text:
Activist Ambassador Lawyer Journalist: What It’s Like to Be Hated Online in Russia Today · Global Voices
Kevin Rothrock

From time to time, RuNet Echo translates into English some of the Russian media’s best work about Internet-related issues. Earlier this week, Nina Nazarova, a reporter at the Russian magazine Afisha, published a small collection of fascinating interviews with four public figures who have played major roles online and in the news in Russia. Each of these people has faced intense harassment on the Internet and in ordinary life, and their stories serve as revealing accounts of what it’s like to be prominent and hated on the RuNet today.
Image edited by Kevin Rothrock.
There are some jobs in Russia that invite a daily stream of hate mail and even threats. Nina Nazarova at Afisha recently spoke to four individuals who have encountered particularly aggressive harassment—an LGBT-rights activist, a former US ambassador to Russia, a lawyer, and a journalist—and asked them what it’s like to live and work in an atmosphere of hatred.
Photo: Facebook
I got the idea to create the photo album “Beautiful People and What They Say About Me” [a collection of threats Klimova has received online] a long time ago. I would look at the photos of the people who write me these terrible things, and marvel at the disparity between their appearance and the content of their threats. Beautiful people: they’ve got children, they’re smiling—and then they write me this. I made the album so others could enjoy the contrast. And judging by readers’ comments, they've enjoyed them indeed. People saw exactly what I wanted to show them.
I can’t remember the first time someone wrote to insult me. It was probably in early 2013, when I was writing for [the news agency] Rosbalt about different issues. Readers provided feedback either in comments on the article itself, or they found me on social networks and told me there. The responses were all over the place: ranging from “smart girl” to “dumb whore.” I remember feeling hurt and confused.
Later, though, after I started heading Children-404, I had to get used to it. If you’re at all a public person, any passerby might up and spit on you. You’ve just got to live with it, and gradually it becomes easier. After hearing the same words over and over for several years, they lose their meaning. Right now, I’m “attacked” 1-3 times a day. Sometimes it comes in bursts—mostly when someone famous writes something nasty about you, or when a big organization launches an attack on you. This happened to me with [conservative Russian actor] Ivan Okhlobystin and the Anti-Maidan movement, which has half a million subscribers.
The haters don’t faze me—they’re too predictable. For instance, they often write that I’m hideous and no man will ever want me. How upset could this possibly make me, given that I live with the woman I love and have no interest in men? They can always swear at me, but without a certain passion, even this becomes boring to read.
I’ve been attacked by “my own people,” too. Once, a certain gay person told me that he used to live like everybody else, “without sticking out.” He’d go to gay clubs and he never asked for anything more. But then, because of folks like me (that is, the activists), the state decided to come after LGBT people. He said all kinds of terrible things to me. It hurt. Though it’s my guess that most people think like this—that gays owe all their problems to the activists.
A lesbian once approached me and claimed that the authorities approved the “anti-gay” law because of my project Children-404, saying it used to be okay before, but now she can’t even hold her girlfriend’s hand while walking down the street—and she blames me for this.
I didn’t try to explain that I started my group precisely as a response to the threat of this law coming to be.
A year ago, a gay-rights activist asked me to help persuade youths to take part in the May Day parade, carrying rainbow flags. I refused, saying (1) I wasn’t sure I could ensure their safety, and (2) that I didn’t think we could call on children to take to the streets. The activist responded sarcastically, “Now there’s a winning strategy!” and our conversation ended there. Thirty minutes later, he denounced me publicly, and then he started to write to my friends, telling them what a hysterical asshole I am. This was really hard for me. I remember that I even cried.
But now—now it makes no difference to me. I’ve simply understood that there are no LGBT people who are “mine”—that only exists among those who share your views.
Does my life resemble the life of Children-404? No. For me, things are simpler. I’m an adult. I’m independent. I can block someone who offends me [online] and forget about him. But the parents who reject you, and the classmates who bully you—you can’t block these people. If you find yourself confronted by hatred and in pain, it’s vital to remember that it will pass. It hurts at first, but then you move on. The main thing is not to become too cold. Whenever you do anything, there will be those who hate you for it. Just take the abuse and the praise as it comes. Do your thing and don’t listen to anyone.
Photo: Facebook
The threats started last January, after I recorded a show with Maxim Shevchenko about the terrorist attack on Charlie Hebdo. We discussed Ramzan Kadyrov’s reaction to a tweet by Mikhail Khodorkovsky, who called on journalists to reprint the Mohammed cartoons, to show terrorists that Western society doesn’t fear them. Kadyrov called Khodorkovsky his personal enemy and said there’s no shortage of people in Switzerland who are ready to bring the “fugitive” to swift justice.
I asked Shevchenko how Kadyrov could threaten a public figure with violence, and he said that Ramzan Kadyrov is one of the finest men around, and denied that it was really even a threat. But I didn’t leave it at that, and I pressed him further on this issue.
The very next day, I got my first threat on Facebook. It was waiting in the folder marked “other.” I opened the message, read it, and simply deleted it. Then I started getting these messages regularly—and not just “I’ll get you, bitch,” but detailed, thought-out threats from people with real profiles. For example, the profile picture of one of these people showed him standing next to his car in Grozny. There were about nine of these letters in total.
For two months, I didn’t dwell on this, just thinking of it as the cost of working at Echo of Moscow. It’s the liberal media, and there’s such an atmosphere of hatred these days.
And then Boris Nemtsov was murdered, and I got another three death threats in early March. Suddenly, I realized that my life was in real danger.
The value Russians place on life is precisely zero. And I’m not talking about the state apparatus, but the way ordinary people think generally. Some people I know tried to calm me down, saying, “C’mon now, who cares about you.” Before Nemtsov’s murder, even I treated the threats like they were just white noise. I spent a month in the United States on a training program, and the Americans asked me, “So what’s it like over there in Russia?” and I’d tell them, “Oh well, heh, they’re accusing us of being a fifth column, traitors to the nation, and I get threats in the mail.” They’d just look at me astonished.
American journalists tell me, “You’re so small, so courageous, and so brave. I wouldn’t be able to manage.” And now I see it’s merely that they place a different value on life—a decent value. And I realize that I’d been treating myself the way the [Russian] government does—the way the [Russian] President does.
Sure, it’s unlikely that they’ll come after me to the degree that they came after Boris Nemtsov. But if there are ten people who sent me threats, maybe there is some other number of people who haven’t written me, but are discussing the same thing in private. And in a country where you can murder Boris Nemtsov right outside the Kremlin, and be called a patriot, who’s to say what separates threats from murder?
The police opened a case into the threats against me on March 26, after I spent a week talking to investigators. In all that time, the authorities never even asked me for my Facebook password. Let’s assume that our police are able to access my account without a password, but it seems to me like it is just basic propriety to say, “You know, we need to look at the IP addresses of these people, so please give us access to your account.” Nope!
Using my iPhone, I showed the investigator the Facebook profiles of some of these people, saying, “Look—here they are.” She just looked at me and asked if their profiles also listed their home addresses.
In the end, I left Russia on April 1 and I’ve got no plans to return anytime soon.
When you live in such conditions, you start to pay less attention to all the nonsense—all scandals about twerking bees, about when you can call women “chicks,” and all the rest of the stuff that clutters up the news. These stories are obviously planted by the authorities to distract people from really important issues. For example, why did Ramzan Kadyrov order his men to “shoot to kill” any Russian police found operating in Chechnya? If Navalny up and called on people to shoot the police, they’d charge him on the spot with plotting to overthrow the government. Meanwhile, we’re talking about bees.
I honestly hope Russia reaches the point someday when the discrimination against women is the nation’s worst, most pressing and unresolved problem. But for now, you know, it’s like walking up to a drunk on the street and saying, “Go get a manicure—your nails are awful.”
Photo: Facebook
Any kind of human-rights activism is a thankless job. It all makes sense: the investigators don’t want new cases, the police don’t want to go to prison, and so everyone stonewalls and puts up roadblocks. The question is where the limits are. When you work in Chechnya and the republic’s chief of police, Deputy Minister of the Interior Apty Alaudinov, says openly, “Guys, I can no longer guarantee your safety,” this, it seems to me, is an outright threat.
Our joint mobile team in Chechnya started operating in 2009, after the death of journalist Natalia Estemirova. We took the cases she had in progress that she wasn’t able to finish investigating. Our colleagues, let’s call them, from the human-rights sector in Chechnya immediately made it clear that we were dead men walking. They did not wish to speak to us publicly. It was a nervous time, to put it mildly.
Of course, we tried to minimize the risks, but no amount of iron doors, armored vehicles, bulletproof vests, or anything else will help you, if they really want to get to you. This line of work requires clear commitment, an acceptance of the risks, and the understanding that you’re doing something vital. Everyone who joined the Committee Against Torture agreed to these terms in advance, so there’s no reason to get emotional.
At first it was difficult, but later on, some forces realized that it was easier to ignore us than interfere with our work. So there was a period of cold war—they completely ignored us in legal terms. We couldn’t accomplish anything: we went to the courts, we appealed to the district attorney and the investigative committee, and everywhere we were confronted by illegal rulings and resolutions. For a few years, we struggled desperately, and nothing really worked. But it was all relatively calm.
And then in December last year, when they announced after the attack on Grozny that the homes of terrorists’ relatives should be burned to the ground, we sent a signed letter to the federal Attorney General, as well as the head of the federal Investigative Committee, Alexander Bastrykin, asking them to study Kadyrov’s statements as a possible call to illegal activity. How everything came apart after that!
The persecution, the arson of our office, and the massive attack in the media—even the local human-rights activists who’d called us their colleagues suddenly spoke out sharply against us. They said we were ruining everything, slandering that kind man, Ramzan Kadyrov—Chechnya’s greatest defender of human rights.
And this turn to open confrontation—we’re still living it today.
The most insulting thing is when the locals don’t support us. People think we put them at risk, and they want to keep their distance. When our office was burned down in Grozny, our neighbors only berated us with demands that we pay them to replace the things in their apartment damaged by the smoke. Or, on the contrary, people write me on Facebook to say things like, “Withdraw your troops from independent Chechnya, and we’ll deal with Ramzan ourselves! Everything you’re doing in Chechnya is with the Kremlin’s approval.” Put simply, it’s a bunch of nonsense.
How do I find the strength [to do this]? I don’t know. I think what I do is awesome—it gives me serious drive. I’m certain that I’m fulfilling a truly important function: we’re refusing to let Russia slip into totalitarianism, and we’re waging a war against the violation of human rights. Our research has helped convict 109 police officers of misconduct, and all of them have served criminal sentences.
I sincerely believe that our cause is just and that everything we do helps both Russia and the world, in general. I like my organization, our team, and I like that I’m not the only one who shares these ideals. So I can say that I honestly do enjoy my work.
Photo: Facebook
It started when I was ambassador to Russia, right after I joined social media. I would say it’s gotten much worse since February 2014 and the annexation of Crimea. Just in general, the Russian-language debates on Twitter have gotten much more personal and unpleasant. Often one doesn’t feel there is a dialogue anymore. Whereas before people would disagree with me, which is normal, but we would have a polite exchange.
Now it’s more impolite. Sometimes it’s just a few very unpleasant tweets, usually using swear words—language you wouldn’t want to see in your emails. Sometimes it’s hundreds of Twitter messages with the exact same message, so that seems to me they must be coordinated. (Sometimes they include unpleasant photographs.) Occasionally—not everyday—but occasionally people are tweeting threatening tweets to me about my physical security. And on occasion they even threaten my children. Right now, I live at the States, where I teach at Stanford University, and it’s only become worse.
I didn’t expected it to be so vicious—I’m surprised by that, I’ve got to tell you, honestly. And then I block people. I have a policy that if someone insults me personally, I block them. And they write back: “Ah! You’re against free speech.” And my response is: “You have the right to say whatever you want, but I have the right to read whatever I want.” When I was ambassador, we did investigate threats. We took it very seriously, and so so did the Russian government, by the way. They cooperated with us a couple of times.
One time, there were consequences for one person. By the way, one of the people who follows me confessed to me that he is paid to follow me and say nasty things, and he said in a direct message to me “Just so you know I personally admire you, but this is what I am paid to do.” Very cynical. And I took a photo of this message and I’ll release it someday.
There is no doubt that these attacks induce self-censorship. It worked with me, I confess. I no longer write in Russian, so maybe they are succeeding. They want to chase me away from debates on Twitter, and their threats are succeeding. I’m not as interested in talking in Russian on social media anymore. I’m on social media much less now. And I can tell you that hundreds of Russians—hundreds!—have written to me privately to say they just don’t want to participate in social media engagements with me because of all the hatred that’s our there.
When I was ambassador before the crisis in Ukraine, there was a dialogue and there was joking and interaction with me, including the Russian government officials. It was a much freer platform to engage in this kind of discussion, joking about sports sometimes, and talking about serious stuff. This has decreased dramatically since the conflict in the Ukraine, because people don’t want to be associated with all this hatred, with all these trolls. There are a hundred messages saying “how evil you are” and “you need to go to hell” and “you need to burn,” “you need to be shot,” and people don’t want to deal with that, and I perfectly understand that.
The current ambassador to Russia, John Tefft, does not have a Twitter account. I did not advise him to do that—he decided to have his press secretary do it, instead. And that is fine. Different ambassadors have different styles, and I respect that.
I just find it personally very depressing in terms of contact between our societies. In the earlier era, it seemed to me like Twitter especially was a place where Russians and Americans could interact and learn from each other and have a dialogue, which was unique. And I, as a government official, was willing to engage with anybody and everybody, and that’s very unusual in diplomacy.
If President Putin wanted to reduce the hatred on Twitter, it would take him five minutes. If he just said something critical of this kind of activity, that would have a giant effect, of course. There is no doubt in my mind. Whether he wants to do it or not is a different question, but he has the power. Especially in the wake of murder of Nemtsov, it seems to me that a campaign to reduce tension in society would be a very useful thing for a responsible politician to do.
There are a lot of crazy people in the world—not just in Russia—and they do things motivated by international politics, motivated by nationalism. And I think it’s very scary. And I do think that the encouragement of violent disrespect to people is going to lead to bad consequences.
The Russian media today reports some very distorting facts, distorting messages about Americans—about the West—and that stirs people up. And then, in the name of being a good nationalist, people do stupid things. I think it’s very dangerous to use this form of propaganda. When I see President Obama being compared on Russian television to the leader of the Islamic State, that’s crazy. And that stirs up crazy people. I think the people in control of those media outlets should take responsibility. They have an obligation to be more responsible, because this could lead to some nasty and unintended consequences.
And there is an important thing that all Russians should understand: there is the constant complaint that Russia doesn’t get respect from other countries, right? This is a theme for many Russian politicians. And yet, when Russians act so disrespectfully on social media, they are doing damage not to whomever they’re targeting, but to their own country’s image.
If you really care about your country’s image in the world, you don’t want people swearing at others and saying disgusting things about their children. What does this say about you? You don’t gain respect by disrespecting people.

