowledge. They don't want to take the blame. They just work on merit.
Roma also takes a hard look at the deterioration of social services like education and health care, rapping that social workers and teachers are underpaid and sick patients face hospital fines. “My mom was a nurse, and by profession, I am around a lot of social workers, so I know what I'm talking about,” Roma told Global Voices. He raps about how health insurance should be more important than investing in Tanzania's national airline, one of Magufuli's mega-projects.
Award-winning poet Dotto Rangimoto weighed in on Roma's lyrical buzz on Twitter with other netizens:
Naafiki maneno yako. Ndio maana Roma kasema hatutaki ndege bali twataka bima ya afya https://t.co/lF5wXsOQ2P
— Dotto Rangimoto (@JiniKinyonga) November 18, 2019
I believe your words. Indeed, that's what Roma means when he says he doesn't want an airline but he wants health insurance.
Even after Minister Mwakyembe's stern warning, Roma insists that the minister is actually one of his biggest fans. “If you met Roma right now, what would you advise him?” East Africa Radio asked on Twitter:
Kwenye Back Stage
Msanii wa Hip Hop @Roma_Mkatoliki amesema Waziri wa habari, sanaa, utamaduni na michezo Dk Harrison Mwakyembe ni mmoja kati ya mashabiki wake mkubwa.
Ukikutana na Roma hivi sasa utamshauri nini?
Sikiliza #BongoFlevaTop20 saa 4:00 asubuhi – 6:00 mchana pic.twitter.com/bTaSvvsYnr
— East Africa Radio (@earadiofm) November 23, 2019
Back Stage: Hip Hop artist Roma Mkatoliki has said that the minister of information, arts, culture and sports, Harrison Mwakyembe, is one of his biggest fans. If you met Roma now, what would you advise him? Listen #BongoFlevaTop20 10 a.m.-12 noon
Very few of East Africa Radio's 330,000 followers, replied to their tweet, likely because of heightened fear to speak out online under the Magufuli administration.
“I believe Mwakyembe does appreciate my music, that he's a fan,” Roma told Global Voices. “We love our country, we love our leaders, we just want more understanding between the ruling party and the opposition,” Roma said.
Roma Mkatoliki, hip hop artist from Tanzania, photo courtesy Roma Mkatoliki.
Meanwhile, Magufuli's military cashew buy-out has not fared so well. The BBC has reported that the government is now investigating “allegations of widespread fraud in a scheme intended to rescue the country’s cashew nut industry.”
The BBC report questioned whether over $17 million was in fact paid to the cashew cooperatives under the buy-out scheme, suggesting that amounts sold were exaggerated and that “ghost” payments were made for nuts never collected.
The government maintains that their aim was to protect cashew farmers from exploitation, but agreed to investigate, and declined to set a minimum price in 2019.
Winner of two Kili Music Awards as best hip hop artist, Roma says he plans to continue making music and performing to large crowds, raising awareness about violence, corruption and hardship. “Hip hop, it's not just music — it's a whole culture. It's about preaching peace, fighting against discrimination against black people. I'm a musician, I'm doing rap.”

author: Amanda Lichtenstein


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Testing the limits of LGBT acceptance in Taiwan: Interview with filmmaker Ming Lang Chen · Global Voices
Filip Noubel

