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Doubt & Clan Politics in Russian Cyberspace · Global Voices
Kevin Rothrock

One of the staples of Russian political rhetoric over the last decade has been the bogeyman of the immediate post-Soviet era. “The Turbulent Nineties,” as they're known today, represent everything that was wrong with Russia's fall from grace: gangsters, corruption, poverty, and so much more. Another prominent feature of the 1990s was intense rivalry between the nation's most powerful substate groups (variably called “clans” or “mafias”). Perhaps nothing embodied this chaos better than the competition between Russia's biggest business tycoons—the oligarchs—who battled one another, armed with incredible access to both the state apparatus and the country's mass media.
Putin supposedly put an end to all that, locking up or booting out the most contumacious oligarchs (like Khodorkovsky, Berezovsky, Guisinsky, and others), and acclimating the rest of the elite to a new social contract, where the state would repossess the economy's “commanding heights.” Putin's Russia would become a more predictable and peaceful place, and society's uppermost echelon—the story goes—could finally rest easy.
Why then do Russian elites seem to be suffering so many sleepless nights in Putin's third term? Talking points in the last few months—thanks largely to the Kremlin's own highly publicized anti-corruption campaign—have orbited issues that were supposed to have disappeared at the turn of the century. The buzz [ru] around Moscow is that Putin is busy establishing a new foundational pact to unite (and subdue) the nation's elite. To a certain extent, this includes personnel changes (some routine, others more dramatic), but there is also a growing perception [ru] that access to power [ru] (and the wealth that accompanies it) is now available on terms quite different [ru] from what justified such privileges [ru] ten years ago. (Loyalty alone, it seems [ru], is no longer enough to guarantee immunity.)
Vladimir Milov, 16 December 2012, photo by Wladimir 777, CC 3.0.
The state of elite affairs is a matter of interest to all groups involved in politics and society—including the RuNet's indomitable foot soldiers, the members of the opposition. This is a point that opposition politician Vladimir Milov has pressed for years, most recently in connection with intra-elite fighting that is currently raging [ru] between Putin's top subordinates, Igor Sechin (long-time hydrocarbons czar) and Arkady Dvorkovich (Prime Minister Dmitri Medvedev's own man in oil and gas).
In late February, Milov, who leads a small liberal political party called “Democratic Choice” (DemVybor), authored an op-ed [ru] for the e-zine Slon.ru (with supplemental material [ru] on DemVybor's LiveJournal page), where he argued that Sechin had suffered a major defeat in a government decision to inject 50 billion rubles into the capital assets of RusHydro, Russia's biggest hydroelectric entity, at the expense of state company Rosneftegaz, which Sechin heads. (Sechin lobbied in vain [ru] to execute the capital injection by way of Rosneftegaz purchasing stock in RusHydro, which would have expanded his influence over the hydroelectric industry.) Dvorkovich scored a major coup [ru] by converting to his side longtime Sechin-ally Evgeny Dod (RusHydro's chief) in a December 2012 vote, when the company's board of directors narrowly approved the government's capital assets scheme (which already carried Putin's signature [ru]).
In the article, Milov levies the particularly scathing accusation that Rosneftegaz itself represents a scheme more underhanded than the infamous “loans for shares” of the Yeltsin era (which epitomized the worst oligarchic corruption of the 1990s). Indeed, Rosneftegaz was created in 2004 as a stopgap to facilitate Gazprom's takeover of Rosneft, with the expectation that it would be liquidated afterwards. When that deal collapsed, Rosneftegaz was left—very much intact—holding 10% of Gazprom and 100% (later reduced to 75%) of Rosneft. Milov highlights the fact that Rosneftegaz's multi-billion-dollar dividends do not revert to the state budget. Instead, the company is allowed to reinvest its profits on its own. (Unless, of course, it's forced to transfer 50 billion rubles to federal coffers for a handout to RusHydro, à la Dvorkovich's plan.)
Milov also highlights a story [ru] in Vedomosti from February 19 about the absence of a formal shareholder agreement between Rosneftegaz and the Federal Agency for State Property Management (Rosimushchestvo). This means that both the Ministry of Economic Development and even Prime Minister Medvedev lack the formal power to enforce directives issued to Rosneftegaz. Only the Presidential Administration can change its leadership and board of directors, effectively making Rosneftegaz an independent agency, in lieu of Putin's personal intervention.
Such intervention, Milov notes, grows more costly, as rising stakes make every dismissal a potential catalyst for “elite split”:
Отправишь кого-то в отставку – а он станет центром консолидации недовольной части истеблишмента.
Fire somebody, and he'll become the center for the consolidation of the malcontents of the establishment.
Milov picked an odd time [ru] to tout Sechin's weakness. The RusHydro showdown was over two months ago. Since then, two of Dvorkovich's allies [ru] have come under direct fire [ru] from Putin himself in the classic routine [ru] of faux-impromptu public criticism followed by official dismissal. The first victim was Akhmed Bilalov, whose alleged mismanagement of construction for the Sochi Winter Olympics cost him his job. Later in the month, national television network Rossiia-1 aired a rather vicious report [ru] accusing Dvorkovich and Bilalov of involvement in a shady privatization plot [ru]. (Dozhd TV, which is rumored [ru] to have ties to Medvedev through his Press Secretary Natalia Timakova, then aired a segment [ru] claiming that the Rossiia-1 program was orchestrated by Sechin.)
Igor Sechin, 30 January 2013, photo by Chavez Candanga, CC 2.0.
Also in February, Putin delivered a tongue-lashing [ru] to none other than Evegny Dod, Sechin's erstwhile ally at RusHydro. Dod's sins [ru] included misplacing up to 12 billion rubles earmarked for a power station outside Moscow. Rumor [ru] now has it that ex-MP Vladimir Pekhtin, recently disgraced by muckraking bloggers in a real estate scandal, could replace Dod at RusHydro, if he resigns as expected.
News of Pekhtin's possible return prompted Milov to tweet [ru] on February 27:
Когда вам в след раз будут снова подсовывать сечинские сливы под видом “борьбы с жуликами”, think twice
The next time you [want] to pass off another Sechin-news-leak as part of the “battle against corruption,” think twice.
This was clearly a shot at Alexey Navalny, the anti-corruption netizen who ended Pekhtin's Duma career by disseminating the findings of anonymous blogger Dr. Z, who discovered the deputy's suspicious real estate holdings in Miami, Florida. When Twitter user arctic_lane challenged Milov's attitude, he responded that it was naiveté to ignore the fissures in the government that produce such compromising information leaks, implying that Pekhtin's situation was the result of a war among elites:
я хочу лишь предупредить наивных о'вечек, чтобы они аккуратнее относились к публикациям одного известного волчары
я предлагаю атаковать прежде всего главных воров. Сечина, например. кстати, наивный вопрос – Навальный хоть раз его атаковал?
i want only to warn naive people, so they better understand the publications of one of the most famous SOBs
for starters, i propose attacking the main thieves. Sechin, for example. by the way, a naive question: has Navalny ever attacked him even once?
Milov's question is an interesting one. Indeed, for all his exposés and scathing revelations, Navalny has never devoted his anti-corruption machine to a serious assault on Igor Sechin. Yes, in June last year, Navalny did via Twitter [ru] call Sechin a “dumbass” (дебил) after the latter accused him of serving the “private interests” of Rosneft's competitors. But that's kids’ stuff. Milov is right. Navalny hasn't made Sechin a priority, at all. Why not?
One clue about Navalny's reluctance to pick up a weapon in the “clan war” might be a tweet [ru] from April 18, 2012, when he shared an “excellent article” by Stanislav Belkovsky, titled “Perestroika 2: Between Liberals and the Bloody KGB.” In that piece, published [ru] on the now defunct portal OpenSpace.ru (but still available here [ru]), Belkovsky rejects the notion that Russian politics consists of a conflict between liberals and hardliners:
[…] мы должны как-то понять и запомнить, что ли: не существует никакой идейной борьбы между виртуальными партиями Медведева и Сечина. Есть аппаратная борьба кланов, да. И связанных с ними бизнес-групп. Но кланы и группы эти — части одной машины, всходы одного посева. И успех одного из кланов — локальный или даже по всем фронтам — самостоятельного политического значения не имеет.
[…] we need somehow to understand and remember something: there's no such thing as an ideological battle between the virtual parties of Medvedev and Sechin. There is a battle of clans within the state-apparatus, yes. And related to that, of business groups. But these clans and groups are pieces of the same machine—sprouts from the same seed. And the success of one clan—in one place or even across the entire front—has no independent political significance.
In comments [ru] not on his blog, but delivered to newspaper Moskovskii Komsomolets, Navalny recently addressed the Bilalov scandal without mentioning either Sechin or Dvorkovich. Instead, he made an errant remark about Dagestani businessmen (Bilalov is from Dagestan) and issued the standard barrage of anti-Putin condemnations.
If this is indeed how Navalny views “high Kremlin politics,” it serves to reason that he's reluctant to take sides. Evidence of such misgivings does exist. In an article [ru] for Slon.ru in April 2011, this was certainly the vibe Navalny projected, when he cautiously welcomed Sechin's ouster from the Rosneft board of directors. “So we'll see what happens from here,” he wrote at the time.
Navalny's misgivings were well founded. By November 2012, Sechin, now President of Rosneft, was reelected [ru] to the company's board.

author: Kevin Rothrock


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Pope Benedict XVI Steps Down · Global Voices
Gabriela García Calderón Orbe

Globalizado [es], the blog by Global Voices in Spanish editor Juan Arellano, compiles tweets with the hashtag #elúltimotuitdePontifex [last tweet by Pontifex], started on Twitter on Thursday, February 28, 2013. The hashtag contains netizens’ comments and reactions to the farewell speech by Benedict XVI.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Gabriela García Calderón Orbe


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Saudi Prince: “A Rational Man Would Not Tolerate Women Going to The Streets” · Global Voices
Anas Soliman

