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Hong Kong customs raids pro-democracy retail chain, sparking sympathy · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Long queues outside AbouThai after Customs raid. Image from the Stand News. Use with permission.
Hong Kong customs deployed around 100 officers to raid and seize goods from retail chain, AbouThai, on 8 of April, citing a violation of the Consumer Goods Safety Ordinance for inadequate labelling on 14 types of products.
AbouThai is owned by Mike Lam, a pro-democracy businessman who started his retail business in 2015. He was fired by the Hong Kong customs after he appeared on TV in a protest against mainland Chinese parallel traders who took advantage of multiple visas to import goods from Hong Kong without paying tax. He was 26-year-old when he lost his job and his Thai wife had just arrived in Hong Kong with their three month old daughter.
To support the family’s living, he borrowed HK$100,000 (approximately US$14,000) from a bank and opened a 60 square-feet store in a grassroots district, selling Thai groceries. Currently, the retail chain has 26 stores all across Hong Kong.
Lam took part in the pro-democracy primaries in July 2020 and became one of the 47 activists arrested on charge with “conspiracy to subvert the state power” under the National Security Law.
The custom officers stormed AbouThai’s warehouse and its 26 stores, confiscating goods worth more than a million Hong Kong dollar due to the absence of Chinese labels for 14 types of products. A 33-year-old manager was arrested during the raid.
The retail chain apologized in a statement on its Facebook page for its negligence and pointed out that in usual practice, the customs would just issue warnings or prosecution letters. The city-wide raid, the statement said, was out of the ordinary:
面對這樣極端的檢控程序，可能，
就是因為阿布泰國生活百貨自創立以來，
一直都披上了色彩，但現實在這香港，誰會沒有色彩？色彩本就是一個多元文化應有的元素，香港作為中西匯集的國際都會，一直吸引世界各地的投資者。但現在面對著不停的打壓，阿布泰在此委曲但求全，我們只希望繼續服務香港人
[…]such extreme prosecution practice, perhaps is because since its establishment, AbouThai has been identified with certain colours. But who doesn’t have colour in Hong Kong? Hong Kong is a metropolitan with eastern and western culture, colours represent a diverse culture and this makes Hong Kong attractive for investors from around the world. In face of repression, AbouThai will survive humbly. All we want is to continue serving Hongkongers […]
AbouThai is a famous pro-democracy “yellow” shop of the so-called “yellow economic circle” – an initiative to provide mutual support and express solidarity among pro-democracy citizens. A number of yellow shops showed their support by offering discounts to customers who bought from AbouThai in the coming few days.
In a press statement released on April 9, the customs denied its action as “repression”, claiming that the city-wide operation was taken after officers received complaints and tested some products.
Last year, the Hong Kong Customs also crack downed on the sale of “not made in China” masks under the allegation of breaching trade description law. A core member of the now dissolved opposition party, Demosisto, was arrested during the raid.
Independent journalist Kris Cheng described the current city-wide operations as a “media show”:
So this issue was about overseas product sold by AbouThai in Hong Kong not having Chinese warning labels, even though everyone knows what are the products they are buying. Such a big offence, must confiscate HK$1m and have a whole media show, right? https://t.co/GkZlIx0Jhm
— Kris Cheng (@krislc) April 9, 2021
The losses brought to the retail chain was huge as the raid took place just one day before the store’s annual “Songkran Festival” sale.
AbouThai is running their annual “Songkran Festival” sale for a week from tomorrow, as the Thai festival begins next week. But now, a lot of their goods have been seized. Guess someone from the Customs department is a huge fan, to pick such an opportunistic timing. pic.twitter.com/wkW6Gk17mS
— Karen Tse (@ktse852) April 8, 2021
In response to the raid, pro-democracy Hongkongers rushed to buy from the store. Alex Lam, reporter from Apple Daily News described the collective act as taking vote:
Now that (meaningful) elections are gone, #HKers will need to find their own way to vote. #AbouThaihttps://t.co/6fbAQTbk0T
— Alex Lam 林偉聰 (@lwcalex) April 9, 2021

author: Oiwan Lam


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Jamaica’s spate of femicides raises perennial questions about the influence of dancehall music · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

Photo by Marcela Laskoski on Unsplash
On April 8, Jamaica Constabulary Force investigators searching for missing teacher Natalie Dawkins confirmed that they had found a body they believed was her. Dawkins was last seen by a neighbour on the night of March 30.
Though police insist that according to their statistics, femicides are not on the rise but rather, that the numbers have remained consistent, the discovery of Dawkins’ remains is the latest in a string of murders and attacks on women this year, a trend that has set society on edge and sparked an emotional response among Jamaican netizens, especially since the recent murder of 20-year-old accounting clerk Khanice Jackson.
Reacting to Jackson's murder, Prime Minister Andrew Holness in a media interview pointed a finger at the perceived influence of dancehall music, fanning the flames of an issue that intermittently resurfaces in the local blogosphere, and on which Jamaicans remain quite divided.
The crux of the matter rests on whether dancehall lyrics merely reflect the society that created it or instigates violent behaviour among those who listen to it.
In addressing dancehall artists, the prime minister asserted:
In our music and our culture, in as much as you are free to reflect what is happening in the society, you also have a duty to place it in context […] And though you have the protection of the constitution to sing about it, you also have a duty to the children who are listening to you.
There were mixed reactions to his comments. In his newspaper column, one young doctor observed:
The glorification of violence in a society beset by murder and violent crime has some impact on how the listeners see themselves. Without a doubt, it breeds toxic masculinity […] It may be tempting to use one’s own personal experiences to say ‘I never felt the need to be a badman after listening a gun tune’, but are you representative of the subset of society from where the majority of perpetrators of violent crimes originate? In examining our crime situation, we need a proper analysis of this subculture […]
Of course, nothing critical can be said about our music without the fanatics running out and screaming that we are uptown people fighting dancehall and that it is our culture. But when exactly did glorifying violence and denigrating women become my culture? It wasn’t always like this.
Popular deejays, singers, and even their fans are themselves quite divided on the issue. Several high-profile entertainers sharply criticised the prime minister's comments.
Maintaining that “an artist is a mirror of society,” Babycham shared a video that pointed to poverty, poor leadership, illiteracy, and lack of opportunities for youth as the push factors for crime—”not the music.” He also named other sources, such as Netflix and social media, as possible violent influences:
#BabyCham with a message to PM #AndrewHolness pic.twitter.com/yQg8wdNTGg
— The Tropixs (@Tropixsofficial) April 4, 2021
One music practitioner agreed, suggesting in an interview that there are many other media influences besides dancehall, and that if a person wanted to commit a crime, they would do it anyway.
Music selector Foota Hype blamed the politicians themselves for the rampant gun violence that began in the 1970s, as the rivalry between the country's two main political parties, the People's National Party (PNP), then led by Michael Manley, and the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP), then headed by Edward Seaga, heated up in the wider context of the Cold War. The PNP had socialist leanings, and Manley's closeness to Cuban leader Fidel Castro made the United States uncomfortable. Hype insisted that it was only when politicians own up to their role in the trade-off of guns for votes and the ensuing bloodshed that happened within Kingston’s garrison communities, that they could dare point a finger at the influence of dancehall.
Another dancehall figure, Mr. Vegas, supported the prime minister's views. He also placed Babycham in the line of fire, observing that he “refused to accept responsibility that our music […] is also impacting society when it comes on to crime and violence.”
Mr. Vegas ascribed this to the fact that the Jamaican dancehall genre is “influential,” using language that puts images in young people's minds—images many of them gravitate towards. He even gave examples of how artists, through their lyrics, have influenced behaviour by encouraging fans to wear certain clothing brands or engage in specific sexual practices.
On Facebook, social activist Damien Williams excoriated what he saw as the prime minister’s hypocritical stance since he regularly used popular dancehall music as a backdrop to his most recent election campaign:
Dancehall is everybody's scapegoat. I understand that we find the wanton murder of our young people and in particular the assault on our women — Khanice Jackson's being the most visible in recent vintage — [disturbing]. But we must approach this with a level head and clear eyes.
Everything can't be Satan's and dancehall's fault. At some point we have to hold ourselves and our leaders accountable! PM Holness […] betrays his own hypocrisy. How convenient that dancehall is now the issue, when he deploys dancehall at his own convenience to come across as charismatic […] The studies are there and countless recommendations. Show leadership and implement them so that the issues that give rise to violence and the underbelly of dancehall, will be mitigated. Dancehall doesn't shape the culture, but reflects it. Dancehall exploits the culture just like politicians. I'm tired of the political theatre that Holness defaults to when pressed for evidence-based strategies to run the country — a job he promised to do in service of the people.
On the other hand, cultural commentator Wayne Chen opined on Twitter:
Freedom of expression is fundamental, but it is not a right to shout “fire” in a crowded theatre.
— Wayne Chen (@wcchen) April 9, 2021
One Twitter user suggested that dancehall entertainers are too “thin-skinned”:
Politicians have always been cursed and ‘bun out’ by artistes from creation til now. Bashing a politician is often an artiste’s easy forward and ratings . So the one time now when the roles are reversed and politician call out artistes, di artiste dem vex up & in dem feelings
— PREKI (@ThisisPreki) April 7, 2021
Another tweeted—with a video of deejay Mavado, as if to prove his point:
Can it be a coincidence that the most murderous country on earth has the most violence laced music?
And it did not start yesterday.https://t.co/hhWjzUSAqb
— kevin o'brien chang (@kevinobriencha1) March 31, 2021
Moreover, several dancehall figures have had serious confrontations with the law. Two exceedingly popular deejays, Ninjaman (Desmond Ballentine) and his son, as well as Vybz Kartel (Adijah Palmer) are currently serving sentences for murder.
Recent court cases involve deejay Tommy Lee Sparta, who was arrested with an illegal gun in his car, for which he has been sentenced to three years in prison, since police say the gun was found to be linked to two murders, and the teenaged son of Mavado, who was sentenced to life in prison for murder. In response, his father launched a verbal attack on the police, blaming corruption for his son's conviction.
Mavado was among those dancehall artists who severely criticised the prime minister's remarks on social media. In a lengthy Instagram post, he railed:
A post shared by David Brooks (@mavadogully)
As fans often do, dancehall lovers are ready to defend their favourite deejays, prompting one Twitter user to comment:
So ppl are saying that their fav dancehall artiste who was caught with an illegal weapon, charged, convicted and sentenced is a victim of the system.
I don't understand the reasoning behind this at all.
— Tashoya S ?? (@butterstreete) April 8, 2021
Others take a live-and-let-live approach. Pointing out that he personally avoids negative influences, singer Kabaka Pyramid waxed philosophical about the perceived nexus between crime and dancehall culture:
For me still, everyone accountable to themselves and them a go get them judgement.
Some dancehall stars have already got their judgement. The debate continues on both sides, and the relationship between dancehall artists and politicians remains a complex one.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Emma Lewis


