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Mutual Self-Interest: Bahrain Celebrates 200 Years of ‘Friendship’ with Britain · Global Voices
John Lubbock

1851 map of the Persian Gulf. (Wikimedia Commons)
Bahrain has long been a friend to its Western allies. This friendship was celebrated at the Bahrain International Air Show (BIAS) on January 21, with a flypast of the BAE Systems Typhoon Jets that the UK is so desperate to sell to all the Gulf dictatorships.
The BIAS was the first event in a year of celebrations touting the benefits of Bahrain’s relationship with the UK, which dates back 200 years. Interestingly, the ‘build up’ to the 200th anniversary had been marked since the ‘GREAT British Week’ in 2013. It appears that both governments are keen to drown out criticism of their relationship by excessively emphasising how wonderful the relationship has been for both countries.
Choosing to mark the 200th anniversary of Bahraini-British relations is somewhat problematic, however, as in its early history the relationship doesn’t read so much as ‘friendship’, as a colonial relationship involving coercion, treachery, piracy and slave-trading.
The Bahraini ruling family, the Al-Khalifa, come from the Bani Utbah tribe, who were part of a confederation in Kuwait before breaking away to inhabit the Arabian coast near Bahrain at Zubara (modern day Qatar) in the 18th century. Here, they came into conflict with neighbouring tribes, including the rulers of Muscat, Abu Dhabi and the Al-Saud family in the Arabian interior.
Britain, meanwhile, was expanding its trading empire, particularly in India, and the British government in Bombay was becoming concerned about intertribal warfare and piracy of the Persian Gulf. At the beginning of the 19th century, the British Resident, the senior British officer in the Gulf, was based on the Persian coast at Bushehr. In 1805, the Al-Khalifa sheikhs  approached the British Resident asking for protection against the Al-Saud family and their fanatical Wahhabi followers, who were pressuring them to go on ‘a piratical cruise to India’. The Wahhabis had no navy, and wanted to branch out into piracy of trade ships from India to the Gulf.
According to a history of the Bani Utbah tribe compiled by British officers in the Persian Gulf later in the 19th century, the British wished to check ‘this new and pernicious system, arising out of the avarice and fanaticism of a desperate tribe in the centre of the Nujd’. However, the Bombay government, unsure of the Persian reaction to British involvement with Gulf Arab tribes, declined to offer them protection.
In 1810, the Wahhabis imposed a governor on Bahrain and the neighbouring Arab coast to whom the Al-Khalifa were obliged to pay tribute. In 1811-12, the Ottomans sent an Egyptian army under Muhammad Ali Pasha’s son to retake Arabia, and the Utbah were able to throw off the Wahhabi governor and start cooperating with the Imam of Muscat.
Although the ‘Records of Bahrain’ collected by the British colonial office is unclear on the matter, it seems that Muscat may have attempted to make the Al-Khalifa their subjects and rejecting this, the Al-Khalifa tried to play both sides by approaching the Wahhabis. The Resident at Bushehr, Lieutenant William Bruce, arrived in Bahrain on 19 July, 1816 to find Sheikh Abdullah Al-Khalifa concerned that the British were going to support an attack by Muscat on Bahrain, as the Imam of Muscat had warned him. Bruce reassured the Sheikh that this was untrue, and to emphasise the point, suggested that he could ‘draw out a few articles of agreement’, believing that the government of Bombay wouldn’t mind. The government of Bombay did mind, however, and rejected Bruce's unauthorised agreement, choosing to remain neutral towards Bahrain for the time being. Whatever the case, this informal agreement was not thought significant enough to bother keeping.
This was probably a wise move on the part of the Bombay government, as the Al-Khalifa, after promising Bruce that they would refrain from assisting pirates in the Gulf, proceeded to assist a neighbouring tribe, the Jawasim, in conducting a campaign of piracy and selling their stolen goods in Bahrain. ‘It was impossible under these circumstances to look on Bahrain in any other light than that of a piratical port’, wrote the Persian Gulf's British Assistant Resident in his history of the Utub sheikhs.
By 1819, the government of British India had had enough of the Gulf tribes’ infighting and piracy. Captain Lock arrived with six ships to investigate a report of Indian women being sold as slaves in a Bahraini bazaar. The sheikh convinced Lock that the story was not true and agreed to prohibit the sale of ‘captured British property’, an agreement to which the sheikh ‘did not pay the slightest attention’.
After being disregarded once again, the British sent more ships to the Gulf under Sir W.G. Keir and destroyed the Jawasim pirate fleet, capturing their base at Ras al-Khaimah, now one of the seven UAE Emirates.
An excerpt from History of the Indian Navy 1613-1863 Volume I, by Charles Rathbone Low.
The Bahraini Sheikh then handed over to the British all the pirate ships which had been docked in his harbour. However, this did not entirely eradicate piracy, and tribal squabbles continued between the Gulf sheikhs as the Al-Khalifa continued to fight against becoming subjects of either Muscat or the Wahhabis.
It is hard to say that the 1816 agreement constituted a treaty of friendship, as it was really a promise that the British navy in the Gulf would remain neutral in a conflict between Bahrain and Muscat.
It is also understandable that the Bahraini and British governments would not want to celebrate an anniversary in 2020 when the first official treaty was signed, partly because it is an election year in the UK, but maybe also because it represents the anniversary of the British forcing the Gulf sheikhs to stop their piracy and slave trading. It also seems that the Bahraini government is trying to enhance its legitimacy by implying that Bahrain was always really independent from Britain, who were simply the friends and benefactors of the Alkhalifa monarchs, not their colonial masters.
It’s hard to call any of these occasions the beginning of a ‘friendship’ between Britain and Bahrain. The reality is not that it is a relationship of mutual friendship but rather one of hard-nosed political cynicism.
Perhaps that is what the euphemism ‘friendship’ really means. The patron-client relationship between Britain and Bahrain has endured for 200 years and shows little sign of ending. It is a relationship of convenience, for reasons of power and commerce, and perhaps it cannot be one that should be expected to work in the interests of ordinary citizens.

author: John Lubbock


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BBC Says Russia’s ‘Troll Factory’ Faked a Video Showing a US Soldier Shooting at a Quran · Global Voices
Kevin Rothrock

“Saiga 410K review.” Image: Mayaese Johnson / YouTube
The video seems to show a man dressed as a US soldier firing three shots into a copy of the Quran. It appeared online in September 2015, generating unusual interest in Russia, prompting strong criticism from the country’s Muslim community. According to an investigative report by the BBC’s Russian-language service, the footage was actually staged by St. Petersburg’s infamous “troll factory,” the Agency for Internet Studies.
In the controversial video, a dark-skinned man wearing a US military uniform tests a Russian-made Saiga 401K semi-automatic rifle by firing ten shots at a blue book written in Arabic, resembling the Quran. When only three bullets hit the target, the man behind the camera, using highly obscene language and speaking with an accent that does not sound American, says the weapon is inaccurate. The video, which is interspersed with grammatically incorrect captions, concludes with the statement, “This is one more prove that only American weapons are the best ever [sic].”
The same day that the video appeared on YouTube, it was also shared on the National Gun Forum, which hosts “discussion for proud gun owners.” There, a user named “Derr86” claimed that his friend was trying to dissuade him from buying a Saiga 410K because the weapon is “just a piece of crap.” Derr86 said his friend, “who’s a marine btw, Oorah!” also sent him the YouTube video featuring the man dressed as a US soldier testing the rifle on the Arabic book. Derr86 registered on the forum just ten days before this post, and he hasn’t been active since.
No one on the forum seemed to notice (or care) that the man in the video was dressed in US desert camouflage, which is widely available at specialty stores. The BBC also notes that the man wears an Ops-Core FAST Base Jump helmet, instead of a US military helmet. (The helmet, moreover, bears a patch reading, “INFIDEL STRONG.”) The YouTube account that posted the video is registered under the unusual name “Mayaese Johnson,” who on Google Plus claims to be employed at a high school in Moscow.
Elsewhere on Google Plus, the BBC reports, there are roughly another 50 accounts with the first name “Mayaese,” and many of those individuals also say they work at high schools in Moscow. Their Google Plus accounts are blank, created (it seems) to add “likes” to videos on YouTube, the BBC speculates.
On September 11, 2015, several still images from the video appeared on the anonymous Twitter account @ComradZampolit (which has more than 33,000 followers), and then on another even more popular account, @NovostiSPb (which has more than 81,000 followers). Both these accounts claimed that the soldier was shooting at the Quran, though the video never states this explicitly.
Нашел видео, где американец простреливает Коран.
Неужели, #Слёзы911 не научили, что нельзя играть с исламом? pic.twitter.com/jEihDNxwTL
— Замполит (@ComradZampolit) September 11, 2015
Found a video where an American shoots up a Quran. Have they and all their 9/11 tears really not learned that you can't play around with Islam?
The NovostiSPb Twitter account frequently shares links to the news site Nevskie Novosti, which newspaper reports and hacker leaks say is the creation of people tied to businessman Evgeny Prigozhin, who's believed to have launched St. Petersburg’s “troll factory,” the Agency for Internet Studies. Within hours of these Twitter accounts drawing attention to the video, social communities on Facebook and Vkontakte shared the footage, too.
Three days later, the video started appearing on forums “popular among Internet trolls,” the BBC says, referring to websites like Maxpark, Dirty.ru, and YaPlakal, and on certain pro-Kremlin news sites, like Politonline.ru.
The first media outlet to draw attention to the video, the BBC says, was a website called People’s News, which is registered at 55 Savushkina Street in St. Petersburg—the same address as the Agency for Internet Studies, Russia’s infamous “troll factory.” According to the BBC’s sources, the agency rents several virtual servers in order to mask its online behavior. The BBC says it has a list of some of the IP addresses the agency uses, and the first IP address on the list, it so happens, was used to promote the Quran-shooter video on a forum based in Saratov.
The BBC even says it’s found a man who resembles the gunman in the video, having discovered his photograph by searching on Instagram for photos geotagged near 55 Savushkina Street. British journalists say the man, who works as a bartender in St. Petersburg, is friends with a woman who’s known to be employed by the “troll factory.”
He—and everyone else thought to work for the trolls—refused to speak to the BBC.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Kevin Rothrock