A Saudi Prince said today that a rational man would not tolerate women going to the streets [in protest]. The comments, by the deputy governor of Qassim province Faisal bin Mishal, follow the crackdown on a sit-in by women who called for the fall of the Saudi Interior Minster last Monday, in the Saudi Arabian city of Buraida.  Hundreds of protesters were arrested while other citizens are being prosecuted for providing help to the women.
Before they were arrested, the women protesters had recorded video testimonies of what they called “crimes of the interior ministry,” documenting what happened to them in a previous sit-in.  Highlights from the video were uploaded to YouTube by wa3iclub and published with English subtitles here:
On the morning following the women protesters’ arrest on February 28th, over 160 men, 15 women and six children, many of whom are relatives of the women, protested in front of the Bureau of Investigation and Public Prosecution in Buraida.  When nothing happened, they decided to sleep the night there.  An unusual video clip showed protesters chanting at night outside the Bureau: “Prisoners, do not worry. Your dignity is ours, your blood is ours.” [ar]
The video, below, was uploaded to YouTube by Raed Abu Faisal:
The following morning of Friday, March 1, all protesters were surrounded and arrested.  Amnesty International reported:
At least 176 men and women were arrested in the early hours of this morning after staging a peaceful protest outside the Bureau for Investigation and Public Prosecution in Buraida, a city north of the capital Riyadh, in Qassim province.
Earlier today [March 3], the deputy governor of Qassim Faisal bin Mishal met tens of clerics and notable people from the city to discuss the recent events. Marya al-Fahad, a daughter of one of those who attended the meeting, tweeted:
الأمير : لا يرضى عاقل أن تخرج للشارع امرأة .. والدي : العاقل لا يدفع المرأة للخروج للشارع لذا ننهي القضية من جذورها . #اعتصام_بريدة
@_muora: The prince: “A rational man would not tolerate women going to the streets.” My father: “A rational man would not force women to go to the streets. Solve the roots of the problem.”
Furthermore, one citizen who brought blankets to the protesting women on February 26th was chased and interrogated with by secret police.  Before he was arrested, he uploaded a video explaining what was happening to him [ar]:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OKQkMtAYiJ8
He is still under arrest.  According to Saudi Civil and Political Rights Association member Abdullah al-Saidi:
هارون العقيل اعتقل لتقديمه بطانيات للمعتصمات واليوم سيحال للمحاكمة مع رفض طلبه توكيل محامي !
@abdulllah1406Haroon al-Aqeel was arrested for providing blankets to the protesters and today he will be brought in front of a court.  He was denied his request of a lawyer.
He commented:
سنناضل للحصول على نسخة من صك الحكم الذي سيصدر على هارون العقيل ليوضع في متحف وتنظر إليه الأجيال القادمة
@abdulllah1406: We will fight to ensure that we will get a copy of the verdict that will be issued against Harron al-Aqeel so we can put it in a museum for future generations to see.

author: Anas Soliman


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Singapore: Forget Immigration, Focus on Fertility · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Improving total fertility rate and labor force participation rate to increase the resident workforce over time rather than immigration-driven growth is the more appropriate way forward for Singapore
Titled ‘A Dynamic Population for a Sustainable Singapore’, the opposition Workers’ Party drafts its own policy paper in response to Singapore government's Population White Paper.

author: Mong Palatino


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Thailand: Surprise Opposition Victory in Bangkok Governor Race · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Sukhumbhand Paribatra of the opposition Democrat Party was re-elected as Bangkok governor despite exit polls predicting his defeat in the elections.
Bangkok Pundit provides an initial analysis of the voting numbers:
E. This is also the closest election in terms of narrowest margin (180,000 vs 292,402 in 2004) or % (6.5% vs 12.3% in 2004).
F. The vote for independents drops to less than 300,000 votes or 11.28%. As is happening nationally, Thailand is becoming more of a two-party system.
Bangkok Governor Sukhumbhand Paribatra holding a press conference. Photo by Piti A Sahakorn, Copyright @Demotix (3/3/2013)
Bangkok Governor Sukhumbhand Paribatra beside former Thailand Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva. Photo by Piti A Sahakorn, Copyright @Demotix (3/3/2013)
Using the #bkkvote hashtag, below are some reactions of Thai netizens
@Tinapotjanank If I were a bangkokian, I would vote for Suharit (no.17) anyway congrats to Sukhumbhand, four more (boring) years…
@tulsathit Oh, before I go, the much-taunted Sukhumbhand seems to have broken Samak Sundaravej's record as the biggest vote gatherer.
@veen_NT Historical Bangkok voter turnout at 64% – good job Bangkokians, do try harder next time.
@Saksith If I'm not mistaken, Bangkok and one other province are the only ones where the Governor is elected, the rest appointed.
Praj Kiatpongsan observes the scene in the headquarters of the defeated party:
The atmosphere at the Pheu Thai party headquarters on Petchburi Road turned bitter as some supporters of Pongsapat angrily punched a TV screen, screamed profanity and pointed their fingers at the face of MR Sukhumbhand Partibatra, who was addressing a victory speech live from the Democrat Party headquarters.
Suthichai Yoon urges polling agencies to revise their techniques:
Various polling agencies must now conduct some serious soul-searching and to revise their polling techniques which have now been proven seriously flawed. It would take quite a while before any trust in all those well-known polls could be restored. And they must admit that it's unfair and unprofessional to blame it all on the respondents who have been accused of the pollsters of having “lied” to the volunteers seeking their views.
Bangkokians have spoken, and loudly so…with almost 64% voter turnout, much higher than the last election despite the downpours in certain constituencies this afternoon


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Violence Holding Youth Hostage in Guinea · Global Voices
Abdoulaye Bah

Diallo Thierno Sadou [fr] analyzes the political situation in Guinea where violence erupted between police forces and the opposition since February, 27. The fightings has led to multiple casualties and lootings in the capital city Conakry. The current governor of the city, officer Sékou Resco Camara [fr], was charged in October 2010 with commiting “Acts of torture”. Diallo writes about the current administration [fr]:
They must take notice that their biggest problem now is the unemployed, destitute youth without a hope for a better tomorrow. This youth has nothing to lose anymore and is ready to fight for better governance, an independent justice system, free and transparent elections and paying jobs.

author: Abdoulaye Bah


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‘Global Voices Can Help Explain Catalonia to the World’ · Global Voices
Vilaweb

Violeta Camarasa, editor of Global Voices Català.
Interview with Violeta Camarasa, Global Voices Online‘s Catalan-language editor (Twitter) [ca]. Although Global Voices published their first Catalan-language article [ca], the project took a year to gain momentum. Today, Global Voices Català publishes regularly, with all the rights and responsibilities as Global Voices’ other language editions. On Wednesday, February 27th, Barcelona's Pompeu Fabra University [ca] hosted a panel discussion between Saül Gordillo [ca], Sílvia Cobo [ca], Cristina Vaquer (Twitter) [ca] of the collaborative reporting network People's Witness [ca], and Violeta Camarasa, editor of Global Voices Català.
Global Voices Català has demonstrated over the past several months that it has the capacity to explain Catalonia to the world, supplementing the mainstream media's historical neglect of the region. For instance:
1) Al Jazeera highlighted their coverage of Catalan politics in a The Stream show video about September 11th's million-person protest in the context of the growing rift between Catalonia and the Spanish Government. In the video, The Stream's host thanks  Global Voices Català for calling the team's attention to the issue with an article published [ca] days before and also through Twitter (see minutes 11.33 and 28.19).
2. In a blog post about the Cafè amb Llet affair, The Washington Post cited Global Voices articles. The blog post was later revised after Ms Camarasa critiqued the piece.
What is Global Voices Català's ultimate purpose?
Global Voices Català is one piece of Global Voices Online's international puzzle. We function like a network, and within this network, every language edition has a double-mission. First, translating into that language (in our case, Catalan) to explain to its audience all of the ideas and polemics that charge worldwide online debate. It's also our duty to explain to the world the topics of debate on the Catalan-speaking web.
You often discuss the concept of online debates…
Sure, and they're complex. These debates can circle around questions that arise directly online; they can also be online conversations about current, offline events. In this way, we are able to offer the world a unique vision of what's going on in Catalonia, supplementing what is usually presented by the mainstream media.
Can Global Voices therefore help explain Catalonia's secessionist movement to the world?
Of course! Just consider that last year, the world's vision of Catalonia was constructed exclusively by media outlets based in or heavily influenced by Madrid. Global Voices is a fresh, direct window into Catalan current events. And we can explain a lot more than the sovereignty process as well: for instance, the drama of evictions as a result of the economic crisis, corruption, and all other issues relevant to contemporary Catalan society. One issue doesn't negate the other and they are all related to the country we long for.
So what will we find online at Global Voices Català?
We often publish analyses that transcend conventional editorial agendas. We work exhaustively to produce a large volume of content, perhaps larger than any one person can consume. We write a lot about Catalan society so that other language versions may translate it, and we translate what other editions of Global Voices have produced, which results in diverse stories from around the world. It's important to provide thorough filters so that readers can find articles about the languages, regions, and countries that interest them.
Has building the Catalan edition been tolling?
Well, Global Voices was founded in 2005 and was initially an (exclusively) English-language publication that focused on stories emanating from the developing world. Global Voices linguistic domain eventually expanded to Spanish and French and today includes thirty languages. The Catalan edition was founded in 2010 but took a while to gain momentum. By 2011 we were publishing regularly, but it wasn't until 2012 that Global Voices Català was producing a large enough body of content to leave ‘BETA’ phase and be considered a full-fledged edition of Global Voices.
Engaging with Global Voices is also a way to get connected with the world...
Indeed. All of the content we produce for Catalan readers about worldwide conversations is extremely valuable. Moreover, we — that is, the GV team — are present in that content. Historically, international news has been disseminated by larger media outlets and to a lesser extent, diplomacy. Global Voices is one of the networks that has helped to break that down. Also, Global Voices allows readers to engage with the journalists and bloggers who produce the content. The communication is direct.
And how does the Catalan team work?
Right now, we're about twenty volunteers, but in recent weeks we've received more applications than usual. Hopefully, the presentation at Pompeu Fabra University will help us grow even more. We do the double work that I talked about earlier. We translate from other language editions, often adding a little extra context for our readers, and we report on the conversations that define the Catalan blogosphere. It's important to note that we're not talking about blogs and tweets by politicians, journalists and celebrities. In fact, it's quite the contrary. We want to give visibility to the voices of people outside the mainstream media's spotlight. In this regard we want volunteers with “journalistic” backgrounds, but that's not to say that you need to be a professional journalist to collaborate.

author: Vilaweb


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Israel Introduces Separate Bus Lines for Jews and Arabs  · Global Voices
Amira Al Hussaini