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Myanmar crackdown intensifies as air strikes lead to more killings and displacement · Global Voices
Global Voices South East Asia

Anti-coup protesters hold a banner calling for the restoration of civilian rule in Myanmar. Photo by author.
This article originally appeared on Medium and was written by a blogger who doesn't wish to be identified. An edited version is published here.
Note: This article contains disturbing images of violence.
Throughout March 2021, Myanmar’s military regime continued its brutal suppression of civilian movements that were calling for the restoration of democracy in the country since the military coup of February 1.
Since February, protests across the country have been challenging the military rule. Starting in March, the junta ramped up its crackdown on peaceful protesters.
As pressure from the ethnic armed organizations (EAO) grew stronger, the final week of March saw the bloodiest reprisals from the Myanmar military, which launched airstrikes on villages in EAO-controlled areas. As of April 2, 550 protesters, including 46 children, had been killed while around 12,900 villagers have fled their homes to escape clashes between the military regime and EAOs in Karen and Kachin states.
Below is a timeline of violence inflicted by the junta on civilians and protesters during the second half of March:
On March 19, a military operation in a small city of Aung Ban in Shan state was responsible for the deaths of nine protesters.
Starting on March 21, the regime intensified the violence in Taunggyi, the capital of Shan state. Footage shared on Facebook showed soldiers shooting protesters and torturing civilians in their homes.
On the same day, the military ramped up night crackdowns in parts of Mandalay, Myanmar’s second largest city, and killed five people, including a 15-year-old boy. The crackdown continued in Mandalay the next day with the killing of four more people, one of whom was a 13-year-old boy.
On March 23, soldiers raided a home and shot a seven-year-old girl while she was in her father’s arms. Her 19-year-old brother was also severely hit in the head with a rifle butt and was arrested by the soldiers. These children were the first of many victims of military’s intensified attacks against the youth.
In three days of continuous violence in Mandalay, 22 people were reportedly killed.
On March 24, a nationwide “silent day” strike was organized across the country, where people “protested” by not going out on the streets while shops and markets were also closed.
Junta troops beating & kicking detained protesters while transferring them from a military truck to a prison van in #Myeik yesterday. Over 30 anti-coup protesters were arrested in #Myeik on #Mar26Coup & 4 were killed. #WhatsHappeningInMyanmar
video: CJ pic.twitter.com/5WguXEvEQC
— Progressive Voice (@PVamplify) March 27, 2021
On Saturday, March 27, while junta leaders celebrated “Armed Forces Day” in the capital Nay Pyi Taw, the forces of the regime unleashed the most ruthless attack against protesters causing a bloodbath in 40 cities across the country. The death toll reached 114.
At least 114 people were killed in brutal attacks by the junta's armed forces in more than 40 cities across Myanmar on Saturday. Our reporting has been updated to reflect these figures. https://t.co/tcjRxkWICm pic.twitter.com/kkUtLCNP4L
— Myanmar Now (@Myanmar_Now_Eng) March 27, 2021
That day, five children were also killed. A 13-year-old boy from Mingalar Taung Nyunt ward of Yangon was shot by riot police while he was playing on the street. His body was taken by the police. A one-year-old child was also severely injured with a rubber bullet. By that time, 29 people under 18 had already been killed by the military across the country.
In the city of Dawei, CCTV footage showed the regime’s soldiers on a truck trying to kill three civilians on a motorbike that was merely crossing the street. Two escaped but one person was shot dead.
Unpleasant to watch the brutality of the junta groups gang beating a helpless civilian in #Myeik today #Mar27Coup. Too long the junta groups have been enjoying impunity for crimes they've committed against civilians across #Myanmar. #WhatsHappeningInMyanmar pic.twitter.com/vCwP29c9CJ
— Progressive Voice (@PVamplify) March 27, 2021
Perhaps the most heinous crime was a military raid during a night in Mandalay when they burned a resident alive.
‘Help me, Mother’– Mandalay resident shot and burnt alive by junta’s troops
Forty-year-old Aye Ko leaves behind four children. #WhatsHappeninglnMyanmar https://t.co/CdyekqpZcR
— Myanmar Now (@Myanmar_Now_Eng) March 28, 2021
Before the bloodbath, the regime confirmed in a state television announcement that it was enforcing a policy of shooting people in the head, and warned that it would do more if people continue protests.
Because of this and the high number of fatalities, the international community dubbed Myanmar military regime’s Armed Forces Day as a “Day of Shame.”
The Armed Forces Day was originally known as Resistance Day when the Myanmar army expelled Japanese forces during the Second World War. Later on, the military junta changed it to Armed Forces Day, locally known as Tatmadaw Day (တပ်မတော်နေ့).
As a symbol of fascist resistance, activists asked the people to come out for nationwide demonstrations on March 27.
On Sunday, March 28, the military crackdown in the central city of Monywa, where mass protests had been going on every day, saw five people killed.
Women's rights activist Khukhu Celina of the organisation Women for Justice was killed by the junta’s armed forces during a crackdown on an anti-coup protest in Kalay, Sagaing. She was shot in the chest with live ammunition. Three others were injured in the attack, locals said. pic.twitter.com/7YhpIiPw4n
— Myanmar Now (@Myanmar_Now_Eng) March 28, 2021
In Yangon, there were also reports of the military using live grenades in the neighborhood of Hlaing.
At night, the military launched a crackdown in the city of Pathein in the delta region amid electricity and internet blackouts.
Similarly in Yangon’s South Dagon township, the military used submachine guns during the night crackdown.
The crackdown continued in March 29 in South Dagon, where the regime’s forces used RPG (rocket-propelled grenade) launchers to break down the strong resistance of the protesters. Another person was also found with his/her body burnt at night in the street by the military (it was not clear if he/she was still alive at the time of burning). Twenty-one people were confirmed dead during the two-day clampdown.
Civilians from the city of Kalay and nearby areas, where there is a majority of Chin ethnic people, had been also putting up a tough fight against the military forces for three days since March 30. Seventeen civilians died during that clash.
Since March 11, the KIA (Kachin Independence Army) had been attacking military bases near Hpa-Kant, a northern town in the Kachin state. The military reportedly retaliated with air strikes against the KIA.
A decade-long civil war between the KIA and the Myanmar military has been ongoing since 2011 with occasional ceasefire agreements.
The KIA claimed that it renewed offensives against the junta because of the Tatmadaw's atrocities against civilians.
On March 23, the AA (Arakan Army) from the Rakhine state also condemned the violence of the Tatmadaw forces. This was significant because the military granted a ceasefire with the AA when the coup began, which ended bouts of intensified fighting in the Rakhine state that began in 2018. On March 11, the military council had also removed the previous designation of the AA as a terrorist group.
On Armed Forces Day, March 27, the KNU (Karen National Union) attacked and captured a military base near Thee Mutra in the Karen state.
On the same evening, the Myanmar military started retaliating with airstrikes in KNU controlled territories. Continuous aerial bombings during the weekend had forced over 10,000 people from nearby villages to flee their homes. Air attacks continued until March 30 which killed at least 20 civilians.
MARCH 30, 2021
CHILDREN KILLED AND WOUNDED BY DAILY AIRSTRIKES FROM BURMA MILITARY, 12,000 PEOPLE NOW DISPLACED IN KAREN STATE
See Full Report: https://t.co/z9m5sY1gtE
— Free Burma Rangers (@FreeBurmaRangrs) April 2, 2021
More than 10,000 Karen people living in KNU-controlled areas have been displaced as a result of the coup regime's airstrikes. In the four days between Mar 27 to 30, these strikes killed 20 civilians and wounded at least 14. #WhatsHappeningInMyanmar pic.twitter.com/IpyJJH9U0l
— Myanmar Now (@Myanmar_Now_Eng) April 2, 2021
By March 28, the KIA had captured four military bases near the city of Hpa-Kant. The next day, the military retaliated with an air strike. More people had fled due to the fighting in the Hpa-Kant area.
In #Inganyan tsp in #Kachin 195 households in all villages: 904 people are fleeing. Refugees need emergency assistance but Military Council blocks aid. Refugees fled the village on Mar 15 & are currently in need of food and daily necessities.#WhatsHappeningInMyanmar #Apr2Coup pic.twitter.com/8kEDQ8NuHr
— Hsu Wai Hlaing (@MirabelHlaing) April 2, 2021
On March 30, a coalition of ethnic armed groups, namely the MNDAA (Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army), the AA (Arakan Army) and the TNLA (Ta’ang National Liberation Army) released a statement saying they will defend and stand with civilians if military crackdowns continued.
Over 46 children have died in the past two months during the protests and the air strikes since February 1.
Here Are the Children Killed by the Myanmar Regime’s Forces Since Feb. 1#WhatsHappeningInMyanmar
——————–
Help The Irrawaddy Report the Truth from Myanmarhttps://t.co/zUJfzEV4Mlhttps://t.co/580gyKo4XE
— The Irrawaddy (Eng) (@IrrawaddyNews) March 31, 2021
Throughout the second half of March, many cities across Myanmar continued to show defiance by demonstrating in the streets.
About 20,000 people, including monks, took part in an anti-military dictatorship rally in Tangse, Sagaing, today (Mar 29) .#WhatsHappeningInMyanmar pic.twitter.com/dpAJkbMqUZ
— Myanmar Now (@Myanmar_Now_Eng) March 29, 2021
In Yangon, having experienced inhumane clampdowns, young people continued to show up in random street lanes within neighborhoods using guerrilla-style tactics to evade military forces.
Protesters also chose unusual hours like dawn or night in organizing actions. Other protests used symbolic actions such as red balloons or flowers, without people to avoid being arrested or killed.
On the night of March 31, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (a counter government body set up by ousted parliament members), introduced the Federal Democracy Charter as a roadmap to move forward the country’s political future in the fight against the brutal military regime, and declared that the 2008 Constitution, drafted by the previous junta, had been abolished.
Over the next few days, people protested by burning the constitution and also its flag across different cities.
Undeterred by brutal crackdowns, anti-regime protesters in #Monywa, Sagaing Region, took to the streets for a 54th day on Apirl 1. Protesters burned copies of the military-drafted 2008 Constitution, celebrating the declaration of its abolition by #Myanmar elected MPs. (Photo: CJ) pic.twitter.com/1FJtHoCxBn
— The Irrawaddy (Eng) (@IrrawaddyNews) April 1, 2021