author: Kevin Rothrock


text:
Argentinians Organize Online to Demonstrate Against Femicides · Global Voices
Laura Vidal

Under the hashtag #NiUnaMenos (Not One Less), Argentina is mounting a campaign against the alarming increase in the number of femicides, which shows no signs of going down. Many of the country's public personalities have joined the campaign, like cartoonist Liniers, who used one of his best known characters to participate in the movement.
3 de junio. Plaza Congreso. Basta de femicidios. #NiUnaMenos pic.twitter.com/zQSz1ti3C7
— Liniers (@porliniers) May 12, 2015
3 June. Plaza Congreso. No more femicides.
Femicide, understood as a hate crime against women, poses a serious problem in Argentina. Despite the passage of laws that deal with and criminalize violence against women, these crimes continue to be numerous. The protest will take place on 3 June in the Plaza del Congreso.
The movement gained momentum following the murder of 14-year-old Chiara Paéz. She was allegedly killed at the hands of her boyfriend and had been expecting a child at the time of her death.
The NGO La Casa Del Encuentro, which runs support groups for victims of domestic violence, reported that since 2008 in Argentina 1,808 women were killed by domestic violence, 261 of these girls between 13 and 21 years old. Last year alone, 277 femicides were documented in Argentina, according to Buenos Aires Herald.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Laura Vidal


text:
Have Bullets Killed the Future of Venezuela’s Youth? · Global Voices
Douglas Gómez Barrueta

A group of youngsters in a working-class neighbourhood of Caracas, the capital city of Venezuela. Photo from Flickr user Xavier Donat, used under Creative Commons license.
Fear, pain, desperation—there is no time for dreams, learning, or mistakes. Venezuela's youth of the 21st century fall dead in the streets, caught in the midst of an asymmetric war pitting crime against the citizenry. It's proved to be a crisis that's too much for the state.
The leading cause of death for young men between the ages of 10 and 19 in Venezuela is homicide, according to the UNICEF study “Hidden in Plain Sight”, which the newspaper El Universal describes as the largest compilation of data on physical, sexual, and psychological violence against children and youth to date.
According to press reports, more than 90 children have been murdered in the capital city, Caracas, since the beginning of the year. That's a figure comparable to two full school buses, ten baseball teams, or an entire symphony orchestra.
98 menores han sido asesinados en lo que va del 2015 en la Gran Caracas #InseguridadVE http://t.co/61aJQ1fpMu
— El Universal (@ElUniversal) May 20, 2015
98 minors have been murdered from the start of 2015 in Caracas
The Youth Orchestras System of Venezuela, created during a period of democracy (in 1975) and known as the pride of the nation, as well as the starting point for the renowned orchestra conductor Gustavo Dudamel, was struck just last week with the murder of two of its members: Jimbert Hernández (15 years old) in Caracas, and Carlos Hernández (13) in Cantaura, in the east of the country. Both crimes were committed in broad daylight.
Lamentamos profundamente la pérdida de 2 de nuestros niños. Seguimos trabajando para que la paz prevalezca sobre la violencia
— El Sistema (@elsistema) May 13, 2015
We deeply regret the loss of 2 of our children. We will keep working so that peace can prevail over violence.
Venezuelan youth are also the victims of bullets fired by troops from the state security forces. According to a study conducted by Cecodap, a Venezuelan NGO that works to promote and defend the human rights of children and adolescents, of the 912 children and adolescents killed in the past year, 126 were murdered by police and military officers.
informa @cecodap en 2014, 912 niños y adolescentes murieron a causa de la violencia.912 familias destrozadas.26 Salones de Clase suprimidos
— Deanna Albano (@Almis47) May 18, 2015
@cecodap informs that in 2014, 912 children and youth died in violence. 912 families broken. 26 classrooms less.
Last February, the country was shaken by the death of 14-year-old student Kluiverth Roa. A police officer shot him in the face, in broad daylight, in San Cristóbal, a city in the west of the country near the border with Colombia. It was an act that citizens learned about from video shot on a cell phone, which spread its way across social networks.
On the night of April 30, Julio Méndez was gunned down in a “confrontation” with police. The 21-year-old was accused of being part of a criminal gang, yet there are reasons to doubt the police's claims: Méndez acted in the film “Pelo Malo”, which won an award at the San Sebastián Film Festival in 2013, and he was also a recognized athlete who had participated in national youth competitions. In addition, according to friends and family, he was in the process of making arrangements to emigrate from the country.
Con infinita rabia y dolor debemos informar que nuestro querido actor JULIO MENDEZ fue asesinado en Caracas la… http://t.co/HL9cuFxNoH
— Pelo Malo (@FilmPeloMalo) May 2, 2015
With infinite rage and pain, we must report that our beloved actor JULIO MENDEZ was murdered in Caracas.
The majority of Venezuelan youth are in search of a way to leave their country of origin and set up a life for themselves in other nations. Among those that stay, many fight against the government and suffer repression in response to their protests, while others are jailed and, in turn, made out to be criminals by the state-controlled mass media.
During last year's protests, 3,718 people were arrested, including 360 minors, according to the Foro Penal Venezolano, a local human rights NGO.
Venezuela currently has the world's highest rate of inflation, at 76 percent according to official figures (though other organizations and economists believe that it could well exceed 100 percent this year). The country is also suffering from worst food shortages ever seen in its history, and it has the second-highest murder rate in the world (82 violent deaths per 100,000 inhabitants), surpassed only by Honduras.
Athletes, students, the rich, the poor, peasants, city dwellers, believers, and non-believers—Venezuela's youth seem to live under the constant specter of violence, while the state does little to address this tragedy that is shaking the country. Without decisive action, more and more Venezuelan youngsters will find it impossible to have a future.

author: Douglas Gómez Barrueta


text:
Japan’s ‘Employment Ice Age’ Is Over for New Grads · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