A scene from the movie The Teacher featuring the main character Kevin and his mother. Photo provided by Swallow wings films, used with permission.
A recently released and already awarded Taiwanese movie tests the limits of acceptance of LGBT people as the country became the first in Asia to pass a marriage-equality law in May 2019.
The Teacher (我的靈魂是愛做的) is a feature movie by Taiwanese Ming Lang Chen who just won an award in November at the 2019 Golden Horse Festival, the largest and oldest film festival in the Chinese-speaking world. It tells the story of a young gay school teacher who is confronted by his family, colleagues, and lover as he struggles to make his gender identity transparent and accepted by the people around him. The movie will be officially released on December 6 and is the second feature film by Chen who was born in Taiwan in 1970, served as Lieutenant in the Taiwanese army before migrating to New York where he completed his studies at New York University's Film Department. His first feature film, Tomorrow Comes Today (你的今天和我的明天), came out in 2013 and tells the story of a Taiwanese migrant in New York who is exploring his own masculinity.
Chen spends most of his time in New York but travels regularly to Taiwan. Chen agreed to an interview as he tours Taiwan for the premiere of The Teacher.
Filip Noubel: What inspired you to make the movie The Teacher（我的靈魂是愛做的）？
Ming Lang Chen: My initial idea was to make a movie about a gay couple in which one is HIV positive, and the other isn't. Eventually, the story evolved, and I decided to make the movie in Taiwan. The main plot follows Kevin, a 26-year-old high school teacher who teaches civic education in Taiwan. He falls in love with another man, and discovers two things about him later: That this man is married to a woman and that he is HIV positive. Kevin is thus faced with a number of challenges: He has to face his own mother with whom he still lives and with whom he talks about the man he loves; then there is the fear of AIDS, and finally he also needs to face his lover's wife. On top of that, someone spreads a rumor at his school that he is HIV positive. The school then tries to force him to resign, as it is illegal to fire someone based on their HIV status in Taiwan. So the main theme is really how one faces pressure at a rather young age. The Teacher is about human communication, it shows a wide range of delicate emotions, I wouldn't say it is just a gay movie.
FN: Why do you think your movie won an award at the 2019 Gold Horse Award?
MLC: Taiwan is very friendly towards LGBT film production. Every year the the Golden Horse Award, which started in 1962, has at least one or two LGBT-themed movies competing for an award. In 1993, the gay-themed movie Wedding Banquet by Taiwanese and now global filmmaker Ang Lee won the award for best feature film. In 2003, a serial adaptation of Crystal Boys (孽子), inspired the groundbreaking gay novel of the same name by Taiwanese gay author Pai Hsien-yung  (白先勇) won the Golden Bell Awards.
As for Winnie Chang, who plays the wife in my film, I believe she won the Best Supporting Actress Award because, even though there are very few scenes involving her, she represents the many layers of this typical situation when gay men marry women out of social and family pressure. She finds herself in a love triangle that was not her choice and is exposed to a lot of pressure. She married into a big family, has to keep up appearances, wants a child and is pressured by her in-laws to do so. Yet she remains tolerant and humane.
A scene from the movie The Teacher featuring Winnie Chang, who won Best Supporting Actress at the Golden Horse Awards.  Photo provided by Swallow wings films, used with permission.
FN: Taiwan is often described as an oasis for LGBT rights in East Asia. Is this true and does it apply to all parts of Taiwanese society?
MLC:  In the capital Taipei, we live in a very open space, we have a large Gay Pride Parade, and so we tend to think that being gay is no big deal. But we need to get outside of this bubble and see what is really happening in society. Because yes, Taiwan is a democracy, but a very young one, just in its early 30s. This is why I chose a main character who is just under 30. I wanted to see what this generation is experiencing, as they are the first to grow in a post-martial law society.
This is why the movie will be distributed across Taiwan in 16 commercial movie theaters. We didn't want to go big and end up with half-empty movie theater rooms. This is an art movie, quite different from Taiwanese mainstream movies that are heavily influenced by the storytelling of TV series. Our hope is that word of mouth will convince audiences who are into indie movies to come and appreciate The Teacher.
Filmmaker Ming Lang Chen (on the right) at the premiere of The Teacher in Taoyuan, with a fan and the main actor Oscar Chiu (邱志宇) (on the left). Photo by Filip Noubel, used with permission.
FN: Who then is opposing LGBT rights in Taiwan today?
MLC: The strongest opposition comes from certain members of religious groups, and mostly Christian people. They have money, are influenced by groups outside of Taiwan, and have a blind belief that homosexuality is wrong, even though the Bible doesn't say that. But there is also another factor: our Asian traditions that keep any talk about homosexuality hush hush. The result is that very few people come out, so people don’t get to see or know a gay person in their immediate circles.That's what I wanted to achieve with Kevin; to introduce a person who looks like a neighbour so people can look at his dilemma and say: “I know him!”.
I couldn't imagine that I would see marriage-equality happen in Taiwan, and we have to thank people like Chi Chia-wei who were brave enough to come out publicly. I never felt prouder to be a Taiwanese than the day we passed the marriage equality law.

author: Filip Noubel


text:
The Gambia confronts the nightmare of witch hunts under former regime · Global Voices
Abdoulaye Bah