Israel has introduced separate bus lines for Jews and Arabs, traveling from the West Bank to Israel, starting today [March 4, 2013]. Netizens react to the news, describing Israel as practicing segregation and apartheid.
According to +972, a blog-based web magazine:
A new Israeli bus line will serve only Palestinians. Officials claim it’s not segregation, but the ongoing experience of discrimination faced by Palestinian workers speaks for itself.
The post explains:
Early this morning, Palestinians from the West Bank with permits to work inside the state of Israel crammed onto bus lines specially created for “Palestinians only” — instead of using the same public buses used by Israelis. The Israeli Transportation Ministry launched the new bus lines today, for travel from the Eyal checkpoint to Tel Aviv and Kfar Saba and back to the checkpoint, after settlers complained about Palestinians using the same buses as Israelis on their way to and from work inside Israel.
On Twitter, Turkish blogger Esra Doğramacı comments:
@EsraD: All I can say is, you've got to be joking.
South African Bilal Randeree responds:
@bilalr:  Hmm, why does this sound familiar? Hmm… Let me ask my parents, maybe they can help figure out…
Yemeni Noon Arabia chimes in:
@NoonArabia: Despicable!
Jordanian entrepreneur Fadi Ghandour calls the move:
@fadig: Apartheid
And Israeli journalist Joseph Dana finds the new move unbelievable:
@ibnezra: Hard to believe that we are reading this headline in 2013: Israel introduces ‘Palestinian only’ bus lines

author: Amira Al Hussaini


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Media Tips for Covering Migration · Global Voices
Solana Larsen

Employ more migrants as journalists, is one of several new practical recommendations (pdf) on how to better cover migration by the Global Editor's Network and the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations.

author: Solana Larsen


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Peru Lights Up Social Media During Blackout · Global Voices
Gabriela García Calderón Orbe

Minutes after noon on Sunday, March 3, 2013, many districts in the Peruvian capital, Lima, were affected by a sudden interruption of electricity [es].
According to the reports by one of the firms that distributes electric power in the city, there was a failure on an electric substation located in the Limean district of San Juan de Miraflores, operated by the Peru Energy Network, and that source wasn't supplying energy. Later that same day, electric power started to be gradually restored in Lima.
Twitter users turned to the microblogging network to voice their opinions during the blackout with the hashtag #apagón [blackout].
Luis Jaime Cisneros (@ljcisneros) [es] announced just minutes after the electrical service was interrupted:
@ljcisneros: colapsó web de #Luzdelsur [empresa distribuidora del servicio eléctrico] en Lima donde un apagón dejó a más de cuatro millones sin energía eléctrica desde las 12h20.
@ljcisneros [es]: the website of #Luzdelsur [firm that distributes electrical service] is down in Lima where a blackout has more than four million people without electrical energy since 12h20.
Pedro Alva (@Pedro1am) [es] asks ironically:
@Pedro1am: Y dónde está el filósofo q dice q aprovechemos el #APAGÓN para conversar c/familia, leer, etc… Seguro tuitea desde máquina de escribir,no?
@Pedro1am [es]: Where is that philosopher that says we should make the most of the #APAGÓN to talk with the family, read, etc… He surely tweets from his typewriter, doesn't he?
Remembering times when constant blackouts affected main Peruvian cities  and indirectly referring to the upcoming the recall referendum on Limean mayoress Susana Villarán, Eduardo Primatus (@DuchoDepe) [es] tweeted:
@DuchoDepe: Y volvimos a las epocas del Apra, de [expresidente] Alan García, de Panzones… Ok NO. Estamos en la Gran Transformación… #Apagón
@DuchoDepe [es]: And we are back to the [political party] Apra times, to [ex President] Alan García, to the potbellied… Ok NO. We are living the Big Transformation… #Apagón
Photo by Victor Romero Valladares, with Creative Commons ilcence (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
Pointing to a current online phenomenon, Alejandro Muchotrigo (@oLets) [es] speculates:
@oLets: Están grabando Harlem Shake versión Luz del Sur #apagon #luzdelsur
@oLets [es]: They are recording Harlem Shake Luz del Sur version. #apagon #luzdelsur
Meanwhile, José Felipe Llamosas (@Josfel767) [es] mentions a reality many people ignore, or prefer to ignore:
@Josfel767: Se quejan del #Apagón en [los distritos lemañis de] Miraflores y San Isidro y no piensan que en el #Perú existen pueblo que aún no conocen esa palabra Y NO SE QUEJAN.
@Josfel767 [es]: They are complaining about the #Apagón in [Limean districts of] Miraflores and San Isidro and they don't realize that in #Peru there are towns where the word is unknown and there they ARE NOT COMPLAINING.
Franco (@SoyMuyFranco) [es] forecasts:
@SoyMuy Franco: Dios, bendice a los que tienen Blackberry o Galaxy Mini. En unos minutos se les muere la batería #Apagon.
@SoyMuy Franco [es]: May God bless those who own a Blackberry or Galaxy Mini. In a few minutes their batteries will have died. #Apagon.
He also wonders:
@SoyMuyFranco: ¿Cómo estarán viviendo el apagón los famosos?
@SoyMuyFranco [en]: How may the rich and famous be facing the blackout?
On the eve of the first day of school, a school supplies firm (@MundoArtesco) [es] suggests:
@MundoArtesco: ¿Por qué no pintamos algo mientras regresa la luz? ;) #apagón
@MundoArtesco [es]: Why don't we make some paintings while we wait for the energy to come back? ;) #apagón
Pedro Querebalú (@SoloPedrito) [es] is proud of the precautions he already took:
@SoloPedrito: Y son en estos momentos en los que se siente tan bien tener una MacBook Pro con 8 horas de batería y un plan de datos de 5GB #lalala #apagón
@SoloPedrito [es]: And these are the times when you feel good about having a MacBook Pro with 8-hour duration battery and 5GB data plan #lalala #apagón
Lastly, ViveCASABLANCA (@ViveCASABLANCA) [es] makes a suggestion, valid for everyone:
@ViveCASABLANCA: #CONSEJO Recuerde mantener en casa linternas recargables o a pilas y en lo posible una radio. Bidones de Agua. En caso de #SISMO o #APAGON
@ViveCASABLANCA: #CONSEJO [Advice] Remember to keep at home rechargeable or battery powered flashlights, and if possible a radio. Water jerrycans. in case of #SISMO [earthquake] or #APAGON.


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Stadiums Vs. Schools: Slovakia’s Misplaced Priorities · Global Voices
Tibor Blazko

When at the end of 2012 thousands of Slovak teachers went on nationwide strike, demanding a 10-percent pay rise, they ended up getting only about 5 percent – along with the Education Minister's explanation that “if there was money in the state treasury box, teachers would get as much as 20 percent.”
Bratislava, Slovakia (Nov. 2012): a teacher is ringing a bell against low pay. Photo by Martina STRMEŇOVÁ, copyright © Demotix (11/26/12).
Just a few months later, the same minister – Dušan Čaplovič – announced plans [sk] to spend 45 million euros (4.5 million euros annually over a ten-year period) on the construction of football stadiums all over the country, to be used by the top Slovak football league. This sum, which does not cover the construction of the new National Football Stadium in the capital Bratislava, is smaller than what the teachers’ raise would have amounted to in just one year. Still, the teachers are disappointed, and not just because of their own low salaries, but also because of the state's insufficient funding of education in general.
A banner on a school building in Slovakia reads: “The dignity of a teacher = The future of this country.” Photo by Igor Svítok, copyright © Demotix (11/22/12).
Some in Slovakia suspect that the reason behind such misplaced priorities is the alleged involvement of the ruling party's sponsors in football business and construction industry. The Education Minister, however, talks of the planned stadium construction as a strategic decision in supporting the young generation.
The SME.sk article [sk] linked to above has generated hundreds of reader comments, and below are a few of them.
Kiixxela:
Stinkers, do not let them even try to pull the arguments about sports and the health of young people, because the foot of an [ordinary] mortal will not [be allowed to] enter those courts/playgrounds in a [whole] lifetime.
Aqua Viva:
Who are we going to build those football stadiums for? For those hooligans who will come there just to fight and ruin the stadium? How much does the deployment of police cost, to constantly monitor such matches?
belnea:
But how will we get to the stadiums? The roads are broken. [This year Slovak roads are in an extremely bad condition.]
mala pistacia:
What will [Slovakia's] unemployed do all the day? In the morning, they'll go to the labor office, in the evening – to a football game.
Timmy_A:
In addition, it is complete nonsense to build [a new] stadium here when only a couple hundred people usually come to the old Locomotive Stadium.
ja111:
But the poor mafia comrades have bought […] football clubs and now they've run out of money […] so the state must pay for it!
Cule de FCB:
Schools are collapsing over the heads of students and teachers. No reconstruction is necessary? It's better to donate money to a PRIVATE football club?
provokater128:
We're going to donate money for stadiums – where 20 times a year about 500 people come for football. And that is a falling school – where 200 days a year 500 children come and the wind blows at them in the classroom through a rotten window – but it does not matter.
Deju:
In Slovakia, schools have windows that are 50-60 years old, and because of it, it is cold in those schools and also lots of money is being wasted on heating. I think it is necessary to define the priorities. […]
panza09:
hm, what would the 45 most devastated schools say to 84,000 euros per year…hmmmmmm
Chocholko [in reply]:
They would say, “It is a beautiful dream.”
iwko:
My girlfriend is a teacher, she got 5 percent more, but they took away all additions [to her base salary], so now she has 10 percent less, a university degree, works for the second year teaching English and brings home 400 euros [a month], and yes, she goes to work at 7am and finished at about 2pm, and in the afternoon she's also teaching at [a private] language school [to earn extra money].
fff01:
A photo with nice-looking athletes brings more votes to a politican than a photo with a satisfied teacher.

author: Tibor Blazko


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Hafez Al Assad’s Statue Destroyed in Syria · Global Voices
Amira Al Hussaini

The destruction of Hafez Al Assad's statue in Al-Raqqah , Syria. Screen shot from YouTube video http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6hFwEmgylJ4
Syrian blogger Mohammed Basheer shares a YouTube video from Al-Raqqah showing the destruction of a statue of Hafez Al Assad. On Twitter, he writes:
@MBAA: Al-Raqqah is free and librated from Assad. People of Raqqah taking down the statue of Hafez Alasad http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6hFwEmgylJ4 … #Syria
Here's the video clip he is referring to:


text:
Taiwan: No Nukes Go Solar · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

An anti-nuclear symbol designed for Tao indigenous people in Orchid Island, Taiwan. Anti-nuclear campaign T-shirt and products available at Ciongzo.com

author: Oiwan Lam


text:
The Conflict in Mali: Who is Fighting Whom, and Why?  · Global Voices
Anna Gueye

