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Is Jair Bolsonaro another Rodrigo Duterte? It’s more complicated than you think · Global Voices
Taisa Sganzerla

Jair Bolsonaro, Brazil's president-elect, and Rodrigo Duterte, Philippines’ president elected in 2016. Source of both photos: Wikimedia Commons.
There are two main classes of people who call Jair Bolsonaro, Brazil's proudly homophobic, misogynistic, torture-loving president-elect, the “Trump of the tropics”: North American journalists and, well, Bolsonaro himself, who painstakingly models his image on that of his USA muse.
It's partly true that the Brazil election story, in the end, is just the latest installment in the zeitgeist of political breakdown sweeping the democratic world, of which Donald Trump is the most famous example. Simmering public discontent with the practices of political elites, or — depending on your preferred flavour of analysis — hatred that should have no place in society to begin with finds fertile ground on social media designed to ensnare primary impulses in a ceaseless cycle of reward, reinforce, repeat. The discontent turns into paranoia, latching on to conspiracy theories in which a — usually disenfranchised — section of the populace is demonized, and the whole thing eventually finds its embodiment in a wannabe statesman, a messiah with a penchant for hyperbole who promises a complete overhaul of the political establishment. Et voilà.
It's not that the Bolsonaro-Trump analogy is a bad one. But there’s another incarnation of the pattern described above that is even more like Bolsonaro: the Philippines’ Rodrigo Duterte. It makes sense that Brazilians and Filipinos are gazing at each other as they try to understand their own versions of the same story, if only because of their leaders’ vows to exterminate massive numbers of people in their respective homelands.
At some point in his 2016 campaign, Duterte declared that if he was elected, so many bodies would be dumped into Manila Bay that the “fish would grow fat” from feeding on them. Bolsonaro expressed similar sentiments on the campaign trail two years later, saying he'd give police officers ‘carte blanche’ to kill on duty. Duterte has admitted to having personally killed suspects during his time as mayor of the city of Davao, and he's very likely the brains behind the infamous Davao Death Squad. Bolsonaro is a former army captain who openly says he's “in favour of torture.” Duterte's promises turned out not to be so empty: 20,000 civilians have allegedly been killed in his so-called ‘war on drugs’ in the past two years. The International Criminal Court opened an investigation against him for crimes against humanity, and he has ordered the withdrawal of the Philippines from the Court.
Also unlike Trump, it wasn't primarily poor, rural Brazilians and Filipinos who elected Bolsonaro and Duterte. Both men also wooed the urban middle classes — small business owners, liberal professionals, members of the police and the armed forces — who are fearful of rampant crime. That's the same middle class who once enthusiastically supported dictatorships in each country, then helped end them.
Although both Bolsonaro and Duterte have come to embody fear and public discontent and pose as outsiders and spokesmen of the people, they are both career politicians who leapfrogged from the fringes of the political class in their respective republics to the presidency. Bolsonaro is a four-term congressman who changed parties eight times and successfully led a striking total of two bills. Duterte as a three-decade mayor of a southern city that he now claims was sidelined by Manila, ignoring the fact that he supported the previous Liberal Party government up until his last minute as mayor, and only turned against them when he decided to run for president.
These resemblances haven't been lost on either the Brazilian or Philippine media, but the truth is that apart from the war on drugs, the two politicians ran their campaigns on quite different platforms.
Take Bolsonaro's economic policy: his University of Chicago-educated economic minister has promised a host of ultra-orthodox reforms, including privatization of Brazil's state companies and reform of the pensions system. He also embraces Michel Temer's ‘unrestricted outsourcing’ law, which was approved by Congress in 2017 and allows companies’ core jobs to be outsourced and denies benefits to workers.
Outsourcing is a big issue too in the Philippines’ political debate, where it's commonly called contractualization. Contrary to Bolsonaro, Duterte campaigned on a promise to end contractualization, signing an order in 2018 in support of this pledge. Labour groups, however, have considered it as an empty gesture, as it hasn’t outlawed the practice.
Duterte has also sponsored a tax reform package, approved by Congress in 2017, that created new tiers for the super-rich while raising taxes on consumer goods and services such as fuel, sugary drinks, cars, tobacco, and cosmetic surgery. Under his flagship program “Build, Build, Build”, he has poured money — clinched through loans from China — into infrastructure. Dutertenomics bear a closer resemblance to the policies of Brazil's former president Dilma Rousseff, which contributed to a large budget deficit and the mounting inflation that has fueled Brazil's current predicament.
And while Bolsonaro promises to begin imposing tuition fees in Brazil's public universities — which have always been completely free — Duterte signed the Free Tertiary Education law, which provides qualified students tuition-free access to public higher education. It's unclear whether this is even feasible, given the country's funding constraints, but even Duterte critics acknowledge the potential benefits of this law.
Since being elected, Bolsonaro appears to have rolled back his pledge to withdraw Brazil from the Paris agreement and close the Ministry of Environment, but not his promises to obliterate all of Brazil's pro-indigenous and pro-conservation legislation, including putting a stop to indigenous land allocations and opening indigenous territories to large-scale mining.
Duterte, on the other hand, has stood consistently against open-pit and large-scale mining. He appointed a well-known environmental activist to head the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), and didn’t oppose the DENR’s suspension of several mining firms and calls for a mining audit. Even with a new DENR secretary in the position, Duterte continues to criticize mining firms while maintaining a ban against new open-pit mining operation.
Bolsonaro and Duterte also came to power in the context of two different realities.
Brazil is still reeling from an economic recession — 2016 saw the worst downturn since the 1980s. A large-scale corruption probe put dozens of businessmen and politicians in jail, including former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Dilma Rousseff, who succeeded Lula in 2011, was impeached in 2016 for window-dressing government accounts. Both events deeply divided Brazilians, who have tended to see them either as flagrant assaults on the constitution by a small faction of the judiciary and a corrupt Congress, or as the long-yearned-for salvation the country needed, and its judges and prosecutors as nothing less than heroes. It was on that wave of chaos that Bolsonaro surfed to victory.
With Duterte, on the other hand, nobody saw it coming. His predecessor, the Liberal Party's Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, left office with a 50 per cent approval rating — nearly as high as when he took power six years earlier, a feat to which few politicians can lay claim. In 2015, too, the Philippines’ economy experienced growth of over six per cent.
Duterte ran for president posing as a “Leftist”, while Bolsonaro leveraged the deep-rooted, multi-generation fear of communism. Such fears have underpinned Latin America right-wing politics for nearly a century, with the Workers’ Party being the latest incarnation of this evil force.
Like much of Latin America and Southeast Asia, both Brazil and the Philippines experienced communist insurgencies in the mid-20th century. But while Brazil's dictatorship wiped out its rebels, with many of them being absorbed by democratization, the armed insurgency in the Philippines lives on. Since the restoration of democracy in the 1980s, no Philippine president has succeeded in signing a peace deal with the New People's Army (NPA), the armed wing of the Communist Party, whose cadres, according to the military, number only around 3,000 (down from 20,000 at its peak in the late 1970s).
Duterte had an amicable relationship with the NPA during his time as mayor of Davao, the largest city in Mindanao, the island where most of the NPA forces are concentrated. As president, he resumed peace talks with the communists, released some political prisoners, and advanced negotiations on the distribution of free land and irrigation services for small farmers.
But last year Duterte removed the Leftists from his Cabinet and the peace negotiations with the communists have stalled. Like his predecessors, Duterte is now waging an all-out war against the NPA.
Both Brazil and the Philippines and their current political establishments emerged in the mid-1980s following violent US-backed dictatorships. Brazil's military regime, which ruled from 1964 through 1985, and Ferdinand Marcos, who ruled from 1965 to 1986, both leveraged pledges to root out communist insurgents to give themselves legitimacy.
People Power Revolution: people filling up Epifanio delos Santos Avenue (EDSA), Metro Manila, Philippines. February 7, 1986. Photo: Joey de Vera, published by Wikimedia Commons under fair use.
Suspension of free elections, suppression of press freedom, violent targeting of dissidents and widespread use of torture and disappearances were hallmarks of both regimes. In neither country have the crimes of those periods been brought to justice.
The two republics experienced a return to democracy around the same time — Brazil in 1983-84 with Diretas Já, and the Philippines’ People Power Revolution in 1986 — both brewed amid raging economic recession. The Philippines’ movement ousted Marcos after he rigged the 1986 elections, installing Corazón Aquino as president, who along with an appointed commission drafted a 1987 constitution. Following Diretas, Brazilians elected a Constituent Assembly in 1986 which drafted the country's 1988 constitution.
Diretas Já Demonstration in the city of Porto Alegre, Brazil, on April 13, 1984. Photo: Alfonso Abraham/Senado Federal CC-BY-NC 2.0
Among the many legacies of both movements is the creation of the political elites who would rule their countries for the next three decades. But while Brazil's Diretas united the liberals and the more radical leftist opposition, the Philippines’ Communist Party boycotted the 1986 elections in what they later admitted was a serious tactical mistake. Despite having been the core of the resistance to Marcos throughout the 1970s, the Communist Party remained underground as the Philippines transitioned to democracy. Meanwhile, Brazil’s transition took place with a robust leftist force at the helm — the Workers’ Party (PT), whose leader Lula rose through the ranks of Brazil's unions to preside over an unprecedented economic boom between 2002-2010.
While the PT's politics transformed the lives of the poorest Brazilians, they largely failed to produce lasting structural change, and over time they began to look the same as their liberal predecessors. If, on one hand, the PT respected Brazil's democratic institutions, it also played the game of politics, which in Brazil is rigged by a greedy oligarchy and corrupt patron-client electoral practices — just like the Philippines.
It's no coincidence that both Bolsonaro and Duterte speak nostalgically of their country's bygone repressive regimes as allegedly free of violence, corruption, and chaos, and have cosied up to its leaders. The emergence of these two political figures has come on the heels of the failure of young liberal democracies. Both countries have failed to address structural injustice and high levels of inequality and corruption at all levels of a body politic commandeered by a handful of caciques.
It is no wonder, then, that both the Philippines and Brazil fell for two strongmen who wooed them with hyperbolic promises of rooting out all crime and corruption, even if at the expense of the democratic edifice built over the past three decades.
In two and half years as president, Duterte has removed the chief justice of the Supreme Court and charged and imprisoned his most vocal opponent in the Senate on counts of drug trafficking in a scandalous trial. He tried to revoke the license of Rappler, a major online news outlet in the Philippines, and banned their main reporter from Malacañang Palace, while legions of DDS (Die-Hard Duterte Supporters) threaten many more journalists online.
Whether Bolsonaro will also dismantle democracy in Brazil remains to be seen. Many hope that on facing the actual responsibilities of power he will moderate his tone and his policies. But if Duterte — in many respects the less reactionary figure — is any example, Brazilians have reason enough to be afraid.