Masirending Bojang was over 80 years old when she was captured in her village of Jambur, southwest of Banjul, where more than ten years later, the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission has initiated its first hearings in the regions. Photo via justiceinfo.net reproduced under CC BY 2.0.
On Monday, November 11, The Gambia's Truth and Reconciliation Commission began a one-month session focusing on the prevalence of witch hunts, a tactic used under the Yahya Jammeh regime. In 2009, the Jammeh regime carried out raids in villages and institutions including the military, intelligence agency and prisons.
Many believe that the witch hunt tactic was used to intimidate Jammeh's opposition and create a culture of fear and terror.
While Jammeh's regime used the police force to repress and kill citizens, members of the force, too, suffered from these witch hunts. The blog kerr-fatou.com reports:
One of the institutions that suffered Jammeh’s witch hunting was the Gambia Police Force. Before the Truth Commission on Monday, two police officers, Ken Mendy and Abdou Colley, detailed how the so-called witch doctors raided the police headquarters and accused at least six officers of being witches.
Mustapha Ceesay, a former Gambia Police Force (GPF) staff and an alleged victim of Gambia’s former President Yahya Jammeh’s 2009 witch-hunting exercise, made his deposition from the United States by Skype before the TRRC, according to the blog kerr-fatou.com:
The hunting began. According to Ceesay, on January 13 and 14, 2009. In these two days, the witch doctors have conducted an exercise within the police headquarters, accusing people of being witches.
On January 14, 40 people were accused of being witches within the police. These people were asked to stay together in a group waiting to be trucked away to an unknown location to be ‘cured.’
Journalist Adama Makasuba wrote how these witch doctors, “forced senior police officers at the police headquarters in Banjul to pledge their allegiance to former president Yahya Jammeh by standing over a sacrificial pit of a cock under a palm tree,” with direct testimony by Ken Mendy, a policeman who testified with the TRCC on Monday, Nov. 12.
In a communiqué dated from March 2009, Amnesty International revealed that nearly 1,000 people “were kidnapped from their villages by ‘witch doctors,’ taken to secret detention centers and forced to drink hallucinogenic concoctions.”
Reports suggest that officials within Gambia including the police, army and the president’s personal protection guards are accompanying ‘witch doctors’ as they carry out their campaign…
At the secret detention centers, where some have been held for up to five days, they are forced to drink unknown substances that cause them to hallucinate and behave erratically. Many are then forced to confess to being a witch. In some cases, they are also severely beaten, almost to the point of death.
Seven years later, in 2016, gainako.com reported that the witch hunters went on sprees, going door-to-door in the village of Kamfenda, in the western Foni region, a former-Jammeh stronghold, in an attempt to arrest citizens for sorcery:
Citizens can recall a camp was opened in Jammeh’s home village of Kanilai [southern Gambia] in 2009, where thousands of abductees were kidnapped and forced to drink ‘kubehjara’ [a locally made, potentially poisonous herb drink] by witch doctors from Mali and Guinea [brought in by Jammeh]. They said witch doctors raped some women, stole their personal items like money and cell phones and even forced them into ritual dancing in open [outdoor] spaces. Many villages were victimized, the height of the madness in [the villages of] Jambur, Makumbayaa, Barra, Sintet, Bwiam, and many others. Lots of lives were lost, others to date are faced with serious stomach complications and many others fled the Gambia to neighboring Casamance [Senegal] to avoid these abductions. To be noted that a lot of those that resisted were arrested and tried in the case for Jambur, and even one-time presidential contestant, Halifa Sallah.
Award-winning photographer and writer from London, Jason Florio, wrote about these abductions for his initiative #Portraits4PositiveChange in January 2019:
Dodou Sanyang in the room of his recently deceased mother. She was one of over a thousand elderly people abducted on the order of the former president, Yahya Jammeh in 2009. Groups of Jammeh’s paramilitary troops along with his youth brigade, The Green Boys, and ‘magicians’ from Guinea went from village to village as part of a nationwide hunt for witches.
The alleged witches were held for up to five days in secret locations and made to drink ‘Kubehjaro’, a hallucinogenic substance, and then forced to confess to witchcraft. Some were also severely beaten and robbed by their captors. Some died at the detention sites, and others, like Sanyang’s mother, suffered years of illness before dying. Many in Sanyang’s village believe the elderly there were not targeted for witchcraft, but because the village had been an opposition stronghold –  Essau, Northbank Division, The Gambia.
The Gambian Police Force was among several institutions and individuals targeted by witch hunts demanded by the Jammeh regime in 2009. Serekunda Police Station, The Gambia, 2015. Photo by WildRedHen via Flickr, CC BY 2.0.
Jammeh's witch hunt ended abruptly in 2009 when his government halted abruptly without explanation and released those arrested without giving any reason, according to a communiqué by Amnesty International, in April 2009.
But years later, the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer communities were also targeted by Jammeh's regime. Graeme Reid, the director for the LGBTQ rights program at Human Rights Watch, revealed in December 2014:
Jammeh’s latest target is the LGBT community. In October, he signed a new criminal code that carries punishment of up to life in prison for ‘aggravated homosexuality’, which is defined in such a way as to include ‘serial offenders’ and people living with HIV who are deemed to be gay or lesbian. The new law has sparked a witch hunt against LGBT people in Gambia, with at least 14 documented arrests. Some of those rounded up have been tortured. Detainees said they were told that if they did not ‘confess,’ and also provide the names of other so-called offenders, a device would be forced into their anus or vagina to ‘test’ their sexual orientation. Those who [could] flee have sought refuge in neighboring Senegal.
The TRCC special sessions will be held in the villages where the witch hunts took place, outside Banjul Gambia’s capital city, starting with the village of Jambur in southwest Banjul. Hopefully, the TRRC will address all forms of targeted harassment and terror under the Jammeh regime.