Since the bloody conflict in Mali began one year ago, the crisis has evolved in fits and starts, all the while immersed in a historical framework that the mainstream media too often oversimplifies. Here we will try to unpack the complexities of the conflict by putting into context the violent fighting currently engulfing the northern African country.
The conflict in the north of Mali pits the Malian army and its allies against many rebels groups fighting for greater autonomy or independence in the region. These groups include Islamist groups such as Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Mahgreb, the Movement for Oneness and Jihad in Western Africa, and Ansar Dine, and Tuareg nomads who belong to the political and military Azawad National Liberation Movement.
Let's try to look at what the real causes of the war in Mali are [fr]:
Tout était en place pour que le Mali s’effondre et que le Sahel explose. Affaibli par les politiques d’austérité du FMI, longtemps paralysé par la Françafrique, victime du réchauffement climatique et de multiples sécheresses, le Mali est devenu l’une des pièces centrales du nouveau grand jeu sahélien. Revendication touarègue, djihadistes enrichis par le narcotrafic, déstabilisation libyenne et ambiguïtés algériennes, financements occultes saoudiens, stratégie à court terme des États-Unis et de l’Union européenne… Voici toutes les raisons de la guerre.
Everything was ripe for Mali to collapse and for Sahel to explode. Weakened by austerity policies that had been imposed by the IMF [fr], paralyzed for so long by the policies of Françafrique, and a victim of global warming  [fr] and multiple droughts  [fr], Mali became one of the key players in the great new Sahelian game. The Tuareg demands; the Jihadis who had become powerful from drug trafficking; the destabilization of Libya and the uncertainty in Algeria; hidden investments from Saudi Arabia; short-sighted strategies of the United States and Europe… These are all the reasons for the war.
Timbuktu residents protest against extremism on Wikipedia CC-License-2.0
How did modern Mali come to be? Mouhamadou el Hady Ba and Pierre Amath Mbaye in their work “The Malian crisis and lessons for Senegal” [fr] explain how Mali emerged from the post-colonial failure of a federation in the region [fr]:
Conscients des risques liés à une fragmentation de la région et suivant leur idéal panafricaniste, Léopold Sédar Senghor, Mamadou Dia, Modibo Keïta et d’autres dirigeants avaient pourtant formé l’idée de reprendre l’ensemble constitué par l’administration coloniale, l’Afrique Occidentale Française, en le portant vers l’indépendance sous la forme d’une fédération. … l’opposition marquée des autorités françaises de l’époque associée à celle de Félix Houphouët Boigny futur Chef de l’Etat ivoirien, réduiront cette fédération à un face à face entre le Soudan français (aujourd’hui Mali)  et le Sénégal, au sein de la Fédération du Mali . Cette tentative échouera sur fond d’options politiques différentes et de compétition pour le pouvoir, avec, en arrière-plan, l’engagement du Mali aux côtés des partisans algériens, lors de leur guerre d’indépendance. Le 20 aout 1960, voit donc s’éteindre avec la dissolution de la Fédération du Mali …
Keenly aware of the risks tied to a fragmented region, and following their Pan-African ideals, Léopold Sédar Senghor, Mamadou Dia, Modibo Keïta and other leaders still had the idea to carry on with the group that had made up the colonial administration known as l’Afrique Occidentale Française, by pushing for independence as a federation. …However, there was strong opposition from the French authorities, which at the time were linked to Félix Houphouët Boigny — an eventual Head of State of Côte d'Ivoire. This gave rise to a power struggle between French Sudan (today Mali) and Senegal, within the Mali Federation. This attempt at federation would eventually fail based on various political options and power struggles, while the Malian engagement in support of Algerian independence played out in the background. August 20, 1960, ends with the dissolution of the Federation of Mali…
Eros Sana on bastamag.net continues in his article, Mali : les véritables causes de la guerre (Mali: the Real Causes of the War [fr]) describing how Mali then experienced a brief window of socialism before a military coup brought a dictator to power:
Nous sommes en 1960, le Mali accède à l’indépendance. Le premier président malien, Modibo Keïta, instituteur et panafricaniste, élu démocratiquement, a à peine le temps d’entamer une profonde réforme agraire avant d’être renversé en 1968 lors d’un coup d’état mené par Moussa Traoré, soutenu par la France. [Les vingt-trois ans de règne seront sanglants]. Moussa Traoré ne se contente pas d’appauvrir et d’affamer son peuple, il mène aussi une forte répression contre la minorité Touareg du Mali. Les Touaregs représentent environ 2 % de la population malienne. Ils sont également présents au Niger, au Burkina-Faso, en Mauritanie, en Libye et en Algérie.
We are in 1960, Mali is gaining independence. The first president of Mali, Modibo Keïta, teacher and Pan-Africanist, democratically elected, barely has time to begin sweeping agricultural reforms before being overthrown in 1968 during a France-backed coup d’état orchestrated by Moussa Traoré. (The 23 years of rule that followed would be bloody). Moussa Traoré was not happy with simply impoverishing and starving his people, he also carried out powerful repressive measures against the Tuareg minority group in Mali. The Tuaregs represented about 2 percent of the Malian population. They are also present in Niger, Burkina-Faso, Mauritania, Libya and in Algeria.
Mouhamadou el Hady Ba and Pierre Amath Mbaye add another important factor to the equation: the rise of drug trafficking [fr]:
L’Afrique de l’ouest est ainsi devenue un espace stratégique de négoce des stupéfiants, à la suite du renforcement de la répression aux Etats-Unis et au Canada. Cette situation va amener les narcotrafiquants à se redéployer vers l’Europe en trouvant de nouvelles routes, et à exploiter le potentiel de corruptibilité de l’Administration des Etats de la région pour assurer leur tranquillité. En 2009, la drogue était expédiée de Colombie, du Venezuela et du Brésil, et arrivait par les ports de Guinée Bissau et du Cap-Vert au Nord, et ceux du Ghana au Sud. Les cargaisons étaient ensuite réparties entre le Nigéria, la Guinée, le Sénégal, la Mauritanie, puis, remontaient vers le Maroc et l’Algérie. En novembre de la même année, le monde entier découvrait l’atterrissage clandestin dans le nord du Mali d’un triréacteur Boeing 727 chargé de cocaïne, l’évènement donnant lieu à une affaire popularisée sous le nom d’Air Cocaïne, avec des ramifications en Amérique du sud et en Europe. Un symbole stupéfiant d’insertion de l’Afrique dans l’économie mondialisée, pourrait-on dire avec malice, si la situation n’était à ce point inquiétante.
And so, West Africa became a strategic point for the drug trade, following heightened efforts to snuff it out in the US and Canada. This situation would eventually cause drug traffickers to focus their efforts more on Europe by finding new routes, and to exploit the state administrations of the region that were susceptible to corruption, in exchange for guaranteeing peace. In 2009, drugs were exported from Colombia, Venezuela, and Brasil, and arrived at ports in Guinea-Bissau and Cape-Verde in the north, and at those of Ghana in the south. The cargo was then split up between Nigeria, Guinea, Senegal, Mauritania, and reassembled once again near Morocco and Algeria. In November of the same year, the entire world would come to know of the clandestine landing of a three-engine Boeing 727 loaded with cocaine. The event gave rise to a scandal popularly known as Air Cocaine, which had repercussions in South America and Europe. A confounding symbol of Africa's insertion in the world economy, one may say mischievously, if the situation had not been so perplexing.
With respect to Saudi influence, Sahel expert Maurice Freund explained in an interview on website Afrik.com that Islamic extremism began to take root more than two decades ago when Saudi-financed organizations helped Malian people where their government failed them. “It's too late for Mali, we should have acted 20 years ago!” he said:
Il y a déjà plus de 20 ans, je rencontrais des Pakistanais et des Soudanais financés par les Saoudiens qui prêchaient le wahhabisme sous forme d’organisation humanitaire, en effectuant la construction de puits, de mosquées. Ils comblaient les carences des autorités dans le domaine social. D’où la prolifération des djihadistes. Le développement du wahhabisme dans le nord-Mali a commencé il y a déjà 25 ans.
More than 20 years ago now, I met Pakistanis and Sudanese people financed by Saudis. They preached [ultra-conservative branch of Sunni Islam] Wahhabism through humanitarian organizations by building wells and mosques. They made up for the shortcomings of the authorities on the social level. Hence the proliferation of the Jihadist movement. Wahabbism in the north of Mali began 25 years ago.
While trying to trace the genesis of the Djihadi movement in Sahel,  Abou Djaffar explains on his blog that:
En 1996, pourtant, il ne s’agissait même pas d’un front secondaire, mais simplement de l’arrière-cour de la guerre civile algérienne.
In 1996, however, it wasn't even a question of a being secondary front in the Algerian civil war, but it was in fact the Algerian civil war that just extended in the backyard.
Repercussions [fr] of the overthrow of Muammar Kadhafi, who supplied Mali with large amounts of funding, during the Libyan Civil War in 2011 added to the volatile situation brewing in Mali, Eros Sana writes:
En plus d’investissements lourds, Kadhafi multiplie les financements à petite échelle : écoles, dispensaires ou routes dans l’ensemble du Mali. Lorsque Kadhafi et son régime disparaissent, ce sont d’un côté de très nombreuses armes et des centaines d’hommes aguerris qui s’exilent dans le Sahel ; et de l’autre, des flux de plusieurs centaines de milliers d’euros qui se tarissent. Pour un pays dont plus de la moitié de la population vit avec moins d’un dollar par jour, c’est une importante manne qui s’envole. Après avoir appuyé militairement le renversement du régime libyen, les puissances de l’Otan auraient dû prévoir ce vide causé par la chute du colonel et le combler. Cela n’a pas été fait.
Aside from large investments, Kadhafi increased financing on the smaller scale: schools, health centers, roads throughout all of Mali. When Kadhafi and his regime disappeared, there was, on one side a large number of weapons, and hundreds of hardened men who were exiled in the Sahel region; and on the other side the evaporation of several hundred thousands of euros that had once flowed in. For a country where half of the population lives on less than one dollar a day, it is an important source of bread and butter that disappears. After having lent military support to the overthrow of the Libyan regime the NATO forces should have foreseen this vacuum that was was caused by the fall of the Colonel and worked to address it. That was not done.
Twitter user @Abdou_diarra foresaw on his blog the creation of new regions [fr] in northern Mali prior to the military coup that would overthrow President Amadou Toumani Touré in March 2012:
Blogger ASKIAMOHAMED writes about the Tuareg [fr] and their demands::
Elle commence le 17 janvier 2012 soit 2 mois avant le coup de force à Bamako, les rebelles attaquent Menaka, Tessalit et Aguel’hoc avant d’y être chassés par l’armée malienne.
Un véritable jeu de chaises musicales a lieu durant près de un mois dans les villes à la frontière algérienne entre l’armée, le  Mouvement national de libération de l’Azawad (MNLA) ainsi que le groupe Ansar Dine et leurs alliés d’ al Qaida au Maghreb islamique.
Le massacre de militaires maliens par les rebelles et leurs alliés à Aguel’hoc, à l’arme blanche va profondément choquer le peuple malien et mettre à jour les failles de l’armée et l’animosité de cette rébellion.
Début avril le coup d’état consommé le MNLA et leurs alliés islamistes contrôlent les deux tiers du Mali, l’armée malienne désorganisée par le coup ayant déserté.
En effet le coup d’état a désorganisé la chaine de commandement de l’armée et a mis à jour la fragilité de cette dernière et a donc conduit à cette débandade ou « retrait stratégique ».
Le MNLA proclame l’indépendance de cette zone le 6 avril 2012 car elle considère que c’est le berceau de la civilisation touareg, un fait inédit dans l’histoire car aucun peuple nomade ne s’est jamais réclamé d’un territoire avec des frontières bien dessinées.
De plus historiquement sur cette terre il y avait l’empire Songhaï fondé à Koukia au 7ieme siècle, par les Sonrhaïs, et les Berbères et dirigés par le chef Za el-Ayamen, qui fuyaient devant l’invasion arabe.
Ce métissage entre Sonrhaïs et Berbères donnera la dynastie des Dia. Puis vint la dynastie de Sonni ali ber et des Askia avec Gao pur capitale, avant de sombrer au 16ieme siecle sous l’invasion marocaine. Il y a également eu l’empire peul du Macina et l’empire toucouleur au 19ieme siècle. De plus de nombreuses tribus, Bozos (pécheurs) et dogons peuplaient cette zone.
Donc il n’y a aucune légitimité historique à cette demande.
It begins on the January 17, 2012, about two months before the showing of force at Bamako, the rebels attack Menaka, Tessalit, and Aguel’hoc before being driven out by the Malian Army.
A bonafide game of musical chairs takes place for almost one month in the towns on the Algerian border between the army, the National Azawad Liberation Movement (MNLA) as well as the group Ansar Dine and their Al-Qaeda allies from  the Islamic Maghreb.
The massacre at knifepoint of Malian soldiers by Malian rebels and their allies at Aguel’hoc, severely shocks the Malian people and bring to light the failings of the army and the bitterness of this rebellion.
At the start of April, the coup [against President Amandou Toumani Touré] already executed, the MNLA and their Islamic allies control two-thirds of Mali. The Malian army, having been taken by the surprise by the coup, have deserted.
In fact, the coup ambushed the chain of command within the army and highlighted its vulnerability thereby driving this disbanding or “strategic withdrawal”.
The MNLA proclaims the independence of this zone on the April 6, 2012 because it believes that the region is the cradle of the Tuareg civilization, an unprecedented act because no nomadic people have ever claimed a territory with precisely defined borders.
Moreover, historically in this region there was the Songhai empire founded at Koukia in the 7th century by the Songhai and Berbers and led by chief Za el-Ayamen. They fled before the Arab invasion.
The mixing of Songhai and Berber people would eventually give rise to the Dia dynasty. After this came the Sonni Ali Ber dynasty and the Askia with Gao being the capital, before succumbing, in the 16th century to the Moroccan invasion. There was also  the Massina Empire  and the Toucouleur Empire of the 19th century. Not to mention various tribes, Bozos (a tribe of fishermen) and Dogons inhabited this zone. Therefore, there is no historical legitimacy to this demand.
It is in this context that France is intervening [fr] in its former colony to oust the Islamists, a move known as Operation Serval.
Though some think that France's intervention in Mali is driven purely by self interest, such as the author of this article entitled Nouvelles de la turbulence (News of the Unrest) [fr], such speculation [fr] should be treated with caution:
… il y aurait plus d’uranium au Mali qu’au Niger, et après avoir sécurisé les ressources libyennes (en excluant les émergents), les Français chercheraient à faire de même dans le Sahel. … qu’on ne fait pas de guerre pour des ressources qui ne sont encore que spéculatives, puisqu’on n’en connaît pas la quantité réelle et qu’on n’en voit pas encore la couleur. Arguments assez naïfs mais peut-être corrects pour le cas d’espèce.
Supposedly, there could be be more uranium in Mali than in Niger, and after having secured the Libyan resources (not counting those currently being currently explored), the French would be seeking to do the same thing in the Sahel region. …We wouldn't go to war for “potential” resources unless we knew the real quantity and quality of these resources. The resource-speculating arguments might be naive at first but perhaps not entirely off-base in this case.
Wirriyamu responds in this article Ne pas laisser dire (3) [fr] (Do not let it be said):
Je suis convaincu désormais que certains trouvent totalement anormal le soutien de l’opinion malienne, et au-delà africaine, à cette intervention. Ils mettent cette adhésion le plus souvent sur le dos de la naïveté ou de l’ignorance, c’est selon. Ce qui montre que beaucoup, trop nombreux à mon goût, pensent encore que les Africains n’ont pas leur place sur le chemin de l’histoire qui se fait sans eux, hors d’eux. Bref, ils subissent tout.
I am now convinced that some find the support of the Malian public, not to mention African support for this intervention, to be completely abnormal. They usually place the blame for this support squarely on the back of naivete or ignorance, as the case may be. This shows that many — too many for my taste —  still think that Africans have had no active role in the course of history [fr]. It happens without them. In sum, they are victims.

