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Detergent ad causes uproar among conservative audiences in Pakistan · Global Voices
R Umaima Ahmed

Widely used banner condemning the Ariel detergent ad. The slogan in black reads, “Stay within the four walls” and the slogan in red and green reads, “These stains can't stop us”.
In Pakistan, angry netizens have taken to social media to boycott the Proctor and Gamble detergent brand, Ariel. This came after the company aired an advertising campaign this June that supported women breaking away from conservative gender norms.
The campaign did not sit well with conservative religious audiences who demanded it to be discontinued and all advertisements removed from media platforms. Many of Ariel's past campaigns have been aimed at educating the public about issues related to feminism and human relations; however, none have generated as much much controversy:
The campaign featured phrases that can often be heard when women step outside of their expected roles: “Stay within the four walls of the house,” “What will people say?” “You are a woman” “You have studied enough, now look after the house.” The ad shows women from all walks of life and professions, like housewives, doctors, journalists, and engineers, finally ending with Pakistan's women's cricket team captain Bisma Maroof saying, “These are not statements but stains. How can they stop us from achieving our dreams?”
Soon after the ad was aired, a #BoycottAriel hashtag started trending on Twitter. Some netizens voiced their outrage, claiming that the campaign was asking them to deviate from the path of religious teachings. Some claimed that the ad mentioned a Quranic verse as stained. Many people quoted lines from Islamic Scriptures to prove their point. A number of people even reached out to the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulation Authority (PEMRA) and asked that the ad be banned. Another segment wanted charges of blasphemy to be brought against the company.
A religious organization took to Twitter to condemn the ad and ask PEMRA to take action:
#BoycottAriel
“ایریل کے اشتہار میں دین بیزار سیکولر حلقوں کی طرف سےدینی اقدار کو پامال کرنے اور آزادی کے نام پہ چادر و چاردیواری کی حرمت کو” داغ ” قرار دینے کی بدنما کوشش کی ہم بھرپور مذمت کرتے ہیں. ہمارا مطالبہ ہے کہ پیمرا فوراً تادیبی کاروائی کرے.”
— Tanzeem-e-Islami (@tanzeemorg) June 22, 2019
#BoycottAriel
Arial’s ad that calls our religious and social values as “stain” has been an attempt to promote secular  agenda in the name of freedom. We strongly condemn it and demand PEMRA to take strict action against it.
– Tanzeem-e-Islami (@tanzeemorg) June 22, 2019
Another person compared Muslim women to a “Starbucks” coffee cup in his Tweet:
Translation: Islamic covering is like Starbucks logo, once you remove it it becomes cheap just like when you remove the hijab from a Muslim woman.
When will this disgusting mindset goes extinct?!#BoycottAriel pic.twitter.com/LBOMvyGqw1
— Arslan Khan (@shanukhan551) June 21, 2019
One tweet questioned why the company was misguiding people when the Quran has asked women to stay indoors:
kindly have a look at this cheap ad of ariel , they are making fun of our religion .. retweet it as much as u can .. lets make it a top trend #BoycottAriel#Arielhidaaghhai
#ArrestModelTownCulprits pic.twitter.com/sh2RYCNEjK
— Safdar Khan (@Safdar678) June 21, 2019
Translation of the banner: Is it a stain for women to live inside 4 walls?
Have we come down to this that just to make ads people will make fun of the holy scripture? Anyone using such tactics should be boycotted.
Quotes Surah Al Ahzab from the Holy Quran:
“And abide in your houses and do not display yourselves as [was] the display of the former times of ignorance.”
Tweets also asked PEMRA to take action against these types of ads because they were part of the liberal agenda:
Please take action against these liberals, who prompting liberalism in Pakistan.@reportpemra#BoycottAriel pic.twitter.com/zzuSewP0lJ
— Raja Moazzam (@rajamoazzam6) June 22, 2019
Translation of the banner: “Q Mobile released an ad that said daughters of the country should not listen to their fathers, Careem App released an ad saying that if daughters of this country want to run away from their wedding they can call them up and now Ariel has released an ad that says that God’s words are a stain. What is the Film Censor Board and Pemra doing? One is partially blind to vulgarism and the other is totally blind to secularism.”
On the other hand, a number of people supported the ad, saying that Islam allowed women to be independent.
Researcher Ammar Rashid questioned the religious mindset of those who are in favor of the boycott:
Pakistanis: Islam is the most feminist religion. It already gave women all their rights 1400 years ago.
Ariel ad: Locking up women inside their homes all their lives is a bad thing.
Pakistanis: #BoycottAriel for insulting our religion
https://t.co/XVZqP6MUO5
— Ammar Rashid (@AmmarRashidT) June 24, 2019
Another tweet favored the campaign by giving reference to Hazrat Khadija’s status:
Why is #BoycottAriel trending. Prophet’s (pbuh) own wife H Khadija was a successful businesswoman. H Omar appointed women as the market controller in both Makkah and Medina.
— SocialPariah (@Non_granta) June 22, 2019
Journalist Taha Siddiqui tweeted:
Just checked out #BoycottAriel hashtag trending in Pakistan. Apparently Pakistani men are furious tht women r being told they shouldn't stay indoors and most cite religion as a justification. When will we get rid of such toxic [religious] masculinity?
— Taha Siddiqui (@TahaSSiddiqui) June 22, 2019
This is not the first time that an advertisement stirred controversy around gender norms in Pakistan. A few months back, Careem, a ride app, released an ad stating that if a bride wanted to run away from her wedding she could call Careem. The uproar from the public caused the ad to be pulled from media outlets.
Like the Careem ad, aggressive public response has caused the Ariel advert to be taken down from social media sites and from TV. However, in the short time that it was telecast and shared on social media, it touched cords that many agree need to be strummed more often.

author: R Umaima Ahmed


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‘Stand with Hong Kong’: Appeal to G20 leaders on extradition law crisis appears in major international newspapers · Global Voices
Hong Kong Free Press

Protest calling for G20 leaders to pay attention to Hong Kong. Photo: Ng Tin Hung / Civic Human Right Front.
The following post was originally written by Jennifer Creery and published by Hong Kong Free Press on June 28, 2019. The following edited version is republished on Global Voices under a content partnership agreement.
An appeal to G20 leaders to act on Hong Kong’s extradition law crisis appeared in more than 10 international newspapers on June 28, 2019, just as the leaders’ summit got underway.
Though Beijing was clear that it would not allow the discussion of the Hong Kong affair at the G20 meeting in Osaka, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe did raise concerns about the issue with Chinese President Xi Jinping on the first day of the global leaders’ meeting, stressing the importance of a “free and open Hong Kong” under the One Country Two Systems framework.
Hong Kong has been rocked by a series of protests over legal amendments proposed in February 2019, which would allow the city to handle case-by-case extradition requests from jurisdictions with no prior agreements — most notably, China.
These amendments would enable the chief executive and local courts to handle extradition requests without legislative oversight, even though critics have raised concerns over the risk of residents being extradited to the mainland, which lacks human rights protections. The bill was suspended on June 15, but not withdrawn.
The full-page black and white ads calling on readers to “Stand with Hong Kong at G20” have appeared alongside an open letter in leading publications like The New York Times, The Guardian in the UK, The Japan Times, The Globe and Mail in Canada, Germany's Süddeutsche Zeitung, and The Chosun Ilbo in South Korea.
Layout of the political Ads. Image from HKFP.
The open letter criticized Beijing's policy on Hong Kong:
Reneging on its promise of ‘One Country, Two Systems’, Beijing has been relentlessly imposing its authoritarian rule on Hong Kong. Most recently, the Hong Kong Government proposed a Bill that would allow anyone to be extradited to China, a country infamous for its disrespect for the rule of law. This would threaten our fundamental freedoms and affect international businesses in Hong Kong.
It also called on G20 leaders to voice concerns about Hong Kong’s freedoms at the summit, urging them to encourage the city’s government to withdraw the controversial extradition bill, conduct an independent investigation into alleged police brutality on June 12, 2019 and release all detained protesters.
The appeal was paid for by a crowdfunding campaign that raised over HK $5 million in public donations. Thanks to the contributions of 20,000 donors, the fundraiser reached its original HK $3 million target within hours of the campaign going live on June 25.
In addition to this fundraising initiative, over a thousand anti-extradition protesters made their way around the city on June 26 to deliver petition letters to more than a dozen foreign consulates, urging their leaders to speak up for Hong Kong during the G20 Summit.
That evening, thousands gathered  at Edinburgh Place in Hong Kong's central business district, calling for world leaders to use their voices in support of Hong Kong's freedom and democracy. Crowds wearing all-black spilt out of the public square, with many demonstrators holding signs that read “Free Hong Kong” and “Democracy Now”.
Drone footage captured the scale of the anti-extradition law protest in Central District ahead of the G20 Summit:
The Civil Human Rights Front (CHRF), which organized the assembly, issued a statement:
If you believe in values like democracy, freedom, human rights and the rule of law like we do, please, we urge all of you to voice out during the G20 Summit, and defend our rights together with Hong Kong people.
There have been protests and flash mob action outside of Hong Kong as well. A group of Hong Kong protesters traveled to Osaka and rallied in the city on June 27, one day before the opening of the G20 Summit.
On June 28, about 100 people staged a smart mob action at New York's Grand Central Terminal to draw international attention to the political situation in Hong Kong:
Flash mob action in New York City central terminal. Image from Facebook page: Freedom Hong Kong.
The G20 Summit, taking place in Osaka, Japan on June 28 and 29, hosts world leaders from the European Union and 19 countries with the world's largest economies as they convene to discuss pressing financial and economic issues. However, on June 26, China’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Geng Shuang, warned external powers against interfering with its internal affairs: “China will certainly not agree to G20 discussing Hong Kong affairs. This is entirely China’s internal affair,” he said.
For more on Hong Kong's anti-China extradition protests, please visit Global Voices’ special coverage page.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Hong Kong Free Press


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Tanzania reinstates controversial sanitary pad tax · Global Voices
Susie Berya