author: Abdoulaye Bah


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Varakashi: Zimbabwe’s online brigade targets activists and dissidents · Global Voices
GV Sub-Saharan Africa

On November 18, 2017, protesters marched to celebrate Robert Mugabe's removal from power. Emmerson Mnangagwa was sworn in as president a few days later. Photo by Zimbabwean-eyes via Flickr.
Their mandate is clearly laid out. They have no doubt about their mission and execute it with relentless fervor: Commonly known as Varakashi, Zimbabwe’s online army defends President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa on any issue. Varakashi is the Shona word for “destroyers.” They troll social media platforms — especially Twitter — and criticize anyone who dares to challenge Mnangagwa’s policies or leadership.
Varakashi members range from government-sponsored stalwarts to ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU- PF) supporters. Their overarching aim is to push the narrative that anyone who disagrees with the Zimbabwean government is an agent of foreign powers — and therefore unpatriotic.
In March 2018, just before the presidential and parliamentary elections were scheduled for July the same year, Mnangagwa instructed his ruling ZANU-PF party youth league to batter his opponent on social media.  “We are not techno-savvy. Don’t be beaten to the game. Get in there and dominate social media,” he told the youth party members at the ZANU PF youth league National Assembly.
“I should commend you for spearheading the social media campaign blitz you christened #EDhasMyVote,” he said.
Mnangagwa's command immediately set the tone for the youth league and other ruling party supporters to go on an all-out online campaign of harassment and threats aimed at anyone perceived to be anti-Mnangagwa policies, even after the 2018 elections which Mnangagwa won.
Civil society leaders, opposition activists, independent media and even foreign embassies have been the subject of targeted online campaigns laced with vitriolic language. This has also been punctuated by a mix of fake news, rumor, hate speech, disinformation and misinformation.
Zimbabwe currently faces serious economic and social implosion as high fuel and food prices, coupled with growing hyperinflation, that threaten stability. Most households and businesses have to contend with 18-hour power cuts and chronic water shortages.
Yet, the government remains optimistic about improving the nation’s economic fortunes. Finance Minister Mthuli Ncube recently said while presenting his 2020 budget to parliament that Zimbabwe’s economy is forecast to grow by 3 percent in 2020, buoyed by improvements in agricultural output and electricity supplies.
However, the economy remains the subject of intense debate online, as citizens call for increased government accountability. This has stimulated a new wave of online mobilization as Zimbabweans — at home and abroad — engage with politics online. Under Mnangagwa’s “new dispensation,” a period so far marked by human rights abuses and corruption, free online debate is thwarted.
The Varakashi have undoubtedly had an effect on public discourse about government policies.
In May 2019, the government took the spotlight when it launched a campaign to arrest seven human rights activists at Robert Mugabe International Airport as they returned from a capacity-building workshop on nonviolent protest tactics in the Maldives. Authorities accused them of attending a workshop organised by a Serbian nongovernmental organization called the Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies (CANVAS).
The activists were arrested after accusations and pressure by the Varakashi on social media, of “plotting to overthrow” the government, and were ultimately charged with subverting the government.
On Twitter, one government supporter posted the workshop's agenda and tweeted that attendees were flown to the Maldives to receive training on how ”to topple the govt we voted for.” While some users pointed out that the agenda he shared contained no language supporting these allegations, others described the attendees as ”sell-outs” and called for them to ”rot in jail.”
Prior to their arrests, on May 17, the state-owned and controlled Herald newspaper accused civil society organizations of “plotting to unleash violent protest” in Zimbabwe, citing the Maldives meeting, according to Amnesty International.
The seven activists were charged with ‘subverting a constitutional government’ under Section 22 (2) of Criminal Law (Codification and Reform Act), punishable by 20 years in jail. The activists, who were later released on bail, include Rita Nyampinga, director of Women Prisoners Support Trust and George Makoni of the Center for Community Development in Zimbabwe.