author: Global Voices South East Asia


text:
Should there be Shona-language versions of Google and social media sites? This Zimbawean technologist says yes · Global Voices
Adéṣínà Ọmọ Yoòbá

Traditional dancers and drummers of Zimbabwe. Image by TJ Maposhere via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0).
Editor's note: From April 13-19 2021, Blessing Sibanda will be hosting the @DigiAfricanLang rotating Twitter account, which explores how technology can be used to revitalize African languages. Read more about the campaign here.
Shona, an official language of Zimbabwe, is one of the most spoken Bantu languages, with an estimated 10.8 million speakers. But while there are a number of established historical and literary resources in Shona, the visibility of the language online is far from encouraging.
Blessing Sibanda, a software engineer, is at the forefront of the effort to have the Shona language recognized in the field of natural language processing, the area of artificial intelligence concerned with making computers “understand” and decode written and spoken language.
Adéṣinà Ọmọ Yoòbá of Rising Voices spoke with Blessing to find out more about his work on gaining recognition for the Shona language in machine learning contexts and online.
Adéṣinà Ọmọ Yoòbá (AOY): Could you please tell us about yourself?
Blessing Kudzaishe Sibanda. Image used with his permission.
Blessing Kudzaishe Sibanda (BKS): My name is Blessing Kudzaishe Sibanda. I am a software engineer and researcher. I am currently pursuing a Master’s degree in Computer Science at Namibia University of Science and Technology. My research interests are in Computer Vision and natural language processing (NLP).
I am part of Masakhane, where I am conducting NLP research on low-resource languages, specifically concentrating on my native language Shona. I have been particularly involved in the machine translation and named-entity recognition (NER) initiatives for Shona.
AOY: What is the current status of your language offline, as well as online?
BKS: Shona is very active and vibrant offline. According to the website mustgo, it is one of the most spoken Bantu languages, with an estimated 10.7 million speakers. It has a rich history and literature with a lot of a documentation. Although it has great resources offline, there still a lot potential to increase its presence online.
AOY: What do you think are the biggest challenges facing your language community with regard to digital communications or creating digital content in their mother language?
BKS: I think in most African countries, inclusive of my country, the biggest challenge is that of having the language of the former colonisers as the first language. Although this has been of advantage when communicating on an international stage, it has made our own native languages not be appreciated as they should. This has to some extent made those who speak for example English be thought of as more educated or of a higher social class whilst looking down upon our own native languages. So, you find people preferring the foreign language more than the native one.
With this, I think the biggest issue which needs to be dealt with is the perspective of the native language, it needs to be shifted to make it more appealing to use whether in business or on the internet, so that people can better embrace it. From a technological standpoint, it is lagging behind in terms of tools and software which make it easier and accessible to use online. This is mostly because of the lack of resources which can be used to produce those tools. Tools and services like dictionaries, translation, keyboards (for languages with diacritics), speech, amongst others, will pay off in the long run as they make it easier to communicate with our own language online.
AOY: In your opinion, what are some of the steps that could be taken in the short term to encourage increased use of the language on the internet?
BKS: I believe the integration of local languages into everyday online tools and technologies that we use can encourage the increased use of the language on the internet. For example, with Google Search, if you could switch the main language to Shona and everything gets displayed in Shona. This should also be the option for social media sites, where most of the languages from Africa are not covered for personalising display language.
Another example is with Wikipedia. People can contribute pages using their own native languages which in a way increases the discoverability of these languages. I believe another step, as earlier noted, is investment in research and products which utilize native languages.
From a technological perspective, there is a lot of ground to cover compared to the most widely spoken languages to be at par in terms of research and products. This is an impediment, as we cannot fully express our own language whilst making those unfamiliar with it able to understand it, as the internet has made the world a global village. With these concerted efforts I believe the use of native languages online can be encouraged.
AOY: What is your primary motivation for working to see your language and culture available on the internet?
BKS: My motivation is to see a lot of activity when it comes to NLP technologies for Shona, and to have tools that are comparable in performance to the widely adopted languages on the internet. I believe competent tools will inevitably encourage the use of the language on the internet, and for this to happen the native speakers should be at the forefront of researching and producing these tools as they better understand their own language.
This is why I adore and am part of the Masakhane Community. It is bringing the native speakers to work and research on their own languages. It is lowering the barrier of entry into working with these technologies, providing a community and mentors to help along this journey of producing these tools. In addition to this, it is publishing research which will make it easier for others to continue this work and make sure native languages are represented in technology.

author: Adéṣínà Ọmọ Yoòbá


text:
Ten years after Bahrain’s failed ‘Spring’, political detainees are suffering · Global Voices
Dahlia Kholaif

Screenshot from this tweet showing protests in Bahrain that call for the release of prisoners.
Ten years after the Arab Spring-inspired protests erupted in Bahrain but failed to bring positive change, political detainees continue to suffer amidst worsening prison conditions and an outbreak of COVID-19 among inmates.
On April 8 on Twitter, prominent Bahraini activist Maryam Al-Khawaja recounted the horrifying details of the arrest of her father, leading opposition figure Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja, exactly ten years ago. He remains behind bars to this day.
It’s 2 am in #Bahrain:
JUST CAME! They took my dad, my dads blood is still on the stairs! They hit my dad so much! They beat him and he cudnt breath
— Maryam Alkhawaja (@MARYAMALKHAWAJA) April 8, 2021
Over the past weeks, relatives of prisoners have staged a string of peaceful protests across the tiny kingdom, calling on the Bahraini authorities to reduce prison capacity in light of widespread COVID-19 infections in the facilities.
Protests have spiked in #Bahrain over the #COVID19 outbreak in Jaw Prison, which holds hundreds of political prisoners. More demonstrations were reported last week than during any other week in over a year, according to @ACLEDINFO data. https://t.co/o9esGkpiFq pic.twitter.com/H7WoPr0t35
— Sam Jones (@SamuelAJones_) April 8, 2021
Female relatives of political detainees took their own stand, demanding the release of their loved ones, some of whom have been locked up for a decade.
?إنه لأمر مشجع للغاية أن نرى الأمهات والأخوات والبنات والزوجات وحتى الجدات البحرينيات يترأسن هذه الاحتجاجات السلمية اليوم. لطالما كان للمرأة البحرينية صوت قيادي وما زال لها صوتاً قيادياً في المطالبة بالعدالة وحقوق الإنسان في #البحرين#أنقذوا_سجناء_البحرين@ealsaegh @Najahyusuf4 pic.twitter.com/cRJkvaM52r
— ADHRB (@ADHRB) April 2, 2021
It is very encouraging to see Bahraini mothers, sisters, daughters, wives and even grandmothers leading these peaceful protests today. Bahraini women have always had a leading voice and still have an influential voice in demanding justice and human rights in #Bahrain.
The protests picked momentum following the news that Bahrain's overflowing prisons have been witnessing high rates of COVID-19 infections.
A fresh wave of protests is taking off in #Bahrain, centred around the outbreak of Covid in Jau Prison. Prisoners’ families are taking to the streets to voice their anger. Now’s a good time for the govt to release prisoners from the overcrowded, unsafe jail @jongambrellAP https://t.co/awcewD0oU6
— Brian Dooley (@dooley_dooley) April 2, 2021
The death of one imprisoned activist, amidst accusations of medical negligence, added fuel to the protests:
#Bahrain : Funeral of activist Abbas Malallah who died in prison – with accusations from his supporters of medical negligence – his death has further fuelled recent protests calling for prisoners to be released because of #COVID19 – #عباس_مال_الله pic.twitter.com/cmNxJqQoff
— sebastian usher (@sebusher) April 7, 2021
The London-based Bahrain Institute for Rights and Democracy (BIRD), which has reported on the widespread cases of COVID-19 infection in Bahraini prisons, said in a statement on March 28 that information circulated by families of inmates on WhatsApp suggested that at least 55 individuals from Building 21 of Jau Prison have tested positive for COVID-19. BIRD has been able to verify 30 of these cases so far.
Amid a major COVID-19 outbreak at Jaw prison in Bahrain, authorities have failed to take sufficient protective measures they have not distributed face masks or hand sanitizer or offered regular testing to prisoners violating their rights to health https://t.co/VWMOrNdF4e
— amnestypress (@amnestypress) April 9, 2021
Bahrain has seen its human rights record deteriorate as the regime clamped down on pro-democracy defenders and opposition, detaining them in overcrowded prisons, revoking their citizenship, banning them from political participation, and shutting down their platforms.
More recently, and against the backdrop of the pandemic, international pressure has been mounting on the Bahraini state to improve its human rights situation and release political prisoners, some of whom have been behind bars for more than a decade.
Today I’m asking the #Bahrain authorities to release Human Rights Defender Abdulhadi Al Khawaja from prison before his 60th birthday next week. He has been in jail for 10 years @bahdiplomatic pic.twitter.com/rpWJ9BvCyH
— Mary Lawlor UN Special Rapporteur HRDs (@MaryLawlorhrds) April 2, 2021
Last month, 14 members of the British Parliament criticized their government for continuing its support of the Bahraini regime and urged Foreign Minister Dominic Raab to exert pressure on Manama to release political prisoners held for the last decade.
The European Parliament also adopted a resolution in March that called for the immediate and unconditional release of Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja, as well as “all those imprisoned solely for peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association.”
In what seemed like a response to this pressure, on April 2, according to the official news agency Bahraini authorities found 126 prisoners eligible to benefit from the Alternative Penalties and Procedures Law. Quoting assistant attorney general Chancellor Wael Boallay, the report said that this batch brings the total number of convicts to benefit from the law to 3,224.
The law, which was passed in 2018, provides alternatives to prison terms such as electronic surveillance, restraining orders and prohibiting the convict from accessing specific places.
In a January report, Human Rights Watch said that “unsafe health and hygiene conditions in Bahrain’s overcrowded prisons remain extremely serious,” adding that prisoners are also denied adequate medical care. The watchdog also noted that the 1,486 prisoners released by Bahrain's government in March 2020 due to the pandemic did not include opposition leaders, activists, journalists, and human rights defenders, “many of whom are older and/or suffer from underlying medical conditions.”
Domestic and global pressure yielded success for some.
Bahrain's oldest political prisoner, human rights activist Mohammed Hassan Jawad, has been released today after spending 10 years of his life behind bars.
Fantastic news for Jawad and his family (and hopefully a sign that more releases could be on the way). pic.twitter.com/JqNWTXYmgS
— Daniel Wickham (@DanielWickham93) April 9, 2021
For others, like Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja, the fight continues.
Two members of the European Parliament, Maria Arena and Hannah Neumann, issued a joint statement on April 8. The statement read:
As Muslims around the world prepare to celebrate the holy month of Ramadan with family and with loved ones, we can but call on the authorities of Bahrain to show mercy to Mr Al-Khawaja by allowing him to reunite with his family.