author: Taisa Sganzerla


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Pakistani right-wing political party meets online backlash after sowing violence in Asia Bibi case · Global Voices
Anushe Noor

Screenshot of an old photo of Aisa Bibi. Image from YouTube via the Telegraph
Petitions and campaigns have been launched against right-wing Islamist political party Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan(TLP), in the wake of the violent protests followed by Asia Bibi's acquittal on October 31, 2018. Pakistani Christian Aasiya Noreen (widely known as Asia Bibi) was convicted of blasphemy and sentenced to death by hanging by a Pakistani court for allegedly making derogatory comments against Islam — a charge she denies.
After Asia Bibi's acquittal, TLP led a violent wave of protests which took over major cities of the country and brought the country to a halt for three days. The protesters demanded that the acquittal be reversed and Bibi hanged.  Violent protesters were seen carrying sticks, guns, and swords and were burning down vehicles and blocking roads.
Also Read: Pakistan: Aasia and Aafia – The Tale Of Two Pakistani Women
Soon after the protests spread over the country, a campaign to launch petitions against TLP for spreading extremism was initiated. A non-profit awareness project, Pakistan Votes urged people to join to legally proceed against the TLP leaders, Khadim Hussain Rizvi and Pir Qadri. They posted on Facebook:
Within a day, 175 Pakistani citizens volunteered to petition against the political group.
Simultaneously, another campaign to ban the TLP was launched by the civil society with the hashtag #BanTLP. Activist Jibran Nasir tweeted:
#BanTLP for violating Elections Act 2017 pic.twitter.com/GR2hw9hkv0
— M. Jibran Nasir (@MJibranNasir) November 7, 2018
People joined the civil society in support. One netizen tweeted:
Imagine representing a religion which literally means ‘peace’ and ask government to hang a mother of five! #BanTLP
— Sidra Aziz (@NamkeenJalebi) November 8, 2018
Another added:
Pakistan needs to #BanTLP and ban hate speech. Narrative of hate and extremism has already corrupted young minds, educated and uneducated alike. Without forecul action and counter narrative Pakistan is marching towards dark days ahead. #AsiaBibi, #JibranNasir, #PTI
— Munawar Butt (@babbibutt) November 7, 2018
After three days of the shutdown, a treaty was signed between TLP and the government. According to the treaty, Asia Bibi's name would be put in the Exit Control List that means she would not be able to exit the country. Her case was to be sent into appeal and the TLP arrested workers were to be released.
Asia Bibi was released from prison on November 7, 2018, and was moved to an undisclosed location in Islamabad by the government after receiving death threats.
Recent rumors of Asia's exit from the country has stirred more controversy, and TLP again plans to hold countrywide protests. The country is watching the situation with bated breath as the government struggles to put things back to normal.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Anushe Noor


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Zimbabwe’s black rhinos at risk as China reverses a 25-year ban on horns · Global Voices
Prisca Daka

Black rhino, grazing. Photo by Lucas Alexander, Wikipedia Commons.
On October 31, 2018, the Chinese government released a statement declaring the reversal of a 25-year ban on the use of tiger bones and rhino horns, making it legal to use parts “obtained from the animals in captivity for scientific, medical and cultural purposes”.
The Chinese State Council said that powdered forms of rhino horn and bones from dead tigers could be used in “qualified hospitals by qualified doctors”. The animal products must be obtained from authorized farms, and animal parts classified as “antiques” can be used in “cultural exchanges if approved by the cultural authorities”.
The announcement worries conservationists who predict an upsurge in demand for rhino horns in an already active black market plagued by poaching.
Environmentalists said the move was a significant setback for efforts to protect the animals from extinction and would further threaten the fewer than 30,000 rhinos and 3,900 tigers still in the wild https://t.co/IVLyaPaNUP
— The New York Times (@nytimes) October 30, 2018
Just last month in Zimbabwe, it was reported that poachers gunned down four black rhinos within a two-month period. The Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority suspects the same group of poachers in all three incidents. However, no arrests have been made. Poaching has strained the capacity of Zimbabwe's under-resourced national parks, rendering them vulnerable to attackers.
On Twitter, wildlife advocate Sharon Hoole posted a gory photo of a mutilated rhino and laments:
So sad! Our wildlife soldiers must remain vigilant. The country is burning. Lawlessness is high. Wildlife crimes with impunity on the rise. Greedy wildlife ranchers and rangers selling out. Who will stand for life?
China's announcement was a major blow to conservationists in Zimbabwe who already face a severe lack of financial resources due to the nation's deepening economic crisis.
As newly elected president Emmerson Mnangagwa struggles to implement structural reforms, the nation is grappling with the news that former first lady Grace Mugabe (wife of the deposed Robert Mugabe) was suspected to be involved in an illicit ivory trade ring at the highest levels of government. Within months of assuming power, Mnangagwa publicly stressed conservation efforts as part of his new government’s narrative in opposition to Grace Mugabe as a “corrupt ivory smuggler.”
Yet, conservationists say they still lack the financial resources required to increase security and boost capacity to monitor and track poachers in Zimbabwe's national parks. They fear that China's partial policy reversal on the 25-year ban will only make matters worse.
Zimbabwe hosts the world's fourth largest black rhino population. Organized groups of poachers are known to mutilate rhinos’ faces when extracting their horns, leaving them to die a slow and painful death.
Some conservationists are calling this a war against black rhinos, not just in Zimbabwe, but in all four countries where black rhinos roam “critically endangered” as classified by the World Wildlife Fund. Without urgent intervention, they could vanish into extinction.

author: Prisca Daka


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A conversation with Gyani Maiya Sen, one of the last speakers of a dying Nepali language · Global Voices
Sanjib Chaudhary

Gyani Maiya Sen Kusunda. Image by author.
For years, people knew very little about the Kusunda language of western and central Nepal. The 2011 Census conducted by Nepal’s Central Bureau of Statistics puts the population of Kusundas, a forest tribe of western Nepal, at around 273. To learn more about the language and the culture of the Kusunda people, Global Voices spoke with Gyani Maiya Sen Kusunda — one of only two fluent speakers of the dying Kusunda language.
It was hot and humid, the roads were empty, and not even the battery-powered Tuk-Tuk drivers were willing to offer us a ride. With heavy tripods, cameras and other filming equipment, we headed to Gyani Maiya Sen’s house in Kulmor village in Nepal’s Dang district. Gyani Maiya Sen Kusunda, in her early 80s, is one of the only two fluent speakers of the dying Kusunda language. The population of Kusundas is believed to be 273; however, field studies by researchers have shown only 150 of them dispersed in the Dang, Rolpa, Pyuthan, Arghakhanchi, and Surkhet districts of Nepal.
Kusundas have settled in villages after their forefathers spent their lives in jungles and caves as nomadic tribesmen. They would visit the villages only to beg alms, and many Kusundas still feel embarrassed to reveal their surname as they are still treated as ‘people from the jungle’. However, nowadays they have taken Thakuri surnames such as Shahi, Sen, and Khan — surnames connected with the ruling clan of Nepal. Kusundas claim themselves to be ban rajas, the kings of the forest.
Kusunda language is an isolated language which means it is not related to any other languages in the world. Unfortunately, it is also defined by a younger generation, that has stopped speaking it — leaving the language to slowly fade out as the older generations pass away. Besides Gyani Maiya, her sister Kamala, in her early 50s, is another fluent speaker of the language from their community.
Uday Raj Aaley, a researcher devoted to reviving the Kusunda language, also speaks Kusunda language. However, Gyani Maiya fears whether her granddaughter Rakshya will ever speak her mother tongue and keep the tradition alive. When we met Gyani Maiya, she was busy peeling green mangoes together with her granddaughter. She was teaching her granddaughter to peel, slice and dry the mangoes for future use but unfortunately, they were talking in Nepali.
Gyani Maiya Sen with her granddaughter. Image by author.
As we started talking to Gyani Maiya and she started telling us about their culture and tradition, a stray cow entered the barn. She suddenly rose from her seat, climbed down the ‘lisno’ (a wooden log shaped into a ladder), and shooed away the bovine. When she returned back, she talked to us about Kusunda food habits. She said, “Kusundas avoid animals with hooves but love eating ones with claws.” They wouldn’t even touch cattle including goats and pigs. They would neither kill a deer nor eat venison which shows how they co-exist with nature.
However, they love eating birds, a pheasant being their favorite. And the monitor lizard is their preferred hunt. It's so special that it has become a part of the bridal ceremony, as they need to present its egg, meat, clothes and of course some money to the would-be bride's family. If they can’t find a monitor lizard egg, the initial conversation can’t happen between the interested parties. And no monitor lizard meat means ‘no marriage’ at all.
The bag and the snare. Image by author.
She then unpacked a tangled bulk of cords. The mesh of cords was a snare to trap jungle fowls and bag meant to carry the trapped birds. Made from cords extracted from wild creepers, the snare is called ‘aant‘ and the bag is called ‘aamji‘ in Kusunda language. The Kusundas tie the snare between two trees, hide nearby and make sounds like pheasants by putting cycas leaves between their lips. As the birds pass through the trees, they get trapped and then they catch and carry those birds in this bag with perforations.
While we were busy documenting the special words of Kusunda language, I could see a swarm of tiny insects heading to a small hole in a wooden log. Neither honey bees nor flies, they are called ‘putka’ according to Gyani Maiya and they yield honey-like sweet substance.
Finally, Gyani Maiya showed us her barn. She had planted yams in every nook and cranny. With a help of a small spade, she unearthed some of them and put them in the aamji. For a woman of above 80, she was still a strong figure. And above all, her commanding tone was the evidence of the aura she might have carried around when she was young — powerful like a ‘queen of the jungle’.
Putka. Image by author.