Young farmers in the village of Kangagani in Chakechake Pemba, pose for a photo on October 31, 2017. Tanzania's recently reinstated sanitary pad tax disproportionally impacts girls and women in rural areas. Photo by USAID in Africa via Flickr, in the public domain.
On June 13, Tanzania’s Minister of Finance and Planning, Phillipo Mpango, announced the decision to reinstate a tax on sanitary pads in the 2019/2020 budget, triggering a major debate on the impact this tax will have on girls and women.
Last year, the same minister proposed scrapping the sanitary pad tax.
His recent announcement sparked public outrage, especially from women who see the tax as gender-based discrimination. The minister explained that the tax exemption implemented last year had not achieved the intended effect — to enable access to sanitary pads at affordable prices and therefore ensure “better menstrual health management.”
But the exemption did not reduce the retail price of sanitary pads — instead, it allowed traders to raise the rate of pads and increase their profits.
The minister stated that with this budget, the government will reduce corporate income tax by 5 percent — from 30 percent to 25 percent — for investors who manufacture sanitary pads locally. The purpose is to attract investors, create employment opportunities for locals and reduce dependency on imports of menstrual sanitary products.
The sanitary pad tax announcement comes months after the Deputy Minister of Finance and Planning, Ashatu Kijaji, hinted that it was a possibility. On April  23, the deputy minister explained that her ministry had received complaints from consumers that sanitary pads were still highly priced. She insisted that the ministry was looking for better options that would benefit both women and the government, and mentioned the sanitary pad tax as a possibility.
Earlier this year, Ummy Mwalimu, Minister of Health, Community Development, Gender, the Elderly and Children, stated that her ministry had received letters urging the reduction of high prices on sanitary pads.
The average cost of having a period in Tanzania is 36,000 Tanzanian shillings or 15.63 United States dollars per year.
The current prices for disposable sanitary pads range from 2,000 TZS (.87 USD) to 4,000 TZS (1.74 USD) depending on the brand.
In response to these complaints, Mwalimu wrote letters to the Ministry of Finance and Planning and the Ministry of Trade and Industry, requesting them to direct manufacturers to reduce the prices on sanitary pads.
Early this month, Upendo Peneza, a member of parliament, requested the government to set indicative prices on sanitary pads (an average, fixed rate). But the Minister of Industry and Trade, Joseph Kakunda, explained that the government is only responsible for setting indicative prices for public goods and services — and sanitary pads do not fall under that category.
MP Peneza then requested a sit-down between the government and stakeholders to discuss how sanitary tax exemption can reflect the needs of consumers instead of rushing to reinstate the tax:
“Tulikutana na wauzaji/wasambazaji wa pedi, walitueleza kwamba wauzaji/wasambazaji wa jumla wamepunguza bei, tena kwa vielelezo, shida ipo kwa wauzaji wa rejareja. Serikali lazima ianzishe mfumo wa namna ya kusimamia maslahi ya watumiaj wa mwisho.” @UpendoPeneza #KutokaBungeni pic.twitter.com/2H0e7PHMge
— Clouds Media (@CloudsMediaLive) June 21, 2019
We met with the distributors and traders of sanitary pads in this country and these traders, with illustrations, informed us that they had reduced prices. The problem was on the retail end, that is where the pricing has not been reduced.
In her speech, MP Peneza's said:
The government has considered women’s opinions, it has considered Tanzanians’ opinions, it has considered the opinions from members of this parliament and that is why the tax was scrapped. Let us go back and sit down with the stakeholders dealing with sanitary pads, from distributors, consumers and other organisations so we can figure out how this reduction can benefit the citizens. However, rushing this is not right. In 2016, I said that exempting tax alone is not enough. However, the government must come up with a system of how to protect the interests of consumers. This was my move in 2016, this was my move in 2018 when I contributed on this same issue.
Various parliamentary leaders also spoke against the reinstatement of the sanitary pads tax. Zitto Kabwe, MP representing Kigoma Ujiji, argued that menstruation was biological and taxing sanitary pads was an injustice to women.
Special Seat MP Sonia Magogo said that one year was not enough time for the government to conclude that restricting distributors and traders to adhere to price controls was impossible.
“Napinga suala la taulo za kike kurudishiwa kodi ikiwa ni mwaka mmoja tu tangu ile kodi imeondolewa. Naona huu ni muda mfupi kufanya tathmini kwamba imeshindikana kabisa kuwabana wafanyabiashara waendane na zile bei ambazo serikali ingezitaka” #CloudsDigitalUpdates#KutokaBungeni pic.twitter.com/cYlujnTlCO
— Clouds Media (@CloudsMediaLive) June 20, 2019
I totally oppose the reinstatment of the sanitary pad tax if it's only been one year since the tax was scrapped. In my view, it's [too] short [of a] period to assess whether or not it's possible to restrict traders to adhere to the prices the government wants.
MP Magogo went on to say:
If the government was successful with EDF machines, plastic bags and business IDs, I do not believe it would have been unable to control traders over such a sensitive issue to women. No woman chooses to get her period, whether she is extremely poor or wealthy.
Many women and girls, especially in rural regions, cannot afford sanitary pads and have to live without them. Dhalia Mbaga, a health specialist, cited studies that show 91 percent of shops in rural areas in Tanzania do not even sell pads and “affordability remains the biggest challenge,” according to the Daily Nation.
Period poverty is one cause of absenteeism among schoolgirls in rural areas. Some girls have never seen a sanitary pad and at times, one pad is cut in half to share among two girls. Most times, schoolgirls in rural areas use inappropriate and unhygienic materials such as rags, raw cotton and maize cobs, according to surveys conducted by SNV Netherlands Development Organization.
Poor access to water and basic sanitation facilities in schools is one reason why school girls in rural Tanzania choose to stay home when they have their period. According to Raleigh Tanzania, less than half the population have access to clean water and as little as 16 percent have access to adequate sanitation facilities.
In an editorial for The Citizen, writer Anna Bwana supported the use of reusable menstrual products such as cloth pads and menstrual cups because they last 3 to 10 years.
However, in rural areas, where period poverty is prominent, a shortage of water and sanitation makes it difficult to care for these products.
Campaigners and netizens have taken to Twitter to express their outrage and advocate against the sanitary pads tax with the hashtag #PediBilaKodi [meaning #PadsWithoutTax].
I support #PediBilaKodi Campaign calling the govnt to reduce/totally remove VAT on Sanitary towels /tampons 2 be cheaper & more affordable but urging stakeholders 2 create projects that provide spaces for girls&women 2 access the needed items freely in rural communities.#ReTweet pic.twitter.com/QGZTjtj11D
— Lisa_Kagaruki (@ElTeligon1001) June 19, 2019
Join the campaign to fight reintroduction of taxes(VAT) on sanitary towels in Tanzania. Periods are natural and we should not be punished for that! #PediBilaKodi pic.twitter.com/50CLWJocZY
— Deborah Maufi MD, MBA (@DeborahMaufi) June 21, 2019
Some men on Twitter have shown up as allies who have not shied away from the controversial levy issue:
Taxing women sanitary pads means taxing Women Menstrual Period. This is the most shameful act a government can do to its population. Any sensible & responsible MP would not entertain this. #Magufuli govt should feel ashamed to table this in Parliament for approval.#PediBilaKodi
— Deogratias Munishi (@DeoMunishi) June 21, 2019
Men; If you think it is their fight alone, you're as worse as the ‘18% VAT’ itself. Lets all strech our hands and embrace the campaign to support our gentleladies. Hedhi ni maumbile na si anasa. #PediBilaKodi inawezekana period. @MSalimu @ChangeTanzania @RebecaGyumi https://t.co/ID4nYUz8Tc
— Emanuel Lameck (@GiftedMynd) June 20, 2019
“If Tanzania had 50% of women in the parliament!!! Would taxification upon menstrual sanitary pads exist?”
-Tanzania needs more women in the next presidential term#PediBilaKodi pic.twitter.com/Tac4dbwu3V
— Brightius Kalokola ?? (@DrKalokola) June 21, 2019
Still, the issue clearly impacts girls and women’s lives. One netizen reminds the world that menstruation is not a choice:
Last year, the Govt removed VAT exemption on sanitary products. This year, it might be added back on. Let’s not move backwards. We want to see #PediBilaKodi – menstruation is not a choice, these are essential products for all women and girls! @MHDay28May @AfriCoMHM
— Halima lila (@halima_lila) June 19, 2019
Sanitary pads are not a luxury, says this netizen:
I can't really stress this enough; Sanitary pads (products) are not a LUXURY but a NECESSITY!!! #PediBilaKodi #ItsTimeForAction pic.twitter.com/az8Heyd1Am
— Loyce? (@1oyce) June 20, 2019

author: Susie Berya


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Will Barbados be the first Caribbean nation to abolish the secondary school entrance exam? · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

Barbadian Prime Minister Mia Mottley gives a speech at the 108th (Centenary) Session of the International Labour Conference in Geneva, Switzerland, on June 19, 2019. Photo © Crozet / Pouteau, used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 license.
Secondary school entrance examinations in the Caribbean have been around for over a century, a colonial holdover from as early as 1879 in some territories. Though renamed and restructured several times, they have remained as what many experts deem an irrelevant, stress-inducing test that sucks the joy out of learning for eleven-year-olds region-wide.
Now, at least one regional government is poised to actually do something about it. According to Barbados Today, “sweeping changes are on the horizon” for the country's education system — including getting rid of the controversial Common Entrance exam — in an effort to create more diverse and equitable educational opportunities for schoolchildren.
At a public meeting in the capital city of Bridgetown on June 2, 2019, Prime Minister Mia Mottley linked the prevalence of violent crime to an education system that does not value everyone's talents and said that it was time to reject such an approach.
Under the current secondary entrance exam structure, only the top performing students — essentially, those who test well — win access to the best schools. Class also becomes a factor, since parents with good social connections often pull strings to get their children into schools of their choice. Prime Minister Mottley's position is that Barbados must “create an educational system that makes every school a top school”.
The statistics back her up. Results from the 2019 Barbados Secondary School Entrance Examination (BSSEE) point to a need for reform that includes a move away from a curriculum that is heavily slanted towards academics to include more of the arts as well as technical and vocational training.
There have also been calls for more inclusivity when it comes to special needs children, who are often not adequately supported by the public school system.
In fact, it is often private schools that perform best on the exam, which again raises the issue of means and class. Barbadian educator Rhonda Blackman noted that “many parents are of the opinion that the Common Entrance [exam] is the only fair system for the ‘poor man’ child to get into a ‘good school'”, a perception that she challenges, saying, “It is not the school but what children do when they reach the respective schools that matters.” Blackman recommends continuous assessment as opposed to a one-shot exam, zoning, which she says will eradicate the “pecking order” of schools, and a “broad and balanced” curriculum that takes the diversity of students’ skills into account.
If the Mottley administration succeeds in this endeavour, it would be history-making; other governments in other CARICOM nations have promised to abolish the exam before and failed. In fact, the inability (on unwillingness) to abolish the exam — despite its ill effects on children's mental health and self esteem — has spawned spin-off industries in the form of text book publishing and extra lessons. These, in turn, create a domino effect, with children's health being compromised by having to tote heavy backpacks to and from school as well as by having less time to play, which has widely been established as integral to healthy childhood development.
Until the exam is abolished, however, children will continue to suffer in a myriad of ways — including being abused by their parents in an effort to have them pass for a preferred school. The vicious cycle prompted Jamaica-based writer Nazma Muller to lay the blame not at the feet of desperate parents, but at the regional governments full of “old dogs refusing to learn new tricks”:
Why is the Ministry of Education perpetuating this abuse and discrimination against children who cannot attain 99% on the SEA [Secondary Entrance Assessment exam] — because that is what you need to get into a prestige school. […]
Fire bun SEA, Common Entrance and all the discrimination that passes for education in the Caribbean. Every child deserves a good-quality education that prepares them for LIFE, not CXC [Caribbean Examinations Council, a board that administers different exams] or a wuk in de guvament [government job]. Life. […] Research what is happening with education in Finland, Norway and all the countries where the quality of life is top of the tops and people not going mad and beating their children. […]
But why we have a system that making our children feel they stupid if they don't pass for ‘a good school'? Why all the schools […] not good?