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How Afghanistan’s Politics of Ethnicity and Honour Play Out on Facebook · Global Voices
Chris Rickleton

Troops under General Dostum's command in Mazar-e-Sharif. Wiki image.
In Afghanistan, ethnic politics pervades every facet of public life, so it is only logical that tensions between the country's main groups find their way onto social media, too.
On March 22, thousands of General Abdul Rashid Dostum’s supporters demonstrated in Afghanistan's third largest city Mazar-e Sharif, expressing their anger at Dostum billboards being torn down in one of the city's squares during the night of the spring equinox Nowruz.
A similar protest was held in Jawzjan, Dostum’s birthplace and his strongest community base.
In response, supporters of General Ata Mohammad Noor, the governor of the Balkh province where Mazar-e-Sharif is the administrative capital, held a protest condemning Dostum's supporters for disturbing peace and security in the area.
Dostum and Noor have a lot in common. Both are military commanders that hold considerable political weight in northern Afghanistan and both men took part in the resistance against the Soviet Union, and later, the Taliban.
Dostum is known as a vote bank in elections and Noor as a political ‘king maker‘ due to their broad constituencies.
What separates them is their ethnicity. Noor comes from the Tajik segment of Afghanistan's ethnically diverse population, while Dostum is from the Uzbek minority. And in Afghan politics, ethnicity represents a crucial fault line.
Dostum's supporters gather in Mazar-e-Sharif, Afghanistan. Photo by S. Watandost. Used with permission.
Dostum’s supporters claim the tearing down of Dostum's posters — allegedly by Noor's supporters — was an organised expression of disrespect towards the charismatic warlord, and thereby an insult to the community he represents.
Noor responded immediately on his official Facebook page, blaming “unknown trouble makers” for the unrest, avoiding naming Dostum in person and warning people not to disturb peace in Balkh any further.
That post received over 5,000 ‘reactions’ — the more complex versions of the like button Facebook introduced this month — and over 700 comments. But the tit-for-tat did not end there.
Batur Dostum, Dostum’s son, quickly responded to Noor’s post accusing him of warmongering. His post had received 2,000 reactions and close to 500 comments as of this article.
In a different status Batur posted photos of armed men captioned as follows:
Under the direct command of Balkh’s acting governor, the real “trouble makers” are trying to prevent our peaceful demonstration. The demonstrations will continue, however.
The dispute quickly gathered traction on the most popular social network for Afghans, with Facebook “status wars” between Tajiks and Uzbeks.
Amid a spike in hate speech, ethnic Hazara Facebook user Rahman Abdul Rahman intervened, posting tens of snapshots of hate-mongering Facebook posts and expressing opposition to “all hate-mongering”. Most of the posts were written by members of the Tajik ethnic group, he noted.
Tajiks are Afghanistan's second largest ethnic group, with around one in four Afghans claiming Tajik heritage. The country's largest group is Pashtuns, who make up at least 40% of the population. The Hazara, meanwhile, may account for between 10 and 20% of the country's 32.5 million people, although no official census has ever been conducted.
Uzbeks, with a probable demographic share of less than 10%, were a sidelined minority until they were united in the 1980s by Dostum under the political party, Junbish-e Milli-yi Islami-yi Afghanistan (National Islamic Movement of Afghanistan).
His efforts guaranteed them and other Turkic-language communities a say in political arrangements after the Soviets began evacuating the country in 1988 following their failed invasion.
Years later the votes of Dostum's constituency would help ethnic Pashtun Ashraf Ghani claim the Afghan presidency when the pair ran on the same ticket in a contested election in 2014, despite Ghani calling Dostum a “known killer” in 2009.
Afghan politics is replete with such marriages of convenience.
Ghani's main rival for the presidency, Tajik Abdullah Abdullah, also based his ticket on ethnic calculations, running with Mohammad Mohaqiq, an ethnic Hazara and Mohammad Khan, an ethnic Pashtun.
In the years following the fall of the Pashtun-dominated Taliban in 2001, the rights of all major ethnic groups to a share of power have been recognised by the constitution.
In practice, however, Pashtuns still dominate, stirring resentment among non-Pashtun communities.
In the 2014 elections, Abdullah Abdullah promised to break the Pashtun monopoly over political power dating back to 1747, but could not make good on his pledge.
Recently ethnic differences have come alive again in the delay over the introduction of the E-Tazkira electronic national ID card.
Tajik politicians in particular have struck out against the inclusion of the word ‘Afghan’ on the card as it is synonymous with Pashtun.
Pashtuns, in turn, disagree with using the names of the various ethnic groups, as this would be tantamount to admitting a status as just another minority.
Social media, used by the vast majority of the roughly 10% of the population that has internet access, has become a hub for such debates over nationality, identity and language, but conversation often quickly descends into chauvinism.
The last fifteen years in Afghanistan have seen a scaling back of the internecine rivalries that saw incidents of ethnic cleansing occur under the Taliban.
But the fallout from the Dostum billboards scandal is a timely reminder that this tolerance is always tentative.

author: Chris Rickleton


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Nepotism Cases Sully Both Sides of the Political Aisle in Trinidad & Tobago · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