author: Sanjib Chaudhary


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Activists in Macedonia win fight for clean water despite years of dismissal by former government · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

Promotional event for the mock brand of mineral water “Arsena, the water enriched with arsenic, directly from the taps of Gevgelija” in Skopje on February 17, 2014. Photo by Vanco Dzambaski, CC BY-NC-SA.
In a big victory for grassroots activism in Macedonia, a new water supply system was built in the southern municipality of Gevgelija, after years of struggle by local activists who kept warning their drinking water is poisoned with arsenic.
On November 7, 2018, the authorities opened a new water supply facility that gathers water from three new wells and contains a purification unit and pipelines. The system will provide drinking water for the 19,500 inhabitants in the surrounding areas, local news site Gevgelijanet.com reported.
The facility, which cost 1.7 million euros (1.9 million US dollars), finally solves the problem of toxic arsenic seeping into the drinking water. The pollution began 15 years ago after an earthquake put arsenic-rich rocks in contact with the water table.
This development vindicated “Arsena” — a group of local activists that had been trying to warn the public about the water's toxicity for several years. Pegged as troublemakers by the right-wing populist regime that ruled Macedonia from 2006 to 2017, the activists suffered persecution as a result of their efforts.
Even though the Institute of Public Health of the Republic of Macedonia determined in 2012 that the water was dangerously toxic, the political authorities refused to admit that there was any problem with the water supply. The populist party VMRO-DPMNE, that was in power at the time, prioritized maintaining a perception that the country is prospering under their rule to actually solving issues that affect the quality of life, like air and water pollution. Therefore, both the municipality and the state government maintained that everything was okay and that those who claimed otherwise were just pawns of the opposition.
Arsena conducted additional analyses of the tap water in several different labs in 2014 and attempted to publish the results. The government reacted by treating them as pariahs and subjected them to various forms of harassment over the years — including smear campaigns and malicious inspections intended to block their work. Moreover, most local media (self) censored any information provided by the activists. The censorship was so strong that even billboard companies refused to rent them space to publish the results of the analyses.
In order to break the news for their local audience, the activists had to resort to roundabout tactics, and first spread the information at the national level. To do that, on February 17, 2014, they devised a press conference in the capital, which was not announced as an initiative by civil society (which the media mostly ignored) but rather as a commercial presentation of a new brand of mineral water — Arsena.
When the reporters of national media came to the “business” event, the activists presented them with plastic bottles of water from Gevgelija water supply. They explained that the brand is called Arsena due to the high level of arsenic in the water, and invited everyone to share the water that is consumed on daily basis by citizens of Gevgelija. They also presented the results of the scientific measurements, as well as health data indicating high levels of cancer and mortality in the area, which is likely related to the toxic water.
An activist preparing the promotion of a mock brand of mineral water “Arsena”, with bottles filled with tap water from Gevgelija, containing dangerously high levels of arsenic in February 2014 in the center of Skopje, Macedonia. Photo by Vancho Dzhambaski, CC BY-NC-SA.
Only one national level TV reported about this event, but that was enough for the citizens of Gevgelija to learn about it, and make a rush on the local shops to buy bottled water.
During the next few years, the activists pushed the issue in any way they could by starting petitions and actions for donating clean bottled water for the underprivileged socioeconomic groups. They also fought for other health causes.
Slowly, the activists managed to overcome denial by the authorities, who never admitted the tap water is toxic, but nevertheless announced the opening of new water treatment plants. Several months after the PR stunt in the capital city, Gevgelija local government performed ribbon-cutting ceremonies for a new well. However, the construction site remained empty for the next three years.
The actual construction of the new water supply system started in February 2017, thanks to a new project co-funded by the Macedonian government, the European Union and the World Bank. The same year, after local elections, the municipal government changed. Solving the water supply problem was one of the main goals for the new administration, and the facility was finished by November 2018.
Collage of photos from the opening of the new water supply facility in Gevgelija, Macedonia, courtesy of Gevgelijanet.com, used with permission.
The activists of the Arsena initiative celebrated in their characteristic modest way, by publishing the following statement alongside the good news on their Facebook page.
АРСЕНА си ја заврши својата превземена граѓанската задача – поттикна една локална власт да го признае постоењето на отровниот арсен во гевгелиската вода (за кое четири години лажеше дека не постои) и да започне проект за нов водоснабдителен систем, а новата локална власт тоа го препозна како проектен приоритет за гевгеличани и го заврши проектот со сите неопходни додатни средства вложени за изведба на констатирани недостатоци во проектот, неопходни за целосно функционирање на истиот.
Чиста вода за пиење без арсен е новиот подарок за гевгеличани по повод 74 годишнината од ослободувањето на Гевгелија и денот на општина Гевгелија „7-ми Ноември“.
Arsena completed the civic task it took upon itself – it incited a local government to acknowledge the presence of toxic arsenic in the water in Gevgelija (after four years of lying that it isn't there) and to start a project for new waterworks system. The new local government recognized that this is priority project for citizens of Gevgelija and finished the project by providing the additional resources which had to be invested in order to correct the flaws in the project, so it can actually function.
Clear drinking water without arsenic is a present for the people of Gevgelija on 7th of November, the 74th anniversary of the liberation of the town [during World War II] which is also the Day of the municipality.

author: Filip Stojanovski


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The Litani River, Lebanon’s main artery, is facing an environmental crisis · Global Voices
Christophe Maroun

Qaraoun Lake and Dam. Photo By Christophe Maroun
On Thursday, November 8, 2018, Lebanon's caretaker Minister of Industry ordered the shutting down of 75 factories operating without a valid license in the Bekaa region, for their role polluting the Litani River.
The Litani, the longest river in the country, is an essential source of water for irrigation and hydroelectricity production. It is more than 140 km long and produces an average annual flow of 920 million cubic meters.
Throughout the years, the river has been subject to many physical transformations that have caused a number of hydrological changes in its basin. Notable ones include the Litani River Dam, which was completed in 1959, along with the creation of  Qaraoun Lake. The reservoir has been used for hydropower generation, domestic water supply, irrigation, and recreation.
Today, the river is threatened by many risks and hazards. According to the Litani River Authority (LRA), a government body formed in 1954 to facilitate the integrated development of the Litani River Basin, the main issues affecting the Litani are the uncontrolled exploitation and abuse of water resources, and the polluted wastewater flowing directly into the river basin from households and factories.
In 2014, the Lebanese government put in place a $730 million proposal in a bid to clean up the catastrophic pollution of the Litani River and Qaraoun Lake and prevent future contamination. The Daily Star reported that this seven-year plan was meant to expand sewage treatment networks, manage solid waste and pesticide pollution, and help factories reduce the dumping of chemicals into the water. The project never saw the light.
Four years later, not much seems to have changed. In July 2016, tests done by the South Lebanon Water Establishment showed that the Litani’s muddy waters contained bacteria that cause a multitude of diseases, including typhoid and salmonella. Even the land surrounding the river was not spared, as 37 per cent of the area has been infected with salmonella, according to the SLWA (the accepted “safe” level is two per cent).
The waters became so polluted that the World Bank agreed to a loan of $55 million to reduce the quantity of untreated municipal sewage discharged into the Litani River and to improve pollution management around Qaraoun Lake. But given the government's recent failures, environmental activists are unsure about the effectiveness of such a project.
A study by the American University of Beirut has shown that water extracted from the Litani during the drier summer months is basically sewage. Vegetables irrigated with contaminated river water were shown to contain a high accumulation of trace metals, which can affect the central nervous system and disrupt cardiovascular and kidney function.
Ongoing negligence has led to many protests from citizens whose livelihoods are directly linked to the river. In August 2016, residents of Qaraoun Village, a lakeside town on the the edge of the Qaraoun Lake, cut off irrigation canals in protest at the pollution in the reservoir and the foul smell it was emitting. Earlier this summer, owners of restaurants and resorts in South Lebanon called for the government to compensate them for the losses they sustained due to the ongoing pollution of the Litani River.
On November 9, 2018, the LRA published a list of factories which, after a thorough technical assessment, have been accused by the Zahle criminal court of polluting the Litani River. In addition, they shared a short video showing the extent of the damage done to the river basin as a result of the lack of enforcement of environmental laws. The LRA insists that the protection of the Litani River from industrial pollution starts with the imposition of environmental compliance standards on licensed and unlicensed institutions.
حماية نهر الليطاني من التلوث الصناعي .. تنطلق من فرض معايير الالتزام البيئي على المؤسسات المرخصة وغير المرخصة#المصلحة_الوطنية_لنهر_الليطاني pic.twitter.com/4zc431yWrM
— LRA Litani River Authority (@LRALitani) November 10, 2018
The protection of the Litani River from industrial pollution… Starts from the imposition of environmental compliance standards on licensed and unlicensed institutions. #TheNationalLitaniRiverAutority
In their documentary about the political economy of water in Lebanon, researcher Dr. Karim Eid-Sabbagh and independent journalist Paul Cochrane highlight the dangerous effects of environmental degradation on the country's water resources. Their film, We Made Every Living Thing from Water, shows how citizens are mobilizing in the face of government disregard for ecological issues, to preserve this valuable resource.
In the context of a weak institutional and regulatory framework, the Lebanese water sector faces many challenges. Fanack Water, which aims to provides accessible, well-researched information on the state of water resources in the MENA region, outlines some of the main issues: inefficient public water distribution system, poor service delivery performance, and poor wastewater management, in addition to the issues caused by the sector’s fragmented institutional and legal framework.

author: Christophe Maroun


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Lebanese health practitioners condemn anti-LGBTQ+ “conversion therapy” · Global Voices
Elias Abou Jaoude