author: Janine Mendes-Franco


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In pictures: Nepal holds parade during international Pride Month · Global Voices
Sanjib Chaudhary

Placards mentioning diverse sex, gender and sexual orientations at Maitighar Mandala during the Nepal Pride Parade 2019. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary.
Rainbow flags fluttered while the rainbow umbrellas covered the Maitighar Mandala, a symbolic monument located in the heart of Kathmandu, as young activists gathered for the pride parade in Nepal on June 29, 2019.
Though an LGBTQ+ parade is celebrated every year during Gaijatra — a Nepali festival commemorating the dead and the alleviation of pain through humour that usually takes place sometime in August or September — this was the first time that such an event took place during international Pride Month. It brought together people of diverse genders and sexual orientations, evident in the wide assortment of placards on display.
Organizers of the pride parade wrote on Facebook:
Pride Parades are not just events for visibility and celebration of diverse sex, gender and sexual orientations, but also a struggle for equality. This year's theme on Pride Parade is: Inclusion of queer (gender and sexual minorities) at all levels of state and decision-making process[es].
Despite the inclusion in the Constitution, none of the bodies have any queer representative[s]. Lets [sic] join hands to celebrate the diversity of sex, gender and sexual orientation. #NepalPrideParade
The first ever pride parade in Nepal on the Pride Month led by young people, Queer Youth Group and Queer Collective Nepal was successfully celebrated today.#NPP2019 #NepalPrideParade pic.twitter.com/AiLX151LAi
— Queer Youth Group (@QueerYouthGroup) June 29, 2019
Nepal Pride Parade, first time in June, in alignment with the international pride month. #NPP2019 @queeryouthgroup in solidarity pic.twitter.com/DzHMH1VQe7
— Niranjan Kunwar (@MetroNir) June 29, 2019
So inspiring to see young Nepalis actively participating in the movement for LGBTQI rights in Nepal. The energy at today's pride parade was undeniably infectious.
Happy #PrideMonth pic.twitter.com/JuFOOfcfoZ
— Tsering D. Gurung (@Tsering_) June 29, 2019
Although Nepal has been somewhat progressive when it comes to LGBTQ+ rights — third gender activist Bhumika Shrestha received a passport with her gender marked as “O” for “Other” in 2015 and the Supreme Court of Nepal formally acknowledged the existence of a third gender on December 21, 2007 — there is still a long way to go.
Full of zeal and enthusiasm, the parade participants demanded equal rights, including same-sex marriage and the ability to adopt children. As they paraded from Maitighar Mandala to New Baneshwor, they also used the event as an opportunity to educate people about the diverse queer community, well beyond the regular term LGBTQ+.
And we danced on – I kissed a girl and I liked it. The taste of her cherry chap stick ??? #NPP2019 #NepalPrideParade #pridemonth2019 ?????? @RukshanaNewa @JMaskay pic.twitter.com/ZMA5gkkHdR
— Loom Nepal (@LoomNepal) June 29, 2019
Everybody's so happy ?#nepalprideparade #NPP2019 ??? pic.twitter.com/Np2ZFqlxkU
— Jensa (@threetreetownn) June 29, 2019
Check out photos from the event, all taken by the author:
Reflection of a participant waving the rainbow flag at the Nepal Pride Parade 2019. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary.
A participant at the Nepal Pride Parade 2019. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary.
A participant waving the rainbow flag at the Nepal Pride Parade 2019. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary.
A participant covered by the rainbow flag at the Nepal Pride Parade 2019. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary.
A participant at the Nepal Pride Parade 2019. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary.
Participants at the Nepal Pride Parade 2019. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary.
Participants at the Nepal Pride Parade 2019. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary.
Participants at the Nepal Pride Parade 2019. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary.
A participant holding a rainbow pinwheel at the Nepal Pride Parade 2019. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary.
Participants at the Nepal Pride Parade 2019 at New Baneshwor. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary.
Participants at the Nepal Pride Parade 2019 at New Baneshwor. Photo by Sanjib Chaudhary.

author: Sanjib Chaudhary


text:
New Burundian opposition party faces intimidation ahead of 2020 elections · Global Voices
Liam Anderson

Burundi's National Liberation Forces, or FNL, opposition party sign, 2010. Taken by Brice Blondel via Flickr, CC BY 2.0.
In Burundi, a new political party called the Congrès National Pour la Liberté, or CNL, registered in February. Since then, opposition party harassment has spiked. Human Rights Watch recently documented “rampant abuses” against the CNL and called on the United Nations for targeted sanctions.
Since CNL’s recognition, harassment against them has reportedly risen countrywide.
CNL has struggled to open local offices. On June 15, a regional CNL office was burned by attackers, after previous attempts. Prominent opposition politician, Agathon Rwasa, who leads the new CNL party, accused local authorities of complicity.
Shortly after, CNL members were imprisoned, accused of burning their own party’s office to “tarnish” Burundi’s image, according to Tharcisse Niyongabo from the Interior Ministry.
Opposition members – particularly CNL but also others – have been arbitrarily detained, beaten and frequently accused of “illegal secret meetings.”
Burundian newspaper Iwacu reported a trend of tracking opposition supporters, forced disappearances and extrajudicial executions related to opposition support.
Over-zealous Imbonerakure – the increasingly powerful youth wing of the ruling party — have reportedly acted with impunity to show party loyalty, which encourages hard-liners. According to Iwacu's report on the Kirundo province in particular, local officials and police often cooperate with Imbonerakure.
Government officials have responded to these incidents of violence with denial or rejection of their political nature, blaming it instead on drunkenness or land disputes.
With media clampdowns such as bans on the BBC and Voice of America, along with low media coverage in rural areas, many violent cases likely go unreported.
CNL spokesperson Térence Manirambona said on April 30 that the intimidation was “a plan” to shrink the political space and called for the release of all political prisoners. Catholic priests have also criticized political intolerance.
The 2015 electoral crisis around the legality of the president’s third term saw clashes and assassination attempts, such as on rights activist Pierre-Claver Mbonimpa. Political violence became less visible, but arrests and disappearances continue. Today, public attacks by government supporters on opponents are now increasingly reported.
CNL leader Rwasa comes from the National Liberation Forces, or FNL, formed out of an armed force from Burundi's 1993-2005 civil war. His party split in 2010 after the ruling party offered government positions if Rwasa's leadership was ousted, and he then led the still “unrecognized” faction — the government has exploited divisions in opposition parties by recognizing more compliant leaders.
After the 2015 election, the Amizero y’Abarundi — a coalition of independents, which Rwasa also leads, became the main parliamentary opposition. However, the coalition cannot run in 2020 elections, following controversial constitutional changes in 2018 restricting independent candidates and coalitions.
Since 2015, President Pierre Nkurunziza has tightened his control and international stakeholders have struggled at fostering reconciliation. Regionally-mediated dialogue stalled and in 2018, after five unsuccessful rounds, facilitator Benjamin Mkapa quit, citing frustration with weak engagement and regional support.
The government rejects criticism as misinformed or imperialist and seems prepared to double down on local and international critics. PARCEM, a Burundian governance nongovernmental organization, was recently suspended for “tarnishing” Burundi’s image after a campaign highlighting socioeconomic problems.
Pro-government protests were organized in early Juneagainst French media for “tarnishing” Burundi's image, and the demonstrators “warned” Rwanda against war, referring to perceived interference from the neighboring nation.
Last year, Burundi emitted an international arrest warrant for ex-president Pierre Buyoya, accusing him of complicity in ex-president Melchior Ndadaye’s assassination. Tensions continue with UN envoy Michel Kafondo after the UN's criticism of rights abuses. By March 2019, the UN human rights office was closed.
Reacting to an International Crisis Group (ICG) report which criticized repression, Burundi's UN Ambassador said:
This biased report is an extension of the external conspiracy to destabilize #Burundi since 2015, whose int'l @CrisisGroup is a key player alongside countries that finance its operating budget & continue to harass ??.This ?? is strong&the great people of ?? is ready to die for it https://t.co/HJIZZNLVPl
— Amb. Albert SHINGIRO (@AShingiro) June 20, 2019
Meanwhile, economic hardship continues and last year’s restrictions on international NGOs exacerbated the situation. Burundi’s franc has depreciated — effecting imports. Financial “contributions” typically coerced by local authorities — especially for elections — have hit citizens hard.
In March, the International Organization for Migration reported 124,578 internally displaced people, and the UN recorded over 346,000 Burundians still in refugee camps in May, with thousands more elsewhere.
Burundi will hold elections in 2020. But many opponents are scattered in exile, and the CNARED (National Council for Respecting the Arusha Peace Accord and Rule of Law) opposition coalition in exile has fragmented, losing several members.
Some opposition leaders, both those in exile and in-country, met in Kampala, Uganda, in early May to discuss 2020 elections and consider a new common platform.
Previous attempts to unify opponents have struggled, however, and divisions over election strategy are again apparent. Charles Nditije, for example, of “unrecognized” UPRONA party, argued for the opposition to boycott 2020 elections, as some did in 2010 and 2015.
The government is firmly focused on elections. It changed the constitution regarding term limits and lawmaking, made a roadmap known as the Kayanza “feuille de route,” established electoral rules and announced the 2020 electoral calendar.
ICG warned of risks of election-related violence and called on the African Union and others to reengage the government by sending observers.
The risk of organized, armed violence is on the rise.
Soldiers opposing the president’s third term attempted the 2015 failed coup and ICG has also discussed military divisions, partly from the civil war. Following the coup, highly-organized assassinations occurred along with reprisals between rebels and security services.
Increased repression of opposition links to violence over the border as well: Burundian armed rebel groups are among those active in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, fighting against DR Congo troops, Burundian government troops and Imbonerakure; conflicts in DR Congo's South Kivu province have displaced over 25,000 people according to UN experts. Reports of unidentified armed men speaking Kirundi (Burundi's national language) attacking Tanzania’s refugee camps have also circulated, but Burundi's government has denied this.
As political space shrinks, armed groups may feel increasingly emboldened, and the Burundian government may continue sending armed agents against them.
Within Burundi, opposition supporters are often outnumbered and scared to react to provocation. However, Burundian blogger Igor Giriteka, worries that CNL will not remain “punching-balls.” Iwacu reported a case where local opponents organized and fought back against Imbonerakure, who were then targeted for attack. This retaliation and escalation can lead to continued clashes if tensions do not calm ahead of 2020 elections.