Marlene McDonald in 2008, when she was Trinidad and Tobago Minister of Community Development, Culture and Gender Affairs. Photo by Trinidad News, used under a CC BY 2.0 license.
Following calls to investigate Trinidad and Tobago's Minister of Housing and Urban Development, Marlene McDonald, for misbehaviour in public office, Prime Minister Dr. Keith Rowley finally fired her on March 17, 2016.
McDonald is accused not only of abusing her ministerial power to get her common-law husband a Housing Development Corporation (HDC) home, but also of employing him and other relatives at her constituency office, in flagrant disregard for the ministerial guidelines about hiring procedures. There are also accusations that she started a fake non-governmental organisation (NGO) called the Calabar Foundation in order to access public funds.
While the decision to sack McDonald earned praise, some thought more needed to be done to combat corruption.
Fixin’ T&T, one of the lobby groups agitating for McDonald's dismissal, urged the prime minister to “prioritise meaningful legislation on procurement, campaign financing, party financing and whistle blowing and create a more financially independent Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions.”
Akins Vidale, writing at Wired868, was also conservative with his praise, making the point that while ministers have been fired in the past, nothing has fundamentally changed:
If indeed the decision [to fire McDonald] hinged significantly on cheques awarded to the Calabar Foundation, then there must be an effort to recover those funds.
If it is because of the hiring of her ‘famalee’, then a serious question arises about the Parliamentary oversight of MPs’ constituency offices.
Let’s not win the battle and lose the war.
How many Ministers have been fired in the last ten years?
And, the real biggie, how many pieces of legislation can we identify in the same period which have sought to prevent repeats or prosecute offenders?
Many social media users also felt that the sacking was not enough. On Facebook, Lara Quentrall-Thomas asked:
Being fired is one thing but will Marlene McDonald return the house and salary she gave to her husband to the State ?
In typical style, satirical website The Late O'Clock News tweeted a humourous take on the situation:
Marlene Pops Under Pressure; Misappropriated Funds Fly Everywhere https://t.co/Sa8pkxv93B pic.twitter.com/tG1ue2YBmK
— TheLate O'Clock News (@lateoclock_news) March 17, 2016
But things started to get serious when it was revealed that members of the now opposition — including the Opposition Leader Kamla Persad-Bissessar — had also abused their public office by hiring relatives in their constituency offices while they were in government.
Persad-Bissessar and her former ministers have been trying to sidestep any blame in this regard by claiming ignorance of the ministerial guidelines, saying they had “changed”. The reality is that these guidelines are always amended by the parliament prior to one government relinquishing office and another administration taking the reins of power — so any changes would have happened under their watch.
The opposition's offered to make amends, however, by refunding the money, which Fixin’ T&T called “insulting”. A Trinidad Express editorial summed up their “disingenuous” attitude:
The public expects a higher standard from the people to whom it has charged the responsibility for making laws. The very least expected of them is to observe the rules of Parliament and the laws of the land, both of which prevent members of Parliament from using public funds to provide employment for defined categories of relatives. […]
It is not only the rules of Parliament that forbid incestuous employment. Under the heading of ‘Code of Conduct’, the Integrity in Public Life Act is clear in stating that public officials covered by that law shall not use their office for the ‘improper advancement’ of their family’s personal or financial interests.
The memes, like this one which was shared on the Facebook group ‘Citizens building a BETTER T&T’, were quick to follow:
Meme shared by Travis Gopaul on Facebook.
In a post published on Wired868, Sunity Maharaj called McDonald's firing “precisely the baptism of fire needed” to get Prime Minister Dr. Keith Rowley thinking not as a party leader, but as a leader of the country:
The dismissal of Marlene McDonald could be the start of something good, if it helps to shift the system towards more accountable power. If this were to happen, it would mark a real revolution.
The more predictable outcome, however, is that her dismissal will stand as a new marker of polarisation rather than a new standard of politicisation.
She made the point that leaders need to get the message that the electorate will no longer tolerate a lack of transparency when it comes to their patrimony:
As for the government, both Mrs Persad-Bissessar and Dr Rowley have fallen victim to the idea that they are equipped and well-placed to investigate their own ministers and clear them of wrong-doing.
This is the old colonial power system at work in which prime ministers assume the authority of the all-powerful governor.
In 2016, it is long past the time for independent and transparent systems of investigation and accountability.

author: Janine Mendes-Franco


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Netizen Report: Congo Shuts Down All Communications on Election Day · Global Voices
Netizen Report Team

Discarded ballot box. Photo by Sheila Rouge, labeled for reuse.
The government of the Republic of Congo instituted a blackout of Internet, telephone networks and SMS services as Congolese voters went to the polls on March 20, citing “reasons of security and national safety.” The 48-hour shutdown, taking place on March 19 and 20, reportedly was intended to stop any “illegal” publication of election results before a total count was tallied.
The election could end the tenure of President Denis Sassou Nguesso, who has been in office for a total of 32 years since 1979. He is seeking re-election once again, following an October 2015 constitutional referendum that eliminated limits on presidential terms. In Brazzaville, the capital of Congo, the referendum sparked protests and police violence that left 18 people dead.
Tensions were high once again this week as voters went to the polls. According to AFP, police dispersed a crowd of 200 opposition protesters in Brazzaville using teargas. Few other reports of conflict have surfaced, but the communication blackout has made it difficult to know what may have occurred outside of the capital.
The Committee to Protect Journalists’ Deputy Executive Director Robert Mahoney condemned the communications blackout:
Democracy does not work without a free press. We call on the government to restore all communications immediately and ensure that journalists can do their job. Failure to do so undermines confidence in the entire election process.
Apart from limiting the ability of journalists to do their jobs, the blackout hampered citizens’ efforts to organize election day activities and simply communicate as a part of daily life. In a moment when public security concerns are high, this is particularly troubling.
Final election results still have yet to be announced.
The Omani government has stepped up its targeting of online activists and human rights defenders over the past several months. The Gulf Center for Human Rights released a series of reports on prominent online activists including Hassan Al-Basham, who works to defend prisoners of conscience and was jailed for “the use of the Internet in what might be prejudicial to religious values”, and was reportedly tortured in prison. Omani writer Saed Al-Darodi was sentenced to three months in prison by an Omani court for a post he wrote on Facebook. Al-Darodi was previously sentenced in absentia to a year in prison on accusations of “disturbing public order”; he is an online activist, cartoonist and the founder of the “Dhofar Cynical Art Group”. Human rights activist and blogger Hilal Al-Alawi was summoned and is being held incommunicado.
On a better note, Omani blogger Muawiya Al Ruwaihi, who was imprisoned in the UAE, was acquitted by a local court on charges of tweeting against the UAE government.
A Bahraini social media activist known for his biting sense of humor was sentenced, in absentia, to five years in prison for his activities on Twitter. Known online as @Takrooz, he tweeted about abuse by law enforcement personnel, anti-corruption content and everyday concerns Bahrainis. After being arrested and then released in July 2014, he was finally tried and sentenced in absentia this week. According to technical researchers at Bahrain Watch, @Takrooz was a prime target of Bahrain’s Cyber Crime Unit who repeatedly sent him links to malicious IS Spy software that allowed them to track his movement and online activities.
Chinese netizens are losing patience with Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg’s enthusiasm for China and failure to engage critically with the country’s record of human rights abuses and Internet censorship. After Zuckerberg posted a cheerful message on Facebook about going jogging past Tiananmen Square, netizens created memes mocking him, showing Zuckerberg running through smog and running away from the tanks used in the infamous crackdown on pro-democracy protests in the Square. Others wisely asked how Zuckerberg was able to post on Facebook, which has been blocked in China since 2009.
An Indian man was arrested in Saudi Arabia for a video on Facebook in which he tearfully denounces conditions he has endured as a migrant worker. Abdul Sattar Makander, a truck driver for Saudi engineering firm Al Suroor United, is being held on criminal charges for the “spread of misinformation.” He reported not being paid regularly by his employer and that both his work permit and passport were confiscated so he could not leave to return to India.
Russian media regulator Roscomnadzor announced plans to fine websites for “propaganda” of circumvention tools like VPNs, Tor, and mirroring sites. Under their definition, “propaganda” could include everything from explanations of these tools to even a simple mention of their existence.
German prosecutors dropped an investigation of allegations that Facebook failed to remove hate speech on the social network. The investigations were dropped because the department of Facebook being targeted is not responsible for removing unlawful posts, according to a spokeswoman for the prosecutor’s office. It is unclear whether the prosecutors will re-initiate the probe with the relevant department of the company.
Proponents of the controversial “Investigatory Powers Bill” (also known as the “Snooper’s Charter”) in the UK parliament promise that it will be governed by “the strongest safeguards” against surveillance abuse. A group of 200 lawyers and law professors penned an editorial in The Guardian, criticizing its “bulk interception warrants” and “bulk equipment interference warrants.”
Supporters of Syrian-Palestinian web developer Bassel Khartabil reignited a campaign seeking information on his whereabouts, by asking #WhereisBassel on Twitter last week. Khartabil, who was arrested in 2012 on charges of “spying for an enemy State”, was moved in October 2015 from Adra prison in Damascus to an unknown location. He is best known as a leader of Creative Commons in Syria, and worked on projects such as Mozilla Firefox and Wikipedia. More information on the campaign is available at freebassel.org and a petition for his release is here.

author: Netizen Report Team


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Seen Southeast Asia From a Bird’s Eye? Try an Astronaut’s Lens · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Southeast Asian countries and their capital cities. Google Maps.
Visit the public domain digital collections of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) and you'll find photographs of capital cities taken by astronauts while flying above Earth. The images are available on the website “Gateway to Astronaut Photography of Earth.”
Every capital has a popular landmark or tourism icon that makes it unique. Viewed from orbit, the geographical features of many cities become even more prominent.
Southeast Asia’s capital cities are among the most photographed and famous destinations in the world. But what do they look like from space? Let’s take a virtual tour of these cities using the photos taken by astronauts:
The Chao Praya River runs through Bangkok, Thailand. Image courtesy of the Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit, NASA Johnson Space Center
Dili, Timor Sea, Timor-Leste. Image courtesy of the Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit, NASA Johnson Space Center
Bandar Seri Begawan, Brunei. Image courtesy of the Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit, NASA Johnson Space Center
Selat Pandan and Sentosa Island, Singapore. Image courtesy of the Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit, NASA Johnson Space Center
The Mekong River runs through Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Image courtesy of the Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit, NASA Johnson Space Center
The Rangoon River and Inya Lake in Yangon, Myanmar's largest city. Image courtesy of the Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit, NASA Johnson Space Center
Metro Manila Region, Philippines. Laguna Lake is also shown at the right side of the satellite image. Image courtesy of the Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit, NASA Johnson Space Center
The Red River Delta, Hanoi, Vietnam. Image courtesy of the Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit, NASA Johnson Space Center
Sultan Abdul Aziz Shah Airport, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Image courtesy of the Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit, NASA Johnson Space Center
Vientiane, Laos. Image courtesy of the Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit, NASA Johnson Space Center
Jakarta at night, Indonesia. Image courtesy of the Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit, NASA Johnson Space Center

author: Mong Palatino


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The Hidden Cost of Signing Up for Internet in Spain: Your Sanity · Global Voices
L. Finch