author: Dahlia Kholaif


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In Latin America, mental health can only be achieved through collective memory · Global Voices
Joel Herrera

Photo from “AMA y No Olvida (LOVE and Don't Forget)—Museum of Memory against Impunity” in Managua, Nicaragua, used with permission.
The debate on mental health is very important in the Latin American region because of the entire history of socio-political conflicts, criminalized and persecuted social movements, militarization, civil wars and other events. Most Latin American societies—if not all—need to participate in exercising collective memory, since this can represent a significant step for restoring the damaged collective identity.
Socio-political conflicts leave serious consequences on societies, and it is not something that only affected the country long ago or in its recent history. The entire person, family, and collective history of losses leave wounds that often cannot be healed—and in most cases, are not even treated. As a result, a collective identity is imposed by the official truth, which is established by “the winners.”
The French psychologist and sociologist Maurice Halbwachs argues that everything we call memory has a social component. He explains that even our most personal memories “are related to all the material and moral life of the societies to which we belong.” Following this premise, all these conflicts that have impacted our countries are part of our memory and also have an effect on our collective identity.
In circumstances where repression, mourning, and the imposition of self-censorship are prevalent, one of the techniques most used by both the victim and the perpetrator is silence. People are forced to silence dissent, protest, opinion, and based on that, the perpetrator builds their official version of how events happened without taking into account the stories of the victims.
On the other hand, the official narratives stemming from places of power are reproduced by other people who want to obtain more power; they reproduce discourses, or create new ones, that blame the victims for what they suffered and thus revictimize people without even knowing their version of events.
This situation gradually impacts the social fabric, polarizes society, and also marginalizes and even criminalizes the victims. This, for example, was the case in Nicaragua in 2018, when the state criminalized protesters against the Daniel Ortega government to discredit their cause. This leads to more trauma, mistrust, and of course, chronic grief as experienced by families and victims during the genocide in Guatemala.
When discussing the need for collective memory, I do not mean the gathering of information, speeches, or songs. I am referring to a resignification of all this information in order to be able to gradually incorporate it into our daily lives and provide a new meaning to an event, even if we have not participated directly in it.
An example of this is the colonial settlement: indigenous and Afro-descendant groups, with their identity and historical experience, counteract the official account of the settler and offer a different perspective which modifies in the present an event that we know from the past, as the Nicaraguan anthropologist Maria José Díaz explained to me during an Instagram Live discussion.
According to the Nicaraguan historian and researcher Margarita Vannini in another Instagram Live, the resignification of a historical event, the narration of truth, and dissent from the “official lie” that creates a hegemonic state provide a sense of dignity to the victims of traumatic events. This is because the damage suffered during these events is no longer private, there is the possibility of social recognition of the events. Therefore, this represents a first step towards improving mental health.
We must also stop classifying victims only as such because they are people who have had their human rights violated, they had to stay silent and move on as if nothing had happened. Therefore, undermining one person's agency or identity when we refer to them only as a victim is also a form of revictimization.
It is not about accepting forgiveness as a middle ground or for reconciliation. The search for truth must not be negotiable and cannot be forgiven when the perpetrators do not even take responsibility for their actions or for their participation in human rights violations.
It is very clear that when a large group of people seeks to establish strategies to exercise collective memory, those in power will seek to suppress this narrative because their goal is oblivion and for their version to remain unique and indelible.
This is the case in Nicaragua, where the state maintains that the 2018 protests were an attempted coup instead of valid anti-governmental demonstrations. Researcher Vannini argues that the state does not succeed in any way in imposing actual oblivion — it can only establish public policies of erasure that highlight the story of the winners and obliterates the victims. A clear example of a policy of erasure was when the Nicaragua state removed crosses at a roundabout in the capital, Managua, that were placed to honor the memory of the youths killed by police.
On the other hand, those in power or aspiring to power reproduce and distribute a version of the past event and its remembrance. It implies using the victims (survivors or not), their stories, and their traumas to identify themselves as “representatives” worthy of respect for their social conscience. This strategy amplifies revictimization.
Our individual and collective history is not a static point in time and space, but a dynamic process that can be redefined and interpreted in another way. Remembering to provide social recognition to these events should be a practice that we incorporate into our daily lives in order to dignify our identity that has been violated and to fight against an imposed lie. Examples of such recognition are the October 12 “Day of Indigenous Resistance” instead of Colombus Day, the Latin America and Caribbean Network of Sites of Memory, or more recent initiatives, such as “AMA y No Olvida (LOVE and Don't Forget)—Museum of Memory against Impunity” promoted by the Asociación Madres de Abril (the “Mothers of April” Association) in Managua, Nicaragua.
Latin American societies have a history full of events that brought losses and mourning—many of these prolonged or chronic—and this has been achieved through the imposition of silence. Therefore, we cannot understand our mental health without our individual history, which in turn cannot be conceived outside the collective history of the societies in which we live.

author: Joel Herrera


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The longer La Soufrière’s activity lasts, the more dire St. Vincent’s situation becomes · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