In another case of Varakashi harassment, popular comedian and political satirist, Samantha Kureya, went into hiding in August after being abducted from her home by unidentified armed men, then beaten, stripped and made to drink sewage. The Varakashi sent a threat to Kureya on Twitter just hours before the abduction.
Kureya had been arrested earlier in 2019 for “public nuisance” after appearing in a comedic sketch wearing a police uniform.
It was widely reported that this attack was one of several that targeted critics of President Mnangagwa and his party. Human rights activists believe that Zimbabwe’s security services were responsible.
Just hours before the abduction, a threat of abduction & torture had been made against Samantha Kureya (Gonyeti) by one Nomatter Magaya who accused Gonyeti of “using comedy to meddle in politics.” @PoliceZimbabwe @InfoMinZW @SADC_News @edmnangagwa @bustoptv @263Chat @euinzim pic.twitter.com/6Ot8nUJOLC
— Dewa Mavhinga (@dewamavhinga) August 21, 2019
The government and the Varakashi denied reports of Kureya's abduction and torture. Zimbabwe’s Deputy Information Minister Energy Mutodi said the abudction was part of a comedy act by the comedian.
Gonyeti Gonyeti did a comedy on police accommodation & it’s apparent she has done another one on abductions. We will not be fooled.
— Hon. Dr Energy Mutodi (PhD) (@energymutodi) August 22, 2019
Government supporters repeated the same narrative. One accused medical doctors of producing ”false medical exams” for Kureya and that these ”must have their medical licenses canceled.” Another individual tweeted that Kureya’s abduction and reported torture were most likely a publicity stunt.
Varakashi have also targeted ambassadors from the United States, the European Union and Britain online.
As social unrest grew over World Bank and IMF-supported austerity measures, Zimbabwe embarked on a land reform program in 2000 that witnessed the violent displacement of about 4,500 white commercial farmers from 19 million acres of prime land.
Britain, the United States and European Union member states subsequently imposed sanctions and trade embargoes against a list of individuals and associated state entities behind human rights violations.
Zimbabweans have been divided regarding the sanctions, with ”pro-government supporters blaming the country's economic and political problems on sanctions and government critics blaming corruption,” according to the Solidarity Peace Trust, a non-governmental organization based in South Africa.
Former President Robert Mugabe used the sanctions rhetoric as a political trump card for years, suggesting that Zimbabwe's woes were due to unjust victimization rather than economic mismanagement.
A few months before Mugabe’s ouster, Mnangagwa and his special adviser, Chris Mutsvangwa, accused Mugabe of being disingenuous and politically expedient by hiding behind the sanctions mantra, arguing that they could do a better job running the country.
Figure 1. Screenshot of a response sent to the US Embassy in Zimbabwe on Twitter. Screenshot taken on November 25.
Almost two years into his rule, Mnangagwa made an about-turn and now blames Zimbabwe’s problems on sanctions. The Varakashi leave no stone unturned in pushing this narrative, including lambasting Western ambassadors on social media.
When, on November 14, the US Embassy in Harare announced in a tweet that ”16 community based Zimbabwean organizations received more than $442,000 in US funds for agriculture, business and health development projects across the country,” government supporters responded with calls to remove sanctions (figures 1 and 2).
Figure 2. Screenshot of a response sent to the US Embassy in Zimbabwe on Twitter. Screenshot taken on November 25.
Figure 3. Screenshot of response sent to EU ambassador to Zimbabwe on Twitter, November 26.
In another instance, on November 22, EU ambassador to Zimbabwe Timo Olkkonen posted an article about a Zanu-PF member of parliament vowing to ”starve” supporters of the opposition MDC party by denying government aid. In his tweet, Olkkonen warned against ”any politicization of humanitarian aid.”
Government supporters on Twitter reacted by once again calling for the lifting of sanctions (figures 3 and 4).
Figure 4. Screenshot of a response sent to the EU ambassador to Zimbabwe on Twitter, November 26.
This article is part of a series of posts examining interference with digital rights through methods such as network shutdowns and disinformation during key political events in seven African countries: Algeria, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Tunisia, Uganda, and Zimbabwe.  The project is funded by the Africa Digital Rights Fund of The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