Japanese postsecondary students at a job fair. Caption reads: “Postsecondary graduate employment rate (as of April 1st, 2015): 96.7% (2.3 percentage higher than 12 months ago); fourth year of growth.” Screencap courtesy ANN News.
According to a recently released report by Japan's Ministry of Education (MEXT), 96.7 percent of postsecondary students who graduated in March 2015 were employed by April 1 and the start of the 2015 fiscal year.
The April 1, 2015 employment figures are up 2.3 percentage points compared to one year earlier and mark the fourth straight year of improvement in Japan's employment rate for post-secondary graduates.
The figures are based on a survey conducted by Japan's Ministry of Labor and Ministry of Education. The two ministries surveyed students at 62 universities, junior colleges and technical institutes all over Japan.
Job fairs are typically held in spring and early summer. By fall employers have typically made offers for positions starting the following April. Image: Dick Thomas / Wikimedia.
In fact, 100 percent of technical college graduates (students enroll in these colleges at the age of 15 for a five-year program, typically graduating with a technologist certification) who were surveyed reported being able to find work that started in April 2015.
Japan's youth employment rate has remained weak for two decades since the end of the Japanese “Bubble Economy” and as the country, like most other Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries, has continued with its demographic shift to an ageing population with weaker demand for goods and services.
The April 2015 employment rate of 96.7 percent for new post-secondary graduates has actually surpassed the 2008 employment rate, just prior to the “Lehman Shock” and the long global downturn that essentially resulted in a hiring freeze in Japan for more than half a decade.
Following a downturn and near economic collapse in many Western countries, just 91 percent of new post-secondary graduates in Japan had secured jobs by April 2011.
Some regions have yet enjoy the benefits of post-Lehman Abenomics and stimulus spending. Okinawa, an isolated island prefecture that has traditionally lagged behind Japan in terms of economic development, reported the worst new graduate employment rate of just 88.4 percent in April 2015.
The years since the Lehman Shock have been known in Japan as an “employment ice age”, where fewer employers were hiring new graduates. Young job seekers who managed to secure coveted salaried positions were forced to accept less-than-ideal working conditions. Others could find only part-time, contract work often for very low wages, while other youth withdrew from the labour market completely.
Now the advantage appears to have shifted from employers to job seekers, which may mean Japanese wages are finally set to rise after nearly 20 years of stagnation.
The April 2015 government employment report also noted that employment rate for new high school graduates was also especially strong.
Indeed, in the three neighbouring rural prefectures of Toyama, Ishikawa and Fukui, 99.8-99.9 percent of high school graduates reported they were able to find employment immediately after graduation.
The Hokuriku Shinkansen is now extended from Nagano to Kanazawa! http://t.co/qjXmIYKiJo pic.twitter.com/9Q6QIxAdy1
— Tokyo Orientations (@TKOrientations) May 15, 2015
The extremely high employment rate for high school graduates is said to be a result of major infrastructure projects in the region.
These infrastructure projects include the Hokuriku Shinkansen high speed rail line that connects the regional center of Kanazawa with the metropolis of Tokyo. In fact, out of 2,070 high school graduates in Toyama, which lies along the newly constructed high speed rail route, just three individuals reported not being able to find work:
富山の就職率99.9%で今年全国トップらしいね、さすがやで富山～（3人どうした…） — ゆうせい_ts&ae (@te_yuusei) May 19, 2015
The employment rate for 2015 high school grads is 99.9 percent in Toyama Prefecture. Of course we're the best in the country… but what happened to the other three who couldn't find a job?
Public works projects have likely boosted employment in many regional and rural areas as cheap money floods Japan, a result of the central government's efforts to double Japan's monetary base and ignite inflation.
The new Hokuriku Shinkansen line has also attracted a flood of tourists to Toyama and Ishikawa, boosting employment in tourism.
The April employment figures may also mark a turning point for rural prefectures, including Toyama, that have traditionally lost population to larger urban centers such as Tokyo.
なんか富山帰りたくなってきた…もう就職も富山でしよ…
— よこたま (@ppoollkk1) May 19, 2015
This makes me want to go back to Toyama! Now I can look for work there too!
For many job seekers in Japan, the hunt for a job after graduation starts early in their final year of school (the school year in Japan ends in March).
The Japan Keizai Shimbun reports:
内定を出し始める時期は4～8月が全体の約8割を占めた。月別にみると6月が19.7％で最も多かった。
About 80 percent of applicants typically receive tentative offers from employers (naitei, 内定) between April and August (more than half a year before graduation). About 20 percent of offers come in June.
Orientation for new salaried employees in early April. Image: Dick Thomas / Wikimedia
Many successful job seekers are quick to post to social media about their success:
二つ目の内定きたーー！
— codeA(就活生) (@xxcodeAxx) May 20, 2015
I just go my second job offer!
内定３社目いただきました！ いい感じに進んできたなー♪ヽ(´▽｀)/
— むらっち (@mrtky_1029) May 18, 2015
I just got my third job offer! Things are going my way!
The strong job market in spring 2015 has resulted in a slight backlash on social media against “job offer bragging” (naitei jiman, 内定自慢), where job seekers boast about how many offers they have managed to accumulate during their job search:
内定自慢やめろ
— ばいすぅ@まあめいる (@soudanagasaki) May 20, 2015
Cut it out with your bragging about your job offers
The experience of graduating and securing a job can be bittersweet:
内定が出てから一部の友達との関係がほんの少しギクシャクしだした。自分が天狗になって嫌なヤツになっているのかもしれない。
— らくがき (@rykbonk) July 1, 2013
Once I got my job offer I kind of fell out with some of my friends. I wonder if I bragged too much and became irritating to be around.

author: Nevin Thompson


text:
Message to an Ethiopian Blogger: Mahlet Fantahun, You Are Not Alone · Global Voices
Pernille Baerendtsen

Mahlet Fantahun (second from right) stands with Edom Kassaye, a jailed journalist.
Before she was arrested, Ethiopian blogger Mahlet Fantahun worked as a data expert in the Ministry of Health of Ethiopia. Mahlet is part of the collective blogging group known as Zone9. The group take their name from an Ethiopian state prison in Addis Ababa called Kality, which has eight zones. The bloggers named their project Zone9, after the “proverbial prison in which all Ethiopians live.”
I write this blog post in solidarity with Mahlet Fantahun and her group, Zone9.
Drawing of Mahlet Fantahun by Melody Sundberg
I have never been to Ethiopia. I have however spent years in East Africa, and I am very aware that Mahlet's everyday life and the risks she has taken are very different from the life I live. People like Mahlet who choose to face these risks, despite the consequences, have my deepest respect.
I do not know what it is like to spend so many days in an Ethiopian prison. I imagine some days are worse than others. I imagine that one of the hardest parts is the fact that it is unclear how many more days you are going to spend there. I imagine that one of the worst parts is when you think of your family and friends, who are worried for your health and your future. I imagine the frustration with the legal system. The frustration with being imprisoned for doing something that really should be an asset to a community: social engagement and taking responsibility for the future of your country.
In late April, I took part in a conference in Copenhagen on Global Media Freedom with over 100 journalists and media practitioners from around the world. One question was repeated:
Solidarity is word that keeps recurring at #mediafreedom2015 as vital to sustaining independent media. What does that look like in practice?
— Jodie Ginsberg (@jodieginsberg) April 30, 2015
The question was not answered, at least not in detail. But a representative from Global Voices during the conference in Copenhagen did mention how they have worked to create awareness of what is going on in Ethiopia. How to act in solidarity. There is always something you can do.
Writing one single blog post is not going to bring Mahlet and the other imprisoned bloggers out of prison. This is much rather about keeping the story alive. Of not staying silent.
The work of Zone9 bloggers is about taking a stand and responsibility. It is about acting, not only for an individual gain but for Ethiopia. It is about working for constructive social change.
Right now, I just want Mahlet and Group Zone9 to know that they are not alone.

author: Pernille Baerendtsen


text:
Pakistani Company Accused of Running Fake Degree Scam Has a History of Silencing Critics · Global Voices
Qurratulain (Annie) Zaman