author: Liam Anderson


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New documentary series highlights the struggles of women activists in Vietnam · Global Voices
Don Le

Screenshot from video ‘Full interview Doan Trang’ uploaded on 10 May 2019 by the 88 Project on Youtube.
A new series of video interviews highlights the perspectives and struggles of women involved in human rights activism in Vietnam.
The 88 Project, an organisation supporting freedom of expression in Vietnam, released the first video of an ongoing interview series with female activists in Vietnam. In the first interview with Pham Doan Trang, a dissident journalist and political activist, she discusses the challenges women face as bloggers and human rights activists:
In general, Vietnamese women are not respected. Not only in democracy activism but in all fields. In democracy activism, female activists are disadvantaged because they get attacked no less than male activists. They get beaten and assaulted. The work they do is no less than their male counterparts. But what they often get from other people is pity. I think it is not respect.
She also recounts an incident of police brutality which led to permanent injury to both of her legs.
During a demonstration to protect trees and the environment in Ha Noi, they attacked me and broke both of my legs.
Other women including social activist and blogger Tran Thi Nga, who is currently serving a nine-year prison sentence, have also been seriously injured following physical attacks, often conducted by hired men.
Tran Thi Nga’s attack was documented and posted on Youtube with recordings of her being wheeled into a hospital accompanied by her two young children.
According to family reports, Tran Thi Nga has been subjected to both physical and psychological harassment after her arrest, receiving death threats and beatings from a cellmate.
Screenshot from video ‘Full interview Doan Trang’ uploaded on 10 May 2019, by the 88 Project on Youtube
Despite the challenges faced by female human rights defenders both in and out of prison, Pham Doan Trang says that there may be a higher purpose when women are involved in political activism.
In a dictatorship nobody has freedom, but especially for women, their lack of freedom is multiplied many times compared to men. Because women are not only victims of the regime in terms of politics, but they are also victims of gender inequality and self-constraint. Women restrain themselves in thinking that they are not suitable for a political career. That politics are for men.
We should think that our fight is not only against dictatorship or to free Vietnam from a dictatorship. It is also a fight to free ourselves from the ideological constraints from the prejudice that we impose on ourselves until today.
According to the 88 Project database, there are currently more than 200 prisoners of conscience in Vietnam with over 30 identifying as female.
Bloggers and journalists are frequently arrested and charged for “activities attempting to overthrow the state” or “conducting propaganda against the state”. According to Amnesty International, the Vietnamese government has been conducting a growing crackdown on freedom of expression and peaceful activism over the past few years.
Nguyen Dang Minh Man, a photojournalist and the woman who has served the longest time in prison so far, is expected to be released at the beginning of August.
With more women activists in Vietnam, Pham Doan Trang emphasizes the potential of empowered women in Vietnamese society.
If women have freedom, they can develop themselves profoundly, and they will see that life is so beautiful, that there are many options, many opportunities, many things they can do, discover and develop, to contribute to the development of society and humanity.
Watch the interview:

author: Don Le


text:
Pastor or predator? Nigerian Evangelical preacher embroiled in rape accusations · Global Voices
Nwachukwu Egbunike

Screenshot of Biodun Fatoyinbo, lead pastor of Commonwealth of Zion Assembly (COZA) Nigeria via YouTube.
Biodun Fatoyinbo, the lead pastor of Commonwealth of Zion Assembly (COZA) has been accused of rape. In a two-part interview with YNaija, published on YouTube on June 27 and 28, respectively, Busola Dakolo — a celebrity photographer — accused Fatoyinbo of forcefully raping her as a 16-year-old teenager.
Dakolo was a member of Fatoyinbo’s Divine Delight Club, a youth club that later morphed into COZA, based in Abuja, Nigeria. Dakolo revealed that during one of her vacations as a high school student, she started attending Divine Delight Club. Soon after, Fatoyinbo offered to mentor her as her “spiritual father.”
Busola said that Fatoyinbo raped her, first at her parents’ house and later at a secluded spot in Ilorin, Kwara State, north-central Nigeria. Dakolo told YNaija:
Immediately I opened the door, he just pushed me, he did not say anything, he did not utter any word, he just pushed me to one of the chairs in my living room… he was removing his belt, he just said: ‘Keep quiet, do what I want you to do and you will be fine.’
Busola’s husband, Timi Dakolo – a Nigerian Gospel singer – claims that Fatoyinbo has repeatedly abused young women who are “sometimes chased out of the church or paid off to keep silent about the outrageous happenings in the church.” Timi Dakola showed public support for his wife with a poetic Instagram post, praising Dakola for finding her voice and coming forward with details to confront the pastor.
Akah Nnani, a Nigerian actor and COZA member, has asked Fatoyinbo “to step down from the position of senior pastor:”
Dear @biodunfatoyinbo The next thing to do sir, is. But I know you know this sir, and the church is in fact already making arrangements for this because anything contrary to this would be unconscionable, corrupt and anarchical. In proper states, governments, working systems, businesses and organisations even in the circular domain, the leader in question will step down first. INNOCENT OR NOT.
Fatoyinbo leads a congregation of about 5,000 worshipers and maintains a flamboyant lifestyle as seen in his “heaven can wait” choice of luxury cars. Unlike other pastors, Fatoyinbo regularly dresses in top-notch designers. In 2016, he celebrated his birthday at the 7-star Burj Al Arab hotel in Dubai and later held an all-white yacht party.
Fatoyinbo is not new to controversy.
Ese Walter, a lawyer and radio broadcaster, revealed that she had sex with Fatoyinbo for a week in London in 2013.
Walter described her affair with Fatoyinbo as “a form of abuse.” She says Fatoyinbo gained her trust over a year-long period when she attended his church before she traveled to London to gain a Masters degree.
According to Walter, the sex occurred after she was invited by Fatoyinbo to his hotel room during a visit to London, during which he offered her alcohol. For most Evangelical Christians, taking an alcoholic drink is anathema.
Fatoyinbo dismissed Walter’s accusations and promised to give a “robust response,” a promise not yet fulfilled. Fatoyinbo’s sexual scandals are problematic but seem to point to the megalomania prevalent among some Evangelical churches in Nigeria.
Due to public outrage, Fatoyinbo has taken “a leave of absence from the pulpit of the church” in order for his spiritual mentors “to consider all the issues raised” against him.
A mass protest on Sunday, June 30, in front of COZA headquarters Abuja, took place under the banner of #ChurchToo — a local adaptation of the global #MeToo movement:
To everyone who defied all threats and insults to join today's march, THANK YOU!
IT'S JUST THE BEGINNING!
Our work is undone until justice is served and the church is sanitized against sexual predators.
We will update you on the next steps.#ChurchToo#IStandWithBusolaDakolo pic.twitter.com/fJmBIIzC5l
— HERmbassador (@BukkyShonibare) June 30, 2019
Security operatives arrested two protesters:
Beefing up sexual security https://t.co/hqyj8kXR30
— Pabro Texcobar (@TexTheLaw) June 30, 2019
The possibility of court action seems imminent:
It will in the course of Next Week Sir. I’m sure by Sunday we will have at least 50 victims ready to testify publicly and anonymously. The only reason Mrs. Dakolo went public was because some elements were slot-shaming her despite all she went through & had kept to herself. https://t.co/reuw8vNOgj
— SEGA L'éveilleur®? (@segalink) June 28, 2019
Evidence of an endemic rape problem in Nigeria?
It is daily evident that our country does have a Rape Epidemic problem. It must be tackled swiftly. The Police & Public Prosecution must take the lead to seek Justice for victims&signal deterrent. Thanks to @ProjectalertVaw @MirabelCentreNG @StandtoEndRape for the heavy lifting.
— Oby Ezekwesili (@obyezeks) June 28, 2019
Clearly, not everyone in the Evangelical community agrees with Fatoyinbo's behavior. Evangelical Nigerian preacher Tony Rapu has these wise words about abuse, survivors and the church:
Abuse is not just a sin. It is also against the law in many countries. As we have seen in cases globally where there is an attempt to cover up abuse, it is usually in a bid to avoid a scandal. Unfortunately, this produces a system that empowers and protects abusers and in the end it is the abused, particularly minors, who suffer.
We need to be more concerned about dealing with sexual abuse in a way that cares for survivors and demonstrates justice rather than with the fear of what a scandal might produce. We must recognize sexual abuse as a sin but also something that goes beyond the jurisdiction of the Church.
There is a sense of not wanting other people to know. We don’t want to air our dirty laundry in public. But we must never pressure survivors into forgiveness. Yes, we do need forgiveness; but we must not use forgiveness to undermine the severity of sexual abuse and keep survivors quiet.

author: Nwachukwu Egbunike


text:
In São Paulo’s outskirts, theatre groups flourish by turning social issues into stories · Global Voices
Agência Mural