author: GV Sub-Saharan Africa


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China’s new media world order: Interview with Cédric Alviani from Reporters Without Borders East Asia · Global Voices
Filip Noubel

Chinese magazines in a kiosk in Beijing. Photo by Filip Noubel, used wiht permission.
Since Xi Jinping established himself as the undisputed leader of China in 2013, the role of global media in reshaping the image of China has become one of the top priorities for the Chinese government. Today, Beijing's efforts have managed to attract a number of journalists and media outlets across the globe who are often motivated by financial incentives and/or ideological sympathies. As a result, they agree to censor content critical of the Chinese government and to promote Beijing’s global initiatives such as the One Belt, One Road project. The latest evidence came out recently as a Chinese agent who defected to Australia revealed the depth of Chinese infiltration of media, government and cultural circles in a number of countries.
Various international organizations are now extensively monitoring Chinese influence through media, such as Prague-based Sinopsis, or Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontières (RSF) which published a report called China’s Pursuit of a New Media World Order in March 2019 that describes Beijing’s efforts in this regard.
I spoke to Cédric Alviani, RSF East Asia and Taipei Bureau Director, to map the scale of Chinese influence, and to find out to what extent media professionals and public opinions are aware of this phenomenon.
Filip Noubel: In its report, RSF traces back the origin of Beijing’s claim to a new media world order to the concept of cultural relativism. Could you explain?
Cédric Alviani: The doctrine of cultural relativism claims that each nation has the sovereign right to define its own criteria with regard to freedoms and human rights. RSF strongly opposes this unacceptable position since it diametrically contradicts the universality of human rights as stated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Cultural relativism allows China to release a week before the 70th anniversary celebrations of the People's Republic of China a white paper concluding that it has become a true democracy and a champion of human rights, two domains for which it has been regularly criticised for by the global community.
FN: What are the various mechanisms Beijing uses to advance its agenda of co-opting media outlets and journalists around the world? Could you give a telling example?
CA: RSF have identified at least six methods that Beijing utilizes to co-opt media outlets and journalists around the world. Those are:
Map of Reporters without Borders showing high levels of press freedom (in yellow) and low levels (in black). Photo by Filip Noubel, used with permission.
FN: You describe disinformation as a form of ‘sharp power’ used extensively by Beijing. Could you explain the concept, and how it is being implemented in this context of Taiwan?
CA: Besides its soft power, China also makes excessive use of its “sharp power” through a set of aggressive practices that include disinformation and harassment. In August 2018, a rumour began circulating that Taiwanese could no longer use their passports to travel abroad, and that the European Union had revised its visa-free policy for them. On September 4, 2018, when a powerful typhoon forced Japan to close Kansai International Airport for two days, reports circulated that Taiwanese travelers trapped inside had been abandoned by their representative office and instead were rescued by the Chinese embassy. In Taiwan, the news sparked an online rage against diplomat Su Chii-cherng, 61, who served as Taiwan’s representative in Osaka. He committed suicide 10 days later. The original report was then found to be “fake news” coming from China.
FN: Can you explain what the Belt and Road News alliance is? What is the purpose of training programs for non-Chinese journalists under the slogan of “Tell the China Story well (讲好中国故事)?”
CA: “Tell the China Story Well” allows Beijing to shape the global narrative in its favor: for example, by referring to the “fight against terrorism” in Xinjiang rather than the persecution of Xinjiang’s Uighur community. The Belt and Road News alliance (一帶一路新聞合作聯盟) led by the Xinhua news agency, TV broadcaster CGTN and China Radio International which groups 72 media in 42 countries train journalists in “language elements” specific to the project – in other words, to get journalists in the countries involved in the project to “speak the same language” as used in China.
FN: One of Beijing’s most effective tools seems to be money: Why are non-Chinese media outlets so eager to accept Chinese investment?
CA: The reason is the lack of alternative sources of financing in the context of digital transformation. From a financial perspective, it is understandable that the offer for additional funding and advertising is alluring. RSF however, would insist that receiving funding from a regime that openly threatens press freedom worldwide is not recommendable, as it will foster financial dependence and jeopardize journalism ethics.
FN: There is definitely an asymmetry at play: while the Chinese government severely restricts foreign media in China, it benefits from the freedom of speech guaranteed in most democratic countries. Are there effective methods to make Chinese infiltration of international media more visible and better map Beijing’s new media world order?
CA: It has taken a long time but democracies are finally realising the danger they are running by giving Beijing free rein to gradually take control of their media and thereby extend its influence over public opinion. Some methods that RSF recommends includes, but are not limited to:


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Chinese defector’s spying allegations rock Australian politics · Global Voices
Kevin Rennie