Screenshot of a website that The New York Times has determined is most likely linked to Axact’s operation in Karachi, Pakistan.
The New York Times’  Pakistan correspondent Declan Walsh has done what Pakistanis long thought was impossible: he exposed a Pakistani company for selling fake university diplomas and degrees.
Since the expose cracked Axact's operations wide open three days ago, Pakistani investigators have raided their offices and confiscated servers. Politicians have called for a thorough investigation into the company.
According to the New York Times, Axact — which calls itself the world's leading IT company — is running at least 370 college, school and accreditation websites offering fake degrees globally. Axact has around 2,000 employees in Karachi. And its CEO is on his way to launching Pakistan's “biggest media network” BOL.
Axact has responded by attacking Walsh, the reporter behind the investigation; suing the New York Times for defamation; blaming the NYT for colluding with their Pakistani media competitors; and threatening a small independent blog in Pakistan with a big lawsuit. Axact has a long history of attempting to silence critics.
Axact posted a public response to the New York Times article on its website, pledging to take legal action on May 18:
The defamatory article published on 18th May, 2015, today’s events and their derogatory portrayal by the media proves that this is a massive conspiracy by the seths of the Pakistani media industry to defame BOL and Axact and derail the launch of BOL. Employees and their families were terrorized to disrupt the operations of Axact.
The blog Pak Tea House compiled some reactions on the NYT's Axact degree mill story. They were consequently served with a legal notice. Raza Rumi, blogger and co-founder of this blog, asserted that Pak Tea House is threatened for free speech:
This is against the principles of free speech. If the company is aggrieved it should present counter-facts and prove that NYT story is wrong. Instead it has chosen the path of bullying and serving legal notices with threats that they can proceed anywhere. Hope Pakistani and global online community will help us in fighting this brazen way of censorship in the cyberspace. Ideas, suggestions and help welcome.
There were reports that Axact was running a degree mill as early as 2007, but the company would crush questions with lofty lawsuits. Awab Alwi, a Global Voices member, Senior Ted fellow and Karachi-based blogger, reports:
Any attempt to criticize Axact has landed people in a shit hole of cease and desist notices and a few have escalated to legal lawsuits resulting in gag orders or content deletion.
Many, including people associated with Pakistan Software Houses Association (PASHA), questioned Axact's business model in the past, but were threatened with lawsuits. Umar Saif, a leading technologist in Pakistan, shared this lawsuit he received two years ago from Axact's lawyers:
So this happened a couple of years ago, and defamation (for Rs. 5 billion) was that “I haven't heard of them.”
Posted by Umar Saif on Wednesday, May 20, 2015
In 2008, the independent blogging site Karachi Metro was also threatened with a lawsuit after this post went up on their site: Unveiling operations of a local software house. The site refused to take the post down, but according to blogger Awab Alvi, Axact ultimately petitioned Google to have it removed from its search results.
In 2009, a local news channel in Detroit, United States, ran a report on a degree scam in Karachi, Pakistan that had swindled more than 30,000 people and was facing a lawsuit.The report almost exposed Axact, according to the New York Times.
While it is common knowledge in Pakistan that academic credentials can be bought and sold through third-parties that have no affiliation with universities, no company was ever specifically held responsible.
Numerous politicians and celebrities have been found in possession of fake MBA or PhD degrees. In 2006, it was discovered that now formerJunior Religious Affairs Minister Amir Liaqat submitted a fake degree issued by the Trinity College and University of Spain while filing his nomination forms for elections. Although the diploma was revealed to be false, the source of the document was never exposed. Liaquat's college isn't in the list of Axact-linked sites that the NYT produced, but its website is suspicious.
“And this degree from the Scotland University goes to you…”
In 2010, amid the forced resignations of members of parliament stemming from their use of fake degrees, then-Chief Minister of Balochistan Nawab Aslam Raisani infamously told media that “a degree is a degree, authentic or fake.” The statement was captured on video and swiftly went viral.
Much of the information reported by the New York Times came from former Axact employees who spoke with Walsh on the condition of anonymity. The former employees said that in one instance, the company made $600,000 from only 22 customers. Another former employee, Kasim Osmani, confirmed in a blogpost on Pak Tea House that Axact is involved in selling fake degrees:
Axact appears to be ‘world’s leading IT company’ as its slogan reads; however, most of its office floors are occupied with agents who operate in Middle East region luring Arab/international people with certified US degrees solely on basis of their professional experience. These degrees range from Bachelors, Masters, and PhD (Axact takes pains to prepare thesis for you as well, if you don’t have enough time or skills!).
Axact is also behind the self-proclaimed ” biggest media group” in Pakistan BOL network, which hasn't even gone on air yet. The network has poached many star anchors and journalists over the last two years and has shaken the local media industry by paying salaries to its workers on time and providing “Silicon Valley-style” benefits.
The Federal Investigation Agency of Pakistan is looking into the degree scandal and has sealed two offices of Axact in Rawalpindi and Karachi. Local media reported that at least 32 employees including executives were also arrested without warrant.
In their public response to the New York Times, Axact went on to attack the reporter behind the investigation, who was expelled from Pakistan in 2013 after he reported about abuses committed by security officers in Balochistan:
The story is authored by some reporter Declan Walsh of NYT who was expelled from Pakistan as Persona non-grata by Pakistan Interior Ministry allegedly due to his involvement in damaging Pakistan’s national interests. .. Several other organizations have also written about him as well as failure of NYT to deliver credible news (click here to read more). This reporter has worked and devised a one-sided story without taking any input from the company.
But Declan Walsh says that's untrue:
@NutellaFanatik @hyzaidi Initial interview request May 11. Detailed questions May 14. Publication 3am Pakistan time May 18.
— Declan Walsh (@declanwalsh) May 19, 2015
Khabaristan Times, a satirical newspaper, decided to take Axact's absurd accusations to the next level:
Walsh does not live in Pakistan any more. He was sent away for trying to prove that extremists not RAW [India's spy agency] was behind different attacks. We at Axact believe that RAW is indeed behind destabilisation in Pakistan so any person bearing semblance in name or face to Walsh has to be deemed ‘some reporter’.
Declan Walsh is maligned on social media for doing an investigative report about a Pakistan media organisation Axact
Malik Siraj Akbar, an exiled Pakistani journalist and South Asian analyst, writes that Axact is not engaging in appropriate professional behavior by making personal attacks on a reporter instead of focusing on the contents of the NYT report:
An independent news media is essential for Pakistan's democracy but it is also more important to be transparent about the sources of funding for news organizations. In the first place, journalists should not work for a media organization that makes money through illegal means. Shady money is very likely to cause disruption and police raids on media organizations. That's the worst thing any journalist would want to encounter while working on a story.

author: Qurratulain (Annie) Zaman


text:
Pakistanis Use Twitter To Raise Their Concerns On The Proposed Cybercrime Bill 2015 · Global Voices
Rezwan

The proposed Prevention of Electronic Crimes (PEC) Bill in Pakistan has raised concern among local and international human rights organisations as it could put at risk freedom expression and privacy in Pakistan.
Mariam at Catalyst Woman blog reports:
After the dedicated efforts of numerous advocacy groups, ngos and private citizens, the National Assembly’s Standing Committee on Information Technology and Telecommunication has agreed to a public hearing of the Prevention of Electronic Crimes (PEC) Bill 2015 this Friday, 22 May in Islamabad.
Invitations to the “public” hearing have only been extended to six people to appear before a committee of 20 members. According to the Joint Action Committee on the Pakistan Electronic Crimes Bill 2015 (PECB) & Alliance For Access:
This is contrary to the spirit of a “public hearing.”
The Joint Action Committee members are definitely among the stakeholders, but we are not the only ones. Instead of hand-picking selected invitees, we call upon the NA Standing Committee on IT to conduct the public hearing in a proper manner, by opening it to all concerned members of the public and invite the entire print and electronic media too, in the spirit of transparency and openness.
The Catalyst woman blog proposed a #Tweetstorm to raise awareness of the public’s concerns about the Cyber Crime Bill in its current state. “There should be a public debate on all aspects of the bill,” the blog says.

author: Rezwan


text:
Police Shoot a Man Dead. Justified Force or China’s ‘Stability Maintenance’ at Work? · Global Voices
Jack Hu

Viral images of a petitioner, Xu Chunhe, shot dead by a police officer at Qing'an train station. His mother and children were around when the incident happened.
The shooting death of a man inside a train station by police has touched off debate over citizen's rights and the costs of maintaining stability in China.
On May 2, a police officers approached Xu Chunhe at Qing'an train station in the northern province of Heilongjiang after he reportedly prevented people from entering the station, which had refused to sell him tickets. The situation soon escalated between Xu and the police and ended when one of the officers shot him. Photos of Xu’s body on the station floor – his child standing over it – quickly circulated around the Internet in China, followed by allegations of police brutality.
Xu, a peasant living in northeastern Qing'an county, had done part-time labor to earn a living before he broke his leg in a traffic incident. According to a report in Chinese media outlet Caixin, Xu's wife suffered mental illness, and the family struggled to make ends meet. Xu's 82-year-old mother wanted her three grandchildren to enter a welfare home and started her petition journey to big cities, but she ended up begging in the streets with her three grandchildren in Beijing. In February, local authorities took them back to their village after a Beijing newspaper reported on their grievances.
Police initially downplayed Xu's shooting death, saying he had attacked the police and tried to grab the officer's gun, adding that Xu appeared drunk. But many cited the incident as a typical case of state violence in its efforts to maintain stability at all costs.
In response to public skepticism, China's state television broadcast an edited version of the train station's surveillance footage 12 days after the shooting. In it, Xu can be seen fighting the officer. As an officer hits Xu with his baton, Xu at one point picks up his young daughter and throws her at the officer. Xu and the officer continue to struggle and Xu eventually takes the officer's baton. As Xu swings at him, the officer fires, hitting Xu.
China’s Xinhua News Agency said an investigation by Harbin Railway Police found that the police acted properly. But the family’s lawyer, Xie Yanyi, alleged the video shown on national television was edited to defame Xu morally and filed suit against CCTV accusing the network of distorting fact and broadcasting a biased report.
The release of station surveillance footage seemed to alleviate some of the public's concerns, but not completely. Some argued that Xu using his own daughter as a weapon against the officer proved he deserves no sympathy. But others have questioned why the officer seemed to shoot to kill, instead of wound, why the video was released after so many days, and even if Xu really attacked the officer to begin with.
Many believed that the train station refused to sell tickets to him because the authorities had tried to stop him and his family from petitioning in Beijing, a concerning development if true because the government has recently vowed to protect citizens’ petitioning right. In China, petitioning is a system for ordinary people to appeal to the provincial or central government to investigate abuse of power or corruption committed by local authorities. Many petitioners end up in Beijing and some become beggars so that they can continue to petition in the capital. Because of their persistence, petitioners are labelled as paranoid or mentally ill. Local authorities often “kidnap” the petitioners, send them back to their hometown and stop them from traveling out again.
The case garnered widespread attention on Twitter-like Weibo, with Xu seen as representative of China's ordinary people. A commentary on Beijing Times criticized the police's impartial investigation:
【京华时报：庆安事件不能止于对警察开枪的调查】徐纯合为何封堵通道阻拦旅客进站？在警方的调查信息中，忽略了徐纯合“犯浑”的主观动机调查。对于警方合法正当执法带来的后果，当地政府为何要先行与死者亲属签订补偿协议？当地铁路警方又为何要捂盖子捂这么久？真相还不够完整。
Beijing Times: “Qing'an incident cannot end with the police investigation on the shooting.” Why did Xu Chunhe stop other travelers from departing on the train? In the police investigation, Xu's intention was ignored. If it were appropriate for the police officer to shoot, why did the local authorities sign a compensation agreement with his family? Why did the railway police withhold the surveillance footage for so long? The truth is incomplete.
He Weifang, a famous law professor, criticized CCTV report:
〔公信枯竭綜合症〕看了央視關於慶安警察槍擊的報導，就畫面展示情況而言，警察開槍具有正當性。但前因後果仍有疑問，死者為何會突然阻止其他旅客進站，為何對警察于預火氣衝天，央視竟不置一詞。事件的調查居然由公安系統進行，結論如何取信于人？央視也不是一個令人信賴的媒體。奈何！
Public trust depletion syndrome: CCTV’s footage seems to justify the police’s shooting. But doubts still exist. Why did Xu suddenly block the entrance? Why was he furious about the police intervening? State television didn’t say a word. How could the conclusion convince the public when the investigation has been undertaken by the security department?
The post was quickly removed. A censorship order was issued demanding all media outlets, online and offline, not to “follow up on or hype the Qing’an shooting incident” and to “take note and delete negative, harmful Internet commentary”. The Weibo account of Zhang Xuezhong, a well-known dissident and law expert, was deleted after he wrote an article criticizing state violence to maintain societal stability:
徐纯合不过是维稳体制的又一牺牲品，而维稳只不过是专政的当代说法。[…]徐纯合仅仅因为他的底层身份，就被剥夺了正常购票乘车的权利，最终就在自己母亲和子女的眼前，惨死于警察的枪口之下。
Xu Chunhe was another scapegoat of the stability control system, which is another term for despotism. […] due to his ordinary status, Xu was deprived of the right to buy train tickets and was shot to death in front of his mother and children.
Sun Liping, a famous sociologist, believed Xu was killed by the hostility of the system against petitioners:
庆安枪击事件，有质疑者谓之谋杀，我觉得无论如何和谋杀是不贴边的。如果人们质疑的那些理由成立，我愿意将其原因称之为对上访者的体制性仇视。也就是经过对上访人员多年的污名化过程，慢慢在有关部门人员中形成了这样一种思维定势：他们是会给自己添麻烦的麻烦制造者，是一种可以随意处之的异类。
Some call the shooting murder, but I don’t think so. I’d rather attribute it to the systemic hostility against petitioners. After years of defaming petitioners, officials have gradually formed a mindset: they are just troublemakers, they are disposable freaks.
He further elaborated:
徐纯合被枪杀事件，社会强烈要求公布视频。这当然是重要的，因为可以明确开枪者的责任，更重要的是一件公众充满质疑的枪杀事件不应成为秘密。但我觉得更重要的是在视频之外。事件的起因究竟是不是徐因此前有过上访行为而上车受到阻拦。如果是，无论视频展示的具体情节是什么，这都是维稳恶政造成的血案
The public strongly demand the authorities to release the surveillance video of the shooting. It’s certainly important because it not only confirms the police’s shooting accountability, but make sure that a dubious shooting doesn't become a secret. However, I feel what’s more important is beyond the video. Does the tragedy arise from Xu being blocked for his previous petitions? If it is, this shooting would be a bloody case caused by misgovernance in maintaining stability, no matter what details the videos reveal.
Wang Zhi’an, an investigative journalist, argued that the allegation of Xu assaulting the police officer doesn't justify the shooting:
只要袭警就击毙的观点是错的。袭警也分多种情况，打耳光是，打一拳也是，捅一刀也是。都击毙么？许多群体性事件都伴随有袭警行为，直接拿机关枪突突么？开枪必须有现实而紧迫的危险，这个标准应该事先有程序规定，事后有检察机关审查。不经审判直接剥夺公民生命的权力，只能是例外，要格外谨慎。
It’s wrong for police to shoot and kill whenever assaulted. Attacking police includes many things like slapping, punching or stabbing. Should police kill them all? Should police just directly open fire on protesters of mass incidents [massive protests] with machine guns even those the incidents could lead to violent act and police assaults? Police open fire only if they face real and urgent dangers. There should be a standard laying out the procedure in advance, and afterward there is an investigation. It should be the exception, the result of extreme caution, for police to kill a civilian without a trial.
Xu had participated in local Christian activities and built an online talk group, which remains active with nearly 200 disciples. Wang Yi, who is a Christian, expressed a strong feeling of compassion towards Xu:
我仍要承认，徐纯合是我在这个时代最卑微的弟兄，最可怜的弟兄，也是最失败的弟兄之一。我在彼时，不会比他做得更好，忍得更久。基督徒之所以被称为圣徒，不是因他们的道德，是因他们愿意让耶稣的宝血，来遮盖他们的失败。我蒙召就是为着这样的人，因我自己就是这样的人
I have to admit that Xu Chunhe is one of my most humble, miserable and poor brothers in this day and age. I wouldn't do better nor endure longer if I were living in his conditions. Christians have been named saints not because of their virtues but because they want to let Jesus’ blood cover their failures. I’ve been called to work for these people for I myself belong to them.