The campaign launched by LebMASH. Source: LebMASH website.
On November 8, 2018, the Lebanese Medical Association for Sexual Health (LebMASH), an organization of professional health practitioners, held an event to launch a campaign against “conversion therapy, “the pseudoscientific practice of trying to change an individual's sexual orientation. . .  using psychological or spiritual interventions.” Conversion therapy falls into the category of procedures known as Sexual Orientation Conversion Efforts (SOCE).
The campaign, entitled HINAD, short for “Homosexuality Is Not A Disease“, follows multiple reports of gay people being subjected to various forms of SOCE, as well as a 2017 seminar where a urologist advocated for electroshock therapy.
Claiming that he practices such therapies, the urologist cited U.S. Vice President Mike Pence as a supporter of this practice and claimed that in China “80% of people undergoing this therapy were cured.” It should be noted that no study was provided justifying that last claim.
After that incident, LebMASH teamed up with HELEM, a Lebanese LGBTQ+ advocacy group, and started an investigation into SOCE practice in Lebanon by interviewing victims that were subjected to those types of ‘therapy’. People requesting SOCE range from parents who take their children ‘to be healed’ to individuals who feel shamed by society.
LGBT+ individuals face hostility in Lebanon for cultural, religious and legal reasons. A 2015 study found that 72% of Lebanese people think homosexuality is a mental disorder, and 79% agree with homosexuals being subject to conversion therapy. Police raids on homosexual spaces are common.
This is not to say that LGBT advocacy groups have not made gains in the past few years. In 2013, the Lebanese Psychological Association and the Lebanese Psychiatric Society stated that homosexuality is not a disease and requires no treatment. They condemned the use of ‘conversion therapy’.
In January 2016, LebMASH published a video titled “Shou El Sabab”(What is the cause?) clarifying common misconceptions regarding homosexuality.
On the legal front, one of the major hurdles to LGBTQ+ rights is Article 534. The clause, present since the 1920 French mandate of Lebanon and instated into the penal laws when Lebanon declared independence in 1943, punishes “any sexual intercourse contrary to the order of nature” with up to one year in prison.
While it does not explicitly mention homosexual acts, it has usually been left to a court’s discretion whether to deem homosexuality as unnatural or not, leading to LGBT individuals often being incarcerated.
However, there are have been cases with more progressive interpretations.
In 2016, a judge interpreted the law differently, arguing that homosexuality is not against nature, and proceeded without issuing a condemnation.
In July of 2018, there was even more progress towards decriminalization of homosexuality. An appeals court upheld a challenged verdict to not convict a group of gay and transgender people.
Still, as it stands, the law is still left up to judges’ interpretation and discretion, and article 534 is yet to be abolished. This is a primary demand of all LGBTQ+ advocacy groups in Lebanon
In 2018, LGBTQ+ groups have been attacked on multiple occasions. While Beirut Pride 2017 faced challenges, it was still able to happen. In 2018, however, one of the organizers was brought in by security forces for investigation, and was subsequently forced to cancel the events.
A speed dating event organized by the American University of Beirut's Gender and Sexuality Club was also recently cancelled following threats sent to the club after it was condemned by a former cleric, Mohamad Rashid Qabani.

author: Elias Abou Jaoude


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Mauritania keeps anti-slavery activist Biram Dah Abeid in prison — and far away from parliament · Global Voices
Abdoulaye Bah

Biram Dah Abeid at the Gironde county council in Bordeaux, accepting the Mémoires Partagées prize February 7, 2017, from the international association Mémoires et Partages. The photo was taken by Akunt'Arts.prod & Gaéty.D. CC-license-by-SA-4.0.
A long-standing figure in the fight against slavery, Biram Dah Abeid, is the president of the Initiative for the Resurgence of the Abolitionist movement (IRA-Mauritania). He has also been in prison for the past three months allegedly for threatening a journalist with close ties to the Mauritanian regime.
According to the Global Slavery Index, there around 90,000 people are currently enslaved in Mauritania. Despite the existence of laws abolishing the practice, sociologists, historians and human rights organizations acknowledge that hereditary slavery persists in Mauritanian society, accompanied by abuse, human trafficking and rape.
Abeid was arrested before he had time to begin campaigning for a seat in Mauritania's parliament, having succeeded in being elected in the first round of parliamentary elections on September 1, 2018. Unfortunately, authorities continue to keep him in prison.
In response to the authorities’ refusal to release Abeid, several campaigns have been launched. Opposition leaders have made their voices heard, and according to Alakhbar.info, the opposition succeeded in suspending the first session of parliament:
Le vice-président de l’Assemblée nationale, Boidiel Ould Houmeid a arrêté la session après qu’une polémique a éclaté entre les députés de la majorité et ceux de l’opposition après l’omission du nom de Biram Dah Abeid de la liste des membres des commissions parlementaires.
Vice-president of the national assembly, Boidiel Ould Houmeid stopped the session after an argument erupted between officials from the majority and those of the opposition, after the omission of Biram Dah Abeid's name from the list parliamentary committee members.
In front of parliament, security forces violently suppressed a demonstration of activists demanding Abeid's release, as reported by futureafrique.net:
Des militants de l’IRA Mauritanie sont venus protester contre la poursuite de la détention de leur Président, Biram Dah Abeid, alors qu’il a recueilli les suffrages nécessaires pour être élu député.
Les unités de la police sont intervenues pour disperser violemment et réprimer dans le sang le rassemblement et on dénombre de nombreux blessés parmi lesquels Leila Ahmed, l’épouse de Biram Dah Abeid.
Activists from the IRA Mauritania came to protest the continued detention of their president, Biram Dah Abeid, even though he received the number of votes necessary for election. Police units intervened to violently disperse and bloodily repress the gathering, resulting in a number of wounded, among them Leila Ahmed, the wife of Biram Dah Abeid.
The IRA-Mauritania chapter in Belgium issued a press release inviting human rights activists and supporters to a demonstration on October 11 in front of the Mauritanian Embassy in Brussels. A report published on the IRA-Mauritania Belgian chapter's Facebook page reiterates the demand for the “unconditional release of Biram Dah Abeid, elected by the people.”
In Chicago, Illinois (USA), a coalition of 12 nongovernmental organizations launched a petition on October 15 which has already received 233,000 signatures. A letter accompanying the petition, written in Arabic, French, and English, addressed to Mr. Dia Moctar Malal, the Mauritanian minister of justice, stated:
L’arrestation de Biram Dah Abeid, président de l’Initiative pour la résurgence du mouvement abolitionniste (IRA), et d’Abdellahi el Housein Mesoud (membre de l'IRA) le 7 août, ainsi que leur détention provisoire ultérieure, sont pour nous un sujet de grande préoccupation. Nous vous adressons cette lettre avant leur comparution afin que vous puissiez vous assurer qu'ils bénéficieront non seulement de toutes les garanties d'un procès équitable mais aussi d'une assistance juridique et d'une remise en liberté en attendant le procès.
Plus de 230 000 personnes dans le monde partagent notre inquiétude et ont signé une pétition* qui vous est adressée ainsi qu’au président Mohamed Ould Abel Aziz. Celle-ci demande la fin du harcèlement des militant-e-s antiesclavagistes et la libération de M. Abeid dans l'attente d’un procès équitable…
Leur détention dans une prison isolée dans le désert du Sahara, sans possibilité de recevoir la visite de leurs avocats ou de leurs familles, et durant laquelle ils auraient été victimes d’actes de torture et de mauvais traitements, a suscité l’inquiétude de la communauté internationale.
The arrest of  Biram Dah Abeid, president of the Initiative for the Resurgence of the Abolitionist movement (IRA), and of Abdellahi el Housein Mesoud (member of IRA) August 7, as well as their subsequent pre-trial detention, are for us a great concern. We address this letter to you before their appearance so that you may ensure that they will benefit not only of all the guarantees of a fair trial but also from legal assistance and release pending trial.
More than 230,000 people in the world share our worry and have signed the petition which is addressed as well to President Mohamed Ould Abel Aziz. This requests the end to the harassment of anti-slavery activists and the release of Mr. Abeid while waiting for a fair trial.
Their detention in an isolated prison in the Sahara desert, without the possibility of receiving visits from their lawyers or families, and during which they have allegedly been the victims of torture and of abusive treatment, has aroused concern in the international community.
On October 15 in Abidjan, Ivory Coast, a press conference was organized to denounce Abeid's arbitrary on these terms:
Pourtant député, Biram Dah Abeid endure la réclusion, sans procès, au prétexte d’avoir diffamé, voire menacé un journaliste, auteur d’un reportage tendancieux sur lra. Le détenu accuse l’homme de média d’avoir commis un travail de propagande, de diffamation et de dénigrement au bénéfice de la police politique. Le juge d’instruction maintient l’incarcération préventive, le temps d’épuiser ses jours de vacances.
Face au lourd passif de racisme et de correction impunie contre les noirs de Mauritanie, notamment les descendants d’esclaves, un réseau international de solidarité s’organise et ramifie, pour obtenir la libération d’un élu du peuple et la réhabilitation dans ses droits.
Despite being an elected official, Biram Dah Abeid endures imprisonment without trial, allegedly for having slandered, and indeed threatened, a journalist who wrote of a prejudicial report on the IRA. The imprisoned accuses the member of the media of having produced a work of propaganda, of defamation and of denigration for the benefit of the political police. The investigating judge keeps him in preventative custody, so as to use up his vacation days.
Faced with the dark legacy of racism and unpunished abuse of blacks in Mauritania, notably the descendants of slaves, a growing international network of solidarity has come together to obtain the release of an elected official of the people and the reinstatement of his rights.
Analyst Thiam Mamadou writes:
Les attaques ciblées des appareils judiciaire et policier contre la famille Biram Dah Abeid se veulent messages de fermeté, pour faire renoncer le public militant d’IRA à sa témérité et à son engagement. Lors d’une conférence de presse tenue à son domicile, au lendemain de la violente charge dont elle a été victime, madame Leïla mint Ahmed explique ainsi que les policiers l’ont personnellement visée. « C’est comme s’ils n’attendaient que moi, avec des ordres précis. Dès qu’ils m’ont reconnue, ils se sont jetés sur moi, à coups de matraques et de godasses. Je souffre de tout mon corps et n’eût été la pudeur, je vous aurais montré les ecchymoses qui le tapissent »
The targeted attacks from judicial officials and police against Biram Dah Abeid's family are meant to send a message, to make the public IRA activist renounce his determination and commitment. At a press conference held in their home the day after a violent attack in which she was the victim, Mrs. Leïla Mint Ahmed said that the police have personally targeted her as well. ‘It was as if they were waiting for me, with direct orders. As soon as they recognized me, they threw themselves at me, striking me with clubs and boots’.
Laws against slavery do exist in Mauritania. It simply a question of enforcing them — a matter of political will.