author: Anna Gueye


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VIDEO: Brazil Bulldozes Neighborhood Without Warning for World Cup · Global Voices
Pública - Agência de jornalismo investigativo

This post, by Andrea Dip, is a part of Agência Pública's special #CopaPública coverage and was originally published on February 1, 2013 under the title Minidoc: Francisca perdeu tudo por estar no caminho da Transoeste
Video records the moment when Rio de Janeiro officials armed with bulldozers descend into Restinga, intent on demolishing the homes and businesses of 153 families who live in the neighborhood.
Francisca de Pinho Melo describes her desperate attempts to stop the demolition crews:
Photo: Agência Pública
Vi a máquina arrebentando o portão. Eu tentei entrar na frente e um rapaz que estava lá trabalhando com eles me segurou. Foi espontâneo eu ficar segurando na corrente, achando que eles iriam parar para conversar comigo e com os outros moradores. Mas minha irmã e minha filha ficaram gritando, pedindo para eu sair. Fui na minha casa, peguei um saco de documentos e fui para a casa de um irmão. Fiquei em estado de choque, chorando sem parar. Por que aquilo? Por que tirar a moradia de tantas pessoas necessitadas?
I saw when the bulldozer burst through the gate. I tried to get in its way, but one of the guys in the group held me back. It was just natural that I kept holding on to the chain, thinking that they would stop and talk with me and with the other residents. But my sister and my daughter kept yelling, begging me to get out of there. I went to my house, took a bag full of documents and left for my brother's. I was in a state of shock, crying nonstop. What was the reason for that? Why take away the dwellings of so many needy people?
Launched in January 2013, the footage is part of the second installation of the a mini documentary series  “O Legado Somos Nós” (The Legacy Is All of Us), produced by the human rights organization Witness in a partnership with the Rio People's World Cup and Olympics Committee (Comitê Popular Rio Copa e Olimpíadas). The evictions and demolitions in the Restinga neighborhood on the west side of Rio de Janeiro that appear in the documentary took place in 2010 in order to widen the Avenida das Américas in the district of Recreio dos Bandeirantes, a pre-requisite for the installation of the bus express lane Transoeste.
Photo: Agência Pública
Up to now, the residents received negligible compensation for their loss, whereas the business owners received no compensation at all, even though the Municipal Decree no. 20.454, from 2001 [pt] established that, in the case of a business, “a new business unit, compensation or purchase of some other facility subject to the same criteria as the ones established for premises of residential use, as provided in the SMH projects, should be offered”.
According to the documentary, 8,000 people have already lost their houses in Rio de Janeiro since the beginning of preparations for upcoming World Cup and Olympic Games, and the dossier published by the Rio People's World Cup and Olympics Committee states that about 30,000 people in the city will forcibly be evicted due to the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games.
Families “lose everything”
Francisca de Pinho Melo in the video “Minidoc: Francisca perdeu tudo por estar no caminho da Transoeste.” Agência Pública
In the video, Francisca says that she lost the cabinetmaking business where she worked side-by-side with her husband, her daughter, and two relatives when they demolished the neighborhood. She says she had to restart life in another community, making a living out of selling meals:
Eu estava na marcenaria há uns seis, sete anos. Tinhamos uma renda até boa, que estava dando para a gente suprir nossas necessidades. Quando aconteceu isso a gente ficou uns três meses sem ganhar nada, só gastando. Aí viemos morar de aluguel. O mais difícil são os filhos, é difícil ver um filho pedir. Meus amigos, parentes, vizinhos foram doando uma porta, um balcão e agora eu estou vendendo refeição, lanche, refrigerante. Chego a trabalhar 18 horas por dia.
I had been working in the cabinetmaking business for some six or seven years. Our income was quite reasonable, enough to meet our needs. When this happened, we went three months without earning any money at all, only spending money. Then we had to start paying rent on a house. The most difficult part of this situation is the children, it is hard to see a child begging. My friends, relatives, neighbors donated a door, a counter, and now I am making a living selling meals, snacks, soft drinks. I work as long as 18 hours a day.
Francisca, who lost not only her house, but also her work and her source of income, told Copa Pública that she is still fighting along with a public defender to get fair compensation for the loss of the cabinetmaking business; as for the loss of the house, she has had to accept the symbolic value of 3,800 reais [about 1,800 US dollars] offered by the city government:
Eu perdi tudo, minha casa, meu trabalho, a fonte de renda da minha família. Pior ficou quem morava e trabalhava no mesmo lugar, que não recebeu nada.
I lost everything, my house, my work, my family's source of income. It was worse for people who used to live and work in the same place, and did not get any compensation for it.
Watch the video [pt with en subtitles]:
Learn about Elisângela's story in the first documentary in the series [pt].
To get in touch with the Committee of Residents Affected by the Transoeste, please send an email to atingidos@gmail.com


text:
“What if Superman had Landed in India?” · Global Voices
Gabriela García Calderón Orbe