Official complaints filed by Spanish customers against telecom companies in 2015 jumped 381% over the previous year. Image mash-up by Georgia Popplewell and L. Finch.
You move to a city near the coast with your partner. You delight in your new home’s many charms. You find an affordable apartment—with a view. You develop a taste for the local cuisine. You make a mental note to buy rain boots. You bask in the fact that everything is turning out so well.
As you work from home as an editor and translator, you need to install an Internet connection to be able to pay for the apartment, the cuisine and the rain boots. Your partner and you decide on a plan with Vodafone, a multinational telecommunications company.
The technician calls to say he’ll install Internet on Friday. You set up temporary shop in a nearby cafe. You daydream about drinking coffee made at home instead of the overpriced brew you buy in return for WiFi privileges. You recall that telecom companies have a grisly reputation for service. You wonder if that’s exaggerated.
On installation day, the technician turns up at the wrong apartment across town. Your partner discovers the Internet company listed your postal code incorrectly. The company says the technician will call soon to make a new appointment at the correct address.
You don’t hear anything for days. Your partner calls the Internet company. The Internet company promises the technician will call. When? Soon. You abandon the cafe for the library to staunch the bleeding from your wallet. You’re annoyed that this connection, apart from being snail-paced, also has download limits and is, not to mention, insecure.
Your partner calls the Internet company again. The Internet company calls your partner back to say that they can’t make the appointment for you, “but can we help you with anything else today?”
You receive a receipt for the router with the correct postal code for billing but the incorrect postal code for installation. Your head reels at the absurdity.
You look up the Internet company on Twitter. You see they have an active social media team. You notice they use the hashtag #TeAyudamos (#WeHelpYou). You give vent to your outrage in 140-character-long bursts. You decide your Spanish-language expression-of-indignation skills could use a little work. You fret you’ve made some embarrassing grammatical error for all the Twitter world to see.
The social media team chirps back that they can’t help you because your name isn’t on the contract. You rope your Twitter-shy partner into tweeting at the Internet company. The social media team gushes triumphantly that the postal code was still wrong, but it’s now fixed. You decide the Internet company is an affably evil villain like Harry Potter’s Dolores Umbridge or Buffy the Vampire Slayer’s Mayor of Sunnydale.
Your partner tries the Internet company’s customer service chat application. An agent directs your partner to the “right people” to make an installation appointment. Your partner discovers the “right people” are, in fact, the wrong people. You read in the news that the number of official complaints filed by Spanish customers against telecom companies in 2015 jumped 381% over the previous year. You take a cynical pleasure in that frightening statistic.
Your partner tries again. A different agent claims your service request was cancelled. Your partner discovers the service request wasn’t, in fact, cancelled, but the postal code was still wrong. You google the word “Kafkaesque”. Your partner files an official complaint. You joke that the world needs a customer service revolution. You realize you’re not joking.
Days turn into weeks. You feel bitter at how much you’ve come to rely on the Internet. You feel powerless because canceling service carries a hefty fee. You feel guilty because there is much worse injustice in the world. You google the word “Kafkaesque” again. You exceed your mobile phone’s monthly data limit.
The technician finally calls and comes that same day. The technician can’t get the connection to work because the Internet company never activated the line.
You wait. You curse at the router as it quietly, tauntingly blinks red, until it finally blinks a perky shade of green. You feel grateful. You feel angry at yourself for feeling grateful. You resign yourself to the reality that a faceless giant holds the keys to the Internet.
You resolve to write what turns out to be this article. You wonder if the Internet company would ever retaliate against you in some way. You hit publish. You glance nervously at the router. You sigh in relief as the light continues, for the moment at least, to flash green.

author: L. Finch


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#TrollCabal Redefines Trolling on Nigerian Twitter · Global Voices
Ndesanjo Macha

A screeshot of an announcement for #TrollCabal election.
Wikipedia defines a troll as a person who sows discord on the Internet by starting arguments or upsetting people, by posting inflammatory, extraneous, or off-topic messages in an online community.
However, a group of Nigerian netizens are redefining trolling by giving it a fun and humorous twist using the hashtag #TrollCabal. We spoke with Nwachukwu Egbunike, a Global Voices author, who is part of the initiative.
Ndesanjo Macha (NM): Please tell us briefly what #TrollCabal is and what it stands for?
Nwachukwu Egbunike (NE): #TrollCabal is essentially a group of Nigerian Twitter users who are bent on having fun using the divisive nature of conversations around them. Essentially, the #TrollCabal makes mockery of the drama that characterizes Nigeria political space. We also mimic the Twitter Overlords and their conversations. This takes off the heat, which often borders on pure hate, from the Twitter’s space. In addition, it provides a counter narrative that is non-violent and at the same time humorous.
We are NOT the usual type of trolls, who have an inherent intent to malign or to unnecessarily hurt anyone. #TrollCabal are happy and harmless people!
NM: How did the idea come about?
NE: To give a full response to this question, then a description of the disruptive and often bitter clime of TwitterNG is appropriate. At the beginning, most tweeps were more interested in networking using the social media platforms. However, over the years, the influence of Twitter as a networked public sphere (apologies to Yochai Benkler) became a part of Nigeria’s public space. In other words, the once hidden and silent voices had a platform for collective action. One only has to peer into some hashtags that have resonated globally from Nigeria, like #OccupyNigeria or #BringBackOurGirls to validate this assertion. Whether or not these trends achieved their aim is a story for another day.
Nonetheless, it became obvious to Nigerian politicians that social media, especially Twitter, is a must for anyone that wishes to sell their candidacy or cultivate public goodwill for their government. That obviously is a refreshing perspective, for the once distant ‘big men/women’ of Nigerian politics. But the resultant effect of this was that Twitter soon morphed from being simply a networked public square to a theater of political battle.
Trenches soon emerged with very influential Twitter users – called overlords – who decided the agenda of these partisan discourses and got their followers to tweet accordingly. As we stated in this study: “Overlords are very powerful persons in the Nigeria Twitter hierarchy and they exercise considerable control and influence over their followers (voltrons). They are powerful persons whose voices must not only be heard but also feared.” Soon the once ambient atmosphere of Twitter Nigeria was replaced with a combative space characterized by a bitter allegiance to either of the two main political parties.
This was the background that led to the birth of #TrollCabal.
NM: Who are the leaders behind it?
NE: Ikenna Okonkwo (@failedrift) – a blogger, geologist and academic – is the brain behind #TrollCabal. Ikenna was the pioneer Convener (leader) of the group. I took over from him and just recently passed the baton to the third Convener and the first female to lead the #TrollCabal, Irene Nwaukwa (@cremechic11) who resides in Nairobi, Kenya.
NM: You had a Twitter election recently. What was the purpose of the election and how did it go?
NE: Lol… just lol! The purpose of the election was simply to have fun. Although we are almost one year into the mandate of the current government of Nigeria, the Twitter Overlords have maintained their bickering as though we were still in the election season. The #TrollCabal election was just another way to cool an already inflamed Twitter public sphere.
Elections for the leadership of #TrollCabal was held on February 19, 2016. The contestants: Irene Nwaukwa, Gege (@nigeriabest), who works in the United Kingdom, and Tare Okoro (@tareokoro). The electoral umpire was Kwame Adadevoh (@kwameadadevoh). I think these contestants, the electoral chief and generally Nigerian Twitter users deserve praise for the conversations that were generated during the elections. For over 72 hours before the elections, many tweeps campaigned for their candidates and even after the elections the ‘bants’ continued.
Frankly speaking I will say that #TrollCabal elections received wide acceptance and popularity because of its non-confessional and non-partisan stance. Also the fun was that the same lingo that was deployed during Nigerian general elections was also adopted by the supporters of each candidate. For instance, tweets like “a major candidate has been arrested, ballot boxes have been snatched or reports of an attempt to rig the elections, etc” were basically what we experienced during the Nigerian general elections.
NM: How is the hashtag being received in Nigeria?
NE: As I said earlier it was warmly received – a far cry of the battle songs that seem to have now possessed Nigeria’s Twitter-mediated public space. Also some tweeps saw in the election a capacity for collective action to promote good governance that is non-partisan, non-confessional and has no ethnic label. These factors, unfortunately, have for long saddled political participation in the country.
NM: What is the next big thing for #TrollCabal?
NE: I think my successor, Irene, will be in a better position to answer this question. Nonetheless, I am certain that one has not heard the last from the #TrollCabal!