author: Abdoulaye Bah


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Tanzania’s stance on homosexuality points to an increasingly repressive political agenda · Global Voices
Pernille Baerendtsen

“Ipo nafasi” is Swahili for “Here is space” referring to available rooms at a guesthouse. Free space and freedom of expression are, however, shrinking in Tanzania. Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen with permission.
At a press conference on October 29, Paul Makonda, the regional commissioner of Dar es Salaam, called on citizens to hand over names of homosexuals. Makonda said he and his team would “scrutinize social media” to “hunt down gay people and those who defend them”, while he also warned against the consumption of pornography.
This has left Tanzania's LGBTQ community in fear. Since 2016, Makonda has instigated raids on bars with the intent to track down homosexuals in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania's largest city. After Makonda spoke at a religious rally in 2016, at least 20 people were arrested and then released.
In 2017, South African human rights lawyer Sibongile Ndashe, the executive director of the Initiative for Strategic Litigation in Africa, was accused of promoting homosexuality and arrested while on a case intended to limit health services at HIV drop-in centers. Ndashe and two colleagues were wrongfully detained for a week without representation and then deported.
According to Amnesty International, on November 6, police on the semi-autonomous island of Unguja, Zanzibar, arrested 10 men in response to Makonda's most recent call.
These cases all point to the seriousness of the threats.
International media reacted promptly following Makonda's statements, and articles by BBC, Financial Times, The Guardian, Deutsche Welle and CNN were widely shared on social media.
A few days later, the US Embassy in Dar es Salaam issued a warning to travelers heading to Tanzania.
The EU recalled its ambassador to ”Brussels for consultations”, adding:
The EU regrets the deterioration of the human rights and rule of law situation in the country and will be conducting a broader review of its relations with Tanzania.
Augustine Mahiga, Tanzania's minister of Foreign Affairs, assured on November 4 that Tanzania had not expelled the ambassador.
Meanwhile, Mahiga must have been working long hours. On the same day, the Tanzanian government suddenly distanced itself from Makonda's campaign, issuing an official statement clarifying its commitment to human rights:
Paragraph 2: In his meeting with the press, the honorable regional commissioner announced a campaign to deal with homosexuals in Dar es Salaam.
Paragraph 3: The government of the United Republic of Tanzania would like to clarify that these thoughts are his alone and not those of the government.
Paragraph 4: Moreover, the United Republic of Tanzania would like to take this opportunity to remind and insist that it will continue to respect all international agreements regarding human rights signed and ratified.
The statement left many wondering why the government did not stop Makonda from making his inflammatory remarks.
Khamis Kagasheki, former Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism asked:
Najaribu kujifunza kuhusu Serikali yangu. Tarehe 30 Oct. Makonda atangaza kusaka mashoga. Serikali ipo. Aunda kamati ya watu 15. Serikali ipo. Tarehe 31 Oct. atangaza kupokea msgs 5,763 na majina 100 ya mashoga. Serikali ipo. Leo siku ya 6 Serikali yamkana Lakini haijamzuia. #KSK https://t.co/VrMaYuviSt
— Khamis Kagasheki (@KKagasheki) November 4, 2018
I am trying to understand something about my government. On October 30, Makonda announces a hunt for gay people. The government is there. A committee of 15 is created. October 31, he announces receiving 5,763 messages and the names of 100 gay people. The government is there. Today, on the 6th day, the government denies him, but did not stop him.
Rachael McLellan, a Ph.D. student, provides one possible answer with a cartoon illustrating the nature of Makonda's role as regional commissioner, an appointment designated by the president.
The cartoon referred to an incident in March 2017 where Makonda forced his way into the offices of Clouds Media Group in an attempt to disrupt the broadcast of a video that Makonda feared would tarnish his reputation:
This is from a year or so ago when he raided Clouds Media but I think this gives a good sense of the logic. Makonda can do the dirty work while simultaneously being shielded by the president and kept at an arm's length when people object pic.twitter.com/bI1Onuvb4A
— Rachael McLellan (@RachaelMcLellan) November 4, 2018
Makonda wields a bloodstained club over an injured figure representing “media”. Above him is an “official” hand, presumably belonging to President Magufuli, holding an umbrella shielding Makonda.
Within a week Makonda displayed erratic behavior, from issuing brutal threats to weeping publicly in church. Some Tanzanians felt the need to distance themselves from Makonda and the international label of Tanzanians as homophobes:
Tanzania will survive him. And the world will make up its mind in the long-run and they'll see we're not THAT bad.
— Constantine Manda (@msisiri) November 4, 2018
Defending the rights of homosexuals in Tanzania may, however, lead to accusations of ascribing to Western values — not being a true patriot. Others say it is simply illegal.
The repression and fear also dominate other spheres such as Tanzanian politics, civil society and media.
Opposition rallies have been banned or restricted. Opposition politicians have been enticed with government positions. The ruling party Chama cha Mapinduzi or The Revolutionary Party (CCM) bribe opposition members into joining them and defections have been on the rise, causing instability within parties.
In September 2017, outspoken opposition politician and lawyer, Tundu Lissu, survived a murder attempt. In October 2018, Tanzania's youngest billionaire and former parliamentary member, Mohammed Dewji, was kidnapped.
At a symposium held at the University of Dar es Salaam on November 1, the president insisted Tanzania “is on the right path” while underlining his overall goal of development. Development may, however, come at a high cost for people who don't fit into these self-congratulatory plans.
One of Magufuli's strongest critics, Zitto Kabwe, leader of the opposition party Alliance for Change and Transparency (ACT), was not present at the symposium. He was charged with sedition requesting an independent investigation of the alleged killings of 100 pastoralists working on disputed land in western Tanzania.
The new set of media laws gradually introduced since 2015 have been used to repress expression. Combined with unclear interpretation and sanctions, people have gone “chinichini” or “down-down” in Swahili — self-censoring and taking extra caution with communication. Bloggers have handed their blogs over to new owners. Media outlets have been shut down. On November 9, only five days after Mahiga's assurance that Tanzania respects human rights, two journalists working for Committee for Protection of Journalists were detained in Tanzania.
This has made it impossible to have a respectful public debate about homosexuality. Repressed groups don't always share a common agenda or defend each other’s concerns.
For example, rapper Nay wa Mitego released the song ”Wapo” in March 2017 and was promptly arrested for his lyrics criticizing the government. His supporters called out the repression of free expression, but not his derogatory language targeting sexual minorities.
In a November 6 editorial, The Citizen spoke critically of Makonda but also underlined that it does not ”condone the practice … [of] … same-sex relationships.”
Previous crackdowns on homosexuals have fallen on reluctant ears within civil society, which has done very little to publicly support sexual minorities.
Tanzania’s stigmatization of sexual minorities along with repression of media and political space have caused its relationship with the world to deteriorate. Dissatisfied investors have begun retreating from Tanzania due to the level of difficulty involved in conducting business. About a third of Tanzania's budget comes from foreign aid, and development partners are alarmed. The World Bank announced on November 7 that it will dismiss all visiting missions to Tanzania due to its recent human rights violations.
This may put Magufuli's development financing at risk.
While Mahiga sorts out Tanzania's mixed messages on homosexuality, a larger question persists: Makonda's anti-gay rhetoric has proven harmful to Tanzanian diplomacy — why does he continue to receive protection?

author: Pernille Baerendtsen


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Arrival of the ‘migrant caravan’ lays bare Mexico’s own anti-immigration side · Global Voices
Mercedes Matz