Colombian blog Diario Nocturno wonders “What if Superman had landed in India?” [es]:
We all know that Superman, while he was just a superbaby, fled planet Krypton in a space capsule, just before its destruction and landed (oh, what a coincidence) in Smallville, Kansas. But, what if he had landed, let's say, in India?
Then he presents other new versions of well-known stories made in Bollywood.


text:
What is “Hungarian Music”? · Global Voices
Marietta Le

Hungarian musicians signed an online petition [hu] against the restrictive definition of “Hungarian music” included in Hungary's media law, which considers only Hungarian-language productions as “Hungarian music.” The petitioners argued that the definition is not only excluding many artists from being part of the Hungarian music and culture, but is discriminatory when it comes to the application of language quotas in radio broadcasts. Radio stations have to apply a 35-percent quota of “Hungarian music” in their music shows. The regulation came into effect in July 2012 [hu].

author: Marietta Le


text:
Carnival Samba Takes Aim at World Cup in Brazil · Global Voices
Pública - Agência de jornalismo investigativo

This article, written by Mateus Coutinho, is a part of Agência Pública's special #CopaPública coverage, originally published on February 8, 2013, under the title Carnaval e Copa, será que dá samba?
With forced evictions and competing political interests surrounding the run-up to the 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil, a group of concerned Carnival revelers in Belo Horizonte, Brazil have put the discord to a winning samba beat.
In January, a group of citizens created a marchinha [literally “little march” a music genre typical of Carnival] to recall who really benefits from the Cup. “Imagina na Copa” (Imagine in the Cup), by the composers Daniel Iglesias, Matheus Rocha and Guto Borges, won the city's second Marchinhas Contest.
Carnival in Belo Horizonte. Photo: Agência Pública
Launched in 2012 [pt] by the cultural agency Cria Cultura, the Marchinhas Contest – named after Mestre Jonas, in an homage to the musician from Belo Horizonte – was created to rescue the old carnival dances, with costumes contests and marches composed by the population. The award takes place in a ball where 12 marchinhas selected by contest officials evaluated by a panel, which then chooses the three finalists.
The champions are then chosen by ball attendees; the first place winner gets a prize of 5,000 reais (approximately 2,520 US dollars), second place 3,000 reais, and third place 1,000 reais. Last year, the winning marchinha was Na Coxinha da Madrasta [pt] (In the stepmother's (little chicken) thigh, a popular food, also served in banquets), which alluded to a controversy involving Belo Horizonte city councilman Leo Burguês [pt] and the thousands of reais he spent on catering provided by his stepmother's company.
Photo shared by Agência Pública
It was the Cup's turn this year, as journalist and contest curator Brisa Marques explains:
O público começou a gritar o nome da marchinha antes mesmo de ir a votação do júri.
Imagine in the Cup
With references to the evictions caused by Cup-related construction and to the interests of local politicians in the Cup, the lyrics started as a joke between friends, explains Daniel Iglesias, one of the composers:
Estávamos de bobeira em casa e o Matheus disse que queria fazer uma marchinha sobre a Copa, aí já falei ‘imagina na copa’ e fomos escrevendo a letra.
A soccer field near the house where Daniel and Matheus live might give way for the construction of a hotel for the Cup. Matheus comments:
É bizarro pensar que por causa da Copa vão destruir um campinho para fazer hotel.
The victory of the marchinha surprised the members of the Local Committee of those Affected by the Cup. Committee member Fidelis Alcântara says:
Foi uma surpresa muito marcante, inclusive porque no começo do Comitê [em 2010] as pessoas achavam que era exagero nosso, e hoje já vemos a população entendendo melhor os impactos da Copa
Listen to the song #imaginanacopa, by Daniel Iglesias, Matheus Rocha, and Guto Borges:
Derrubaram minha casa
Por um erro de arbitragem
Ai meu deus, essa copa do mundo
É uma puta falta de sacanagem!
Beagá não sai ganhando
Nem se for pra repescagem
Se o filho da babá é dono da bola
Vou levar minha pelada pra Contagem
Se na praça não pode vender pipoca
#imaginanacopa
Se o Laécio tá fechado com a Coca
#imaginanacopa
Se na Guaicurus só ta dando poliglota
#imaginanacopa
Se o burguês pira nas mina de pi… Ôpa!
#imaginanacopa
Se no rádio essa música não toca
#imaginanacopa
Paula Góes contributed to the translation of the lyrics of the song #ImaginaNaCopa. The blog #CopaPública [pt] is a citizen journalism initiative that reports how the Brazilian population is being affected by – and mobilizing against – preparations for the 2014 World Cup.


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Colombia’s President: Nobel Peace Prize? · Global Voices
Cati Restrepo

During the afternoon of March 4, 2013, Colombians found out [es] that their current president, Juan Manuel Santos, is one of the 259 candidates for the Nobel Peace Prize. Various netizens showed their disagreement using the hashtag #SantosNobeldelainfamia [es, Santos Nobel of Infamy].

author: Cati Restrepo


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Democratic India’s Shrinking Freedoms · Global Voices
Rezwan

Proloy Bagchi comments that political corruption, government pressure, misuse of public resources, intolerance on criticism, intimidation and threat are some of the reasons that are limiting freedom of expression in the largest democracy of the world, India.

author: Rezwan


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Ecuador: Seven Days Without Water, Loja’s Residents are Enraged · Global Voices
Gina Yauri

The province of Loja is currently under a state of emergency: for over a week, approximately 60 neighbourhoods have been without a supply of clean drinking water, due to problems with the main water pipeline. Residents of the province have been expressing their indignation over this and other problems in the area using the hashtags#Loxaindignada and #Lojaindignada [es, Loja outraged].
The water company, Agua Potable de Loja, obtains its water from various water sources in order to supply the area's 180,000 inhabitants. Typically, the water is conducted via aqueducts to a processing plant; however, the entire process is currently paralysed as a result of damage [es] to the water system.
Various Twitter users attribute the loss of the water supply to poor administration on the part of the area's mayor Jorge Bailón [es]. Singer-songwriter Pato Valarezo (@patovala) [es] writes:
More than 60 neighbourhoods are without a supply of potable water, a problem that has remained unresolved for several days. Image provided by José Bolìvar Carderón @jbcalderong
@patovala: #Lojaindignada #Loxaindignada no entiendo como loja aguanta por tanto tiempo una administración municipal nefasta. Abre los ojos y reclama
@patovala: #Lojaindignada #Loxaindignada I don't understand how Loja has put up with such a terrible municipal administration for so long. Open up your eyes and protest
On the other hand, Maluli (malufertan) [es] posts:
@malufertan: como que si se solucionara inmediatamente los problemas de Loja con la salida del Alcalde!!
@malufertan: as if getting rid of the mayor would immediately solve Loja's problems!!
To which Álvaro Castillo (@genesys33) [es] replies:
@genesys33: @malufertan no se solucionan, pero debes dejar precedente, q las autoridades q no trabajan por la ciudad se las puede mandar a la casa
@genesys33: @malufertan No it wouldn't solve them, but you have to create a precedent so that officials who don't work for the city can be removed
Leonardo Javico L. (@leonardojavi) [es], sports journalist, believes that the mayor is unconcerned by the state of the city:
@leonardojavi: @LoxaIndignada sin agua, calles en pésimo estado y un Alcalde q no hace nada, hasta cuando…!!!
@leonardojavi: @LoxaIndignada no water, streets in a pitiful state and a Mayor who does nothing whatsoever. For how long…!!!
Economist Giovanni Carrión (@GiovanniCarrion) [es] shows his irritation for the lack of governability which he believes the city has experienced over the eight years that the current administration has been in power.
@GiovanniCarrion: 8 años de una Alcaldía donde lo único que destaca es “la silla vacía”. Hasta cuando Padre Almeida!. #Loxaindignada
@GiovanniCarrion: 8 years with a Mayor's Office in which the only thing that stands out is the “empty seat”. For how long, Padre Almeida!. #Loxaindignada
Jhuliana Moreno (@jhuly_ldu05) [es] is indignant at having to pay for a service which has been cut for several days:
@jhuly_ldu05: #LoxaIndignada somos un país con riqueza fluviales y aquí comprando agua? no pago por servicios?
@jhuly_ldu05: #LoxaIndignada we are a country rich in water resources and I'm here buying water? Don't I pay bills to receive this service?
José Bolívar Castillo (@chatojobol) [es], former mayor of Loja, congratulates netizens on the #LojaIndignada hashtag and invites residents to make their complaints heard.
@chatojobol: Loja no soporta más una administración ineficiente y sin visión. Felicitaciones a la iniciativa #LojaIndignada. Todos debemos involucrarnos.
@chatojobol: Loja will no longer put up with this inefficient, visionless administration. Congratulations to the #LojaIndignada initiative. We should all get involved.
In the post “#Loxa indignados ? primero piensen estos tres puntos” [es] (“Loxa Outraged? First, consider these three points”), blogger Carlos Correa [es] reflects on the big impact which the  #Loxaindignada hashtag has had:
Las quejas y protestas sobre el apocalíptico estado de la ciudad otra vez llegan a Twitter. Anoche y esta mañana hubo intensas discusiones, algo que seguramente ningún medio 1.0 local recogerá porque para ellos –en general– lo que pasa en las redes sociales no es noticia, perdiendo una oportunidad única de empezar a conversar.
The complaints and protests on the apocalyptic state of the city have made their way onto Twitter again. Last night and this morning there were intense discussions, something which it is sure that none of the Web 1.0 local media will pick up, since to them – in general – what happens in the world of social media isn't news, with the result that they miss out on a unique opportunity to get the conversation started.
In the first points of his analysis, Carlos focuses on the use of social networks:
1. Capacidad de convocatoria en Twitter. Si quieres tener verdadero impacto es obvio que los resultados serán ínfimos cuando trabajas prácticamente sólo, crear masa crítica no es fácil. pero cuando ya existe es absurdo despreciarla.
2. Salir de la burbuja 2.0. Como un imperativo, no necesita de demasiadas explicaciones, aunque puedo escribir párrafos citando las dificultades para hacerlo realidad.
1. Twitter's capacity to bring people together. If you want to have a real impact, it is obvious that the results will be negligible when you're working practically solo; creating critical mass is not easy. but once it's in existence it would be absurd to disregard it.
2.Get out of the 2.0 bubble. As an imperative, there is no need for excessive explanation, although I could write paragraphs on the difficulties it will involve to make this a reality.
For his final point, Carlos emphasises that any removal from office or resignation on the part of the mayor himself will not help Loja to improve the current situation in the long term:
3. Plan de acción propositivo. Se habla de revocatoria, pedido de renuncia y hasta de expulsión al actual Alcalde. Faltando un año para que se vaya, ¿creen de verdad que eso va a traer una solución definitiva a largo plazo?. Yo no lo creo. Tenemos propuestas y planes de acción, por ejemplo lean estos, aquí lo que sobra es pereza (clicacktivismo) y alcanfor, y mientras no entendamos que eso es nuestro defecto dominante social estaremos viviendo el Mito de Sísifo una y otra vez.
3. Proactive plan of action. People are talking about expulsion, asking the current Mayor to resign, even removal from office. With only a year left of his administration, do they really believe that this is going to bring about a long term, definitive solution? I don't believe so. We have proposals and plans of action, read these [es], for example, what we have no need for is laziness (clicacktivismo [es]) and mothballs, and as long as we fail to understand that this is our chief social defect, we will continue to relive The Myth of Sisyphus, over and over again.