Hardened lava flow from St. Vincent's La Soufrière volcano, taken in 2009. Photo by Dave Brown on Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.
Three days after St. Vincent and the Grenadines’ La Soufrière erupted, activity at the volcano is still intense, with the lingering fallout affecting not only the country itself, but many of its Caribbean neighbours.
At 4:15 (GMT-4) on the morning of April 12, the island experienced the volcano's biggest explosion yet, accompanied by pyroclastic density currents (PDCs), known for being one of the most dangerous aspects of a volcanic eruption, as the hot emissions of ash and debris close to the ground have the ability to travel really fast—as much as hundreds of metres per second—and reach as far as hundreds of kilometres from the source.
The northernmost areas of the island located closest to the volcano—sections of the Red Zone that were evacuated as soon as the threat became imminent—have been practically buried under volcanic ash, with the roofs of many abandoned homes collapsing from the weight:
The landscape of beautiful #stvincent is shrouded in #ash from overnight #explosions and #ashventing from #lasoufriere #volcano #still-dangerous @uwiseismic pic.twitter.com/tvE1NZF6mC
— richard robertson (@VincieRichie) April 11, 2021
Ashfall in St. Vincent and the Grenadines today, mainly on the North Windward side of the island.#cdema #disastermanagement #disaster pic.twitter.com/JE0l4ieRfP
— CDEMA (@cdemacu) April 10, 2021
There have also been reports of large chunks of volcanic rock falling out of the sky:
Fresh scoria from #lasoufriere #svg collected at #rabaccariver ~7.4km from #volcano @uwiseismic pic.twitter.com/5qu3T6SP6O
— richard robertson (@VincieRichie) April 11, 2021
The continuing eruptions have caused anxiety among the population, with rumblings being heard as far away as the capital, Kingstown, to the south of the island:
Just got out the red zone. It’s crazy. I heard the rumblings of #LaSoufriere pic.twitter.com/OGLiR3nuU7
— Lavern King ?? (@Lavern_King) April 10, 2021
One explosion, in particular, was accompanied by lighting, which interrupted the island's electricity supply:
The most recent explosion at ~05:00 UTC looked stronger & generated significant lightning – seen here in #GOES16 IR data with GLM Energy Density. Per @NEMOSVG, this event seems to have caused an island-wide power outage (perhaps due to the lightning). https://t.co/w5ZapPzsNK pic.twitter.com/CT2tmsukyn
— Simon Carn (@simoncarn) April 11, 2021
Dr. Thomas Christopher, a member of the Seismic Research Centre at the University of the West Indies that has been monitoring La Soufrière, posted this video of ash falling like snow:
7am ash fall greetings while heading home after a night shift #LaSoufriere #svg #ash pic.twitter.com/kmfJWXbmgd
— Thomas Christopher ?????? (@soufriere_hills) April 11, 2021
There has been considerable damage to property, agriculture, livestock and wildlife, and people with asthma and other respiratory conditions are having difficulty with the air quality. There are also concerns about the integrity of the island's water supply.
On April 11, the island did experience some rainfall, but footage suggests it wasn't enough to make a difference to the volume of ash in the air. Moreover, when rainfall mixes with volcanic ash, it creates a heavy paste which netizens have been describing as “cement-like sludge”. There are currently over 3,000 displaced people being housed across 87 state-provided shelters.
On Twitter, many social media users shared before and after imagery:
Video on the left was taken by me on February 17th 2021.
Video on the right was taken this morning April 10th 2021. ?#LaSoufrière #Volcano #Eruption #StVincent #VolcanicEruption #Explosion #AshFall pic.twitter.com/vnwD4NHvrw
— Romain David?? (@whoshottya) April 10, 2021
March 11th vs April 9th
You really can’t take things for granted. pic.twitter.com/bUDVOuSEke
— Lizzy (*~*) ?? (@FlyingTomatoz) April 11, 2021
Ash clouds have reached several other Caribbean islands, including Grenada and Petit Martinique, as well as Barbados, more than 100 miles (160 km) away:
Dust plume approaching the south of Barbados #LaSoufriere pic.twitter.com/BW8YmlcdoJ
— Drone Junior (@alecdray) April 11, 2021
On Facebook, Barbadian Annalee Davis posted some photos of the ash-covered surroundings and shared her experience:
Never thought I’d be locked inside my house wearing a mask to alleviate the tightness in my chest from the fallout of La Soufriere- 90 odd miles west of us. Woke up to lots of ash fall on the patio, the car, the garden- everywhere.
Feeling so claustrophobic here in Barbados. House closed but floors still grimy with volcanic dust.
We are deep inside the anthropocene. And it’s scary. Going outside of our homes is an unhealthy act.
Can’t imagine how everyone in St. Vincent and the Grenadines are feeling at the moment. We’re only getting the fallout from plumes heading our way while they’re in the thick of it with no idea how long these eruptions will continue.
St. Vincent and the Grenadines’ Caribbean neighbours, however, have been reaching out to help—not simply volunteering as evacuation destinations, but also pledging financial assistance at a time when the entire region is already reeling from the economic effects of the pandemic. Until La Soufrière settles down, St. Vincent and the Grenadines is going to need all the help it can get.

author: Janine Mendes-Franco


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Digital discourse: How going online is keeping Kadazan and other indigenous languages alive in Borneo · Global Voices
Rising Voices

Photo provided by Jeannet Stephen and used with permission.
Editor's note: From April 14-20, 2021, Jeannet Stephen will be hosting the @AsiaLangsOnline rotating Twitter account, which explores how technology can be used to revitalize Asian languages. Read more about the campaign here.
When Jeannet Stephen was working on her graduate school thesis, she observed code-switching (the practise of alternating between two or more languages or varieties of language in conversation) within an indigenous Kadazan family in Malaysia. As a Kadazan herself, she immediately saw her own experience reflected in this “passive bilingualism,” in that she could understand the Tangaa’ or coastal Kadazan language, but she could not speak it, as was the same with many local people. While it frustrated her that she could not speak her language, it also motivated her to continue to learn and support other language communities in the state of Sabah in Borneo, Malaysia.
Together with mentors and supportive friends, the motivation led to the setup of the Research Unit for Languages and Linguistics of Sabah at Universiti Malaysia Sabah. The unit then joined the Borneo Research Institute for Indigenous Studies (BorIIS) as the Languages and Linguistics Cluster. The Institute is exploring different strategies to revitalize local languages. It recently held a webinar with Wikimedia Indonesia and the Indonesian Language Planning Agency on the topic of “Sustaining Indigenous Languages through the use of Wikimedia projects”. It has also contributed resources for the Endangered Languages Project’s COVID-19 Information on Indigenous, Endangered, and Under-Resourced Languages, with the creation of posters in Kadazandusun, Kadazan, Dusun, Rungus, Kimaragang, Tobilung, Murut, and Bajau languages.
Rising Voices (RV): What is the current status of your language offline, as well as online?
Jeannet Stephen (JS): Offline, if you go by the Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS), Kadazan is considered as 6b – Threatened. Ethnologue reports the size and vitality of Kadazan as ‘Endangered’ with that red color, which means it is no longer the norm for children to learn and use this language.
It is present online in one form or another. There are several Facebook groups that use a ‘Let’s Learn’ concept, where the members support each other by conversing in the language. Most recently, there has been active input online from the local Sabah Cultural Board on their social media platform. That is a positive development, especially when they involve the ethnic bodies or associations and the youths. There used to be an online version of a local newspaper that has indigenous language news columns, but sadly no more. The indigenous language page on another local daily also finally stopped last year.
Material-wise, in my opinion, Kadazan is quite [far] ahead compared to the other indigenous languages, in that it already has several printed dictionaries. There is also a dedicated radio channel in the language.
RV: What do you think are the biggest challenges facing your language community when it comes to digital communications or creating digital content in their mother language?
JS: In my opinion, the biggest challenge would be perhaps in getting sustained interest [from the audience] to view digital content in indigenous languages, and for digital content creators to be motivated to continue creating digital content in the indigenous language.
Digital content creators are many, but a glance on YouTube shows sporadic uploads. I believe this is also because digital content needs audience for feedback and to motivate the content creators. Is there interest from the indigenous communities to hear or see their indigenous languages online? This is perhaps a question that the indigenous communities need to ask themselves because language champions cannot work in a vacuum, we need the indigenous communities too to be interested to champion their languages, to want to sustain their languages, and together, the collaboration will then be more successful, offline or online.
That is [when] we are talking about local indigenous viewers. On another hand, digital content need not be limited to just local viewers/audience from your neighborhood. The netizens of the world are [a] potential audience. If you make your content interesting and you have subtitles in English (or whatever language you aim to have viewers from), netizens from all over the world will be able to engage with your material.
Having said [this], digital content creators need good internet access, and especially in the rural areas where families are still using the indigenous language in their home as their first language (L1). So these challenges can be in the form of sustained interest, translation capacities, as well as internet access.
RV: In your opinion, what are some of the steps that could be taken to encourage increased use of the language on the internet?
JS: 1) Better internet access in all areas. 2) Training for content creators from the rural areas – perhaps provide them with internet data credit (and digital equipment, if they don’t have any e.g. smart phones). 3) Training for content creators to include translation of their contents into the national language or English. This is what digital content creators in Indonesia (the nearest example) do when they have content in their dialects. They include subtitles in Bahasa Indonesia. The topic could be any topic under the sun, but viewers need not be limited to just those who [can] speak [the language]. Perhaps collaboration can be made between digital content creators (those who are tech savvy) and those in their network who are fluent speakers to provide the translations. 4) Ethnic associations could pool their resources together to produce online newspapers in their indigenous languages.
RV: What is your primary motivation for working to see your language and culture available on the internet?
JS: My primary motivation is to know that my identity as an indigenous person remains relevant even as time moves on. In the future, I hope to see the indigenous languages and culture move away from the labels of ‘threatened’ or ‘endangered’. Some may ask why, it is inevitable, they are not part of this modern era and we need to move on to catch up with the rest of the world. Precisely so, by using technology we can bring the indigenous languages to catch up to the times. The indigenous languages don’t have to stay in dusty cabinets. We can use technology to have our languages and cultures available online – for our young and old generations and for others to learn it as well. It has been done before by other communities, albeit with hard work and commitment.

author: Rising Voices


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Nepali migrant worker goes home after spending 40 years in the Indian prison system · Global Voices
Benju Lwagun