The image reads from left to right: “Those migrants will increase the levels of criminality in the country”, and “Trying to save your life in another country is not a crime”. Made by a group of NGOs, shared by the Interdisciplinary Center of Social Training and Engagement. Published with permission.
As migrant caravans from Central America make their way through Mexico, many locals have taken to social media to express their own bigotry towards migrants — often resembling the anti-immigration attitudes against Mexicans seen in the United States.
Thousands of people are fleeing poverty and gang violence in Central America and heading north, mostly by foot and often carrying small children with them. They have different destinations: many are bound to the United States — where a large-scale military operation awaits them — while others are planning to seek refuge in Mexico.
By early November, five caravans had departed Central America. Some were organized on Facebook. When the first groups began arriving in Mexico, social media responded vigorously through hashtags such as #CaravanaMigrante and #CaravanaMigranteCDMX.
While opinions were diverse, with many showing support to the caravans, a side of Mexico that is openly opposed to immigration also surfaced. Here are two examples:
Que nos llamen fascistas o hijos de Donald Trump. Como mexicanos tenemos el derecho de defender la soberanía de nuestro país y la seguridad de nuestras familias. No a la #CaravanaMigrante y que se regresen a construir y trabajar en su país que es donde más hacen falta
— Joe Kenobi (@blackshadowjedi) 19 de octubre de 2018
Let them call us fascists or sons of Donald Trump. As Mexicans, we have the right to defend the sovereignty of our country and the security of our families. No to the #MigrantCaravan. They should go back to their country and work there where they're needed.
Muy difícilmente pasarán a USA, dudó mucho que regresen a su país de origen; se van a quedar en México ¿esperando qué? ¿que el gobierno los mantenga? #CaravanaMigrante
— Adriana Sandoval ?? (@adrisandooval) 19 de octubre de 2018
It's unlikely they'll enter the USA, I really doubt that they will go back to their country of origin. They will stay in Mexico, but hoping for what? For the government to provide for them?
Web outlet Plumas Atómicas has collected opinions like the ones above and contrasted them with Mexico's own migration history:
México tiene una larga y orgullosa tradición de puertas abiertas ante las poblaciones perseguidas, exiliadas y violentadas: desde los judíos españoles durante la Nueva España; los irlandeses que se unieron a la defensa de México durante la invasión estadounidense; los libaneses que huyeron de la hambruna en su país en la década de 1920, los republicanos exiliados durante la Guerra Civil española y tras la victoria de Franco; los brasileños, argentinos, paraguayos, colombianos, peruanos y uruguayos que salieron perseguidos por las dictaduras militares en sus países […] ¿por qué hay exiliados y refugiados de primera y de segunda?
Mexico has a long and proud tradition of open doors to those who have been persecuted, exiled, or victims of violence: since the Spanish Jews during the time of New Spain; the Irish who joined Mexico's defense during the American invasion; the Lebanese that fled hunger in their country in the 1920s, the republicans exiled during the Spanish Civil War and after Franco's victory. Brazilians, Argentinians, Paraguayans, Colombians, Peruvians and Uruguayans who were persecuted by the military dictatorships in their countries […] Why are there first and second class of exiles and refugees?
Other commentators have highlighted the irony of Mexicans’ online racism, as it has been mainly Mexicans who have borne the stigma brought along by Donald Trump’s immigration policies.
Este meme sobre la caravana migrante nos pone justo frente al espejo racista del nacionalismo mestizo mexicano, que siempre ha sido aspiracional (a ser blanco) y que por 1a vez en la historia es amenazado por una migración del sur. Me temo que habrá mucho más de esto en el futuro pic.twitter.com/NuaSJb3PRd
— Patricio Solís (@psolisaqui) 22 de octubre de 2018
This meme about the migrant caravan places in front of us the racist mirror of Mexican mestizo nationalism, which has always been aspirational, longing to be white, and that for the first time in history feels threatened by migration coming from the south. I'm afraid we will have more of this in the future.
The image inside the tweet shows, on the left-hand side, an anti-migration message (“Be aware that the caravan shouldn't pass by Mexico for security reasons, as well as poverty, overpopulation, etc”), and on the right-hand side, a response defending the migrants (“We have to help them, give them employment, we're all human… How would that affect you? God bless them”). The response, however, is full of spelling mistakes, implying that those defending the caravan are poorly educated and of a lower social class.
Negarles a quienes vienen en la caravana migrante un trato digno y humanitario nos pone al nivel de los gobiernos xenófobos y racistas que llevamos años criticando. No debemos caer en la trampa de la retórica anti-inmigrante que viene desde el gobierno de los Estados Unidos.
— Miguel Carbonell (@MiguelCarbonell) 24 de octubre de 2018
By denying a decent and humanitarian treatment to those coming with the migrant caravan we're brought down to the same level of the xenophobic and racist governments that we've been critisizing for years. We must not fall into the trap of the anti-migrant rhetoric that is coming from the government of the United States.
This unprecedented migration wave is provoked, for the most part, by poverty and violence afflicting the Northern Triangle (the region consisting of Belize, Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras), of which people are attempting to flee.
In an editorial dated November 3, Salvadoran outlet El Faro outlined the origins of the phenomenon — and argued that both Central American governments and the United States’ share responsibility for the thousands of people being now “spat out by their own countries”:
¿De qué se alejan familias enteras expuestas al camino cruel, al poder de los territorios del narco, a la violencia sexual, al secuestro, y hoy incluso a las amenazas del presidente de Estados Unidos de enviar al ejército? […] Huyen de la represión de un tirano en Nicaragua y de los delirios de un corrupto incapaz en Guatemala. Huyen de la incapacidad de los gobiernos salvadoreños, tanto de ultraderecha como de ultraizquierda, para poner fin a los homicidios, a la desigualdad y a la corrupción. Huyen de la violencia ejercida por pandillas deportadas por Estados Unidos, que exige ahora lealtades a cambio de migajas, cuando es corresponsable de la situación en el istmo. Huyen de élites indolentes y de décadas de esperar un futuro que nunca llega.
What are those whole families running away from, exposing themselves to a cruel route, to the territory of druglords, to sexual violence, to kidnapping, and even to threats by the president of the United States, who says he will be sending the army [to the border?] They're running away from a tyrant's repression in Nicaragua, from the delirium of a corrupted fool in Guatemala. They're fleeing from the inability of El Salvador's government, from both the ultra-rightwing and ultra-leftwing, to put an end to the homicides, the inequality and the corruption They're fleeing from the violence of gangs who have been deported by the United States, who now demand loyalty in exchange for crumbs, even when they're also responsible for the situation in the region. They're running away from oblivious elites and from decades of waiting for a future that never comes.
And they conclude:
En esas caravanas están las claves de todos los problemas de la región, incluyendo a México y Estados Unidos. [Su criminalización significa] culpar a los migrantes por las respuestas que los gobernantes de la región, de Managua a Washington, no saben encontrar.
Those caravans hold the keys to all the problems in the region, including Mexico and the United States.[Criminalizing them] means blaming the migrants for the answers that the governments of the regions, from Managua to Washington, haven't been able to find.

author: Mercedes Matz


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The Caribbean Court of Justice loses again — this time with voter apathy and distrust · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

Signage at the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) at its headquarters in Trinidad's capital city, Port of Spain. Photo by Gerrard Gomez, used with permission.
Grenada and the twin-island nation of Antigua and Barbuda both faced a major referendum on the choice to adopt the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) as their final appellate court — which would require a constitutional amendment — or retain the current Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, the final court of appeal for the United Kingdom's overseas territories and Crown dependencies (as well as various Commonwealth countries).
In both jurisdictions, the voter turnout was low, but the majority of those who did vote rejected the CCJ. The Antigua and Barbuda Electoral Commission posted the official results online with 48 percent in favor of the CCJ. In Grenada, where 28 percent of eligible voters showed up, CCJ support was slightly less at 45 percent.
This was the second time in the past two years that Grenada has put this issue to a vote, with the same result.
The CCJ was established by an agreement signed by 12 member countries of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and officially inaugurated in 2005. It serves as a tribunal interpreting the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas that governs CARICOM.
Although based in Trinidad and Tobago, it can operate in any CARICOM member country. However, it has gained little traction as a final appellate court in the English-speaking Caribbean. Only four CARICOM territories — Barbados, Belize, Dominica and Guyana (roughly one-third of the original signatory countries) — use the CCJ as their final appeal court on civil and criminal matters.
The media called out CCJ's inadequate public education campaign as a factor behind the lackluster response, even though the court has boosted its social media presence and now live streams hearings to the public.
Meanwhile, Antigua and Barbuda's National Coordinating Committee for the Caribbean Court of Justice was accused of conducting a one-sided public education campaign in favor of the CCJ. It later conceded: “The people have spoken.” Former CCJ President Sir Dennis Byron, like others, admitted that more public education and the wider involvement of civil society is needed.
Local politics may have negatively affected the referendums; both nations held general elections within weeks of each other in March 2018 with their respective incumbent administrations emerging victorious.
In Grenada, where Prime Minister Keith Mitchell's party did a clean sweep for the third time, the country's opposition party has no seats in its House of Representatives. Mitchell has since said he will not consider another referendum on the matter, leaving the opposition “saddened and depressed.”
In Antigua and Barbuda, where voter turnout was at 33.5 percent of the electorate, Prime Minister Gaston Browne expressed his “utmost disappointment” at the “no” vote, while he and the opposition leader sniped at each other over the referendum results.
The CCJ itself sought to put a positive spin on the results, noting that it “remains committed to the region”. The court's third president, Justice Adrian Saunders of St. Vincent and the Grenadines, noted in a November 7 statement:
While the news is not what we hoped for, we respect the people of both nations and their decision. The court will naturally continue ongoing initiatives with justice sector bodies in each of these countries, and the wider Caribbean…”
In Jamaica, The response has been mixed. Lawyer Mark Wignall responded to a question posed on Facebook wondering what the results would be if Jamaicans voted to replace the UK-based Privy Council with the Caribbean Court of Justice:
At this moment, I would vote against the CCJ. Why? We tend to believe the regional judiciary is free from corruption and is incorruptible. Big laugh. Judges in the region know each other and must at times, exchange social and political views with each other. They form factions with each other. Scary! The Privy Council is far away and it has nothing invested in us, one way or the other in regional matters. In that understanding I trust the outsider [Privy Council], not because they are better jurists than our people, but because dem way ova dey so [they are way over there].
Jamaican human rights lawyer, Bert Samuels, who supports the CCJ, acknowledged the widespread lack of trust and perception of political interference and cronyism in his comments to a local radio station. He added that “there is a lot of work to be done” before the Caribbean can be persuaded to abandon the Privy Council, which he called its “colonial court”. Another outspoken attorney, Clyde Williams, noted during a discussion on a Jamaican radio station that the CCJ is “an emotional subject”:
People do not trust the power institutions, the hierarchies in the region. People think that persons can pick up their phones and call judges and have judges make decisions to favour them…right across the region, people are concerned that the courts are being impacted upon through persons with power, prestige and wealth – and that's not going to change for a long time to come.
Meanwhile, UK academics and its legal fraternity have signaled faith in the Caribbean judicial system. A young Jamaican lawyer shared on Twitter:
In a book written by UCL professors examining how judges are chosen for international courts, the CCJ is praised for its process of selecting independent, high quality judges. #CCJ https://t.co/O8S0QCNU11
— Alethia Lambert (@lethiaa) November 9, 2018
Another attorney countered:
CCJ president perplexed at Caribbean people still finding “excuses” to support Privy Council. But they may be justified! Too much political interference to begin with! #CARICOM #CCJ https://t.co/PxDDDaWeqM
— Gerald La Touche MA (@OneCaribbean) November 6, 2018
Still, the CCJ maintains an active regional presence. The court's Academy for Law will hold its fifth biennial conference in Jamaica in December 2018. The CCJ also plans to continue to collaborate on justice reform projects, including a Sexual Offences Model Court under the Canada-funded JURIST Project, to be housed at the High Court of Antigua and Barbuda in 2019.
The CCJ is currently deliberating on some significant cases, including an upcoming appeal by four transgender women against their conviction for being men wearing female attire in public for an “improper purpose” — an offense in Guyana.
In some parts of the English-speaking Caribbean, people seem quite happy with the status quo — regardless of their political leaders’ wishes. While lawyers across the region debate its pros and cons, the concept of a regional court of appeal does not seem to resonate.
Unless regional norms around corruption change drastically, a regional court of appeal does not seem likely in the foreseeable future.