author: Ndesanjo Macha


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Which Japanese Convenience Stores Attract the Most Insects? One Student Decided to Find Out · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

A typical convenience store in Japan. There may be insects near here. Image by Wikipedia user Kuha455405 (CC BY-SA 3.0)
A middle school student in Japan's rural Mie Prefecture noticed it was easy to find and collect insects at local convenience stores. He then decided to launch a school research project to determine just which convenience store attracts the most insects.
And, in insect-loving Japan, his research project has become a hit on social media.
@mizukalation 写真1枚忘れてた。あれでも違いはわかるけど、サークルKはもう一箱ぶんあります。 pic.twitter.com/xfhZVbopAK
— ミズカ Mizuka☆新アルバム発売中！ (@mizukalation) March 7, 2016
Here's one of the photos I took. It's pretty clear here which convenience store is best for collecting insects: Circle K has a display case all of its own.
According to Fundo, a website that reports on social media in Japan, the student was interested in how lighting and illuminated signage at various convenience stores attracted insects.
He found that bluish fluorescent lights attracted insects; convenience stores where outside signage illuminated less light on the blue end of the spectrum attracted fewer insects than convenience stores that did.
The student determined that Circle K's signage typically emitted more blue light, thereby attracting more insects.
Although it might be expected that convenience stores would be simply a hot spot for undesirable insects such as cockroaches, the junior high school student from Mie Prefecture observed that a wide variety insects, from beetles to moths, could be observed and collected.
Collecting insects — especially different species of stag beetles —  to keep as pets is a popular pastime with children in Japan.
And insects are a fact of life for much of the year in Japan. The country's climate is hot and humid from late spring to early fall. The result is a teeming insect population.
In fact, many businesses, including convenience stores, use an ultraviolet electric zapper to deal with the hordes of insects attracted by their illuminated signage at night.
The student displayed the results of his research at a museum in Mie Prefecture. Up-and-coming Japanese musician Mizuka, who lives in nearby Aichi Prefecture, first noticed the research project, and shared a few snapshots with her followers on Twitter.
Mizuka's tweets quickly went viral.
中学生の研究が面白かったです。虫が集まるコンビニと集まらないコンビニの違いは何か？→圧倒的にサークルKが多くて、結論としては照明の種類が違うんだけど「サークルKは全部ファミマになるから虫を取るのは今のうち！」だそうです。 pic.twitter.com/DjkoegOVsf
— ミズカ Mizuka☆新アルバム発売中！ (@mizukalation) 7 de marzo de 2016
A junior high school student has conducted some interesting research. Why is one convenience store a good place to collect insects while another is not? The student discovered the most insects at Circle K, by an overwhelming amount. The student said that since Circle K locations are due to be handed over to the Family Mart brand, “Now is the time to go to Circle K to collect bugs!”
After she noticed her her post about the junior high school science project went viral, Mizuka explained a bit more about the research techniques.
@mizukalation 結構反応あるので足しておきます。簡易分光器とか紫外線フィルターとか使って調べてました。なるほどー。全部はMieMuに冊子で置いてあったのでお近くの方は行ってみてください〜 pic.twitter.com/mHVC5e3rzZ
— ミズカ Mizuka☆新アルバム発売中！ (@mizukalation) March 7, 2016
There has been quite a great response so I thought I would follow up. The student conducted his research using a simple spectrometer and an ultraviolet filter. Interesting. If you're interested in learning more the whole project is on display at the Mie Museum (MieMu). Go take a look!
Spotlight, a website covering social media on Japan, found that Circle K's popularity with insects has long been recognized.
Way back in 2014, a Twitter user observed:
サークルK虫やばっ！🐛 pic.twitter.com/oaiOxVZNmv
— りょーへいꙬ (@EX24Ryohei) May 25, 2014
Circle K's bugs are EPIC
Not only insects are attracted by Circle K's signage. Another Twitter user in 2014 noticed frogs had taken a liking to it:
サークルKの看板の光に虫が集まってきてるなー…ってよく見たらうわぁぁぁぁぁぁ！！ pic.twitter.com/pUbm8rk6ss
— ニラックス (@NiraxApapa) August 4, 2014
I thought to myself, “Wow, the Circle K is sure attracting a lot of bugs, but when I took a closer look…. AIEEEEEEEE!!
Intrepid bug hunters will have to hurry if they want to go collecting at Circle K; the convenience store will merge with Family Mart at the end of March 2016, and its bug-friendly branding will vanish forever.

author: Nevin Thompson


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Yahoo Reports First Content Removal Requests from the Russian Government · Global Voices
Tanya Lokot

This is the first time Yahoo has reported receiving requests to remove data from the Russian authorities. Images edited by Tetyana Lokot.
Yahoo, the American multinational Internet and technology company, has released its latest transparency report, listing the numbers of government requests for user data or requests to remove user-generated content during the second half of 2015. For the first time, Yahoo has reported receiving content removal requests from the Russian government.
The transparency report says Russian government agencies submitted six requests to remove content between the months of July and December of 2015. The requests specified six different items of user content on Yahoo websites. Yahoo claims to have complied with the removal requests in 33% of the cases. In contrast, the company did not receive any requests to disclose user data from the Russian authorities.
Although Yahoo does not provide details for each case where a request for removal was submitted, it does offer some illustrative examples for what several of the governments have requested it to remove. Below are its illustrative examples for Russia for the second half of 2015.
Russia – We received a request from the Russian Government to block access in Russia to a specific post in a Yahoo Group, because the specific post was allegedly prohibited content pursuant to a Russian court order.  We removed the specific post in question after determining it contained explicit threats of violence, which violated Yahoo’s Terms of Service.
Russia – We received two requests from the Russian Government to block access in Russia to two Flickr images, on the basis that the images were allegedly prohibited pornographic material.  We rejected the requests after determining the images did not violate Flickr’s Community Guidelines.
Only two other countries besides Russia submitted requests to remove user-generated content to Yahoo during the second half of 2015. India also submitted six requests, with Yahoo complying with 50% of them. United States submitted three removal requests, and the company only complied with one of them.
Yahoo reviews government requests for information or content removal in accordance with a set of company-wide principles that are based on minimizing “disclosure of user data and restrictions to freedom of expression online,” protecting “human rights, including the rights to privacy and freedom of expression,” and being “accountable and transparent” with its services’ users.
Earlier in March, the microblogging service Twitter also published its transparency report, which showed that the number of the Kremlin's requests to take down content grew more than 25-fold in the second half of 2015, compared to reports from previous periods. Between the months of July and December in 2015 Russian government agencies submitted 1,735 requests to remove content from Twitter—more than 25 times the number submitted in the first half of 2015, and 19 times more than during the same period in 2014.

author: Tanya Lokot


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Albanian Activists Rally Against a ‘Concrete’ End for Tirana’s Last Public Park · Global Voices
Alida Karakushi