author: Jack Hu


text:
STATEMENT: Global Voices Calls for Safety of Bangladesh Bloggers · Global Voices
Advox

“Who will be next?” Sketch of deceased Bangladesh bloggers by MadhuMondol.
The Global Voices community calls for international attention to the alarming situation of bloggers in Bangladesh. Bloggers have been killed, and many more have been attacked, subjected to death threats and ostracized by religious hardliners for their writing. This year alone, three bloggers have been assassinated in public.
The names of these bloggers and others under threat appeared on a list of 84 people submitted to a special government committee by a group of conservative Muslim clerics who accused the bloggers of “atheism” and writing against Islam. Government officials responded by blocking critical websites and making arrests, of bloggers and leaders from the religious right, at the height of #shahbag protests in 2013. Some media outlets, including prominent right-wing blogs, have even propagated the idea that all bloggers are atheists who “hurt the feelings” of religious Bangladeshis.
Atheists have the same rights as other citizens in Bangladesh. Under national law, any person who has a “deliberate” or “malicious” intention of “hurting religious sentiments” can be prosecuted. But vigilante violence and murder for alleged insults is a horrendous response and egregious violation of the laws of Bangladesh. Despite this, Bangladesh’s secular government has done little to discourage the attacks or bring the killers to justice.
These bloggers were neither advocating nor perpetrating such violence. They were writing about the complex, often tendentious political climate in Bangladesh and the importance of upholding human rights. They were exercising their right to free expression, enshrined by their nation’s constitution and international human rights doctrine to which Bangladesh is party.
Global Voices is a community bloggers, activists, writers, and translators from 137 countries. The universal human right to free expression is fundamental to our mission. We tell underreported stories from around the world and defend the rights of everyone to speak freely and without fear.
Among those the 84 individuals on this list are friends and collaborators of the Global Voices community. There are also bloggers and online activists who are not in the list, but are in peril because of their writing and activism.
We are deeply concerned for the safety of Bangladeshi bloggers both in and outside the country. We condemn the murders of bloggers Ananta Bijoy Das, Ahmed Rajib Haider, Washiqur Rahman and Avijit Roy and call on authorities to ensure that those responsible for these killings are brought to justice. And we ask our allies in the international human rights community to join us in our call, and in helping to ensure safety for those in peril.

author: Advox


text:
At Least 48 Fatalities After Landslide Hits Colombian Village · Global Voices
Gabriela García Calderón Orbe

Salgar in Antioquia, Colombia. Image on Flickr by user Iván Erre Jota (CC BY-SA 2.0). Archive photo
At least 48 people were killed and an unknown number of people are missing after a landslide caused by heavy rains that hit the community of Salgar, in the Colombian department of Antioquia, in the early hours of May 18, 2015.
The secretary of government of Salgar, Zulma Osorio, declared that the “tragedy has had an overwhelmingly big magnitude (…), there are many fatalities, the community has completely collapsed.”
The president of Colombia, Juan Manuel Santos, expressed this on Twitter:
En Salgar decretamos calamidad pública para atender emergencia.Desde GobNal y con GobAntioquia @sergio_fajardo todo nuestro apoyo a víctimas
— Juan Manuel Santos (@JuanManSantos) Mayo 18, 2015
We've declared a state of public disaster in Salgar to respond to the emergency. From the national government and with the governor of Antioquia, Sergio Fajardo, all our support goes to the victims.
The Red Cross of Antioquia used the microblogging network to ask for donations:
Fuerte la tragedia en Salgar, si pueden ayudar con cobijas y alimentos no perecederos en centro logístico en Medellín pic.twitter.com/eGOP2QIKF6 — Ricardo Quevedo (@cejaspobladas) Mayo 18, 2015
Huge tragedy in Salgar, if you can help with blankets and non-perishable food at the logistics center in Medellin.
Other users said:
Más socorristas y menos oportunistas es los que se necesita en Salgar a esta hora.
— Felix de Bedout (@fdbedout) Mayo 18, 2015
More rescuers and less opportunistic people is what it needed in Salgar right now.
Ahora los políticos aprovechando tragedia de Salgar a favor y en contra! MISERABLES — MONICA RODRIGUEZ (@MONYDIAADIA) Mayo 18, 2015
Now the politicians pro and against are taking advantage of the tragedy in Salgar! MISERABLE PEOPLE.
Gobierno atiende emergencia en Salgar, Antioquia, que habría dejado más de 30 muertos.http://t.co/toHP8z0Kco pic.twitter.com/D6K4B3IqcN — Noticias RCN (@NoticiasRCN) Mayo 18, 2015
Government responds to the emergency in Salgar, Antioquia, which has left more than 30 dead.

author: Gabriela García Calderón Orbe


text:
Human Rights Lawyer’s Indictment Marks the Beginning of a ‘Weibo Inquisition’ in China · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