Play by Estopô Balaio company starts on the train and passes through neighbourhoods in the eastern area. Photo by Ramilla Souza, used with permission.
This article is published as part of a partnership between Global Voices and Agência Mural. The author is Priscila Pacheco.
In Heliópolis, one of São Paulo’s largest favelas, the trial of a black youth agitates the community, which argues for his innocence. In a train heading to Jardim Romano, an audio brings the history of the region to the passengers’ ears, and culminates with a final point: the rains and flooding. In the very south of the city, the body of a dead person is reanimated with Brazilian funk music.
These three stories, told in three stage plays, are representative of the theatre scene that has exploded in São Paulo in recent years.
The Heliópolis Theatre Company, Estopô Balaio, and Núcleo Pele are three different initiatives formed by people who live in the areas of the city where those companies are based, and who depict their neighbourhoods in the plays they take to the stage — or to the streets.
Miguel Rocha, 39, was 16 or 17 when he arrived to Heliópolis, a neighbourhood in the southeastern São Paulo district of Sacomã. He is originally from São Miguel do Fidalgo, in the northeastern Brazilian state of Piauí. Today a theatre director and producer, Miguel started to like the art when he was in school and saw a performance for the first time. It was the starting point.
In 2000, with the support of local community centres and residents, he created the Heliópolis Theatre Company.
Scene from the play (IN)JUSTIÇA, with a depiction of the Brazilian legal system. Photo by Caroline Ferreira, used with permission.
The director said that Heliópolis is like a working space from where they reap stories that involve both the city and the whole country. “The best thing about art is to always try to evoke the small microcosmoses that are linked to the whole”.
An example is (IN)JUSTIÇA [(In)justice, in Portuguese], a play he directed that was running this season.
In the plot, a black teenager kills a woman unintentionally when a gun fires by accident. From there, several questions arise about what justice is, if it is what is decided by the justice system or what is thought by society.
The text is by Evill Rebouças and was written in collaboration with the company. The show is guided by the question “what do verdicts not reveal?” which encourages reflection on Brazil’s justice system.
“(IN)JUSTIÇA starts from a narrative that in some way is about Heliópolis, it’s about Grajaú, it’s about the eastern area. They are stories that we are telling, that are close to people, much as they have a fictional side,” Rocha commented.
The group has 11 theatre shows in the curriculum and is headquartered in the Maria José de Carvalho Theatre House, in Ipiranga, a neighbouring district of Heliópolis.
In its plays, the company draws inspiration from afro-Brazilian culture, samba, funk, and urban culture. Miguel draws attention to the fact that some people view the city’s outskirts as lost or broken.
“This view that the outskirts amount to a shanty is wrong. There are, yes, very poor people. But there is commerce that generates income, there are people with the latest cars, with branded trainers. The outskirts are very diverse,” he said.
Itaim Paulista, in the Jardim Romano neighbourhood, is the base of the theatre group Estopô Balaio. It was formed in 2011, mainly by migrants from Rio Grande do Norte, a state 2,800 km away from São Paulo. Estopô has performed the play “The city of invisible rivers”.
The theatre’s director is the educator João Junior, 40. In 2010 he came from Natal, the capital of Rio Grande do Norte, another northeastern Brazilian state. He went to live in Barra Funda in the west part of São Paulo and started to work in an education centre in Jardim Romano, in the east, where he met many northeasterners like him.
He wondered at how the northeast region was alive in the country’s largest city and observed the territorial changes on the long route from Barra Funda to the Sao Paulo’s eastern part. “It was my big question: the territory that separates us and creates cities within the same city”.
He moved to Jardim Romano and lived there for four years. He set up Estopô Balaio with other artist friends who also came from Natal and the involvement of the broader community.
This year they again ran “The city of invisible rivers” which ends the Trilogy of the Waters, started in 2012, which has stories involving floods in the region.
“‘The city of invisible rivers’ tells the history of floods the neighbourhood’s residents have lived through. The stories are told locally on the streets of the region, and incorporates street dance, rap and graffiti. The beginning is on the train line, which passes through the neighbourhood.”
Jardim Romano is a neighbourhood on the banks of the river Tietê. It made the news unfortunately for having been left under water for three months following a flood in December 2009. For that time, residents had to walk in dirty water up to their knees or even waists.
Water is a recurring theme in Estopô Balaio’s productions, as well as the northeast region and the train. “All this city route is by train. It is on the train that people live together without knowing it. It's where you enter with a fatigued body,” he explained.
The set designer and actress Aline Domingos de Oliveira, 23, began doing theatre in 2013 with a project by São Paulo city council which carries out artistic training in schools.
When she liked the course, she invited her friends from the Catholic church she attended. Then, the Núcleo Pele company was born, in Grajaú, in the southern area. The first play was presented in 2015 with the title “The skin of work.” To reach a wider audience, they performed close to the street market at the time when people usually left church and went shopping on Sundays.
According to Aline, doing street theatre is a challenge: “It's a big struggle, because it's the car passing by with a loud noise, the child crying, the bar playing that forró [music style]. Because the outskirts is liveliness. Things happen,” she explained.
“The skin of work” talks about the worker and exposed the difficulties of everyday life, such as riding the crowded bus and train, and the double workday experienced by women, as well as the oppression and abuse. “People were saying, ‘Wow, that's cool. I've never seen that, it’s talking about our life,” she said.
Scene from a play “Pancadão [music]! The party goes on?”, a mother complains next to a pastor that her children cannot sleep because of the noise of the dance. Photo by Bárbara Terra, used with permission.
This year, the group presented their second show. The play “Pancadão! The party goes on?” was performed until the beginning of May. Pancadão is a type of Brazilian funk.
The plot was a funk party that had already lasted for three months. During this time, one person had died, but the body was still moving thanks to the music. The residents had to decide whether the dance would continue or not.
Aline contends that in the outskirts there is an artistic power. “The outskirts produce a diversity of art. Each one in a niche, but all producing it.”

author: Agência Mural


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Interview with The Intercept’s Leandro Demori, whose team of reporters challenged Brazil’s anti-corruption probe · Global Voices
Giovana Fleck