Citizens trying to stop a cement mixer truck. Photo by “Qytetaret Per Parkun” (Citizens for the Park), used with permission.
Activists in Albania are continuing to protest against plans to build a children's play area in the last public park in the capital Tirana.
Opponents of the construction say the project will drown the green space — something that's already lacking in the city — in concrete. Tirana's Mayor Erion Veliaj disputes this. Responding to demands for transparency, Veliaj posted some videos on his Facebook profile, retorting that new construction will not use concrete, but sand and plastics only.
The mayor's office says the project is necessary because the city's haphazard development has left children without many play areas. Protesters argue that poor planning is no excuse to strip residents of the park and accuse the local government of breaking several laws on public and environmental consulting in the process. In fact, the National Agency of the Environment officially confirmed that it has not received any application from the municipality for the proper environmental permit required by law.
The citizen-led challenge to the construction project has been met with hostility from local government officials, who labelled protesters as instruments of the opposition Democratic Party and “vandals”. The issue has received scant media coverage, despite the fact that police used force to disperse demonstrations and arrested 12 participants on February 21.
“The trees are air!” Photo by “Qytetaret Per Parkun” (Citizens for the Park), used with permission.
After the protests erupted, the mayor's office began a push to publicize aspects of the project, but construction opponents don't think it's enough. For example, the project plan itself has not been published, despite requests from the movements “Per Publiken” (For Public) and “Qytetaret Per Parkun” (Citizens for the Park).
Veliaj invited the protesters and other civil society activists to attend public hearings, asking them to monitor the process and see for themselves that no tree would be cut down, but they refused as long as the project plan wasn't public, and while the controversial work was already underway.
On March 16, protesters went to check on the park after seeing large concrete trucks enter the area. They say they discovered channels filled with gravel and concrete as well as stumps of cut trees within the park, the opposite of what the mayor's promises.
Citizens escalated their protests in response. That night, they began a permanent sit-in protest, occupying the area.
The following night, protesters said the owners of Kassel ltd, one of the contracted companies, threatened and kicked them, and police did not intervene. A video (with English subtitles) purports to show the assault:
On March 19, activists organized another protest, including a march from the Tirana City Hall to Tirana Lake Park.
“Stop the arrogance! Against paving with concrete!” Photo by “Qytetaret Per Parkun” (Citizens for the Park), used with permission.
Citizens showed up in the hundreds, though there appeared to be more police presence than protesters. When participants arrived at the park, police prevented them from entering the fenced area.
“Against paving with concrete!” Photo by “Qytetaret Per Parkun” (Citizens for the Park), used with permission.
Some protesters attempted to block the cement mixer trucks from entering the park, but police posted to guard the designated area have frustrated their efforts. Activists put out the call on social media to take “Aksion anti beton” (Action against concrete), while the the police denied access to media that tried to record the events (as seen in the video below):
The anti-construction movements have also tried legal action to stop the play area project. They filed a legal complaint against the municipality of Tirana, accusing them of breaking the law, but have received no answer from the general prosecutors office so far. They are now preparing to sue the municipality in the administrative court for procedural infringement.
Media boycott: during the protest media present at the scene put their cameras down.  Photo by “Qytetaret Per Parkun” (Citizens for the Park), used with permission.
Activists’ latest move was to send an open letter to the European Union (EU) Delegation in Tirana. As a candidate for EU membership, Albania is is monitored by certain EU bodies. And according to a 2015 survey by Albanian think tank IDM, Albanians have more faith in the EU institutions than their national ones because of widespread corruption. The letter lists some of the citizens’ grievances:
It is disconcerting that project has already started being implemented by the Tirana Municipality – in contravention to procedural standards and safeguards in place. In particular, the project has been initiated despite the lacking pertinent construction, environmental and archaeological permits. Furthermore, the project has not been subjected to construction supervision, which is to be carried out by a third party. The project has been given a start notwithstanding the fact that there has been no approval of a Master Plan of the Lake Park. Most importantly, the project was initiated without due informing and consulting of the public and stakeholders: the project has never been published and the public has not been made available neither a detailed project as a whole or even in part as a simple outline.
In light of the unfolding situation, we would like to kindly draw your attention to the fact that the voice and perspective raised by numerous civic movements has met with outright arrogance by the Tirana Municipality authorities, despite the fact that these very authorities have infringed standards and obligations from the legislative and regulatory framework in place […]
Another concern of the protesters, which is noted in the letter, is Albanian environmental NGOs, which have refrained from taking legal action, though several issued a joint declaration against the project and posted it to one of their websites. Protesters say their timidity is due to their partial dependency on government funds as well as fear of intimidation.
March 19 protest in Tirana. Photo by “Qytetaret Per Parkun” (Citizens for the Park), used with permission.

author: Alida Karakushi


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Beyond Heroics and the Cold War, Changing the Discourse on the Grenada Revolution · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

The courtyard at Fort George, Grenada, where Maurice Bishop, leader of the People's Revolutionary Government, along with seven other Cabinet members, were executed by firing squad on October 19, 1983, after a coup led by factions within the party. Photo by Wayne Hsieh, used under a CC BY-NC 2.0 license.
Thirty-seven years after the overthrow of Eric Gairy, scholars and activists continue to explore the five-year long Grenadian Revolution and question the overarching shadow of the Cold War on the popular narratives around it.
The revolution began on 13 March 1979, when the Marxist opposition New Jewel Movement (NJM), led by Maurice Bishop, overthrew Gairy, who had ruled the country since independence from the UK in 1974.
NJM, rebranded as the People's Revolutionary Government (PRG), launched an armed takeover of key locations while Gairy was outside Grenada. PRG suspended the country's constitution, banned other political parties and got cosy with US-rival Cuba. Bishop's rule and the revolution ended five years later when he and seven cabinet members were executed in 1983, in a bloody coup from within his own party, prompting a United States-led invasion of the Caribbean island.
Unorthodox as his methods of gaining power were, Bishop enjoyed a strong support base, thanks to his focus on racial equity, as well as workers’ and women's rights. But there were naysayers as well: his government refused to hold elections, and any dissenting voices — especially from the press and the opposition — were victimised. Many journalists, accused of “acting against the interests of the revolution”, were jailed for their outspokenness against the Bishop government.
Still, his followers remained loyal. Once the coup was underway, his supporters converged on his residence, freeing him from house arrest and triumphantly marching en masse to Fort George, where they thought they would be safe. Instead, the army followed them and began shooting; some civilians were killed, and Bishop and his political peers were assassinated.
Prior to this year's anniversary of the start of the revolution, the Grenada Country Conference hosted a gathering at the University of the West Indies in St. George's. The Groundation Grenada blog, which strives to raise critical awareness on social justice issues while preserving the integrity of Grenadian history, commented:
One thing is clear; there are multiple stories about what happened and why […] The Grenadian Revolution has clearly left an indelible mark on the Grenadian, Caribbean, African and global psyche. The diverse colours of those memories reflect a rainbow of diverse emotions and in some cases, facts.
The post expressed concerns, however, that the revolution continues to be dominated by a single narrative — “‘Thank God for U.S. and Caribbean Heroes of Freedom'; a message that is etched and continuously maintained, on a dilapidated building near the Coca-Cola Bottling Plant in Tempe, St. George’s”. A constant reminder of this point of view is seen soon after you leave the airport:
Two large white arches [remain] one of the longstanding achievements of the ‘revo’. Though facts state otherwise, the Airport was framed as a military base for communist mobilization and thus used by former US President Ronald Reagan as one of the reasons to ‘intervene’. The placement of those arches near what has been renamed the Maurice Bishop International Airport, can only be described according to [Caribbean anthropologist] David Scott as, ‘on the one side, the mocking cynicism of imperial power; on the other, the limp prostration of the absolute defeat of spirit. It is empire’s sneering reward for a people’s audacity’.
Noting that “thousands of Grenadians were involved in and continue to be impacted by the Grenadian Revolution, therefore it is critical that they play a central role in these post-Revolution conversations”, Groundation also questioned the message that the government is sending when it chooses to erase the significance of certain aspects of the revolution — “days upon which the people of Grenada decided to take change into their own hands” — and focus instead on the country's “rescue” by US troops:
What is allowed to remain, how it is remembered and the placement of sites of memory is important in understanding the intended purpose of a monument, piece of art, plaque or any other tangible embodiment of memory.
How is it that such a diversity of complementary and contradicting stories surrounding the Grenadian Revolution, have become sanitized and reduced to mainly one, further instilled by the national holiday on October 25 – ‘Papa Reagan’ and other invading forces, have come to save the day! This truly begs the question, whose memories are we remembering and for what purpose?
Dr. Ralph Gonzalves, Prime Minister of St. Vincent and the Grenadines, who spoke at the UWI event, called it “an exercise in the right to remember”, which he says “imperialism and colonialism and the regimes which have global hegemony” want to take away:
We have to remember its [the revolution's] strengths and possibilities and its weaknesses and limitations so that we can learn.
Gonsalves also left the audience with questions to consider, including the types of political and economic systems that would be appropriate for the Caribbean experience.
Some netizens marked the anniversary of the revolution on Twitter:
‘What the #Grenada #Revolution did was to open up a space of imagination…to imagine that another world is possible.’ Dr. David Hinds
— Malaika BSL (@malaikabsl) March 10, 2016
Groundation ended by saying:
We should be proud of our history! We are not the first set of people to make mistakes when attempting to engage in transformative change, particularly when that change attacks the longstanding foothold of global systems of power such as capitalism, colonialism and white supremacy. However, we are definitely the first anglo-speaking, predominantly African-Caribbean nation to decide that only we, can change our fate and we did. We are admired and if not admired, at the very least researched, by so many Caribbean and other non-Grenadian people; why do we not feel that pride?
We must also […] find healthy and accountable ways of respecting and integrating difference otherwise we run the risk of turning real and metaphorical guns against the people.
Or, as one Twitter user put it:
“Forward ever, backward never.” – #MauriceBishop #grenada #revolution
— Baba Menkheperre (@BabaMenkheperre) March 14, 2016