A number of protesters demanded the release of Pu Zhiqiang outside the Chinese government liaison office in Hong Kong on May 17, 2015. Photo from League of Socialist Democracy's Facebook.
After a year in detention, prominent rights lawyer Pu Zhiqiang was finally indicted on charges of “inciting ethnic hatred” and “picking quarrels and provoking a disturbance” on May 15.
Pu was arrested by Beijing police and originally charged with “provoking a disturbance” in May 2014 after he attended a seminar commemorating the Tiananmen Square student protests of 1989. As a human rights lawyer, he has represented a number of citizens’ right activists and grassroots petitioners in court, including artist and activist Ai Weiwei in 2012.
Chinese authorities’ case against Pu is built upon some 30 messages that he wrote between 2011 and 2014 on microblogging site Weibo. The prosecutor's indictment claimed that Pu's online messages commenting on the Kunming train station attack had incited ethnic hatred. That attack on March 1, 2014, was reportedly organized by a group of separatists from Xinjiang province, where tensions between the Uyghur Muslim minority and Han Chinese have at times erupted in deady violence. Thirty-one people were killed and 141 injured at the train station at the eve of the opening of China's annual People's Congress.
Pu Zhiqiang's portrait from China Digital Times
On the charge of “picking quarrels”, authorities allege Pu targeted Tian Zhenhui, the chief of propaganda department of Beijing National Railway Research and Design Institute of Signal & Communication Ltd., which is a corporation under the Ministry of Railways; and Shen Jilan, a representative of the National People's Congress. Both Tian and Shen testified against Pu.
If convicted, Pu could face up to eight years in prison.
Pu's online message that directly commented on the Kunming attack was published on March 2, 2014. He wrote on Weibo:
昆明时间太血腥，凶手罪孽深重。说疆独制造恐怖，这回我信，但这是结果，不是原因。死伤极惨重，后果太不堪，你就给了我一句话，说疆独凶残你没责任，我不满意。天天说党的政策亚克西，维吾尔人心向党，就这么血肉横飞？法学会会长王乐泉，你镇抚西域十几年，那儿你最熟悉，告诉我：为什么？冲谁来的？
It is a bloody incident and the murderers have committed a grave sin. This time, I believe the Xinjiang separatists are terrorists. But this is the consequence, not the cause. So many were killed and injured, and given such an unbearable result, you concluded that you have no responsibility in the Xinjiang separatists’ cruel actions. I am not satisfied with such an answer. You keep saying that the party’s policies are yakshi [Uyghur expression for “happiness”] and the that Uyghurs support the party. Then how do you explain this horrible scene of flesh and blood splattered everywhere? Wang Lequan, as the head of the China Law Society, you governed the western region for more than a decade. You know best. Tell me why? Who are their targets?
In addition to this message, he made several comments on ethnic conflicts in Xinjiang and Tibet. In most of the cases, he urged for reflection on the Chinese Communist Party's ethnic policies.
Upon reading the indictment against Pu, Zhang Xuezhong, a well-known dissident and law expert, rebuked the prosecutors’ accusation:
浦志强先生以一名汉族人的身份，呼吁当局反思和改进现行政策，切实尊重维族同胞的平等权利和基本人权，这种行为根本就不是煽动民族仇恨。恰恰相反，浦的呼吁只会促进维汉两族之间的和解与团结，因为浦的言论，事实上是在向维族同胞传递一个积极的信号：维护维族同胞的平等权利和基本人权，不但是维族人自己关心的事情，而且也是汉族人关心的事情。
Pu Zhiqiang, as a Han Chinese, urged the authorities to reflect and improve policy because he respects the basic human rights for his Uyghur compatriots. An act of this nature is far from inciting ethnic hatred. On the contrary, his appeal will only help to resolve conflict and build solidarity between Han and Uyghurs. Pu's comments delivered a positive message to Uyghurs: the equity and human rights of Uyghurs is not only a concern among Uyghur people, but also Han people.
He further argued that the criminalization of Pu's online speech will trigger ethnic hatred:
浦志强的微博言论不可能煽动民族仇恨，但因此而对他进行刑事处罚，则无疑是在煽动民族仇恨。因为，当局若是一边放任少数汉人在网上对维族人喊打喊杀，一边又要迫害像浦志强这样的人权律师，那无疑是在向维族同胞传递一个不祥的信号：对于当局来说，汉族人哪怕只是以言论的方式，为维族人争取平等权利，都是必须严惩不贷的犯罪！
Pu Zhiqiang's words on Weibo will not incite ethnic hatred. But his criminalization will. If the authorities indulge a minority of Han Chinese making hate speech toward Uyghurs online, while on the other hand prosecuting a human rights lawyer like Pu Zhiqiang, it delivers a message to the Uyghur people: if any Han Chinese advocate for Uyghur people's equal rights, the authorities will criminalize and punish such an act.
In terms of the charge of “picking quarrels and provoking a disturbance”, Zhang pointed out that the two so-called victims were public figures and should face public criticism.
Shen Jilan, born in 1929, has been a representative of the National People's Congress since 1954 and is considered by many netizens to be a rubber stamp of the communist party as she has never voted “no” in Congress throughout her 12 terms of service; some of those votes have seemed contradictory given her past record.
Pu Zhiqiang's comment on Shen was made on January 31, 2013:
除了运气和血统，申纪兰当代表，毛新宇当委员，靠装傻和真傻。这说明人大政协啥也不是，人想如鱼得水，要么装傻，要么真傻。我不奢望毛委员聪明，只好祈求申老太：活着轻于鸿毛，死去重于泰山，您一死了之该多好啊！您都84了，当60年代表，终于到坎儿上了，趁机马革裹尸，讹人大追封个烈女，如何？
In addition to luck and bloodline, the fact that Shen Jilan could become a representative [of the National People Congress, NPC] and Mao Xinyu could become a committee member [of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, CPCCC], depends on the ability to act stupid and the genuine attribution of stupidity. It shows that NPC and CPCCC are nothing. If you want to become a fish in the water, just act stupid or be stupid. I don't expect committee member Mao to become smart, and can only put my hope in old lady Shen: Life is as light as a feather and death is as heavy as a mountain. Your death will be great. You are 84 years old and have been representative for 60 years. Once you lie down, you will be covered with beautiful words and honored as a heroine. What do you think?
As for Tian Zhenhui, the propaganda chief at the National Railway Research and Design Institute, Pu did not mention her name in his post on July 29, 2011 when he commented on a press conference regarding the deadly Wenzhou Train collision. The press conference was hosted by Tian and was assumed to address the signal system problem that directly led to the train collision. In the 20 minute press conference, Tian refused to answer some 20 questions, saying that it was technical and asked the reporters to search for the answer online. Many netizens called the occasion “the most insincere press conference in history”. Pu was among Weiboers making fun of the conference.
Zhang concluded:
浦志强的二十余条涉案微博，只是一些批评政府政策和公共人物（甚至是国家工作人员）的言论。发表此类言论，纯属行使公民基本权利的正当行为。这些言论如果真要作为证据，最多只能证明两件事：（1）浦志强先生是完全无罪的；（2）北京警方和检方对他的指控纯属言论迫害。
The two dozen messages that incriminate Pu Zhiqiang are criticism of government policy and public figures (including civil servants). Such speech is a basic right of citizens. If the comments are to serve as evidence, they can prove two things: 1. Pu Zhiqiang is not guilty; 2. Beijing police and the prosecutors’ accusations are pure persecution of speech.
On Twitter, @yuxianxian pointed out that even if Pu did insult Shen and Tian, it should be a civil defamation case rather than a criminal one:
我就觉得奇怪，既然浦志强侮辱的是申纪兰和田振辉，那么提起诉讼的为什么不是他们而是法院啊？就好像沙利文诉纽约时报案变成蒙哥马利市警察局诉纽约时报一样
— Phoebe Bovary (@yuxianxian) May 21, 2015
This is strange. If Pu Zhiqiang insulted Shen Jilan and Tian Zhenhui, the indictment should come from them rather than the court. It is similar to the case of Sullivan suing The New York Times, how could it turn into a case between the police of the Montgomery city and The New York Times?
All online comments concerning Pu Zhiqiang's prosecution are deleted by China's web censors within seconds. News and analysis website China Digital Times backed up a few, such as:
强行关闭微博显得政府言论不自由，所以就给你治言罪，让你以后不敢说话，也就达到了网络严管的目的。
按照检察院的说法。我看网上有微博的人都是有犯罪嫌疑。
-The shutting down of Weibo would make the government look bad on freedom of expression. Hence, it criminalizes individuals for their speech so that you are afraid to speak their mind. This is also part of the heavy-handed policy on Internet control.
– According to the Procuratorate's argument, all Weibo users are criminal suspects.
The official persecution of intellectuals for their writings, known as the “literary inquisition“, has a long history in China. Pu Zhiqiang's case marks a new era: the Weibo inquisition. News site Paopao.net reposted a popular online comment:
转自微博：浦志强案创造了一个新词，叫“微博狱”，系“文字狱”与时俱进的新品种，相信将会载入史册。
— 泡泡 (@paopaonet) May 18, 2015
Copy from Weibo: Pu Zhiqiang's case gives birth to a new term: “Weibo inquisition”. It is an evolution of “literary inquisition” and will be recorded in history.

author: Oiwan Lam


text:
In Bangladesh, It’s So Long to Cyber Cafés · Global Voices
পান্থ রহমান রেজা (Pantha)

Now Internet access is more easy through cell phones, so users don't go to cyber cafés. Image by Sony Ramany. Copyright Demotix (21/10/2014)
Bangladesh's cyber cafés, also known as Internet centers, are closing down one by one because of easy Internet access via mobile phones. According to a study by the Cyber Café Owners Association of Bangladesh (CCOAB), in last five years more than 40 percent of local cyber cafés have shut down, following a sharp decline in customers.
Five years ago, there were 2,000 cyber cafés across the country. Today, that number has dropped to 800. The industry was once a source of jobs and for the past 15 years worth investments totaling Tk 1.5 billion ($19 million) in last 15 years.
What's changed? Now smartphones are cheaper, and affordable to a wide range of users. Mobile operators offer high-speed Internet service (up to 3.5G) at competitive rates that people can use at home or anywhere else.
Bangladesh's cyber-café industry picked up in 2006, when the country's Internet access was boosted with a link to an undersea cable. Businesses grew rapidly—at first in different parts of the capital, and later all over the country. These cafés are now trying to survive by offering additional services such as photocopy, printing, job-application submission, basic computer training, music and cinema downloads, and so on.
According to the Bangladesh Telecommunication Regulatory Commission (BTRC), the country in March 2015 had 44.6 million Internet users out of which 43.2 million are mobile Internet subscribers.
Mobile phone operators now offer a wide variety of packages including broadband connections that enable clients to connect to the Web easily with a mobile device or a computer. As a result, people have far less need of cyber cafés, except for printing or emergencies.
But few years ago, the situation was different. Cyber cafes were the only option to access high speed internet for different use.
Remembering the times not so long ago, when cybercafés were the only way in Bangladesh to get high-speed Internet access, Sanat Paul Chawdhury writes:
ছাত্র ছিলাম যখন, তখনও দেশে আজকালকার মত মোবাইল ইন্টারনেটের চল ছিলনা, ডায়াল আপের সুযোগ সীমিত থাকায় বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের ল্যাব আর সাইবার ক্যাফেই ছিল ভরসা।
When I was student, mobile Internet was not available like it is today. Dial-up connections were also limited, so we were only relying on university labs and cyber cafés.
In those days, however, Internet speeds were very slow, and people often complained. Chawdhury adds:
তখন সাইবার ক্যাফেতেও ছিলো স্পীডের হাহাকার, এখনকার মোবাইল ইন্টারনেট এর চেয়েও অন্তত: ৪/৫ গুন কম স্পীডেই ব্যবহার করতে হতো।
At that time, the Internet speed was very slow in cyber cafés. It was 4/5 time slower than today’s mobile Internet speed.
Those days, a lot of people used to go to cyber cafés just to chat online:
২০০৬ বা ০৭ সালের কথা। আমি তখন সাইবার ক্যাফেতে গিয়ে নেটে বসতাম। তখন ফেসবুক খুব একটা জনপ্রিয় ছিলনা। চ্যাট করার জন্য ইয়াহু মেসেঞ্জার ছিল দারুন আকর্ষণীয় প্লাটফর্ম। ইয়াহু চ্যাটরুমে ঢুকে অচেনা মানুষের সাথে চ্যাট করাটা ছিল দারুন এক্সাইটিং একটা কাজ।
I used to go to cyber cafés to browsing the Web in 2006-7. Facebook was not popular those days, but Yahoo Messenger was very trendy for chatting. I frequently entered chat rooms and gossiped with an unknown person. It was so exciting.
Cyber cafés used to charge on an hourly basis. Vagabondreal laments those days:
খুলনাতে তখন খুব বেশি সাইবার ক্যাফে ছিল না, দৌলতপুর এ বিএল কলেজের কাছে যেতাম অথবা নিউ মার্কেটে, ঘণ্টা ২০ টাকা, ঠাস করে শেষ হয়ে যেত এক ঘণ্টা, মনে হত, দোকানদার কি ঘড়ি কাটা জোরে ঘুরানোর সিস্টেম করছে নাকি! বসলাম আর শেষ!
There weren’t many cyber cafés in Khulna then. We used to go to Doulatpur, near BL college or to New Market. They used to charge 20 tk. (25 cents) per hour. Believe me, that hour just flew by. We used to joke that the café’s management were messing with clocks to make the time run out faster. It’s like we sat in front of the monitor and the time just ran out.
A blogger using the name Adimpurush mentions how he used to skip school to spend time at cyber cafés:
সাইবার ক্যাফেতে স্কুল পালিয়ে ঘন্টার পর ঘন্টা কানে হেডফোন লাগিয়ে ইয়াহু চ্যাট রুমে ভয়েস আড্ডা দিতাম। কোথায় হারিয়ে গেল সেই সব দিন।
I used to skip school, go to a cyber café, and spend hours and hours there; just voice-chatting away on Yahoo Chat Rooms. Ah, I sure miss those days.
Some nostalgic Internet users, however, will be happy to learn that the Bangladeshi state has announced a five-year plan to bring a cyber café to every village in the country.