Moro during his nine-hour testimony to Brazilian senators about the leaked messages. Photo by Marcelo Camargo, Agência Brasil. Use allowed with attribution.
“URGENT: Car Wash's secret conversations,” read the e-mail subject that The Intercept Brazil sent to its subscribers on June 9, a Sunday, around 6 p.m. It was not a usual time for updates, even less for breaking news.
The Brazilian branch of the US news outlet had just published a series of stories revealing leaked private Telegram messages exchanged over the past three years between prosecutors and judges overseeing Operation Car Wash, calling into question the integrity of what is arguably Brazil's largest anti-corruption probe.
Since it was launched in 2014, the Operation Car Wash investigation has led to the arrest of dozens of high-profile businessmen, politicians, and lobbyists — as well as six former Latin American presidents, including Lula da Silva who represented the Worker's Party as president of Brazil from 2003 to 2010.
The Intercept Brazil's series shows that Sergio Moro, who in 2019 became President Jair Bolsonaro's Justice Minister, has advised and directed prosecutors throughout the operation. A federal judge stationed in the southern state capital of Curitiba, Moro has become a folk hero in Brazil in recent years after the Car Wash investigation brought down wealthy and powerful people on an unprecedented scale in Brazilian history.
In April 2018, Lula surrendered to the Federal Police after Moro handed him down a 12-year sentence for receiving a beachfront apartment in exchange for contracts with Brazil's state oil company Petrobrás. In August, a court forbade him to run for a third term just as he was leading the polls for the October 2018 vote, paving the way for second-favorite Jair Bolsonaro to secure a victory.
Leftist activists have long contended that Moro and the Car Wash prosecutors were driven by partisan politics and legal experts — many with no particular sympathy for the Worker's Party — have long disputed the evidence against Lula.
Now, The Intercept's leaks seem to support those reservations as they show that Moro colluded with the prosecutors all along. Chat excerpts show that Moro anticipated one of his decisions, suggested they replace a prosecutor that he deemed “too weak” before an upcoming hearing, and even recommended a potential witness who claimed to have evidence against Lula to the prosecutors. Legal experts argue this violates penal code provisions that ban judges from informally aiding either side of the process.
Glenn Greenwald, The Intercept's founder and Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist for his reporting on the United States’ National Security Agency spying program, has said that the chat history delivered to The Intercept's newsroom is a larger file than what was handed over by NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden.
Speaking with Global Voices, The Intercept Brazil's Executive Editor Leandro Demori spoke about his team's groundbreaking work and the stories that have now trended on Brazilian social media for weeks under the hashtag #VazaJato (a pun with the Portuguese word for “leak” and Car Wash's Portuguese name, “Lava Jato”). “What we are doing is what the Operation Car Wash always said they did: fighting corruption,” he said.
Without specifying a date, Demori said that the news outlet received a file from an anonymous source. To ensure protection, The Intercept doesn't reveal any details about the source or the format of the file. Demori said of the process:
Foi um trabalho de reportagem antiga, olhar documentos, fazer apurações paralelas… Acredito que o Intercept foi escolhido por isso […], por sermos reconhecidos por fazermos esse trabalho.
It was all traditional reporting work, looking at documents, doing complementary reporting… I think that The Intercept was chosen by this source because we are recognised for doing that kind of work.
Demori highlights that earlier in 2018, The Intercept Brazil published an investigation into Rio de Janeiro's paramilitary militias and their links to politicians. He said:
Acredito que o Intercept seja visto como o lugar onde existe uma forma de dar a informação com coragem.
I believe that The Intercept is seen as a place where there is a way of providing information with courage.
Moro and the prosecutor have neither denied nor confirmed the veracity of the chats. They have, however, contended that the messages were obtained through hacking, which is a crime in Brazil.
In a note released on June 9, the Car Wash prosecutors say their devices had been targeted shortly before the publication of the first stories, but The Intercept claims they had received the data long before the alleged attacks.
Demori commented on this:
Mas quem reforça a narrativa de invasão não é o Intercept. O Intercept não fala em hackers. Talvez eles imaginem que seja sem contexto, mas podemos garantir que o processo jornalistico foi fidedíguno à ética. O que está publicado foi o que foi dito, são mensagens que não podem mais ser “desditas” simplesmente por contestar o contexto.
Whoever reinforces the invasion narrative is not The Intercept. The Intercept does not talk about hackers. Perhaps they imagine that this is missing context, but we can assure that the journalistic process was trustworthy when it comes to ethics. What is published is what was said, they are messages that can no longer be “unsaid” simply by challenging the context.
Part of Brazil's mainstream media has focused on the “hacker narrative”. Outlets connected with Globo Group, Latin America's largest mass media organization, have centered their reporting on the legal implications associated with the alleged attack, in detriment of the content of the leaks. Other large publications, such as magazines Veja, IstoÉ and Exame, also covered the case from a cybercrime perspective.
Telegram has denied that their servers were breached:
Telegram was not hacked. But there are other risks one should consider. See: https://t.co/KY2Rhzy3ei
— Telegram Messenger (@telegram) June 11, 2019
Moro and the Car Wash prosecutors aren't strangers to the power of leaks. In the entire five-year history of Lava Jato, preliminary and official testimonies, secret plea bargain agreements, and even wiretapped phone calls were constantly leaked to the mainstream press, which helped galvanize public support for the operation.
An infamous case was in 2016 when Moro lifted the veil over a wiretapped phone conversation between former president Lula and then-sitting president Dilma Rousseff. The call suggests Dilma was about to appoint Lula as chief of staff so that he could avoid prosecution, as cabinet ministers can only be tried by Brazil's Supreme Court.
The conversation was broadcast on national television only hours after it had taken place, and protests erupted in many Brazilian cities right after.
Moro stood up for his decision to release the tapes more than once, claiming that their content was of public interest. For Demori, the media coverage has encouraged the public to believe that, when it comes to fighting corruption, the “ends justify the means”. When asked about the public's approval of Moro's decisions, despite its apparent illegalities, Demori said:
Eu acho normal, é o jogo. Cada pessoa tem seus motivos pessoais.
I think it's normal, it’s the game. Everyone has their personal motives.
In order to protect its sources, The Intercept doesn't give any details about materials they've received, when or how they've received them or if they were addressed to a particular reporter, as Demori explained in a recent radio interview. Speaking with Global Voices, he said:
Asseguramos que os arquivos estivessem em lugares seguros e secretos fora do país, além de tomarmos precauções jurídicas. Esperávamos uma reação forte, nos preparamos para truculências, especialmente provocadas por quem é a lei.
We ensured that the files were kept in safe and secret places outside the country, and we took legal precautions. We were expecting a strong reaction, we prepared for truculent moves, especially by those who are the law.
The Intercept has now partnered with two other Brazilian news outlets — Folha de São Paulo and Veja — that are helping to dig into the material. Folha reporter Ricardo Balthazar said he was able to verify the messages by identifying his own Telegram exchange with a Moro assistant in the database.
“We have a newsroom in Rio de Janeiro, full of Brazilian reporters — 25, 30, 32 years old. They’re hearing your threats. Do you know what they’re doing?
They’re reporting. And that’s exactly what they’re going to keep doing.”
— @ggreenwald https://t.co/HMPycQcILs pic.twitter.com/HKGujTZBqb
— The Intercept (@theintercept) June 27, 2019
Both Sergio Moro and Glenn Greenwald were called to testify in Congress about the leaks. Moro, who as Justice Minister oversees the Federal Police and refused to hand over his cellphone for inspection, was questioned by Senators for nine hours. He reaffirmed his public line of defense — that the messages were illegally obtained and although admitting that they were “partially authentic,” they didn't prove any wrongdoing on his part.
Greenwald spoke in the Chamber of Deputies. He was asked general questions about the case, the source, and the likelihood of The Intercept Brazil releasing audio files. The journalist has also faced derogatory comments about his family because of his marriage to a left-wing Brazilian congressman, and some pro-Bolsonaro legislators also suggested that he should go to prison for leaking private messages.
I testified for 6 hours yesterday at the Brazilian Congress about the exposés we've been publishing about Bolsonaro's Justice Minister and the prosecutors who imprisoned Lula. Several members of Bolsonaro's party threatened us with imprisonment. Watch one illustrative exchange: https://t.co/R2Hdg3zsnU
— Glenn Greenwald (@ggreenwald) June 27, 2019
Demori said it was hard to gauge what's going to happen from now on. He compared the current story to Snowden's whistleblowing, the story that gave birth to The Intercept:
Um técnico que tinha as informações encaminhou o material para os jornalistas e já deu o caminho, já explicou o que era o sistema e os documentos – fez o mapa da mina. Nesse nosso caso, são chats e conversas. Não é uma coisa técnica. A redação está lendo. Mas é um trabalho muito mais coletivo do que individual.
[In the case of Snowden], a technician who had the information forwarded the material to the journalists and gave them the ropes, explained the system and the content of documents — drew the map of the mine, so to say. In this case, we are working with chats and conversations. It is not a technical thing. Our newsroom is reading it. The work is more collective than individual.
He said he does not know what outcome to expect:
Quem vai dizer é a Justiça. Eles vão julgar. Sabemos que há um bem maior, que, no final, se resume ao combate à corrupção.
It's the Justice that will decide. They will judge. We know that there is a greater good, which, in the end, comes down fighting corruption.

author: Giovana Fleck


text:
Nigeria’s youngest MP physically assaults woman in sex shop · Global Voices
Nwachukwu Egbunike

Screenshot of Nigerian member of parliament, Senator Elisha Abbo, from ChannelsTV YouTube video — “Elisha Abbo Reacts To Alleged Assault Video.”
On May 11, a Nigerian member of parliament, Ishaku Elisha Cliff Abbo, was captured on camera physically assaulting a woman in an adult sex toy shop in Abuja, Nigeria’s capital.
Nigeria's online daily Premium Times exclusively reported that Abbo had visited the adult sex toy shop accompanied with three young women. Soon after they arrived, one of the three women with Abbo started vomiting. Abbo then accused the shop owner of “poisoning the store's air conditioner” and “the two began exchanging words.”
Abbo called the police over the matter and one police officer arrived. Abbo instructed him to arrest the shop owner. The shop owner then tried to call her father for help, but Abbo tried to stop her. When a witness, the shop owner's friend, tried to intervene, Abbo said she was “‘very stupid’ and slapped her repeatedly, including directly on the eyes,” in front of the police officer. The officer slightly restrained Abbo before arresting both women.
In the presence of a police officer, Nigerian Senator Elisha Abbo, representing Adamawa North Senatorial District, assaults sales staff in an adult toy store in Abuja. pic.twitter.com/ezDpecGetD
— T. Rankïn’ ∆ ? (@AfroVII) July 2, 2019
The police released both women without charges and the woman who was physically assaulted by Abbo was taken to the hospital for medical treatment. She then contacted a lawyer and demanded an apology from the MP — which he never gave.
The lawyer then reported the case to the police on May 14. Since then, the police have stalled on further action.
Abbo, 41, is Nigeria’s youngest MP representing Adamawa North Senatorial District in northeastern Nigeria, in the Senate — the country’s upper legislative house.
Abbo – a newcomer to politics from the Peoples Democratic Party—  won the senatorial seat by defeating the incumbent and only female contestant from northern Nigeria, Binta Garba, of the ruling party All Progressive Congress, in the general elections that took place earlier this year.
Abbo told The Punch newspaper that he is “putting [a] team together” who will respond to the allegations.
Nigerians are outraged since the video of the MP's assault went viral within the last 24 hours with #SenatorElishaAbbo trending on Twitter.
Amnesty International has called on the Nigerian police to investigate the allegations.
Amnesty International is calling on Nigeria Police @PoliceNG to investigate Senator Elisha Abbo (Adamawa North) for alleged assault on staff of an adult shop he patronizes in Abuja. Video of the senator assaulting women is widely available for police to act: #Nigeria @NGRSenate pic.twitter.com/UDvCu0wBiJ
— Amnesty Int. Nigeria (@AmnestyNigeria) July 2, 2019
Farroq Kperogi, Nigerian scholar and public intellectual, called on the Senate to suspend Abbo:
This is the face of the senatorial beast by the name of Elisha Abbo who physically assaulted a nursing mother for merely pleading with him to “take it easy.” This medieval idiot has no place in d Nigerian senate. The senate must suspend him, and his constituents should recall him pic.twitter.com/tDnEW1VF0R
— Farooq Kperogi, Ph.D (@farooqkperogi) July 2, 2019
Other netizens expressed their anger:
Kate Henshaw is not having it with the Senator that beat down a sales girl.#ViolenceIsNotTheAnswer #SenatorElishaAbbo #Senatorstepdown pic.twitter.com/EWsM8EwpWb
— eelive (@eeliveblog) July 3, 2019
Sen Elisha Cliff Abbo is a vile human being. A truly despicable person who stands as an example of how not to behave. To assault an unarmed woman repeatedly in such an inhumane way is disgraceful conduct unworthy & unbecoming of a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
— The Male Arya Stark (@I_Am_Ilemona) July 2, 2019
Some used this moment to call for zero tolerance of gender-based violence:
We must be able to exercise our powers as citizens and not tolerate these breed of people in places of power, the constitution allows for the ability to recall elected officials as Elisha Abbo, we must exercise those rights by not tolerating gender based violence. @basilabia https://t.co/wPSSQl0nO7
— . (@FakhuusHashim) July 2, 2019
Others took the time to critique the Nigerian police's response to the matter:
The ease of the violence, the flagrant abuse of power, and the connivance of @PoliceNG to deny these women justice are sickening. How many minutes ago did this man become a legislator?
Lawyers on my TL, what are options for redress for her?#ElishaAbbohttps://t.co/hdeAYiaaRa
— Chioma Agwuegbo (@ChiomaChuka) July 2, 2019
On July 3, Nigerians are protesting Abbo's assault on the woman at the headquarters of the Nigerian police in Abuja.
Aisha Yesufu, co-convener of #BringBackOurGirls movement has demanded that the police officer who was present while Abbo assaulted the shop owner's friend should “be relieved of his uniform because he broke the constitution.” As a law enforcement officer, he should protect the vulnerable and not be a tool of oppression to be manipulated by politicians.
If i see a @PoliceNG officer, i should feel protected as a citizen, his duties are not to protect his job. #SenatorElishaAbbo pic.twitter.com/PZnv6Il96Z
— Amplified Radio (@AmplifiedR) July 3, 2019


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Can Turkish politics be depolarised? · Global Voices
Sevgi Yagmur Bulut