author: Gina Yauri


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Violence Flares in Bangladesh Over Islamist Leader’s Death Sentence  · Global Voices
আলীম

See our special coverage of Bangladesh's #Shahbag Protests
Renewed violence has erupted across Bangladesh, leaving 80 people dead, after the vice president of the country's largest Islamist political party was sentenced to be hanged for war crimes on February 28, 2013.
A special war crimes tribunal found Jamaat-e-Islami leader Delwar Hossain Sayeedi guilty of murder, rape, arson, looting, and religious conversion by force committed during the country's 1971 war for liberation from Pakistan.
It is the third verdict and second death sentence to be handed down by the three-person tribunal for crimes relating to the conflict.
Supporters of the Shahbag movement, who have protested for nearly a month to demand the death penalty for war criminals, rejoiced at the verdict.
Shahbag protesters celebrate after the International Crimes Tribunal sentences top Jamaat-e-Islami leader Delawar Hossain Sayedee to be hanged. Photo by Rahat Khan. Copyright Demotix (28/2/2013)
But Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, rejected the tribunal's decision, and angry protesters across the country attacked temples, pagodas, and religious minorities, and set fire to vehicles. Dozens were killed when police opened fire in retaliation against armed protesters clashed.
Begum Khaleda Zia, the chairwoman of the country's main opposition party Bangladesh National Party, called the deadly police action “fascist” in a press conference [bn] on March 2, 2013, accusing it of committing mass murder. She proclaimed her party’s support for Jamaat-e-Islami.
To combat the disorder, officials in many parts of the country have imposed an emergency measure known as Section 144, which prohibits more than four people gathering together.
A video capturing some of the Jamaat-led violence has circulated on Facebook and Twitter:
Shahidul Islam Mukul [bn] also uploaded a video to his blog that describes the plight of Hindu families who were victims of targeted violence by Jamaat supporters. The homes of 74 Hindu families in the southeastern Noakhali district were burned; more videos can be found in this post [bn]:
Shahbag protesters took to the Web to condemn the violence. Hasibul Haque wrote on Facebook:
শংকিত হবার কিছু নাই। রাষ্ট্রের দায়িত্ব নিরাপত্তা নিশ্চিত করা, নাশকতা ঠেকানো। জামাত-শিবির যত ই তান্ডব চালানোর চেষ্টা করবে, তত ই তারা গণ-বিচ্ছিন্ন ও পরিত্যাক্ত হয়ে যাবে। জনগণ স্বত:স্ফূর্তভাবে জামাত-শিবির প্রতিরোধ করতে শুরু করেছে।
There is no reason to be alarmed. It is the government’s responsibility to protect us and stop terrorism. The more violence is perpetrated by Jamaat-e-Islami, the further they will be shunned. The public is showing resistance to Jamaat.
Other Facebook users had harsh words for Bangladesh National Party's support of Jamaat. Feroze Uddin [bn] posted:
বিএনপি নাকি জনগণকে সাথে নিয়ে আন্দোলন করছে!!! তাহলে আমরা কারা??
Apparently BNP is carrying on its movement with the public’s support. Then who are we?!
Shafi Mahmud [bn] expressed his disappointment with the party chairwoman Begum Khaleda Zia:
মর্মাহত, স্তম্ভিত, ক্ষুব্ধ, হতাশ……
কি করে বিরোধীদলের নেত্রী পারলেন জামাতিদের পক্ষ নিতে?
তিনি তো একজন সেক্টর কমান্ডের স্ত্রী…
একজন স্বাধীনতা ঘোষকের (!!) স্ত্রী……
তাহলে কি স্বাধীনতা মিথ্যা ?
৩০ লক্ষ প্রান মুল্যহীন?
দেশনেত্রী , যত তারাতারি আপনার শূভবুদ্ধির উদয় হয়
দেশের জন্য ততই মঙ্গল……
Grieved, stunned, angry, disappointed…
How could the opposition leader side with Jamaat?
After all she is the wife of a sector commander
The wife of a declarer of independence
Is independence a lie, then?
3 million lives worthless?
Leader, the faster you regain your senses
The better it is for the country.
Rioters in Santinagar, Bangladesh set fire to a car during riots. Photo by Mohammad Asad. Copyright Demotix (2/3/2013)
Many celebrated the death sentence brought against Sayeedi on social media.
Rashed Almazi [bn] posted on his Facebook page:
আমরা শুরু করলাম। শেষ নয়!!!
This is just our beginning, not the end!!!
Facebook user Sheikh Giasuddin Ahmed Suvro congratulated the Shahbag protestors and wrote:
অভিনন্দন শাহবাগ! জনতা রাস্তায় অতন্দ্র পাহারায়।ন্যায়প্রতিষ্ঠায়, সতর্ক ও সজাগ জনতার বিকল্পনাই। জয় জনতা, জয়বাংলা।
Congrats to Shahbagh! The masses are sleepless, on guard in the streets. To establish justice, there is no alternative to an alert populace. Victory to the masses! Victory to Bengal!
Sohel Zafar [bn] reacted on Facebook with:
দেলু রাজাকারের ফাঁসির আদেশ হলো আজ। বাংলাদেশের ইতিহাসের ঘৃণ্যতম অপরাধী এই ‘ফ্যানাটিক‘ খুনী-ধর্ষকের ফাঁসি কার্যকর করার মধ্য দিয়ে বাংলাদেশ ঐতিহাসিকভাবে কলঙ্কমুক্ত হবে। ভবিষ্যতের বাংলাদেশ হাঁটবে উজ্জীবিত তরুণ প্রজন্মের স্বপ্নের পথে।
Traitor Delu has been sentenced to death today. Bangladesh will officially rid itself of shame through the hanging of one of the most hated criminals in its history, this fanatic murderer-rapist. The future of Bangladesh will be paved by the bright dreams of today’s youth.
The Facebook page of the Shahbagh Movement, Projonmo Chattor [bn], published its reaction [bn]:
ফাঁসির রায়ের জন্য শাহবাগে অপেক্ষমাণ হাজার হাজার জনতা প্রত্যাশিত সংবাদ পেয়েই শুরু করেন আনন্দ উল্লাস। এ যেনো এক অভাবনীয় দৃশ্য। এ যেনো আরেক যুদ্ধ জয়। ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের বিভিন্ন হল থেকে সাধারণ ছাত্র ছাত্রীরা আনন্দ মিছিল নিয়ে আসছে শাহবাগের গনজাগরণ চত্বরে। কেউ ঢোল বাজাচ্ছে। কেউ বাজাচ্ছেন বাশি।
Thousands of people waiting for the verdict at Shahbagh started celebrating as soon as they got the news. This is an incredible sight! Looks like we have won another war. Students from all the dorms in Dhaka University are coming to Shahbagh with drums and trumpets.
Projonmo Chattor [bn] also said:
সংগ্রাম এখানে কিন্তু শেষ না, আরো বহু দূর যেতে হবে। আরো ৬টা বাকি, একটা আপিল বাকি…… তারপর বাকিদের ধরতে হবে।
This is not the end of the movement. We have a long way to go. There are 6 more criminals left, and one more appeal waiting to be filed. Then we have to catch the rest.
Hundreds of demonstrators converge near historic Bahadurshah Park in Old Dhaka to demand the hanging all war criminals. Photos by Firoz Ahmed. Copyright Demotix (3/3/2013)
Jahanara Imam, known as the symbolic mother of all martyrs, first called for the trial of the 1971 war criminals in 1992. Remembering her, the professor of economics at Jahangirnagar University, writer and secretary member of National Committee to protect natural resources, Anu Mohammad [bn], posted as his Facebook status:
জাহানারা ইমামকে স্মরণ করি। তাঁর কথাই সত্য প্রমাণিত হলো। যাঁরা যুদ্ধাপরাধী বিচার আন্দোলনে নানাভাবে দীর্ঘদিন ধরে কাজ করছেন তাঁদের অভিনন্দন জানাই। গ্লানিমুক্তির সূচনা। এখানেই থামবে না।
I am remembering Jahanara Imam. Her words have been proved true. Congratulations to those who have been working towards the trial of the war criminals for a long time. This is the beginning of riddance, not the end.

author: আলীম


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Kenyans Flood Polls Despite Election Day Violence  · Global Voices
Ndesanjo Macha