author: পান্থ রহমান রেজা (Pantha)


text:
ISIS Claims Responsibility in Suicide Bombing in Shia Mosque in Qatif Killing 21 Worshippers · Global Voices
Amira Al Hussaini

Some of those killed in the ISIS suicide bombing in a mosque in Qatif, Saudi Arabia. The photograph has gone viral on social media
At least 20 worshippers, including a child, were killed and 102 injured when a suicide bomber blew himself up in a Shia mosque in Qatif, in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia, after Friday prayers today.
On social media, ISIS, an Al Qaeda off-shoot which is now in control of half of Syria and huge territories in Iraq, has claimed responsibility for the attack, the second to hit the Shia community.
Many shared the ISIS statement, including a tweet which is now not available, which announced the commencement of ISIS activities in the oil-rich country, through “the Province of Najd through the Qatif operation” which killed the Rawafedh, a derogatory term used in Sunni-ruled Saudi Arabia and the rest of its Gulf neighbours to refer to Shias.
In November, eight people were killed in Al Ahsa, also in the Eastern province, when gunmen attacked a Shia community centre, where a religious ceremony was taking place.
The attack happened when a suicide bomber entered Iman Ali mosque in Al Qadih, Qatif, during the Friday prayers and blew himself up.
Saudi journalist Ahmed Al Omran tweets:
Saudi MOI says suicide bomber carried out the attack on Qatif mosque by detonating explosive belt that he was hiding under his clothes.
— Ahmed Al Omran (@ahmed) May 22, 2015
He adds:
Today’s mosque bombing in Qatif is the second attack on a Shiite place of worship in Saudi Arabia after the Dalwah attack last November.
— Ahmed Al Omran (@ahmed) May 22, 2015
Bahraini activist Ala'a Shehabi shares a video of angry Saudis after the attack chanting Labbaik Ya Hussain, a Shia chant which translates to “we are at your service O Hussain”:
Today’s mosque bombing in Qatif is the second attack on a Shiite place of worship in Saudi Arabia after the Dalwah attack last November.
— Ahmed Al Omran (@ahmed) May 22, 2015
Hussain is the grandson of Prophet Mohammed, revered by Shia Muslims, who lament his death in 680 to this day.
More videos and photographs are also emerging from Saudi Arabia, which has zero tolerance for dissent or protests, of more angry Saudis protesting the attack:
Ismail Al Madani shares these photographs:
Residents in Al-Qateef area of Saudi Arabia  protesting against Al Saud tonight pic.twitter.com/XXht7LKuo5
— اسماعيل المداني (@asmeel1061) May 22, 2015
And Ather Alqatif shares this video showing protestors chanting against terrorism:
مظاهرات حاشدة في مناطق القطيف تندد بالإرهاب وترفع شعار لن نركع إلا لله #تفجير_ارهابي_في_القطيفpic.twitter.com/O5pRdftW0U
— أثير القطيف (@Qatifeed) May 22, 2015
Massive protests in Qatif denouncing terrorism and chanting “We will not bow except to Allah”
Saudi intellectual Dr Madawi Al Rasheed blamed sectarianism for the attack, saying:
#تفجير_ارهابي_في_القطيف تراكمات الشحن الطائفي التي تعصف بالمنطقة العربية تنتهي حيث بدأت وتحصد ارواح الابرياء
— Madawi Al-Rasheed (@MadawiDr) May 22, 2015
The accumulation of sectarian tension which is taking the region by storm ends where it started and reaps the lives of innocents.
Others pointed the blame at Saudi Arabia itself, for allowing sectarianism to take hold of society, when it turned its back to growing sectarian sentiments fueled by Wahabbi religious scholars and writers.
Iyad El-Baghdadi explains:
The Saudi regime allows extreme sectarianist Sunni speech, and then acts all horrified when something like this happens. Wtf?
— Iyad El-Baghdadi (@iyad_elbaghdadi) May 22, 2015
He shares several videos broadcast on Saudi channels, featuring prominent Saudi scholars calling Shia adherants infidels, as well as tweets, calling for the annihilation of Shias. Here are a few examples of hate speech tolerated in Saudi Arabia:
Here's Saleh Al Fouzan, member of Saudi's Council of Senior Scholars, declaring all Shias (yes all) to be infidels: http://t.co/Rpk9YHEMle
— Iyad El-Baghdadi (@iyad_elbaghdadi) May 22, 2015
Here's "journalist" Khaled Al Ghamidi on a Saudi station telling Shias: "We'll come to your areas & eat you alive". http://t.co/TwC8ysLe8S
— Iyad El-Baghdadi (@iyad_elbaghdadi) May 22, 2015
This is circulating, tweet from April, translated: "God destroy all Shias! In Iran and Qatif and Medina and Najran". pic.twitter.com/SSGFhPCyJI
— Iyad El-Baghdadi (@iyad_elbaghdadi) May 22, 2015
Although many condemned the attack, Zaki Safr explains:
نحارب الإرهاب بيد ونغذيه بالأخرى
— لورد زاك  (@zaki_safar) May 22, 2015
We fight terrorism with one hand, and feed it with the other
El-Baghdadi is appalled at how many spoke out on social media in support of the attack and the murder of Shias. He tweets:
If you can read Arabic, visit the hashtag (#تفجير_إرهابي_في_القطيف) and see just how many tweeters are supportive of the suicide attack.
— Iyad El-Baghdadi (@iyad_elbaghdadi) May 22, 2015
Meanwhile, Abdulla Al Shammari offers a solution:
لا يعنيني الشيعة ولا يعنيني السنة فلكل رب يحاسبه.نريد أن نحيى بسلام، فعلينا أن نشير الى منابع ما يعرقل هذا السلام
— Abdulla Al Shammari (@A_Al_Shammari) May 22, 2015
The Shia and the Sunnis are not my concern, there is a God to judge them.
We want to live in peace and we have to point out those who want to put obstacles in the path of peace

author: Amira Al Hussaini


text:
Lima Orchid, a Flower Once Believed to Be Extinct, Blooms Again in the Peruvian Capital · Global Voices
Gabriela García Calderón Orbe

Different kinds of orchids. Image published on Wikimedia Commons under license CC BY-SA 3.0.
For over 50 years, it was thought that the Lima orchid was an extinct species; but, good news comes from a team from the National Forest and Wildlife Service, which is also part of the Peruvian Ministry of Agriculture:
Los especialistas encontraron ejemplares de dicha orquídea, típica de las lomas de la cuenca del río Rímac, en las cercanías de dicho cuerpo de agua. Pronto corrió el rumor sobre la mítica flor, que se creía desaparecida desde hace más de cincuenta años.
The team of specialists found some specimens of this orchid, typical of the hills in the Rimac river basin, near that body of water. The rumor about the mythical flower was soon well known, a flower believed to be extinct for over 50 years.
The news was echoed on Twitter:
Orquídea de Lima “Chloraea undulata” reaparece, aunque se creía extinta. Disfrutadla. http://t.co/zSEVKd2E8S
— Alicante Forestal (@alic_forestal) May 21, 2015
Orchid of Lima “Chloraea undulata” reappears, although it was believed extinct. Enjoy it.
Now it's up for the authorities and the population to take care of it and preserve it.


text:
Pregnant 11-Year-Old in Uruguay Refuses Abortion · Global Voices
Global Voices Latin America

Niña de 11 años embarazada que no quiere abortar genera polémica➝http://t.co/uPBo6NEKcC #Aborto #Embarazo #Uruguay
— Periódico La Tribuna (@PLaTribunaFunza) May 8, 2015
Pregnant 11-year-old who refused to abort creates controversy.
We wrote recently about about a 10-year-old pregnant girl from Paraguay who was allegedly raped by her stepfather and who was unable to have an abortion because of legal limitations in the country. Now, in Uruguay, where abortion is legal in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, the case of a pregnant 11-year-old who refused to have one has shocked the country.
This girl, who has been said to have an intellectual disability, was raped by the 41-year-old grandfather of her half-sister. This man is now in custody and will be prosecuted for rape, Uruguayan officials told Agence France-Presse.
Family members, doctors, social organizations, and the media have encouraged the girl to terminate the pregnancy. They have even pressured the government to try and force her to go through with it, according to Pangea Today. The response was, however, not favorable to them:
“There is no risk for the life of the child or baby, so we cannot force her to have an abortion,” the director of INAU, Monica Silva, said.

author: Global Voices Latin America


text:
Covering Turkey’s General Elections, One Tool at a Time · Global Voices
Erkan Saka

In just over a year, citizens of Turkey are going to the ballot box for the third time. Following local elections in March 2014 and a presidential ballot last August, a General Election in June will complete the country's political cycle and give the electorate of roughly 55 million a well-earned break from casting votes.
Over the next two weeks, this author will be writing brief posts on the upcoming election with a focus on the online tools open source developers are making available in order to improve public participation in a politically tense vote.
Tool No. 1: Seçim Var
In mid-April a group of Public Relations undergraduate students taking a course entitled ‘Digital Cultures’ at Istanbul Bilgi University set up the Seçim Var project, whose name translates as ‘Election Time’. Using the host crowdmap.com, Seçim Var is a branch of the broader Ushahidi initiative:
Ushahidi, Inc. is a non-profit software company that develops free and open-source software (LGPL) for information collection, visualisation, and interactive mapping. Ushahidi (Swahili for “testimony” or “witness”) was created a website in the aftermath of Kenya's disputed 2007 presidential election […] collecting eyewitness reports of violence reported by email and text message and placed them on a Google Maps map.
The organisation uses the concept of crowdsourcing for social activism and public accountability, serving as an initial model for what has been coined as “activist mapping”—the combination of social activism, citizen journalism and geospatial information. Ushahidi offers products that enable local observers to submit reports using their mobile phones or the internet, while simultaneously creating a temporal and geospatial archive of events.
The students’ electoral mapping exercise, which has already received significant mainstream media coverage as well as  promotion within the broader network of online civic initiatives, is destined to go far further than the average class project.
The group has already cooperated with a Turkish citizen journalism collective, Dokuz8Haber, who will verify election news in real time. Dokuz8Haber's verifications will be sorted under a separate ‘verified’ tag .
Around 20 student volunteers act as the moderators: They monitor several election-related Twitter hashtags (#SeçimVar, #Seçim2015), reports from citizens and media coverage. There are three basic categories of report: reports from the street, reports from the media and reports from the ballot box.
All reports produced through the initiative are downloadable, providing ready information for both journalists  and parties participating in the elections. Beyond election day, the project aims to trigger a nationwide impulse towards citizen journalism reporting.