Imamoglu clebrates victory in Istanbul. Campaign photo posted by Imamoglu's Twitter on June 24.
In the end it was easy. Ekrem Imamoglu, the opposition candidate in Istanbul's municipal election, swept to victory on June 23 with 54% of the votes, after a rerun ordered by the country's main electoral authority.
The margin of 806,000 votes by which he beat his opponent Binali Yildirim represents the biggest defeat dealt to Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in nearly two decades.
İstanbul’da son 10 belediye başkanı yüzde kaç oyla seçildi? pic.twitter.com/ASXYvpWuRJ
— SLC (@Selcukozkrt) April 8, 2019
Vote shares of Istanbul's last ten mayors
The June 23 vote was the second time Imamoglu claimed the mayor's seat this year.
The first election in March — which he won by around 13,000 votes — was cancelled by electoral authorities.
AKP and its ally the nationalist party MHP claimed minor irregularities in voter records and noted that some of the ballot papers had not been signed.
Following his rerun victory, Imamoglu said that “love won” and that the result would open a new page in Istanbul's storied history:
“Nobody’s lifestyle and how they dress is a concern for us. We came to embrace everyone,” he said.
Sevgi kazandı sevgi#BanaSanaBizeBişeyOlabilir pic.twitter.com/ibcWGfsti1
— Eser Element (@mangaratiba_) June 27, 2019
Love won
The mood was tense in Istanbul on Election Day 2.0.
Many people were resentful of the rerun, which coincided with the holiday period and helped bring the city to a baking standstill.
Horrendously long beeping traffic queues lined the roads leading in and out of Istanbul. Bus stations and the city's two airports bulged with people leaving the city after casting their ballots.
Imamoglu, who represented the Republican People's Party (CHP) ran a positive campaign, with his main slogan #HerŞeyÇokGüzelOlacak, translating as “everything will be wonderful”, or “everything will be fine”.
His party leader, Kemal Kilicdaroglu attributed the larger margin of victory second time round to “the sense of injustice which people feel (after first elections).”
But it was also clear that Imamoglu had captured the public imagination by championing the sort of inclusive politics that AKP and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan have eschewed in recent years.
Ayrıştırmayan,korkutmayan,
adaletli,umut veren,kucaklayan sevgi dili kazandı???@ekrem_imamoglu#HerŞeyÇokGüzelOldu#İmamoğluVarsaUmutVar pic.twitter.com/mO16UktDjk
— M.Ugurlu (@ugurlumuzeyyen) June 23, 2019
The language of love that doesn't dissociate or frighten won. (It is) fair, promising, embracing
Erdogan campaigned furiously on Yildirim's behalf, holding several public demonstrations.
Istanbul, with a population of 15 million, is of huge strategic importance. Erdogan's own election as mayor of the city in 1994 launched him as a politician of national standing.
In its early years, AKP's electoral successes lay in broadening electoral appeal beyond the party's conservative base, notably to business and the growing middle class.
But as the economy has tanked, and political repression has deepened, more recent campaigns have been soaked in fear-mongering and raw populism.
Imamoglu's alliance with the nationalist Good Party as well as the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party meanwhile helped him widen his electorate beyond the typical supporters of the CHP.
Sevgi kazandı… Sevgi dili kazandı… Millet olarak neyi özlediysek o kazandı… Hoşgeldin ve iyi ki geldin @ekrem_imamoglu ?
— Dilek Çarkçı (@dilekergur) June 23, 2019
Love has won … The Language of Love has won… What we miss as a nation has won … Welcome and glad you came
Evet, Binali Yıldırım; yollar, köprüler, tüneller yaptı. Yaptıkları yok sayılamaz.
Ancak İstanbul seçmeni, dün kararını verdi:
“Betona değil, insana hitap eden başkan istiyoruz” dedi.
— Alican Uludağ (@alicanuludag) June 24, 2019
Yes, Binali Yıldırım; made roads, bridges, tunnels. His actions cannot be ignored. However, the Istanbul people decided yesterday and said: We want a mayor who appeals to people, not to concrete.
Whilst he is enjoying plenty of goodwill for the moment, Imamoglu faces a difficult task meeting the expectations of his diverse electorate.
During the election campaign he complained about wasteful municipal spending and exposed its cost to the budget.
According to his “table of waste’, based on a 2017 audit, the budget loses at least 753 million Turkish Lira (TL), or $133 million through some of this spending.
#SüreBitti diye gösterilmeyen israf tablosu pic.twitter.com/j6veCUr0aD
— Ero (@Friedrich_Nietz) May 21, 2019
The waste table which is not shown by (national) TV:#Time is up
Moreover, according to Imamoglu, resources and properties amounting to 847 million TL were transferred to foundations with ties to Erdogan and his family.
Having gone public with this information, his office must now show its difference through transparency in administration and policymaking.
Finally, after such a successful campaign, he will have to deal with speculation that he plans to run against Erdogan in Turkey's next presidential election.
For the moment he has responded to journalists’ questions about his future political ambitions with a single phase: “God knows.”
Having earlier gone viral by saying that CHP and Imamoglu “stole the votes” in the initial ballot, Yildirim struck a more conciliatory tone in the aftermath of his second defeat, congratulating his opponent on victory long before the count concluded.
Sn @BY Binali Yıldırımin
Sn @ekrem_imamoglu ‘nu tebrik etmesi çok güzel bir olgunluk tebrikler pic.twitter.com/iD0buSDJGg
— ? O.z.z.y (@OzzydeGuevera) June 23, 2019
Binali Yildirim's congratulations to Imamoglu shows maturity. Congratulations.
Erdogan also congratulated Imamoglu via Twitter, but added that his party will continue to work toward its goals “without giving up on democracy, rule of law, peace, wealth and stability.”
İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediye Başkanlığı yenileme seçimi sonuçlarının İstanbul'umuz için hayırlara vesile olmasını diliyorum. Milli irade bugün bir kez daha tecelli etmiştir. Gayrı resmi sonuçlara göre seçimi kazanan Ekrem İmamoğlu'nu tebrik ediyorum.
— Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (@RTErdogan) June 23, 2019
The sight of the streets of Istanbul crowding with people singing and dancing after Imamoglu's win will have been chastening for AKP.
Party spokesman Omer Celik waxed philosophical and pledged to “consider in detail” the defeat.
“How did this difference come about? What are the expectations of our citizens? These assessments have begun. This is the nation's choice, which we more than accept.”
If a slightly more humble governing party was the only outcome of Imamoglu's victory, it would still be an important change.

author: Sevgi Yagmur Bulut


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For the first time, an Angolan basketball player will join the NBA · Global Voices
Dércio Tsandzana

The 21-year-old Angolan basketball player Bruno Fernando became the first of his country to join an NBA team, USA’s professional basketball league.
YouTube screengrab of Bruno Fernando, A Bola TV/Youtube
On the morning of 20 June, the player was chosen for position 34 in the Philadelphia 76ers through the player selection system called draft in the USA.
According to the Portuguese sports newspaper “A Bola” (The Ball), Bruno Fernando started playing basketball at the Angolan club Primeiro de Agosto, and then headed to the USA at the age of 16.
Playing for the University of Maryland, Bruno had his best performance between 2018 and 2019, when he reached averages of 13.6 points, 10.6 rebounds, and 1.9 blocks.
According to Portugal newspaper Diário de Notícias, Bruno started with mini-basketball, then moved to the team of initiates, and later cadets, youth, and juniors, all with the club Primeiro de Agosto in Luanda.
The official announcement was made first on the NBA Africa website, and was followed by various online shares and shows of pride for Bruno Fernando's recognition:
Bruno Fernando makes history as the first Angolan player ever to be drafted into the NBA! #NBADrafthttps://t.co/I3tRipxcU4 pic.twitter.com/WP6hBQtXuZ
— NBA Africa (@NBA_Africa) 21 juin 2019
In an interview with “A Bola”, Bruno Fernando said ”This moment means a lot to me and I hope that now the door is open for more Angolans”. Below is the interview video:
On Twitter, the player showed his gratitude with a saying:
“Your value doesn’t decrease based on someone’s inability to see your worth.”
Thank You Maryland❤
ATL I’m on the way???#CHOICESWEMAKE pic.twitter.com/KqKh5s56X8
Angola's famous musician Kizomba (musical style) Nsoki said the achievement was a sign of pride for Angolans, but above all of responsibility for the player:
“Nada pode derrotar aquele que Deus escolheu para vencer…” ❤???? nosso orgulho, nosso guerreiro @BrunoFernandoMV . O primeiro Angolano ?? na NBA , a carregar um país inteiro quanta responsabilidade e coragem. Estamos muito orgulhosos ???? #muchrespect #Brunofernando pic.twitter.com/gb9uZYxk9m
— Nsoki (@Nsokimusic) 21 juin 2019
“Nothing can defeat the one God has chosen to win…” Our pride, our warrior @BrunoFernandoMV . The first Angolan in the NBA, to carry an entire country, such responsibility and courage. We are very proud

author: Dércio Tsandzana


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Interview with former Pakistani president taken off air,  journalists and activists decry censorship · Global Voices
Waleed Tariq