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Everyone is Fair Game in Turkey’s New War on Terror · Global Voices
Arzu Geybullayeva

Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Prime Minister of Turkey, gives a press conference after Erdogan had walk out of the session ‘Gaza: The Case for Middle East Peace’ at the Annual Meeting 2009 of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, January 29, 2009. Copyright by World Economic Forum swiss-image.ch/Photo by Andy Mettler. Permission to reuse.
President Erdogan dislikes those who are critical of his policies, decision-making and leadership style. But rather than letting people exercise their freedom of speech, Turkey’s president is going after them in a big way.
In the new heightened atmosphere of fear following a string of deadly terror attacks in different parts of the country, that means not only journalists, but academics and users of social media are vulnerable to persecution.
On January 11 some 1,128 local and international academics from 89 universities signed a petition calling on the government to end the “massacre and slaughter” in Southeastern Anatolia, where the government is battling Kurdish militants, and return to the negotiation table.
In response, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan not only labelled the signatories “ignorant” and accused them of “treason”, he also promised to take them to court.
Among the international signatories to the petition were Noam Chomsky, David Harway, Slavoj Zizek and Immanuel Wallerstein.
Erdogan lashed out:
Despite all of these facts [human rights violations in the southeast being committed by terrorists and not the state] this crowd, which calls itself academics, accuses the state through a statement. Not only this, they also invite foreigners to monitor developments. This is the mentality of colonialism […]
Hey, you so-called intellectuals! You are not enlightened persons, you are dark. You are nothing like intellectuals. You are ignorant, and dark, not even knowing about the east or the southeast. We know these places just like we know our home addresses!
The president's reaction to the petition highlights a gradual escalation of anti-terror rhetoric in Turkey that has underpinned arrests and charges against citizens that in most countries would be considered ‘trumped up’.
Most recently on March 14, Erdogan chillingly suggested “broadening the definition” of terrorism:
Their titles as an MP, an academic, an author, a journalist do not change the fact that they are actually terrorists. An act of terror is successful because of these supporters, these accomplices.
Erdogan's last comments came exactly two months after Istanbul prosecutors first launched the investigation accusing a host of academics of “terrorist propaganda” and “inciting people to hatred, violence, and breaking the law” to “insulting Turkish institutions and the Turkish Republic.”
As of a Human Rights Watch report dated March 16:
In the latest attack on free speech in Turkey, three academics who signed a peace petition in January 2016 have been jailed by an Istanbul court on suspicion of “making terrorist propaganda.” The three were jailed on March 15, 2016, pending the completion of a criminal investigation.
At least 30 other academics have been dismissed and 27 suspended by their universities pending investigation. The Istanbul prosecutor responsible for terrorism crimes is conducting a criminal investigation into all the academics who signed the petition and many local investigations are taking place.
If convicted these men and women are facing between one to five years in jail.
This is just insane!#AcademicsForPeace signee, Assistant Prof. Esra Mungan is held in solitary confinement in jail. https://t.co/yCz4NgnZVF
— efe kerem sozeri (@efekerem) March 21, 2016
Unfortunately, while there are many prepared to defend the academics’ right to freedom of speech, there are also those ready to cheerlead for their persecution.
Sedat Peker, a convicted criminal leader with right wing views, promised to “bathe in the blood” of the academics which would “flow in streams”, for instance.
His statement came shortly after the three academics were originally arrested on the terrorism propaganda charges. In addition, a British academic who was among the international signatories of the call to end violence, was detained and later deported.
As the scandal rages, Erdogan has issued a threat to Turkey’s highest court, which ruled on February 25 that the holding of two journalists in pre-trial detention was a violation of their rights to freedom of expression.
“I hope the Constitutional Court will not try to repeat this in a way that would call into question its existence and its legitimacy,” he said.
Turkey's Erdogan threatens court over freed journalists, story: https://t.co/zavsdqd94Z #video https://t.co/qfyBH1l36N
— AFP news agency (@AFP) March 11, 2016
Turkey is now virtually unrecognisable from the country it was just a year ago. Since June 2015, the country has seen six explosions claim more than 600 innocent lives and injure well over 1,000 people.
Those shocking statistics are partly the result of the dramatic disintegration of one of the current government's greatest achievements — a near end to conflict with Kurdish separatists — and the state's wholesale endorsement of human rights abuses in a time of crisis.
While its hold over Turkish politics had looked increasingly shaky following inconclusive elections last June, Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) is now thriving in a political climate of paranoia and antagonism.
In such a climate, a call for peace has become equated to a call to support separatist violence.

author: Arzu Geybullayeva


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How Many More Bombings Targeting Tourists Before West Africa Develops a Regional Strategy? · Global Voices
Guest Contributor

Beachside area in Grand-Bassam, Côte d'Ivoire, site of the March 13 terrorist attack. PHOTO: Oluniyi Ajao (CC BY-SA 2.0)
By Jemila Abdulai. A version of this article was originally published on Circumspecte.com.
Let's talk for a second about the March 13 terrorist attack in Côte d'Ivoire. Specifically, about what Ghana and other African countries should learn or do. For those who don't know, an estimated 16 people died on March 13 in Grand-Bassam, Côte d'Ivoire.
The former Ivorian capital and a UNESCO World Heritage site, Grand-Bassam is a popular resort and beach town a few hours from Abidjan, the country's capital city. I visited it numerous times when I lived in Côte d'Ivoire. From a Ghanaian perspective, Grand Bassam could easily be Ada Foah or Labadi Beach. In Senegal, it could be Gorée Island or any of Dakar’s many popular beaches. But none of this is new. Same script, different cast. In terms of strategy, the attackers (Al-Qaeda, in this case) have remained consistent.
“From a Ghanaian perspective, Grand Bassam could easily be Ada Foah or Labadi Beach. In Senegal, it could be Gorée Island or any of Dakar’s many popular beaches.”
What exactly is this strategy? To attack sites frequented by expatriates and tourists—hotels, resorts, shopping malls, places of entertainment. They've done so in Burkina Faso and Mali, in Tunisia and Kenya, and now Côte d'Ivoire. The strategy might be slightly different in each country (location, for instance), but the motive is largely the same: to draw attention and press coverage to their perceived political grievances. Why expat or tourist sites? They want international—not local—press coverage. Hitting such sites means more countries are involved. For example, among the Côte d'Ivoire attack victims were nationals of Germany, France, Cameroon, Mali, and Burkina Faso. One attack, six countries affected (not counting the injured). The January 2016 attack in Burkina Faso resulted in the deaths of people of 18 different nationalities. And this is not counting the numerous local citizens who are also affected.
Another factor is that these groups appear to ride off existing press coverage. Burkina Faso had a civilian uprising prior to the attack there. Mali has been in the news since Gaddafi demise, with a lot of coverage about its United Nations heritage sites. And Côte d'Ivoire has been getting lots of positive press lately, especially since the October 2015 presidential election. The country recently overtook Nigeria as the preferred investment destination in the sub-region.
So, if the trends are clear and the motives generally consistent, the next question is what are African governments doing to prevent, combat or prepare for attacks? The attackers are being strategic—and to a degree coordinated—how are we doing the same?
When the November 2015 Paris attacks took place, the whole of Europe—and the US—went on high alert and ramped up security, as they've certainly had to do once again after this week's attacks in Brussels. After the Paris attacks, the United Kingdom police also disseminated a video and information, targeted at civilians, on what to do during a terror attack.
West Africa has experienced three terrorist attacks in recent times (not counting Nigeria). In Ghana, at least, beyond news headlines and short-lived discussions about security, I've seen no concrete follow-up information on the attacks, much more about what to do in the event of one.
“West Africa has experienced three terrorist attacks in recent times (not counting Nigeria). In Ghana, at least, beyond news headlines and short-lived discussions about security, I've seen no concrete follow-up information on the attacks, much more about what to do in the event of one.”
How, for instance, do we evacuate buildings—hotels or places of work—in the event of an attack? Have we mapped exit routes out of the capitals and other major cities? Is there a national or regional early warning system or strategy for attack-prone sites like hotels and resorts? Have we undertaken training for first responders like police and ambulances? Really, where and what is our plan?
I've been asking these questions since the 2013 Al-Shabab attack on Kenya’s Westgate Mall in Nairobi. Where is Africa's regional strategy on security and terrorism? If it exists, how are regional bodies like the ECOWAS and the African Union making sure citizens in their member countries are aware of measures being taken?
Where is our equivalent of the cross-border coordination that has taken place after the European attacks? The United States probably has the most comprehensive security intelligence in West Africa—are there any intelligence-sharing deals with African governments?
At the end of the day, information, vigilance and preparedness are what will save lives. Ghana shares borders with Burkina Faso and Côte d'Ivoire, in case you hadn't noticed—too close for comfort. Senegal is another country which should be on high alert.
Ghana has many sites that are frequented by expats and tourists, and a diverse international community. It also has marginalized communities ripe for exploitation by terrorist seeking to recruit members. Regardless of our much heralded “peace”, these are the facts. Life in Ghana not rosy for everyone. We are as vulnerable as any of the countries that has already experienced attacks.
What can be done? I don't even need to dig deep: What is the word for “terrorist” in local Ghanian languages such as Twi? Ewe? Dagbani? Fante? Ga? Does the average Ghanaian know that “Al-Kayida”, is not just a popular Ashanti dance, but also evokes and represents something terrifying and dangerous? If someone were to shout “Al-Qaeda”, would some people break out their best dance moves, or would they make a break for it and run?
Have Ghanaians followed the other attacks in the region closely? Have we been informed or educated enough to understand key elements like the fact that shouting or praying “in Jesus’ name” might not be the best bet when confronted, as the terrorists have often targeted Christians? Will people, children especially, know to run away from the sound of gunfire, or will they think it's the sound of leftover firecrackers from Christmas?
The danger is not as far away as we may think. We are nowhere as prepared as we should be. And, as a 2012 Ghanaian presidential candidate once pointed out, attacks have little to do with internal peace or relations between religious groups. There are things we can begin doing right away. Like sensitizing people, coming up with ways to describe terror events in local languages, warn people, and so on.
We can also take regional incidents like those in Côte d'Ivoire, Mali and Burkina Faso seriously, instead of simply launching “pray for X country” campaigns. We also need to separate protocol from convenience. Why are there so many motorcades, both civilian and military, in Accra these days? When a real emergency happens, how will we know the difference? Terror spreads quickly when there is lack of information and order.
Attacks that happen elsewhere shouldn't just be an occasion to “thank God it's not us”. Rather, they should also be an incitement to think of “what we would do, if…”.
The YouTube video below was produced by this author in memory of the departed. It's also an appeal for Africa to come together as one and combat terrorism:
Jemila Abdulai is the founder and editor of Circumspecte.com, a digital platform dedicated to analysis and perspectives related to Africa and Africans. An international development and media professional, she has worked across Africa and has a MA in International Economics & International Affairs from Johns Hopkins University SAIS.