author: Erkan Saka


text:
Global Voices Starts a New Collaboration with the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran · Global Voices
Mahsa Alimardani

Image from the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran Facebook page.
Global Voices is now hosting research and commentary published by the New York-based human rights watchdog, the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.
We are committed to telling all sides of the story inside Iran, and human rights concerns are a big part of understanding the country.
The Campaign has consistently provided in-depth reportage and analysis on a broad array of issues concerning Iranians. Their meticulous research and documentation and informed advocacy for human rights has garnered them a reputation of impartiality and reliability along with much international trust and respect.
The Campaign was founded in 2008 as a non-partisan, non-profit, independent human rights organisation. Global Voices has relied on the Campaign’s reportage and team of experts when covering major human rights concerns, so we enthusiastically welcome this new collaboration to enrich our Iran page.
“Global Voices shines a spotlight on those who strive for justice and equality worldwide,” said Hadi Ghaemi, Executive Director of the Campaign. “We are very pleased to be able to add to this unique platform the voices of those who are struggling for their rights inside Iran.”
We encourage our readers to visit the Campaign’s website, www.iranhumanrights.org, and read more about the work they are doing protecting and promoting basic rights and freedoms in Iran.
For our latest features touching on the Campaign's work please see Iran's Prison to Become a Park, Iran's Leading Women's Magazine Suspended After Covering Cohabitation Outside of Marriage, and How 8 Prominent Iranians Think a Nuclear Deal Will Impact Human Rights.

author: Mahsa Alimardani


text:
In Argentina, a March on the ‘Global Day of Action Against Monsanto’ · Global Voices
Romina Navarro

Protest against Monsanto in Buenos Aires, in 2014. Photo by Wikimedia Commons.
On May 23, a protest march against the multinational Monsanto was held simultaneously in several cities across Argentina, bringing together environmental groups and activists on a “Global Day of Action Against Monsanto.”
Monsanto is a multinational company dedicated to the production of genetically modified seeds (GM) and chemical products for industrial-scale agriculture. One of its foremost products is glyphosate, the main component of the herbicide brand Roundup. Critics say Roundup has toxic effects on plants, livestock and people.
Beyond Argentina, a similar protest is being organized by the international movement Occupy Monsanto and the campaign Millions Against Monsanto, both of which began in the United States. Since information about the negative effects of glyphosate and GM seeds came to light over a decade ago, the marches have become more frequent each year.
In the megacity of Buenos Aires, the protest marches usually take place on the Plaza San Martin, near the multinational's main country office. The following video shows images from the protest that took place in May 2014, featuring folk and cultural expressions from regions in the country where Monsanto spraying is most prevalent.
The fight against GM crops has been carried out since the turn of the millennium in many countries after several studies by independent research centers and universities cast doubt over their safety.
As early as 2002, the blog Ecoportal published a report on the Toxicology of Glyphosate by Dr Jorge Kaczewer, founder and medical director of the Argentinian Institute of Neural Therapy and Integrative Medicine, wherein the author accused Monsanto and related laboratories of corruption:
The toxicological studies on glyphosate officially required for registration and approval, have been associated with fraudulent practices.
“Fantasy and Reality”. Photo from Facebook page “Millions Against Monsanto”.
Kaczewer concluded:
Junto con la ayuda alimentaria de enormes raciones de soja elaborada como milanesa, hamburguesa, albóndiga, fideo, raviol, leche, yogur, y queso “de soja”, ahora, casi 17 millones de argentinos empobrecidos y hambrientos también recibirán su dosis masiva de glifosato…. La implacable estrategia comercial de la industria nos permite anticipar cómo ésta visualiza su camino hacia un próspero futuro…. a costa de la salud de millones de personas ni siquiera todavía informadas de la existencia de este tipo de productos.
Along with food aid that includes a huge amount of soybean products that are prepared as breaded soy meat, hamburgers, meatballs, spaghetti, ravioli, milk, yogurt, and soy cheese, almost 17 million Argentines, impoverished and hungry, will also get their massive dose of glyphosate…. The industry's relentless business strategy allows us to anticipate how it will forge a path to a prosperous future…. at the  expense of the health of millions that still do not even know about the existence of such products.
More recently, in September 2014, the environmentalist blog BWN Argentina published a report by Ignacio Diego Mur where he describes ‘the 12 most terrible products’ created by Monsanto, analysing its effects on the Argentinian agribusiness economy, where the ‘Monsanto model’ has been widely adopted:
En lugar de frutos sanos, verduras, granos y animales alimentados con hierba natural, las granjas industriales de Estados Unidos y Argentina producen un exceso de comida chatarra de ingeniería genética para ocasionar enfermedades cardíacas, derrame cerebral, diabetes y cáncer, con el respaldo de subsidios agrícolas, mientras que los agricultores orgánicos no reciben dichas subvenciones.
Instead of healthy fruits, vegetables, grains and natural grass fed animals, the factory farms in the United States and Argentina produce an excess of genetic engineering junk food that causes heart disease, strokes, diabetes and cancer, with the support of agricultural subsidies, while organic farmers do not receive such subsidies.
Glyphosate toxicity is a political hot potato in Argentina involving multiple stakeholders (governments, companies, laboratories, farmers, workers, trade unions and consumers), numerous vested interests and plentiful misinformation.
Amid the furore are the people living near sprayed areas or consuming food containing residues of the product.
En #Argentina se fumigan cada año 300 millones de litros de glifosato sobre 28 millones de hectáreas y más de 10 millones de personas.
— Partido Pirata (Arg) (@PartidoPirataAr) May 9, 2015
In #Argentina 300 million liters of glyphosate are sprayed annually across 28 million hectares of plantation, affecting more than 10 million people.
Given the low level of support from government agencies and the mainstream media, the movement is turning to blogs and social networks to disseminate information on the reasons for lawsuits against the company and its products. It also shares research, cases studies, articles and images:
Sociedad Argentina de Hemato-Oncología Pediátrica (entre otras) pidió tomar medidas contar el uso del #glifosato. http://t.co/5ghNA24vct
— #FueraMonsanto (@Noamonsanto) May 11, 2015
The Argentinian Pediatric Society of Hematology-Oncology (among others) has asked for action to be taken against the use of #glifosato
There are also popular figures from the music world supporting the fight against the company, such as Argentine pop singer, Axel, who stated via his official Twitter account:
#NoaMonsanto gran responsable d enfermedades en la humanidad, catástrofes climáticas, entre otras cosas. @ConSol_ONG http://t.co/cLlH5z2unv
— Axel (@AxelOficial) February 19, 2015
#NoaMonsanto is largely responsible for diseases, climatic disasters, and other things.
Social networks have become the campaign's main medium to share information. The Facebook page “Millones Contra Monsanto” with more than 55,000 likes, shared the invitation to join the protests in different cities across the country. On Twitter people are exchanging information and views through hashtags like #fueramonsanto, #noamonsanto, #stopmonsanto and others.
23 Mayo 2015 Marcha Mundial contra #Monsanto. En todo el Mundo en todas sus plantas #fueramonsanto via @Noamonsanto pic.twitter.com/UoE9pHWoJP
— Lluís Ahicart (@lluisahicart) May 21, 2015
May 23, 2015 Global March against #Monsanto. Around the World and in all of its plantations #fueramonsanto.

author: Romina Navarro


text:
Iranian Reformists Commemorate the Anniversary of Ex-President Khatami’s Election on Twitter · Global Voices
Mahsa Alimardani

One of the #second_ofKhordad_Iam posters being circulated by reformists on Twitter. It states, “Second of Khordad I am. Post your small blurbs about the second of Khordad with the hashtag #second_ofKhordad_Iam. #wewillbe_Khatami's_media”. Image taken from the Twitter account of Arash Bahmani.
The hashtag #دوم_خردادی_ام is trending on Twitter today amongst Iranian reformists.
Translating into “second_ofKhordad_Iam”, it references 2 Khordad, 1376, the Persian date for 23 May, 1997 when the reformist candidate Mohammad Khatami won a presidential election with an overwhelming 70% of the vote.
اصلاح‌طلبان در شبکه‌های اجتماعی با هشتگ #دوم_خردادی_ام به استقبال سال‌گرد انتخاب محمد #خاتمی در سال ۷۶ رفته‌اند pic.twitter.com/bsZ50AdiXK
— Arash Bahmani (@ArashBahmani) May 22, 2015
Reformists on social media with the #second_ofKhordad_Iam hashtag are honouring the anniversary of the election of Mohammad #Khatami in the year 76
Khatami's re-election in June 2001 cemented his popularity amongst the Iranian population, with another majority victory of 77%.
His campaign platforms were based on liberalization and reform, and throughout his time in office he advocated for freedom of expression, tolerance, civil society, and diplomatic relations with the West.
Discussing Khatami's political impact, Asef Bayat, an Iranian sociologist and researcher on Iran's democracy movement stated the following in an interview with the BBC in 2001:
First of all, there's a change in ideas, and that's very important. Khatami's discourse of civil society, democracy, transparency, rule of law, and all this – which were quite absent in the 1980s – became dominant concepts, so that even certain segments of the conservatives tried to speak a similar language
But Khatami's presidency was also marred by conflict, with many conservative politicians pushing back against his reforms.
Since the end of his presidency, Khatami has remained an important political figure. He endorsed the reformist presidential candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi during the 2009 elections. Mousavi's later role as a catalyst and leader of the popular Green Movement led to his house arrest, which continues until today.
Khatami's ongoing popularity and continued support for controversial figures such as Mousavi has left him in a tenuous position in Iran: the judiciary, a governing body separate from the administration of current moderate President Hassan Rouhani issued a ruling that banned any mention of Khatami in Iranian media earlier this year.
In campaign posters circulating today, supporters have been sharing photos of Khatami with the hashtag #رسانه_خاتمی_میشویم, translating as “we will be Khatami's media.” Critically, the media ban has not stopped Iranians from taking to social media, circumventing blocks on popular platforms such as Twitter to voice their support for the former president.
یاد تو را من را فراموش.. .. #دوم_خردادی_ام pic.twitter.com/GnT79uZyUy
— کو کو (@kourosh757) May 23, 2015
I forgot to remind you…. #second_ofKhordad_Iam