Durga Prasad Timsina with his mother. Screenshot from a video uploaded to YouTube by OnlineKhabar.
Nepal's Durga Prasad Timsina, also known as Dipak Jaisi, was released from the Dum Dum Central Correctional Home in Kolkata, India, 40 years after he was put in jail. The 61-year-old spent four decades without trial in different prisons in India for a crime for which there was no solid proof and which he said he did not commit. He was freed on parole and reunited with his family in Lumbak, in the eastern region of Nepal on March 21.
Timsina was 20 years old when he migrated to Darjeeling, India, in search of work. In 1980, he was arrested after a local man, Naina Ghale, filed a complaint that Timsina had murdered his wife. However, Ghale never took the case further.
According to the video interview done by Nepali media Setopati, Timsina said, “I was told that I would get a job in [the] Indian Army but later they made me accept the false charges of a murder, But I am innocent.”
The family assumed that Timsina had died during the Gorkhaland movement violence in the 1980s. They never searched for him. In November 2020 they found out that he was alive and was in prison. After that, they made efforts to look for support to bring him back home.
In a video interview with Nepali media, Timsina's mother said, “I'm finally happy that he is back into my arms. My search for my son has finally ended; there was a time I thought he would never return.”
Some social media users expressed happiness over Timsina's arrival back home as well as concerns about the case.
Nepali journalist Dhruba H. Adhikari:
Release from detention of Durga Prasad Timsina, a Nepali national, on a Calcutta court order, has provided relief to the people of Nepal.
But—
The case deserves full investigation—and compensation—because he was incarcerated for 40 years WITHOUT TRIAL.@narendramodi @MEAIndia
— Dhruba H. Adhikary (@dhrubahari) March 21, 2021
Users of Setopati's YouTube channel commented:
Screenshot of some comments made by YouTube users in the Nepali media.
Madan Ojha: After 40 years, from a Kolkata jail to his mother's lap. The Government of India should pay compensation! Always good people are trapped! Everyone should raise their voice (against this injustice)!
Roshan Khadka: The Government of India should pay compensation!
Sushil Rana: Thank you so much to all Indians and Nepalis who worked day and night for his release and helped him experience a free life even if it is in his old age. Thanks to Setopati for making such a good documentary.
Radheshyam Das was the key person who made Timsinas's freedom possible. They were both kept together at the Dum Dum Central Correctional Home in Kolkata. Das had learned about Timsina's case while he was in jail, and after completing a 10-year sentence at the same prison, he was committed to fighting for Timsina's release.
Das informed the West Bengal Radio Club-Ham Radio about Timsina's case. The information got circulated in no time, and many lawyers came out to support Timasina and seek his release. A lawyer, Hira Sinha, along with other lawyers, volunteered to work on his case, and with the help also of the Nepali and Indian governments and people, Timsina succeeded in being freed on bail. The final verdict in the case is yet to be announced by the High Court of India.
After a long and harsh prison sentence, Timsina appears physically and mentally unstable. In a recent interview with Nepali media, he could hardly recollect his memories, and neither could he speak well.
He spent a precious four decades behind bars. He now looks so weak that he can't even walk without support. He has returned home after spending two-thirds of his life in prison, traumatised and with no determination to live a meaningful life.
The government of Nepal granted citizenship to Timsina upon his arrival, and also decided to support his medical expenses. But such efforts are inadequate for his successful rehabilitation.
Financial hardship is the key barrier that makes reintegration challenging for Timsina. He lost his father when he was young, and his mother is 86 years old with a disability. His family is also living under economic hardship.
Timsinas family is expecting some relief, as the Kolkata High Court has ordered the West Bengal government to offer some compensation. However, it will be hard for his family to proceed with the formality to claim the compensation without help.
Kathmandu Migration Resource Center (Niyama). Visa applicants wishing to go abroad, Nepal. Photo Marcel Crozet/ILO via Flickr. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.
Timsina is not the only victim. There are thousands of people who are going through similar pain. People migrate because of poverty and lack of opportunities and India is one of the major labour migration destinations for Nepali workers. The countries share a border, and workers from Nepal need no passport, visa, or work permit to migrate to India for work. Nepal receives one of the highest remittances from India thanks to these migrant workers.
Although the Foreign Employment Act 2007 ensures the protection of migrant workers, there is not enough attention given to its effective implementation. Having no work permit means migrants have no solid legal ground and this is causing many risks to Nepali workers in India; they are under threat of being raped, exploited or falling victim to human trafficking.
The safety and conditions for migrant labour continue to be a major problem, not only for only India-bound Nepali workers. The policies of the Nepali government are of great concern and have often been criticized.
Many Nepali families continue to lose their loved ones who had gone abroad to work. Recently, on Sunday, April 4, the bodies of 12 migrant workers, most of them young people, were brought back to Nepal from Malaysia, one of the major destinations for labour migration. Such incidents sum up the current situation and challenges for Nepali migrant labourers.

author: Benju Lwagun


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St. Vincent’s La Soufrière explodes again on 42nd anniversary of last major eruption · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

The La Soufrière volcano crater in St. Vincent. Photo by Dave Brown on Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.
At about 6:30 am (GMT-4) on April 13, La Soufrière, a stratovolcano in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, exploded once again after its most recent series of eruptions began on April 9.
While the volcano's activity has remained consistent over the past four days, both official sources and regular netizens have taken note of this most recent explosion on the island of St. Vincent, since the date marks the 42nd anniversary of La Soufrière's last major eruption in 1979:
42 years to the day that it erupted, La Soufriere commemorates her own anniversary with another explosive episode. It began at 6:30 am and is still being observed. We continue to monitor. #lasoufriere #svg #uwi #redalert #stilldangerous @VincieRichie @soufriere_hills pic.twitter.com/S3NN0imI8Y
— UWISeismic Research (@uwiseismic) April 13, 2021
#LaSoufriere #SVGEruption2021 there she go again ? pic.twitter.com/bBJiGrSMGH
— ♥Oni!✗ (@_ItsMeOni) April 13, 2021
On queue #lasoufriere #svg commemorates it’s eruption 42 years ago – amazing! @uwiseismic pic.twitter.com/9kQfrf0GaP
— richard robertson (@VincieRichie) April 13, 2021
One tweet, which showcased the eruption from the vantage point of neighbouring St. Lucia, shows just how close the islands in the Caribbean archipelago are, though the hope is that the ash from this most recent eruption will stay within St. Vincent's designated Red Zone, rather than make landfall in other regional territories:
#SNAPSHOT: This morning’s #LaSoufriere? eruption as seen from Soufriere, St Lucia;
Soufriere, St Lucia is about 35 miles away from La Soufrière Volcano in St Vincent (photo: source unknown) pic.twitter.com/F7rdXx49G6
— Kevz Politics (@KevzPolitics) April 13, 2021
Other countries, including Barbados and Grenada, have been dealing with the fallout from the volcano's ash, which brought with it adverse effects to health:
A?for people affected by volcanic #ash in #StVincent, #Barbados, #Genadines, #StLucia. Hi, I'm Director of the International Volcanic Health Hazard Network (#IVHHN). @uwiseismic, @PAHOemergencies & other agencies are recommending IVHHN information on health hazards of ash & gas. pic.twitter.com/FxfX1zH99f
— Prof Claire Horwell ? (@claire_horwell) April 11, 2021
Reports out of Antigua and Barbuda, however, warn that the country's air quality could “drastically diminish” should the volcanic ash from La Soufrière reach its shores. The presence of sulphur dioxide, the colourless but highly pungent gas that volcanos release when magma is close to the surface, is also expected.
On Facebook, the University of the West Indies Seismic Research Centre made the point that when it comes to collecting data on ashfall in order to understand this eruption, “it's all about measurements and scale.” The page also shared a photo of coconut trees drooping under the weight of the ash, noting that “the impact on vegetation is devastating in the short term but beneficial in the long term,” since the ash is mineral-rich.
As St. Vincent's landscape continues to look more and more desolate, concerns abound for the well-being of residents who have refused to leave their homes in the “Red Zone,” as well as for that of birds and other wildlife:
A steaming Rabacca Dry River
?: SVGTV #LaSoufriere pic.twitter.com/YlH8t6pEut
— D. Jimesha Prince (@DJimeshaPrince) April 12, 2021
Despite the challenges, however, La Soufrière's eruption has united the region and brought out the best in communities. One resident of Kingstown, Michelle Gormandy-Haddaway, explained that Vincentians “will help out others with what little they have”—a sentiment that was confirmed by this tweet from volcanologist Professor Richard Robertson:
In the midst of #lasoufriere #volcano commemorative explosions fresh fruit arrived from our friendly neighbors…man this country is amazing ?! @uwiseismic pic.twitter.com/01dgS8uuLv
— richard robertson (@VincieRichie) April 13, 2021
Or, put another way by Vincentian Twitter user Heidi Badenock:
Another day, another explosive eruption. We press on. #LaSoufriere Day 5. pic.twitter.com/xk3Aq7PHga
— Heidi Badenock ?? (@heidibadenock) April 13, 2021


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Herself a victim of cyberbullying, Lindsey Kukunda fights online violence against women in Uganda · Global Voices
CIVICUS