author: Emma Lewis


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Jamaican dancehall artist hits a nerve by ‘bleaching’ her skin — did fans get the message? · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

A screenshot of Spice taken from the YouTube video of her new song, “Black Hypocrisy”, which explores the issue of colourism.
In the male-dominated world of Jamaican dancehall, Grace Hamilton, whose stage name is Spice, has made her mark as a  self-starter. Her career took off in 2009 when she teamed up with Vybz Kartel on the controversial (and banned) single “Romping Shop”. Throughout her career, she has used sexually explicit lyrics and tackled taboo issues head-on — including one that is often swept under the table in black communities — colourism.
In October, Spice startled her fans (whom she affectionately refers to as her “smurf gang”) by posting a pouting picture of herself on Instagram with apparently bleached skin and long blonde hair. The following day, she released her new song, “Black Hypocrisy”. The song addresses colourism — that insidious tendency to uphold lighter-skinned privilege, causing many black and darker-skinned brown Jamaicans to self-discriminate.
Fans were taken by Spice's newly minted, caramel-coloured skin. Had she really “bleached” her skin, following a pervasive practice in Jamaica? Why were some fans fond of the move?
Lecturer at the University of the West Indies, Isis Semaj Hall, addressed the fans’ accepting response in a blog post:
It is important to note that Spice did not actually bleach her skin — but the fact that so many viewers thought she did (still think that she did and want to know what magic she used to get such quick, even, and outstanding results) proves that the issue of bleaching is bigger than we want to admit in the African diaspora …
How the viewer responded to the initial images of Spice that were posted by the artiste on her own social media accounts prior to the release of her music video, is a testament to the very subject that Spice was tackling: a to-the-core belief in brown and white skin privilege, a to-the-core belief that darker skin is a stumbling block in life, and a to-the-core lack of awareness about black hypocrisy regarding colorism.
The cultural commentator added:
Spice rides a reggae riddim [rhythm] to deliver a timely message on skin bleaching, self-hate, and the legacy of colonialism that is imprinted on the minds and skins of too many in Jamaica.
Spice's stance appears to have also resonated with the African American community. The cultural website Afropunk.com commented:
The Jamaican songstress’ stunt — putting images of herself with ‘bleached’ skin on the internet and stating in interviews that the change in her complexion was to please her Black audience — was done in an effort to expose the very real danger of unchecked colourism in the BLACK community.
Many times, we shy away from the colourism conversation from fear of being confronted, challenged and called out for participation. Spice revealed that she doesn’t receive negative responses regarding her complexion from white people, but rather from Black folks. This is a common reality for many people with dark skin. Any attempt to rip the Band-Aid off of this generations-old wound is welcomed. We cannot heal what we refuse to acknowledge.
Two weeks after she posted the photo, the flamboyant star confirmed that she did not, in fact, bleach her skin:
.@spiceofficial reveals that her ‘skin bleaching’ was a stunt to highlight colourism:https://t.co/NEmDV6cN1x pic.twitter.com/nLAZH57UHk
— Dazed (@Dazed) November 2, 2018
In her Instagram post, she explained:
On October 22nd I posted a picture of myself where I looked like I altered my appearance and metamorphosis to match the ‘Eurocentric beauty standards’. I fearlessly addressed an issue that has been swept under the rug and boldly took the stance in bringing a taboo topic to the forefront. I chose to do this in the manner I did because I believe Colorism is plagiarizing (sic) our black community … I want to openly say it was not a ‘publicity stunt’. I wanted to create awareness of ‘Colorism’ and it was more so done intentionally to create shock value so that I could have the world's undivided attention to deliver the message in my music.
There are dark skin[ned] women across the world complaining every day that they are being downplayed and degraded, but the raw truth is it is us ‘black women’ and ‘black men’ that are fighting against each other and tearing down our own race.
Award-winning Jamaican writer Nicole Dennis-Benn, who calls out colourism in her novel, “Here Comes the Sun”, applauded Spice's move:
Spice is single-handedly blowing the cover off colorism in Jamaica. ???????? ?? @spiceofficial ?#blackhypocrisy #Jamaica #dancehall #HereComesTheSun ☀☀☀
— Nicole Dennis-Benn (@ndennis_benn) November 10, 2018
The response from dancehall fans was more mixed. Some felt empowered:
@spiceofficial I watched your video #BlackHypocrisy when it first came out and I support your message to the fullest. I don’t get why WE as black people judge our own. We need to do better to ourselves
— Tiffany Nelson (@Serenity_Shiloh) November 6, 2018
Others questioned Spice's motive:
The negative impact upon Black people is evident in the way spice is proud to parade as a bleach out duppy….she is doing more to endorse this enslaved mind behaviour …..than to uplift Black skin people….for fame .. self glorification… thirty pieces of silver..
….
— simon stewart (@suparank) November 1, 2018
Many noted that the issue was not new, and questioned whether people were prepared to do what is necessary for the status quo to change:
Where were the campaigns and movements? I believe we are not incensed by colorism in Jamaica. It’s almost trendy to talk about and not really something we want to fix per se.
— ForbiddenFruit? (@LadyJade56) November 1, 2018
In the end, the whole controversy led up to the big launch of Spice's new mixtape:
Good Morning #smurfgang Be there early. pic.twitter.com/stNWThugbn
— Grace Hamilton (@spiceofficial) November 7, 2018
Was the move a mere publicity stunt? Spice got the last word on Instagram:
To put an end to the debate ‘I DID NOT BLEACH MY SKIN’ and I quote ‘Proud a mi colour, love mi pretty black skin, respect due to mi strong melanin’ words from my ‘Black Hypocrisy’ song that I wrote from my heart.
Whether or not the message resonates with her fans is another question.


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Meet the people saving a 12,000 year-old forest from being turned into a coal mine · Global Voices
350.org

Credit: Hambi info via Flickr
The original version of this article was written by Renee Karunungan at 350.org and is based on video interviews conducted by Sarah Hüther, Lou Huber-Eustachi and Ruben Neugebauer.
Located in the German state of North Rhine-Westphalia, the Hambach Forest is 12,000 years old and dates back to the last ice age. Currently, however, only 10% of the original 5,000 hectares remains.
That portion of the Hambach forest is safe—for now. The German energy giant RWE, who bought the forest in 1978, had been preparing to clear of what remains of the ancient forest to expand one of its vast open-pit mines, despite fierce protests. In early October, a court ordered RWE to put its plans on hold while another lawsuit to protect the forest is still pending. While this is a huge win for those who have been working to protect the forest, the fight is far from over, and since 2012, a number of activists have been occupying the Hambach, determined to save it for good and end coal mining in Germany.
“I decided to live in the forest and put my body in between the cutting machines,” said Strobo, one of the activists who's the living in the Hambach Forest.
The activists have built treehouses to live in and have set up road barricades to stop the mining company and police vehicles from coming in to clear access for RWE.
In September, authorities from the German state of North Rhine-Westphalia ordered that the treehouses be removed to make way for the expansion of the coal mine.
“The people who took me down from the treehouses were professional tree climbers,” said Lou, another activist. “They came with cranes, cherry pickers, and harvesters to destroy the trees and cut their way into the occupation so they could bring the heavy machinery and evict people from the treehouses.”
Another activist, Momo, links the fight of saving the Hambach forest to other struggles for climate justice. “We are producing a large percentage of carbon emissions globally, causing climate change impacts, which people in the Global South have to flee from. This fight is more than just about the forest getting cut down,” he said.
Lou agrees: “For me, it’s part of a wider international struggle. What’s happening here — the coal that’s being mined and fueling climate change — is a global problem. It was really important for me to come here and support the fight, and stand in solidarity with the fight here and struggles around the world, against climate change, capitalism, racism. This is part of a much wider struggle against the general system as it is.”
Germany has pledged to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions by 40% by 2020, but is set to fail to meet its targets. The government has set up a coal exit commission. By the end of the year, this task force has been asked to find economic perspectives for coal workers and regions, spell out measures to reduce carbon emissions in line with Germany's climate targets, and name an end date for coal-fired power production.
The implications for coal miners and other workers have received a lot of attention in the public debate about a coal phase-out. This is where Christopher’s work becomes important.
Christopher is part of the climate justice movement and has been working with communities affected by mining. He organised the first meetings between lignite workers and climate justice activists, or ‘peace talks’ as he refers to them, because ‘there was too much confrontation’, he says.
Christopher has been bringing climate activists and coal workers together
“We talked about climate change and lignite, about jobs and the transformation of the economy. It’s not just the jobs in the lignite industry. When we stop lignite we’re not just stopping the biggest source of carbon emissions in Europe, we are also forcing a debate about other economic sectors — what kind of economy do we want? We started this conversation with the lignite workers,” Christopher said.
‘there are no jobs on a dead planet’ banner at protest to protect the Hambach forest
Colombian Maria Fernanda, who has lived in Germany for 22 years, is also part of the actions to save the Hambach forest. It’s an important fight for her and the indigenous peoples of Colombia because RWE’s destruction has also affected their forests back home.
“Last year, some indigenous women from Colombia came to Germany to appeal to stop coal mining there,” Maria Fernanda said. She worked as a translator for the indigenous people.
Maria Fernanda next to the Hambach forest
Strobo, Lou, Momo, Christopher and Maria Fernanda say that it is this growing movement to save the Hambach Forest that gives them hope.
“The feeling is good, we’ve managed to build a big, diverse movement over a short period of time, which is necessary to fight for climate justice,” said Christopher.
For Maria Fernanda, it’s an awakening of the people who have come to realise that ‘we don’t only need money, we depend on mother Earth — clean air, water — to eat and to live’. “It’s a good time to come together and unite,” she said.
And by coming together, Momo believes that they are sending a strong message to the German government that enough is enough; that the solidarity of thousands of people shows their collective strength.
A Win at Hambach
This is a major victory for the climate movement. Watch and learn how a group of people came together to protect an ancient forest and stop the expansion of a massive coal mine. #hambachforest #hambibliebt
Geplaatst door 350.org op Donderdag 15 november 2018
Activists like Lou and Strobo who have built treehouses in the forest, which were destroyed by the police and which the activists have since started re-building, will not give up the fight.
“They can take us away from the tree house but they can’t evict a movement, they can’t evict the ideas we are fighting for,” Strobo said.