Australian 2019 elections – Chisholm electorate: Screenshot 60 Minutes program
Allegations by a defector have brought strong reactions from many Australians. Wang Liqiang, a self-professed Chinese government spy, has apparently been in hiding down under since May 2019.
A 60 Minutes Australia interview with Wang, as part of a Nine Media investigation, contained a series of explosive claims. Wang stated that:
In response to the program, the Chinese government has denied Wang is a spy, claiming that he is a convicted criminal. Meanwhile the Taiwanese security have detained Xiang Xin and a colleague as they were trying to leave the country.
The #ChinaSpy and related hashtags were busy after the program. Hayden was not the only one on social media to call on the major political parties to take strong action:
@LiberalAus and @AustralianLabor – the evidence is now clear. What are you going to do to protect Australia from the CCP influence?#60minutes #60mins #standwithHK
— Hayden (@Haydenfreedom) November 24, 2019
60 Minutes went on to reveal allegations that Chinese intelligence had been cultivating an Australian citizen to stand as a Liberal Party candidate in the Federal electorate of Chisholm at the last election. Luxury car dealer, Bo ‘Nick’ Zhao, was apparently approached but instead reported the approach to the Australian Security and Intelligence Organisation (ASIO). He subsequently died in a hotel room but the cause of his death has yet to be explained. ASIO has made a public statement confirming his involvement and that it is investigating the matter.
The successful Liberal candidate for Chisholm at the May 2019 election, Gladys Liu, has been accused of CCP (Chinese Communist Party)connections that she has denied. It is not surprising that her name has been thrown around on social media following this latest revelation:
Personally I think #60minutes @theage and @smh are missing the elephant in the room.. and she's been sitting in the seat of Chisholm since the May 2019 election. https://t.co/ncceVQsMAN
— ShiannonCorcoran (@ShiannonC) November 24, 2019
Is Gladys Liu a Chinese Government mole?
Senator claims ‘shadow’ over Gladys Liu https://t.co/qH3Q9g4lP9 via @newscomauHQ
— Wamut54 (@Wamut54) November 25, 2019
Fellow backbench Liberal Member of the House of Representatives, Andrew Hastie, appeared on the program. He described Wang's allegation as a state-sponsored attempt to infiltrate the parliament and run an agent there.
Hastie chairs the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Security and Intelligence . He was recently denied a visa to visit China on a study tour, along with Liberal Senator James Paterson.
There have been suspicions aired on Twitter about Wang’s truthfulness and motivation:
Saw this last night – as disturbing as it was – question to ourselves is – why did he appear on 60 minutes to tell his story when he is in fear for his life if China get their hands on him??? Terrible if true but something seems not quite right to us just yet…. https://t.co/GV7frsQBfA
— fashionfirst_au (@FashionFirst_au) November 25, 2019
The role of ASIO has also been questioned:
All those Cold War novels have conditioned me to find the playing out of the #chinaspy situation in the media to be very strange. How come ASIO hasn’t kept this under wraps? @60Minutes @smh
— Jinx St David (@Jinxsaint) November 25, 2019
#60minutes What passport and visa did this spy arrive on in Australia? He would have been subject to close scrutiny based upon travel history. Doesn't make sense to me. #auspol
— Terry Walls (@TerryWalls7) November 24, 2019
The South China Morning Post’s John F Power also questioned the veracity of the story:
Something odd to note about this story: the fake South Korean passport mentioned here is incredibly amateur.
The English and Korean names don't match, and it's a woman's name.
Why are such basic details wrong? https://t.co/r6oN13fW2c pic.twitter.com/5XDLLZUHdy
— 존파워/John Power (@John_F_Power) November 23, 2019
China is Australia’s largest trading partner. The Australia/China relationship has been a hot topic in recent years. Some of the contentious issues include:
Australia has a population of over 1.2 million residents who identify as having Chinese ancestry in a total population approaching 24.6 million. Many feel that tensions with China have resulted in increased racism and xenophobia. They also object to having to justify themselves to fellow Aussies:
What an utterly insane suggestion that Chinese Australians should “publicly show” their stance on anything related to China to prove their “loyalty”. It is fundamentally illiberal & its own kind of authoritarianism https://t.co/52t4PvumPy
— Oz (@redrabbleroz) November 23, 2019

author: Kevin Rennie


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Inside Kashmir’s internet blockade: Video report with Kashmiri students affected by the crisis · Global Voices
VideoVolunteers

Screenshot from the Video report from Kashmir by Pir Azhar.
This post originally appeared on Video Volunteers, an award-winning international community media organisation based in India. An edited version is published below as part of a content-sharing agreement.
Access to mobile, landline and internet networks were suspended along with a complete lockdown in the Indian administered Kashmir region on August 5, 2019, after the government of India revoked Article 370 of the Indian constitution that provided special autonomy status to the region.
After more than two months, the government partially restored the communication blockade. Internet access has been restored in some institutions and new rules force companies to give up their privacy and refrain from the use of social networks if they want to use the Internet. However, regular citizens still have no access to Internet.
In a video report by Pir Azhar, Community Correspondent of Video Volunteers from Kupwara district in Kashmir, he shares that the Internet ban is taking a toll on the 48,000 Kashmiri students who are appearing at different public examinations. Many students were in the dark regarding their examination dates.
Because of the “Security Measures” taken after the abrogation of Special Status of Jammu and Kashmir allotted under Article 370 of Indian Constitution, schools were closed and students could not prepare fully for examinations. They worry about qualifying for the upcoming examination.
Here is a transcript of the video report:
Usama Farooq, student: Starting from 5 August 2019 until today, there is no Internet connectivity nor the schools have opened. Even if we had not to worry about the schools and manage to go to [private] tuition centres, these tuition centres were also closed. We were kept away from the Internet. We can manage without the schools [for some time] but how do we survive from the Section 144 [Prohibition on unlawful assembly – Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) of 1973]?
Interviewer (Pir Azhar): What do you think? Can you get a passing score on your tests?
Pir Umar, student: How can we pass? We’re not sure if what we study is 100% from the syllabus or not. How can we pass [the exam] by studying just 32%?
Usama Farooq, student: How do we pass [the exam] when we haven’t covered the whole syllabus but the tests cover 100% of the syllabus? We’re facing a lot of issues because of this.
Malik Dawood, student: Why are we in the school at the moment? We’re here because the dates for the Internet practicals (online practical exams) are out. We didn’t know anything about this [the abrogation of Section 370 in Jammu and Kashmir]. We came two-three days after our Internet practicals began because our local teachers informed us that the practical dates are out. If mobile networks were functional normally, we would have heard from somewhere or other about the practicals. Because of the communications breakdown, we didn’t know about the Internet practicals.
Pir Umar, student: The Government of India abrogated Article 370 from the [Indian] Constitution for two or so months and they brought here 1,200 army personnel. We couldn’t go to schools after that. Parents were scared if their kids will come back home safely from schools.