Ugandan activist, Lindsey Kukunda. Image used with her permission.
Women journalists, feminists, activists, and human rights defenders around the world are facing virtual harassment. In this series, global civil society alliance CIVICUS highlights the gendered nature of virtual harassment through the stories of women working to defend our democratic freedoms. These testimonies are published here through a partnership between CIVICUS and Global Voices.
A volatile election in Uganda in January led to President Yoweri Museveni gaining a sixth term in office. In the lead-up to the vote, opposition leaders were targeted, protesters were violently dispersed and journalists were attacked.
Against this backdrop of human rights violations, the rights of women and LGBTQI+ people remain precarious. Museveni used anti-gay rhetoric during the election campaign to scapegoat the community and last year a group of LGBTQI+ youths was rounded up, beaten, and detained during COVID-19 under the pretense of containing the virus.
More than half of Ugandan women experience physical violence, while one in five is subjected to sexual violence; many also face psychological abuse, forced and early marriage and female genital mutilation. In 2014, Uganda introduced a law against pornography that has been used to target and prosecute women, especially women whose nude photos have been shared online without their consent.
Lindsey Kukunda is a feminist, writer and human rights defender. She is also the managing director of Her Empire, a feminist organization that runs two programmes: Not Your Body, which focuses on challenging society’s entitlement to women’s bodies and by extension their lives, and The Mentor’s Network, which promotes digital safety and literacy for women.
Lindsey Kukunda tells her story:
I’m a hypocrite.
I profess to fight against online violence, and many women look to me as an inspiration. They tell me I give them courage, I give them confidence, and I inspire them to stand up for themselves.
But I cry when no one is looking.
My worst experience of online violence was when I launched a social campaign to challenge racist establishments in Uganda—establishments that reeked of colonialism and white entitlement, and discrimination against Ugandans.
I thought it was obvious that this was wrong. I stood to be corrected. I received abuse and insults on social media, radio and print. I was in a car once listening to a radio station discussing my campaign when a female radio host I once worked with referred to me as “someone with an inferiority complex.”
I will never forgive that woman.
Today, one of those bars was shut down and the other has a sign saying “No racism allowed” at the entrance. I paid for that win. Oh, I paid for that win big time. I was told to “stop trying to worship white people by going to their bars.” I was told to mind my own business. Someone put up a picture of me and started a conversation about my breasts being small.
It is a lonely, painful journey and I feel deep envy whenever I see posts from people saying how much their family, for example, is proud of them and how they would not survive without their support. It is not unusual to find activists alienated by friends, family and society in general. Unless, of course, the activist dies and receives lovely eulogies about their efforts, hard work and perseverance in the face of hardship, and so on.
Ugandan activist, Lindsey Kukunda. Photo used with permission.
Being a feminist has turned me into “an angry person” for which I no longer apologize. When a man has a cause for men, he is applauded. When a woman has a cause for women, she is attacked by both men and women. To each their own, and I found that for me, being unapologetic and staying true to myself was the only way to survive. I am now slowly deleting Facebook “friends” who are not close friends or colleagues because I find myself abused by them in posts as they claim to know me so well.
The painful truth is that I know them, and to see them using their apparent familiarity with my nature to tell the world that they know me well enough to label me a b*tch made me realize that I could take steps. I opened up a professional page where I hope they will go once I have deleted them.
There are many things I have done to combat violence against women online for which there is not enough space to list here. I can say that by using my voice, I do inspire women. My organization is currently setting up an action group of like-minded individuals which I know will bolster feminists, both men and women, as it is harder to intimidate a group of people than it is to abuse just one person.
I am today an unapologetic radical activist and embracing that, accepting that, has improved my mental health greatly. I no longer feel the need to explain or defend myself. My new motto is, “If you have a problem with my methods, it’s your problem. Leave me out of it.”
I accuse Ugandan media of promoting violence against women by the way they cover their stories and by the stories that they undermine. Stories of “revenge porn” are not written in support of the victim but as entertainment and blame. Media houses do not advertise the men who abuse women nor do they condemn abuse openly.
The law does not help. Uganda has allowed religion to influence politics and well, isn’t that enough to explain how much work feminists have to do? The anti-pornography law labels women as criminals for sexually attracting men in any fashion, and it is up to the men to decide how we are “bothering” them with our sexuality. When a man leaks a woman’s nude pictures, she becomes the center of conversation while the man lives his life with his head held high. We need to speak with our oppressors in a language they understand.
I am starting a project where I focus on abusers, advertise them and shame them into apologizing or staying on the internet forever as an abuser, because enough is enough. As far as I’m concerned, this is war, and I’m collecting generals.

author: CIVICUS


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Jamaica’s COVID-19 vaccination blitz administers 75,000 doses just before expiry date · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

COVID-19 immunisations begin. Photo by Province of British Columbia on Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.
On April 13, Jamaica’s prime minister, Andrew Holness, was pleased to announce in parliament that the shipment of 75,000 shots of the AstraZeneca vaccine received a few days earlier had been swiftly delivered into citizens’ arms. This island-wide vaccination effort, referred to as a blitz, was done in an effort “to use as many of the doses as possible.”
The vaccines, a gift from the government of South Africa that was supplied through the Africa Medical Supplies Platform, arrived on April 8, just two days before the blitz began, but with an expiry date of April 13, they had to be used up quickly.
Chief Medical Officer Dr. Jacquiline Bisasor-McKenzie insisted that despite the expiry date, the vaccines were safe. Despite the concerns raised by the opposition, the planned rollout went ahead.
As the rush to get vaccinated began, younger Jamaicans competed with the more vulnerable elderly. However, the four-day initiative went smoothly overall, with some areas exceeding their target. Others experienced delays and ran out of stocks on the final day due to intense demand, leaving many disappointed citizens.
On Facebook, the Jamaica Gleaner shared photos of weary-looking but determined citizens, noting:
Persons say they have been waiting from as early as 7am at the Holy Trinity Anglican Church in Linstead for their COVID-19 vaccine jab. Nevertheless, some say they are willing to wait until the site closes at 8pm.
The shipment from South Africa is the third batch of vaccines that Jamaica has received thus far. Take-up appeared slow at first, especially among the priority senior age group, prompting the health ministry to expand the categories of eligible citizens the day after the vaccines arrived. For the first time, younger age groups, those with co-morbidities, and certain categories of workers—including 30,000 of the estimated 170,000 in the tourism sector—could now get inoculated. Teachers were also included, since—with Jamaica's schools still closed for face-to-face classes—students have been suffering. It is hoped that schools may be reopened more quickly once teachers are vaccinated.
One large all-inclusive hotel, the Bahia Principe Grand in Runaway Bay, which had been supporting the COVID-19 quarantine effort in the early stages of the pandemic, served as a vaccination centre.
There was much praise for the country's health care workers, who have been working long hours:
I am so very proud of our Healthcare professionals who have given selflessly and made countless sacrifices through this pandemic. We owe you all a debt of gratitude. #ProudJamaicans #Jamaica #vaccinateja @themohwgovjm @christufton
— Donovan G White ?? (@maninja2) April 13, 2021
The Minister of Health and Wellness himself received some accolades:
I’m beyond proud of the MOHW team.
Christopher Tufton has shown us what true leadership means.
I hope y’all remember that.
He has lead an exemplary team and I’m so happy, many things go wrong but we must celebrate when things go right.
All 75,000 jabs are in arms today.
— #ClimateChange (@aneikaangus) April 13, 2021
Lines swelled at the National Arena in Kingston, where vaccines ran out mid-morning:
The authorities have announced that there will be no further admissions at the National Arena for the #COVID vaccine today. Hundreds of people who were waiting in line outside have since dispersed. Hundreds more are now inside, awaiting their vaccine – Contributed video pic.twitter.com/zBvLtRFQJA
— Jamaica Gleaner (@JamaicaGleaner) April 13, 2021
There was a flood of enthusiastic tweets, many from younger Jamaicans, who appeared delighted to receive the vaccine:
I got Vaccinated ?
You should too @christufton & @themohwgovjm pic.twitter.com/qYAI74HHK1
— Ķay-Marie™ Lemar-Senior???????? (@anxiouskmarie) April 13, 2021
As the vaccination effort progressed, there was almost a celebratory air at times. Jamaica Defence Force soldiers, who helped organise the larger vaccination centres, did their best to keep those waiting amused—and they often succeeded:
My sister is at the arena waiting for her turn in the Jookie Jam. Yesterday I heard there was music. Today, performances! #vaccinateja pic.twitter.com/bWvnr6Jva2
— Ren Mc (@RenMc11) April 13, 2021
Despite increased optimism among the public, there is still a lot of work to be done. Vaccine hesitancy remains an issue, with many Jamaicans adopting a wait-and-see attitude, even as wild theories and misinformation continue to circulate, mostly via WhatsApp groups, theories the government is attempting to refute.
One well-known doctor was angered by a fake voice note, purporting to be himself delivering an anti-vaccine message. A clearly irate health minister Tufton added:
Those who advocate that kind of nonsense should be soundly rejected, and I am prepared to reject them in the morning, at noon, in the evening, and at night.
One columnist pointed out that the vaccination effort had not yet reached some sectors of the society, particularly those in rural areas without access to social media:
My senior citizen fr Clobber Manchester was vaccinated this a.m at Manchester High. Tx2 @wcchen for helping. Going4ward I'd like2c more on the ground community outreach2deep rural districts where elders r plucking chickens instead of reading newspapers or staring at “smart”phones
— Gordon Robinson (@TheTerribleTout) April 13, 2021
In a recent webinar, Professor of Public Health, Epidemiology and HIV-AIDS at the University of the West Indies in Jamaica, Peter Figueroa, also issued a note of caution:
Asked when we'll return to a sense of normalcy, Prof Peter Figueroa says immediately & emphatically, “Not in the near future!” He goes on to say we'll be hard pressed to get enough vaccines to vaccinate more than 20 percent of population by end of yr.#COVID19 #JaCovid19 #Jamaica
— Susan Goffe (@suezeecue) April 8, 2021
Although the journey towards herd immunity in Jamaica has only just begun, the vaccination blitz has injected a sense of buoyancy that the government will seek to capitalise on.
Meanwhile, after three consecutive weekends of lockdowns, including on the Easter holiday weekend, new curfew hours and COVID-related restrictions were announced on April 13. These come in the context of Jamaica's persistently high numbers of new COVID-19 cases and high positivity rates, although there may be signs that these are easing.
It remains to be seen whether blitzes and lockdowns will have a long-term impact on Jamaica’s still concerning infection rates, but at least Jamaicans now have a good reason to cheer up a little.