Machete-wielding separatists left at least 13 dead in Kenya as millions of people turned out in historic numbers to cast their votes on March 4, 2013 in one of the most watched general elections in Africa since the country's elections in 2007 ended in ethnic bloodshed.
Sporadic acts of violence marred the otherwise peaceful election, the country's first under its new 2010 constitution. Voters chose candidates for president, members of parliament, county governors, senators, county assembly representatives, and women county representatives.
Official results are expected to be announced by March 11, 2013.
Many were concerned over a possible repeat of the violence that exploded after the 2007 presidential elections. More than 1,100 people were killed and 600,000 were displaced after those disputed election results triggered clashes between tribes.
@Nairoboy shares this photo on Twitter asking, “If this woman, as old & frail as she is, came out to vote, what's your excuse?” Photo source: @Nairoboy
The National Coalition of Human Rights Defenders branch in Kenya (@nchrdkenya) reported that armed men were allegedly breaking into homes and stealing IDs during election day 2013 [Global Voices has not confirmed this report]:
@nchrdkenya: Alleged Starehe constituency 50 men armed with “pangas” and 2 pistols are breaking into homes and stealing IDs and phones.#kenyadecides
But despite fears of renewed violence, voters turned out by the millions:
@WanjiruMachari1: #KenyaDecides #Elections2013 some polling stations in #Nakuruare waiting for formality to close. recorded over 80% voter turn-out
Early predictions indicated that the high turnout could shatter the record set with the 2010 constitution referendum, according to National Media Editor Charles Onyango-Obbo (@cobbo3):
@cobbo3: Highest turnout for a vote in Kenya was in 2010 constitution referendum; 72.2%. #KenyaDecides 2013 could hit 80% plus!
Voters, some sick, walked many miles to exercise their democratic right:
@SEREKII: Never seen this determination to vote in Coast! My aunt who is ailing from mild stroke walked 2kms to vote#kenyadecides
@wndiwa: Morans walked 100km to vote in wamba #KenyaDecides
@MoritzCOTR: Amazingly, most Kenyans stood in queues for up to 10 hours without killing each other #Shocked http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/at-least-15-reported-dead-in-kenya-election-day-violence-8518677.html … #kenyadecides
Long queues were reported in many polling stations with some voters having to wait for hours before casting their votes. One woman went into labour before casting her vote:
@Toili12: A woman goes into labour in a voting queue at Kariobangi South Primary polling center before casting her vote #KenyaDecides
@nochiel: Voting was protracted, tedious, and exhausting. Also, most of us waited 5 hours to get to the booth. #KenyaDecides
@Da_Dunx_Mugi: If it has taken 90mins for me to take 15 steps, how long will it take me to take another 500-600 steps?! #KenyaDecides
@japho1: I have never been on queue for this long since I started voting way back in 2002.#KenyaDecides
However, some voters such as Harry Karanja (@startupkenya) spent no time at all in a queue:
@startupkenya: Thanks all for voting early, because of you I've just spent a total of 0 minutes queuing #KenyaDecides
Njambi Kiburio (@NjambiII) remained optimistic about the elections:
@NjambiII: @cnnbrk [CNN Breaking News] Kenya has news for you. May you hunger for sad news, and find none here. #KenyaDecides
Some netizens argued that foreign media outlets only focused on bad news. Twitter user @Owitie wrote that Kenyans can report their own stories:
@Owitie: Those few mzungus [white people] aka wabeberu [imperialists] need to realize that as#KenyaDecides we can report our own news and tell our stories.
Small business owner Ian Cox (@IanECox) pondered the possibility of Uhuru Kenyatta, who is facing charges at the international criminal court following the 2007 post-election violence, winning the presidential election:
@IanECox: I wonder how the international press will react if #kenyadecides to elect Uhuru.. those dumb Kenyans.. etc etc
Some praised the performance of Kenya's Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission. Entertainer Kabochi Gakau (@Kaytrixx) noted that the commission is better organised than the 2007 elections:
@Kaytrixx: I must say though, IEBC is pretty organised, much better than the last election. Transparent. #Peace254 #KenyaDecides
@thisiskenyan: 18 more people then I get my turn… these iebc guys are on turbo mode kudos! #Kenyadecides #mugugagreenedition
@Olashmartine: 10hrs 7 mins to vote! well done IEBC you've outdone yourself #kenyadecides #KEpolls2013
Others had a humorous take on the elections:
@keruanna: And a bird just shitted on me. Next time I'll pick a polling station without trees #Kenyadecides
@dnahinga: I think they should extend the time for opening bars also.#KenyaKwanza We don't want to tempt those still queing#KenyaDecides
@mwamishitemi: i can confirm that the ‘middle class’ did indeed vote. those on twitter polling station, you have 15 minutes… #kenyadecides
@FelixDonBash: I think today breaks the record for most twitpics of fingers#KenyaDecides
@ngatia_sammy: Samburu morans [Samburu Maasai warriors] trekked 104 km to a polling station ,they demanded to be given 1st priority so that they could go back to graze #kenyadecides
Finally, friends of Kenya sent love and good wishes on Twitter:
@tmsruge: Sending some mad love to Kenya right now. Showing WHOLE world how participatory democracy is done. Go big brother, go!!
@RDustinLong: Good luck to all my Kenyan friends today with their Presidential election. #kenyadecides

author: Ndesanjo Macha


text:
Medellín, Colombia: Innovative but Unequal · Global Voices
Lully

On March 1, 2013, the WSJ Magazine announced that Medellín had been chosen as the most innovative city of the world in the contest “City of the Year” organized by the Urban Land Institute (ULI).
That same day, the press reported that a representative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights had declared the city [es] one of the most unequal in the world because of the murders, disappearances, unemployment, and the war between criminal gangs and their control of some neighborhoods.
However, Medellín was selected as the most innovative city thanks to its modern transportation system, cultural centers, parks, libraries, public schools, and the city's environmental policy. Furthermore, it was recognized for reducing crime and CO2 emissions, and for implementing innovative ideas like the outdoor escalators at Comuna 13.
Medellín won this award after an arduous selection process among 200 cities. It was finally chosen by more than one million votes in the final round against Tel Aviv and New York.
Medellín subway. Photo by Robert Schrader under Creative Commons license (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
The big contrast in these two reports has generated various reactions on social networks.
Some see the “City of the Year” award as a relief to mitigate the stigma of inequality, violence, and drug trafficking. However, although “felicitaciones Medellín” [es] (congratulations Medellín) and the hashtag #MedellínInnovadora [es] (innovative Medellín) became trends on Twitter, users also used social media to draw attention to problems in the city. According to some netizens, many of the challenges that Medellín faces where hidden behind the media's [es] coverage of the award.
In the Mayor of Medellín's official Facebook page [es], many citizens, like Steven ABall [es], expressed concern over violence and poverty:
Pensaré que es verdad que somos innovadores cuando haya un esquema de seguridad que funcione, cuando ya no vea tanta indigencia en el centro ni en las periferias, cuando los programas sociales funcionen, cuando chatarricen tanto bus viejo y volquetas que dejan estelas de humo y gases invernadero, cuando se tenga un plan para embellecer el centro. NO me sirve de nada que sea “innovadora” mi cuidad, si no puedo salir a disfrutarla, solo porque a la administración no le da la gana hacer funcionar las cosas!
On Twitter, Andrea González Ospina (@AndreGonzalezO) [es] quoted the president of EAFIT University [es]:
@AndreGonzalezO: “En Medellín tenemos dos grandes retos: superar la inequidad y la violencia (…) este reconocimiento nos obliga a esa tarea” Juan Luis M.
Archbishop Ricardo Antonio Tobón Restrepo also voiced his concerns [es] about violence in the city. For many, his statements and the UN's overshadowed the euphoria sparked by the “City of the Year” award.
But the people of Medellin are still betting on a better city, as Gloria Cabrera Sosa (@CabreraGlo) [es] tweets:
@CabreraGlo: Cuidemos a Medellín y aún podemos sacarla adelante a pesar de la violencia o la desigualdad. Seamos innovadores.

author: Lully


text:
Nepali Newspaper Gives Voice to Hong Kong’s Neglected Minorities · Global Voices
inmediahk.net

This article by Feifei originally appeared on inmediahk.net on February 21, 2013 in Chinese. It is translated with some contextual explanation by Ronald Yick and republished as part of a content sharing agreement.
There are approximately 451,000 ethnic minorities currently living in Hong Kong, of which more than 63,000 are from South Asia (India, Pakistan and Nepal), according to the 2011 government population census [pdf]. Most of them do not understand Chinese, the most popular language in the city alongside English. With no radio or television channels for ethnic minority communities, it is difficult for them to access local news and be informed of current issues. At the same time, mainstream media and society at large pay them little heed.
Missing voices in Hong Kong
Some ethnic minorities decide to run their own media, making news reports for their countrymen and bridging the gap among different ethnic groups. The Nepali ethnic group is one of the largest to run their own publications. Currently, there are three Nepali newspapers in Hong Kong. One of them is called Ethnic Voice. Published weekly, it contains both Nepali- and English-language reporting, and has a YouTube channel. The weekly newspaper also runs a workshop and encourages Nepalis to become citizen journalists.
Pun Magar J.B., editor-in-chief of Ethnic Voice
J.B., the editor-in-chief of Ethnic Voice, obtained his master’s degree in journalism in Nepal. He has many years of experience in television and radio broadcasting. One year ago, a friend invited him to Hong Kong to start Ethnic Voice. Located in the Jordan district, the newspaper employs Hong Kong students to do translation on a part-time basis. Local Nepali people are the target audience. They can buy it for 5 Hong Kong dollars (0.64 US dollars) from more than 100 grocery stores run by ethnic minorities. “Nepali people will not read information which is free. They prefer reading what they buy,” J.B. explained.
Many Nepali were Gurkhas who served in the British Army units in Hong Kong until its return to China. The soliders and their families used to live in places where the barracks were located, but later spread to other districts.
Independent media fosters social change
J.B. believes that an independent media can drive social change. For him, creating dialogue through newspaper publication is one of the ways to get ethnic minorities involved in society. Ethnic Voice is primarily written in Nepali with some English, too. Nepali is used to cover issues surrounding Nepali in Hong Kong. When the news covers local politics and ethnic minorities, it is reported in English. Such an arrangement enhances mutual understanding.
The newspaper publishes between 1,000 and 5,000 copies per week. It has even attracted a jewelry company to advertise. “That company thinks that what we have done is meaningful, and wants to do something for their community. When I asked for advertising, they quickly agreed,” J.B. explained. The newspaper has received wide recognition in the community. During our interview in Jordan district, many people stopped to greet him.
Grocery stores run by ethnic minorities are major distribution outlets for Ethnic Voice
There have been few opportunities for the Hong Kong government, the local Chinese, and ethnic minorities to communicate face-to-face in the city. Ethnic Voice tries to be the link. For example, J.B intentionally sends the newspaper to local political parties and other ethnic groups. He even asked public libraries to subscribe to the newspaper to increase readership, but failed because of the complicated administrative procedures.
Mainstream prejudice against ethnic minorities
J.B. said that when local media reports news about South Asian countries, the news is often misleading since local reporters do not have sufficient understanding of the context. As such, Hong Kong people are prone to skewed or even discriminatory views against South Asians. J.B remembers a local newspaper once used the term “ethnic conflict” in a headline used to describe a dispute between two people.
J.B. pointed out that most Nepali in Hong Kong have to work very long hours to make ends meet and consequently their political awareness is not strong. They rarely show interest in current affairs or government policies, or for that matter, minority rights campaigns. The government tends to neglect ethnic minorities, while the minorities have little intention to connect with the society. J.B. hopes that the Hong Kong government can provide support services to facilitate involvement in the broader community in order to reduce discrimination. He also hopes to see South Asians show solidarity and speak out for themselves.