author: VideoVolunteers


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Melanesian journalists decry growing threats against media freedom · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Delegates of the first Melanesian Media Freedom Forum. Source: Pacific Islands News Association, photo by Georgina Kekea
Journalists from Fiji, Vanuatu, Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea and West Papua gathered in Brisbane, Australia for the inaugural launch of the Melanesian Media Freedom Forum which was organized in response to ‘increasing media repression’ in the region.
The outcome statement of the event highlighted the main threats against media freedom in Melanesia:
The range of threats to media freedom is increasing. These include restrictive legislation, intimidation, political threats, legal threats and prosecutions, assaults and police and military brutality, illegal detention, online abuse, racism between ethnic groups and the ever-present threats facing particularly younger and female reporters who may face violence both on the job and within their own homes.
Participants asked Melanesian governments to ‘respect the media and its necessary place in national conversations’ and ‘assure the safety of journalists as they pursue their professional activities.’
Melanesia. Source: Wikipedia, Oceania_ISO_3166-1.svg: User:Tintazul, Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported
Various issues were tackled during the forum such as surveillance, workplace conditions, climate change, and the impact of social media. Philip Cass, acting-editor of the Pacific Media Centre’s Pacific Journalism Review, also documented a session about some of the challenges faced by women journalists:
A special session on the experiences of women journalists took place later in the morning, with women journalists, editors and freelancers speaking about common problems.
These included demands that they show “respect” for men they are interviewing, a background of violence against women in many places and traditional notions of gender roles.
An unexpected moment in the forum was the unfurling of West Papua’s independence flag. West Papua is a province of Indonesia where foreign journalists are barred from entering. Tension has intensified in recent years as some ethnic groups continue to assert their right to self-determination.
A powerful moment at the end of Prof. David Robie's Pre-Conference Keynote Address tonight. Thank you to those who attended. #WestPapua #MediaFreedom #MMFF pic.twitter.com/hmg8SdLQF7
— Melanesian Media Freedom Forum (@mmfforum) October 28, 2019
The Melanesian Media Freedom Forum also issued specific demands addressed to national governments. For Papua New Guinea, the government was urged to ‘respect the independence of media institutions and journalists’ and ‘strengthen anti-corruption and whistle-blower protection legislation to include journalists and media practitioners.’ For Fiji, the government was asked to repeal the media decree which has ‘draconian penalties and the vagueness of offenses it establishes are having a stifling effect on free media.’ For Vanuatu, the government was shown an appeal of the participants to reverse the work permit rejection given to Daily Post media director Dan McGarry.
MacGarry said his visa was denied because of his criticism against China’s growing influence in Vanuatu. His situation got worse because he was barred from entering Vanuatu after attending the Melanesian Media Freedom Forum.
Hi everyone, here's news:
Yesterday I was barred from returning to my family by Vanuatu Immigration. I was denied permission to board.
My family is being ripped apart by a govt that doesn't want its people to know about rising Chinese influence. Statement coming soon. pic.twitter.com/AJMJNqTZRc
— Dan McGarry (@dailypostdan) November 17, 2019
Scott Waide, a journalist from Papua New Guinea, wrote an appeal on behalf of other participants:
As a member of the Melanesian Media Freedom Forum, I am joining my colleagues in calling on the Vanuatu government to allow Dan McGarry the dignity and respect he deserves.
It is important that media freedom in Melanesian is protected by our ELECTED governments. Any attack on members of the media is an attack on the freedom of expression of the people.
Melanesian governments cannot pay lip service to international conventions and commitments to democratic freedoms and in the same breath issue orders to clamp down on journalists right to expression.
The outcome statement of the Melanesian Media Freedom Forum concluded with a commitment to ‘establish a network to assist participants to respond promptly and effectively to threats to journalist safety or to media freedom.’

author: Mong Palatino