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‘Tuition free for all in public universities in Liberia’, says President George Weah · Global Voices
Abdoulaye Bah

University of Liberia, 2009. Photo by mjmkeating via Flickr/CC BY 2.0.
Liberian students at the University of Liberia have protested a tuition increase they say they simply can't afford, leading to low student enrollment this semester with only about 11,000 registered students out of approximately 20,000.
Students were paying $4 United States Dollars per credit hour in 2017 but the amount increased to $6 USD per credit hour for 2018/2019 school year.
Faced with mounting pressure, newly elected President George Weah surprisingly declared tuition-free university during a visit to the main campus in late October 2018. Prince Kurupati reports:
Speaking at the University of Liberia, Liberian president George Weah said that with immediate effect, all undergraduate students are no longer required to pay tuition fees. The Liberian president also took to his Facebook page to make the sensational announcement declaring that tertiary education with immediate effect is free for undergraduate students,  ‘Today, I am excited to announce that I have declared the University of Liberia and all other public universities in Liberia Tuition-free for all undergraduates.’
Journalist Sebastiane Ebatamehi continues:
During the last campaign before his election, George Weah said to a large congregation of his supporters, ‘I played football in Europe. I would have stayed in Europe and enjoyed my money, but I came to Liberia to redeem you from the bondage of hardships. See what I have done in this country in terms of development.’
Today, will come down as one to be remembered in history as the president, in a few months after his election, has declared the prestigious University of Liberia and all other public universities in Liberia tuition free …
This is indeed good news and one which will go down well with youth, not only in Liberia, but Africa in general.
Many students on the main campus celebrated and praised President Weah's declaration with singing and dancing, telling reporters that the news came as an enormous relief.
Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban explains that students across all of Liberia's four public universities had protested against fee hikes in the past because of incremental increases in the costs of registration and tuition, causing many to drop out.
President Weah made University of Liberia tuition free. I’m going back home to finish my Master degree
— Waterside Pekin ?? (@jay_soe_) October 24, 2018
This time, students mainly from the Fendall Student Association (FENSA) staged a protest before the Offices of the President, led by student Heylove Mark, who told school officials that the tuition hikes would prevent many students from matriculation.
President Weah heard the students’ concerns and returned with his surprising declaration of tuition-free university education.
Former president Ellen Johnson Sirleaf called Liberia’s education system “a mess” after 25,000 high school students failed state university entrance exams five years ago. This has led Liberia to enter a nationwide experiment with private-public partnerships to help alleviate strains in the education system caused by civil war and the Ebola crisis.
Given the burdensome cost of running a state university as a line item on the national budget, Front Page Africa (FPA) wrote a post wondering if Weah's populist move is sustainable. According to FPA, Liberia allocates $16,299,877 USD to the University of Liberia per fiscal year, which already presents enormous challenges. FPA continues:
A recent World Bank report puts Liberia’s fiscal deficit at 5.2 percent of the GDP in FY 2018. This is a result of a significant shortfall in revenues and higher than anticipated non-discretionary expenditures … [T]he government is facing a hard time with generating finance and the situation might just worsen. Therefore, it is important that we face the reality: this government cannot afford to underwrite the hefty cost of running a free public universities or colleges. Has this government backtracked to assess the impact of the free primary and secondary education? Or is it only desperate to thrive on the popularity of abysmal policies?
Liberians took to Twitter to express their doubt:
Not surprised George Weah has fully morphed into the typical African leader; no vision, grand gestures of populism, appropriation of state assets & platforms for self aggrandizement. Man just declared free tuition for public universities in Liberia, a very very poor country. SMH.
— Babanla (@biolakazeem) October 24, 2018
The Association of Liberian Journalists in the Americas looked suspiciously at Weah's decision, considering it too spontaneous and meant to garner political support:
Mr. Weah’s tuition free announcement sounds plausible, but neither he nor the Liberian government has the monetary and logistical supports for the realization of the policy. ALJA wondered how the President and the CDC administration will fund such an undertaking after January 22, 2018, while delivering his first legislative agenda to the 54th National Legislature of Liberia, he declared publicly that the Liberian economy is broken and by extension the government.
Since Weah was elected, Liberia has seen a rapid depreciation of currency against the US dollar. The UN officially closed its peace-keeping mission in war-torn Liberia in March 2018, and began withdrawing nearly 15,000 troops in mid-2016, creating a huge blow to the Liberian economy.
The “Liberian dollar had declined 25 percent over 2017 and a further 25 percent since January”, lamented Weah who was elected on December 26, 2017.
George Weah is the only African player to win the competitive football award Ballon d'Or and picked up the nickname King George after ending his football career at 40. Realizing the value of higher education, he pursued a degree at Devry University in Miami, Florida, to study business administration and criminal justice which he completed in 2013 at the age of 47.
Weah would hope this move could be enough to angry appease students, but they responded to Weah's announcement with further demands. Other students worry the move will silence political voices on campus, reducing the power student organizations once earned through the securement of student scholarships.


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Who is Sérgio Moro, the Brazilian judge who sentenced former president Lula and will be Bolsonaro’s ‘superminister’? · Global Voices
John Razen

Moro giving an interview in 2015 | Image: Marcos Oliveira/Agência Senado/CC
Sérgio Moro, the federal judge responsible for the anti-corruption operation “Lava-Jato” (or operation car wash) was confirmed as the Minister for Justice in the incoming government of president-elect Jair Bolsonaro.
Moro is a controversial figure, seen by part of Brazil’s population as a symbol of the fight against corruption, but by others as having taken partisan actions in persecuting certain figures.
Operation Car Wash refers to a collection of anti-corruption investigations that began in 2014. Initially, it aimed to investigate evidence of a gas station being used to cover up money laundering in Curitiba, the capital of the southern Paraná state — which gave the operation its name— but ended up revealing a large network of bribe payments by big Brazilian contractors to politicians from various parties.
As the incumbent of the 13th Federal Court of Curitiba, Sérgio Moro was at the front of some of Car Wash’s most mediatized trials. As an admirer of the operation Clean Hands (“Mani Pulite” in Italian), which investigated corruption among Italian political elites in the 1990s, Moro applied strategies inspired by those used by the prosecutor Antonio Di Pietro, leader of the Italian operation.
Aiming to mobilize public opinion in favor of the operation, Car Wash’s investigating team worked closely with media outlets, giving constant press conferences, making investigation records available, and strategically leaking secret information to journalists.
Image: Tomaz Silva – Agência Brasil/CC
The strategy of mediatizing Car Wash’s trials brought the investigating team the support of a significant portion of the Brazilian population. However, some events caused distrust and accusations that the investigations were directed by political interests with the objective of attacking the government and politicians of the Workers’ Party (PT), who ruled Brazil from 2002 to 2016.
One of the biggest controversies around Sérgio Moro relates to the leak of audio recordings of a secretly monitored telephone call of then-president Dilma Rousseff with the ex-president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. This could be illegal because, first, as the investigation involved a sitting president, it should have been submitted to the Supreme Court, which would then decide whether this piece of information should be kept secret. Also, it is possible that only the Supreme Court had jurisdiction to order the wires to be tapped in the first place. Brazilian legal experts diverge on this.
In another controversial case, the magistrate Rogério Favreto, of the Appeals Court where Lula’s trial took place, decided in July 2018 on freeing the ex-president. Then, Moro, who was no longer the judge responsible for Lula’s case and was also on holiday, sent a dispatch urging the federal police to disobey the decision.
In the most recent case, less than a week before the first round of the presidential elections, Moro made public parts of the plea bargain made by Antônio Palocci, Lula's economic minister in 2003-2006, in April, which implicated Lula in the Petrobras corruption scandal.
The information given by Lula’s former minister did not bring new elements to the investigation, nor were they backed up by evidence. For this reason, Palocci’s first attempt at a plea bargain was not accepted by the Car Wash task-force in Paraná.
After the nomination, General Hamilton Mourão, vice-president elect, told the press that Moro had been invited to the cabinet during the electoral campaign. This suggests that when he released this information (which hurt the Workers’ Party candidate), he already knew about his possible participation in Bolsonaro’s government.
Bolsonaro plans to merge the Ministry of Justice with the Ministry of Public Security, created by current president Michel Temer, as well as add to it responsibilities that are currently assigned to other government bodies.
It has been speculated that the powers of the Ministry of Transparency, Supervision, and Control would also be added to his role, creating what has been called a “superministry”.
Sérgio Moro will have to leave the magistrature and Operation Car Wash in order to join Bolsonaro's cabinet in January 2019.
Image: Lula Marques/Agência PT/CC
Much like the federal judge’s actions in the Car Wash operation, Moro’s nomination has been dividing opinions. The president-elect’s supporters see the nomination as a sign of the strengthening the fight against corruption, while critics argue the nomination would confirm the partisan bias of Moro’s actions at the head of Car Wash.
The judge was responsible for the conviction and sentencing of Lula, who was set to run in the 2018 races (and was leading the polls up until the moment he withdrew his bid) in a process beset by controversies. Additionally, the leaks of secret information at critical moments caused irreparable political damage to the Workers’ Party, which benefitted Bolsonaro’s campaign.
Commenting on the nomination, Ciro Gomes, ex-governor of the state Ceará and third-runner in the first round of the October presidential elections, criticized the judge. He refers to the possibility that Bolsonaro would appoint him to the Supreme Court (two spots will open up during his administration):
Acho Moro um juiz político, politiqueiro. Então, é muito melhor que ele fique no Ministério do que no Supremo. Ele deveria assumir logo a política. A aptidão dele para a política é completa. Só que com a toga vira uma aberração.
I think that Moro is a political, petty-politico judge. So it is much better that he stays in the Ministry than in the Supreme [Court]. He should just take up politics already. His aptitude for politics is total. But with the robes he becomes an aberration.

author: John Razen