Asif Ali Zardari during an interview at the political talkshow Capital Talk in November 2018. Screenshot from YouTube video by Geo News.
A recorded interview of former Pakistan president Asif Ali Zardari, a lawmaker from the Sindh province, was taken off air shortly after its broadcast began on Geo News television on Monday, 1 July 2019, in another incident of censorship in the country.
At 8 pm PST — the time when Capital Talk, the political talk show on privately-owned TV channel Geo News hosted by journalist Hamid Mir started broadcasting, two other high profile interviews also went on air. While Interior Minister Ejaz Shah’s first ever television interview was being broadcast on Dunya News, Prime Minister Imran Khan was live on ARY News, a pro-government network, highlighting his economic strategy and alleged corruption of opposition parties.
The Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) initially said that they had nothing to do with taking the interview off air.
However, according to Dawn, Special Assistant to the Prime Minister on Information Dr. Firdous Ashiq Awan subsequently said that the interview was pulled under PEMRA rules. She added that an under-trial individual who is in the custody of the National Accountability Bureau could not appear in an interview before cameras in parliament without the permission of the National Assembly speaker. However, her talk was in contrast with what Pemra is saying as its rules do not mention if an accused can or cannot be interviewed on television.
In a clip of the interview circulated on social media, the former president disclosed that a big scandal involving Prime Minister Imran was “about to surface”.
A must watch clip from Asif Ali Zardari banned interview… ?#AsifAliZardari #Senate #NAB pic.twitter.com/YcxiFRf3bo
— Dr. Roman Khan ? (@romaancekhan) July 2, 2019
Zardari, a widower of former prime minister Benazir Bhutto and co-chairman of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), was arrested last month in a mega corruption case. He’s accused of money laundering through fake bank accounts. In the interview, he defended himself against these accusations.
Interestingly, the prime minister has also tasked the Ministry of Law and Justice to amend the law on production order for lawmakers. A production order is a summon for a detained lawmaker to attend a parliamentary session. According to The Express Tribune, the Prime Minister does not want the speaker to issue production orders for parliamentarians accused of corruption.
Hamid Mir, the journalist who hosted the program, complained on Twitter about the increasing censorship.
I can only say sorry to my viewers that an interview was started and stopped on Geo New I will share the details soon but it’s easy to understand who stopped it?We are not living in a free country
— Hamid Mir (@HamidMirPAK) July 1, 2019
Mir is one of the few journalists who despite being threatened, intimidated and even attacked, has not left Pakistan. He was shot thrice, with bullets piercing through his body, in 2014.
While some journalists including anchor Rauf Klasra questioned if an accused lawmaker, who was out on a production order to attend a session of the National Assembly could be interviewed; others criticized the move and condemned the continuing crackdown on dissent in the country.
No offences pls but no where a top accused of money laundering,frauds & fake accounts is allowed one hour air time to justify his crimes. It only happens in Pakistan where an accused in custody of NAB on physical remand,appears on tv to give us lecture on democracy& transparency https://t.co/chqNY5UvN4
— Rauf Klasra (@KlasraRauf) July 1, 2019
The Pakistani media has often aired interviews of individuals accused of corruption, treason and even terrorism. Former military ruler General (retd) Pervez Musharraf, who is now being tried under Article 6 for “high treason” was often interviewed on privately-owned TV stations. The former spokesperson of the extremist militant organization Tehreek-e-Taliban Ehsanullah Ehsan was also previously interviewed live on private television.
Zardari's son and the current chairman of the Pakistan People's Party Bilawal Bhutto Zardari tweeted:
Selected government only wants to hear selected voices. President Zardari’s interview with @HamidMirPAK censored. Pulled from air when it had already started. No difference in Zias Pakistan, Musharrafs Pakistan & NayaPakistan. This is no longer the free country Quaid promised us.
— BilawalBhuttoZardari (@BBhuttoZardari) July 1, 2019
Iqbal Khattak, a representative of Reporters Without Borders, told Global Voices that unless prevented by court order, journalists should be able to interview individuals facing criminal charges.
Similarly, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) described the incident as an infringement of freedom of the press.
“Why should a man accused, but not convicted, of a crime lose rights to freedom of speech?” Steven Butler, CPJ’s Asia Program Coordinator told Global Voices in an email interview.
Journalist Raza Rumi agreed in a tweet:
As regards the legality of the issue there is no law that forbids airing an interview of a person under investigation esp when he is a key figure in national politics, a former president & elected from a constituency.
Rule of law is important and it will only strengthen the govt.
— Raza Ahmad Rumi (@Razarumi) July 1, 2019
The press in Pakistan is controlled by both state and non-state actors.The country ranked 142 out of 180 countries in the 2019 World Press Freedom Index.
Journalists face intimidation and persecution, and those reporting on sensitive subjects often pay the undue price. Those who push back or are overly critical of authorities either had previously been subjected to threats of violence, kidnappings and even murder, or were driven out of their professions due to threats or dire consequences.
Authorities have also been accused of interrupting the distribution of newspapers, jamming broadcast signals of news channels and cutting advertising to media houses.
The withdrawal of advertisements led to a phase of economic insecurity for journalists, and on the pretext of ‘losses’, media owners carried out a ruthless retrenchment drive. According to the International Federation of Journalists, Pakistan’s media houses laid off nearly 2,000 journalist and non-journalist staff from May 2018 to April 2019. Intriguingly, the first ones to be expelled out were reporters critical of the government and the military.

author: Waleed Tariq


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Kazakhstan is in the middle of a political transition. So is its social media humour. · Global Voices
Yevgeniya Plakhina

Just one of the many jokes at new President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev's expense. Widely shared.
Kassym-Jomart Tokayev is Kazakhstan's new president, at least in name. But he isn't getting the same treatment online as his much-glorified and constitutionally-protected predecessor.
Analysts had been tipping leader of three decades Nursultan Nazarbayev to initiate a succession process for years, but when Nazarbayev in March announced his resignation on state television, it still came as a surprise.
The 78-year-old's loyal ally Tokayev, a former foreign minister, was inaugurated the following day.
On June 12, just three days after winning a snap vote that witnessed the biggest protest the country had seen in years, Tokayev was inaugurated again.
Authorities are in a hurry. After three decades living under Nazarbayev, popular patience is at a low ebb. According to the interior ministry, 4,000 people were arrested between June 9 and 13. Nazarbayev's France-based political nemesis, Mukhtar Ablyazov, had called for protests during that period.
But it isn't just Ablyazov, a Voldemort-like figure in Kazakhstan's public discourse, that has been giving authorities sleepless nights.
On June 10, Rinat Zaitov, a hugely popular poet and musician called for the vote to be cancelled and announced his attention to start a party at an impromptu rally. He was subsequently detained.
Supporters secured his release but then proceeded to march unbidden around Kazakhstan's largest city Almaty, prompting a massive police response.
Then there were the observers of the vote.
Unprecedented numbers of local monitors signed up to oversee the election, signifying a civic awakening that wasn't noted during the elections Nazarbayev cruised through with landslides in the high nineties.
In many polling stations where observers were present the vote was a close fight between Tokayev and nominal opposition candidate Amirzhan Kosanov.
Yet the final count left Kosanov with just 16% and Tokayev with over 70%.
That Kosanov accepted these results and the legitimacy of the election unquestioningly after the announcement of a government-approved exit poll left many citizens feeling there hadn't really been an opposition candidate at all.
Tokayev's victory had been assumed from the moment he said he would participate in the snap poll which he called in April, following “consultation with Elbasy”. Elbasy is Nazarbayev's constitutional title, which translates as ‘Leader of the Nation’.
But Tokayev lacks Nazarbayev's authority as well as special laws which have limited public criticism of the first president and his family.
For many, Tokayev is a stopgap figure — a notion that he has denied vociferously — and a figure of fun.
Jokes about him in the pre-election period included some comparing him to Borat, the central hero of Sacha Baron-Cohen's Kazakhstan-mocking cult film. Released in 2006, Borat was promptly banned in Kazakhstan.
But that didn't stop the stylish ‘V’ in Tokayev's campaign posters getting coopted by Borat's infamous “mankini”.
Tokayev's campaign poster promised “prosperity for all”.
Borat is still haunting Kazakhstan's image-conscious regime.
Accusations of plagiarism are common in Central Asian election campaigns. Tokayev's was no exception. Some wondered whether the all-important ‘v’ might have been stolen from the British supermarket chain, Savers, for instance.
Image taken from journalist Assem Zhapisheva's Facebook page.
Former Senate head Tokayev arrived in the presidency by virtue of being constitutionally second in line at the time Nazarbayev resigned.
Yet Nazarbayev has retained significant titles and policymaking influence, including the chairmanship of the ruling party and life-long chairmanship of the all-powerful security council.
Nazarbayev (left), daughter Dariga Nazarbayeva (right) and Berdybek Saparbayev (centre) watch Tokayev's inauguration. Netizens joked they were less than impressed.
This has led to speculation that Tokayev has been shoved into a position of responsibility without power, and that he is now a prisoner of sorts.
Perceptions of Tokayev as a pitiful figure were enhanced during his inauguration, when many said that his ceremonial flag-kiss was redolent of nose-blowing.
Nazarbayev appeared to get it right during his inauguration in 2015.
Tokayev's flag-kiss was somewhat awkward.
The nose-blowing emoticon was subsequently pinned to his inauguration photo on the Toqaev “sticker park” on Telegram.
Tokayev has his own ‘stickerpark’ on the Telegram messenger app.
Lawyer Jokhar Utebekov wrote on Facebook that the flag kiss might best be understood as a “distress signal.”
Cue a mini-campaign on social media — #FreeTokayev.
From detaining a pair of activists for holding up a banner at a public marathon to bundling hundreds into police vans on election day, police have been kept busy by Kazakhstan's transition.
Some of those taken off the streets on the days between June 9 and June 13 were merely passersby, including this bicyclist, a single father and wrestling trainer, who became something of a hero on social media.
Felt sorry for this poor guy who was arrested for refusing to change his cycle route home today in #Almaty #Kazakhstan – the police seem really jumpy at the moment pic.twitter.com/TRRp88MXzW
— Paul Bartlett (@pashab05) June 10, 2019
But like its president, Kazakhstan's police state no longer inspires the same fear it used to.
Twitter user @dr_kerimbekov posted a series of photos mocking the detentions.
галантный джентельмен вежливо приглашает даму потанцевать прямо на перекрёстке pic.twitter.com/tkUNgTmZqn
— Reichsbürger (@dr_kerimbekov) June 13, 2019
This gallant gentleman is politely inviting a lady to dance in the middle of the road.
верные товарищи, пытающиеся увести подвыпившего друга из бара, пока он требует ещё по одной pic.twitter.com/ox6KSabBov
— Reichsbürger (@dr_kerimbekov) June 13, 2019
These faithful comrades are trying to help their drunk friend make it home, but he is demanding one more drink.
группа бодипозитиверов устроили забег в поддержку своего движения pic.twitter.com/TJkvxSHfQG
— Reichsbürger (@dr_kerimbekov) June 13, 2019
These healthy do-gooders have decided to go for a run in support of their movement.
Any theatre of the absurd needs its soundtrack. In the case of Kazakhstan's authoritarian transition, the song “I am dying in Nur-Sultan” fits perfectly.
Nur-Sultan is Kazakhstan's capital, which was previously known as Astana but was renamed in honour of Nursultan Nazarbayev shortly after Tokayev's first inauguration.
The ditty dreamed up by artists Opiya and Kisa v Kolose captures the sense of fatigue young people in particular feel about the ossified regime while also retaining the ironic humour which has lit up this period of political manoeuvring.

author: Yevgeniya Plakhina