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Rhino population climbs in Nepal thanks to collaboration, conservation and community · Global Voices
Sanjib Chaudhary

A greater one-horned rhino in the Chitwan National Park in south-central Nepal. Image by the author.
Nepal's 2021 rhino census, taken for the first time in six years, has put the figure at 752 individuals – an increase of 107, with 694 rhinos in Chitwan National Park, 38 in Bardia National Park, 17 in Shuklaphanta National Park and three in Parsa National Park.
Just a few decades ago, the country's rhino population had been drastically reduced as a result of poaching and habitat degradation. However, anti-poaching and conservation initiatives from the Nepalese government have helped increase numbers over the last six years.
Babu Ram Lamichhane, a conservation biologist from Nepal, announced the good news from the 2021 census on Twitter:
Rhino population in Nepal up by 107, national population is now 752. Major increase in Chitwan (89). Chitwan population is now 694. pic.twitter.com/mn4jnfzOHa
— Babu Ram Lamichhane (@1baburam) April 10, 2021
Translation: National Rhino Count 2021, Press Meet and Closing Program, 10 April 2021. Chitwan National Park, Sauraha, Chitwan
The last rhino count in 2015 found that there were 645 of the animals in the country, with 605 in Chitwan, 29 in Bardia, eight in Shuklaphanta and three in Parsa. Around 161 rhinos had been killed since the last census, of which six were poached.
The greater one-horned rhino population fell to just 100 individuals in Nepal in the 1960s thanks to indiscriminate poaching and habitat destruction, but with the establishment of Chitwan National Park in 1973 and the efforts of strict law enforcement, the population recovered, reaching a total of 612 by the year 2000.
The nationwide count that began on March 22, 2021 involved around 300 people – and 60 elephants. The rhinos were counted by trained observers who recorded information on individual rhinos including sex, approximate age, individual characteristics such as horn size and shape, folds present on the neck and rump, along with body markings including cuts, scars and skin lobes. The cumbersome count had to be stopped twice, after a wild elephant attacked the team in Chitwan and a tiger killed an elephant driver in Bardia.
Around 60 elephants and 300 individuals were involved in the national rhino count 2021. Image by the author.
The rhinos – 2-2.5 metric tonne giants, second only to elephants in size – once roamed the whole of the northern Indian sub-continent, ranging from the Indus, Ganges and Brahmaputra river basins, from Pakistan in the west to the Indo-Burmese border in the east, including parts of Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan. However, hunting for rhino horns and habitat degradation then saw them restricted to the southern plains of Nepal and north-eastern India.
Rhinos have been poached throughout history, and to this day, for their most prized possession – their horns. They are made primarily of keratin, a protein also found in hair, scales, nails, claws and hooves and long-held to have healing properties in many Asian cultures.
The horns are used in traditional medicines across the continent, in Malaysia, Korea, India, Vietnam and China – with the latter two the most lucrative of these black markets. Chunks of the horns, or powders made from grinding them down, are used to treat ailments from fevers to gout, headaches to high blood pressure, snakebites, food poisoning and possession by bad spirits. Meanwhile carved rhino horn cups – once believed to be capable of detecting poison – and figurines are bought for display, and rhino horn jewellery is much in demand.
While Western media has touted its use as an aphrodisiac in Asian cultures, the Scientific American reports that this has always been minimal, and that in fact what usage does occur could even be driven by incorrect Western reports suggesting it is widespread. However, rhino horn is becoming increasingly popular for recreational use – in Vietnam, it is consumed as “a party drug, a health supplement and a hangover cure by newly wealthy elites,” as reported by the Guardian.
And it's not just the horn that is valued. According to Hemanta Mishra and Jim Ottaway Jr in their acclaimed book The Soul of the Rhino, all rhinoceros body parts are traded – from the tip of the tongue to the end of the tail:
…many Indians and Chinese still believe a ten-gram dose of powdered rhino horn mixed with cinnabar is an instant cure for any kind of fever. Dried rhino tongue, powdered and mixed with milk, is believed to cure children with speech difficulties. Rhino meat is supposed to increase virility. Rhino urine is taken as a cure for asthma. Even rhino dung is valued as the best fertilizer for growing hot chillies. A rhino tail placed under the pillow of an [expectant] mother is supposed to ease labour pain. Powdered rhino penis is ingested as a cure for impotence.
Mikania micrantha, also called mile-a-minute, has enveloped large swathes of rhino habitats in protected areas of Nepal. Image by the author.
The rapid spread of the tropical plant mile-a-minute or Mikania micrantha along with other invasive species such as Chromoloeana odorata, Parthenium hysterophorus, Lantana camara and water hyacinths, the drying of wetlands and water holes, and vegetation succession have all contributed to the degradation of natural rhino habitats in Nepal. In addition, the encroachment of forest patches in buffer zones and forest corridors, along with the conversion of forest into settlement and agriculture fields, have further fragmented these.
Wildlife researcher Sujita Dhakal is worried about this habitat degradation:
It's a time to rejoice as the number of #rhinos in Nepal has increased to 752 after the census. However, the current habitat degradation bothers me and I wonder if it will be able to hold the healthy viable population in upcoming years. #Conservationhttps://t.co/yf1XxatabU
— Sujita Dhakal (@ForesterSujita) April 11, 2021
However, despite the threats to their existence, rhinos are now thriving in Nepal. Government agencies, communities, conservation organisations and security agencies have worked together to revive the population from a paltry 100 individuals. Initiatives including community-based anti-poaching units and patrols by the army – using an Android-based real-time SMART patrol system with CCTV cameras in the protected areas – have played a big part in the preservation of these pachyderms.
The Greater One-horned Rhinoceros Conservation Action Plan for Nepal (2017-2021) has prioritised restoring forests in priority catchments and buffer zones, managing grassland and constructing and maintaining water holes. Nepal has also established effective transboundary co-operation with India and China to protect wild animals including rhinos, and curb the illegal wildlife trade.
Local people, too, are playing their part, with awareness an important factor in providing this protection. Those living in the vicinity of protected areas have realised that conserving forests and wildlife can in fact improve their economic prospects, by attracting tourists. Initiatives aimed at keeping those travellers (and their cash) in local areas and out of big hotels, such as the homestay programmes around Chitwan National Park and Bardia National Park – in which tourists looking for authentic experiences stay with local families – have delivered monetary returns to communities, as reported by Mongabay.
As Mishra writes in The Soul Of The Rhino: “Local people are recognising that Nepal’s national parks and wildlife reserves help maintain clear air, protect river valleys and water catchments, and save clean water – all lifelines of humanity.”

author: Sanjib Chaudhary


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Thailand’s draft NGO law threatens to undermine the work of civil society groups · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Civil society groups and environment advocates holding a protest action in Thailand. Photo from Facebook page of Prachatai, content partner of Global Voices.
The Thai government has drafted a law on non-government organizations (NGO) which human rights groups have condemned as containing provisions that could be used to harass activists and leaders of civil society groups.
The Office of the Council of State released the Draft Act on the Operations of Not-for-Profit Organizations in February, and conducted a public consultation on it between March 12 and 31.
If passed into law, NGOs will be required to register under a new set of guidelines prescribed by the government.
According to government spokesperson Ratchada Thanadirek, there are 87 registered NGOs in the country, many of which she said claim to be non-profit but are funded and do not work for the public interest. She said the new law, if passed, will ensure transparency.
This is not intended to limit their rights, but is aimed at ensuring that money they receive will be properly used and their activities will be conducted in accordance with the objectives of non-profit organisations, for true benefits.
Since 2020, massive protests have been organized across Thailand to call for reforms to the monarchy and the military-drafted constitution. In response, authorities have said that some of the protests are backed by groups with foreign funding.
Three UN Special Rapporteurs issued a statement on March 26 which expressed concern regarding some provisions of the bill. For example, section 1 stipulates that the aim of the draft act is “to regulate the operation of not-for-profit organizations in the Kingdom to ensure propriety, morality, openness, transparency, and the genuine serving of public and national interest without any hidden and fraudulent agenda”. The UN Special Rapporteurs warned that this provision could be “used arbitrarily to restrict the activities of not-for-profit organizations and human rights defenders”.
[It] may suggest that the authorities insufficiently acknowledge the expertise and support provided by these organizations, and even consider them as a potential threat to the society. We believe such a provision stigmatises civil society…
Several civil society groups issued a joint statement criticizing the draft act. They noted with concern that the bill’s definition of an NGO is too broad, allowing it to cover any group or association and compel them to register and adhere to the law’s stringent requirements.
The broad terms of the draft act would allow unequal treatment of certain disfavoured groups and carry dire consequences for associations critical of the government, with little scope to legally challenge government decisions.
They questioned the draft act’s section 6, which allows authorities to enter civil society organizations’ offices and make copies of their electronic communications traffic data, without prior notice or a court warrant. They also highlighted the severe penalties for violating the law – a jail term of up to five years, and a fine of up to 100,000 THB (approx. 3,200 USD), or both.
Piroj Paraphet, an adviser to the Union for Civil Liberty, told Thai Enquirer about the potential harsh impact of the draft law on the NGO community.
This could block a vast amount of activities beneficial to society, while the punishment is disproportionate.
The state officials will have the power to control NPOs’ [non-profit organizations] activities, how they receive foreign funding and they will be registered and if they do not abide by these conditions then they will be prosecuted as criminals.
Sappasit Khumprapan, chairman of the Centre for the Protection of Children's Rights Foundation, said the bill’s original version was different and that the current version is “extremely rightist”.
The Bangkok Post published an editorial which accuses some elements in the government of drafting the law in order to intimidate opposition forces, especially those clamoring for legal and democratic reforms.
It's shameful that an elected government would issue such a contentious bill.
Amid escalating polarisation, the state and some extreme right elements have attempted to discredit a few NGOs with claims they receive foreign donations. They single out those scrutinising injustices perpetrated by the state and cases involving Section 112 of the Criminal Code (or the lese majeste law), and also charter amendments, branding them as nation-haters.
The move has justified fears the bill will clip the wings of civic agencies that challenge unjust laws and law enforcement. The government must be open to scrutiny. If it practises good governance, there is no reason for concern and the new law should not be used in a dubious way.
The cabinet will review the bill this month before submitting it to the parliament.

author: Mong Palatino