author: Guest Contributor


text:
Look Out, Daughter of Peru’s Former Dictator. Protesters Don’t Want You Running for President. · Global Voices
Juan Arellano

Protester at a rally speech by Keiko Fujimori. Sign reads, “Stop stealing, stop lying. Keiko is a hypocrite and enemy of women.” Quechua translation by @Suyakuq. Image shared by @patriciafloresr on Twitter.
Lima, the capital of Peru, hosted two massive protests earlier this month aimed at presidential candidate Keiko Fujimori—the daughter of the controversial former President Alberto Fujimori, who's now serving out a 25-year prison sentence on charges of corruption and crimes against humanity. There were also protests in the southern city of Tacna, which Keiko visited on March 16 for a campaign rally. Why is Peru's leading candidate encountering so much backlash?
This year's election began with 19 different presidential candidates, which many thought was excesive. In February, two candidates withdrew, reportedly due to a lack of support. In March, however, the National Jury of Elections (JNE) removed the race's two strong candidates. César Acuña was kicked out of the race after he was caught handing out cash to voters as part of his campaign, while Julio Guzmán‘s candidacy was canceled after his party committed voting irregularities in its nominating primaries.
The JNE's moves generated serious concerns among voters that have yet to dissipate (especially regarding Gúzman, who was thought to have a strong chance of reaching a runoff vote).
Later, reports emerged that there was a pending exclusion order brought before the JNE against Keiko Fujimori, as well, for reasons similar to those brought against Acuña. It was under these circumstances that the first massive protest against Keiko took place on Thursday, March 10, in the city of Cusco. The demonstration was large enough to force the candidate to end her rally, just 15 minutes after it began.
Ciudadanos de Cusco hoy salen a expresar su rechazo a Keiko. #KeikoNoVa pic.twitter.com/hD97hWMWA6
— Wilber Huacasi (@whuacasi) March 10, 2016
Today, the citizens of Cusco took to the streets to express their rejection of Keiko. Keiko Is A No Go
Así echaron a #Keiko#Fujimori de la plaza de Santiago en #Cusco, donde realizaba su mitin.#Cuscoenportada… https://t.co/NPh461b7jo
— cuscoenportada (@CuscoEnPortada) March 11, 2016
This is how they threw out Keiko Fujimori from Santiago Plaza in Cusco, where she was having her rally.
The following day, on March 11, the first “No To Keiko” march took place. According to its organizers, the demonstration was meant “to keep Keiko from being elected and to deny her voting registration after buying votes in exchange for goods, that is, for playing with the hopes of many Peruvians.” The protest succeeded in uniting a wide array of young people numbering in the thousands, who took to the streets chanting slogans about crimes committed by former President Fujimori.
Esta foto es espectacular! pic.twitter.com/ciE0dXn1Yz
— francisco josé. (@fmiranda86) March 12, 2016
This photo is spectacular!
“#Keiko, rata, estudia con tu plata”, Plaza San Martín #TachenaKeiko #keikonova pic.twitter.com/Lyf7VMjs4v
— claudia cisneros (@claudiacisneros) March 12, 2016
Keiko rat study with your money, Plaza San Martín. Withdraw Keiko. Keiko Is A No Go.
Days later, public indignation grew when the JNE said it could not prove the allegations brought against Keiko Fujimori, leading to widespread accusations against the JNE of political favoritism. Meanwhile, new petitions to the JNE to exclude Keiko from the race have poured in, claiming that she and members of her campaign have offered money and gifts in exchange for support in the election, in violation of Peruvian law.
The March 15 protest against Keiko in Lima also demanded that the JNE exclude Keiko from the election process. Between 4,000 and 20,000 people are believed to have attended this demonstration.
#VIDEO Masiva marcha #KeikoNoVa en la avenida Wilson. Varias cuadras de ciudadanos manifestándose contra candidata pic.twitter.com/NHsc3cEVnq
— Luis Santolalla (@luissantolalla) March 16, 2016
VIDEO Huge “Keiko Is A No Go” march on Wilson Avenue. Blocks of people demonstrating against the candidate.
Miles, sí, miles de ciudadanos en las calles, marcha de repudio a #keiko y al .@JNE_Peru q la protege. #noakeiko pic.twitter.com/wfdrIy4148
— claudia cisneros (@claudiacisneros) March 16, 2016
Thousands, yes, thousands of people in the streets marching in condemnation of Keiko and the JNE that's protecting her. No To Keiko
Throughout 2015 and into this year, Keiko had the commanding support of 30 percent of likely voters. A few polls even put her support at 37 percent. Some analysts have said the shrinking pool of candidates might even benefit her campaign. So why has Keiko's candidacy now mobilized a significant protest movement against her (and her father's legacy), bringing together leftists, anti-corruption activists, and undecideds?
In part, Keiko has helped grow the ranks of her own critics by publicly dismissing the protests as undemocratic and organized by terrorists. Keiko also hasn't been shy about resorting name calling, either:
No podemos aceptar actos de violencia en la campaña. No voy a parar o suspender eventos por pequeños grupetes intolerantes que no coinciden con nosotros.
We cannot accept acts of violence against the campaign. I'm not going to stop or suspend events on account of small groups of intolerant people who don't agree with us.
Keiko dice “grupetes intolerantes”, Dardo López dice “fascistas y comunistas” y Becerril dice “son primos hermanos de terroristas”. Vaya
— Heduardo (@heduardo50) March 12, 2016
Keiko says “small intolerant groups”, Dardo López says “fascists and communists”, and Becerril says “they're the first cousins of terrorists.” Wow
Responses like these have been counterproductive, reviving many people's memories of her father's authoritarianism. As columnist Claudia Cisneros writes:
El fujimorismo de Alberto encarnado hoy en Keiko: los mismos abusos, privilegios, truculencias y asoma otra vez el control en medios de prensa, como en los 90.
The Fujimori policies of Alberto live today in Keiko: the sames abuses, privileges, horrors, and looming control of the press as in the 90s.
It's impossible to know what will happen over the next several weeks, though it's almost certain that Keiko will qualify for the second-round vote (at least 51% of the votes are needed to win the election on the first round). Who will join her in the runoff remains unclear, but that candidate's potential victory will rely on winning over Keiko's various detractors.
Meanwhile, the election outlook continues to change. On March 16, for example, the JNE determined that Vladimiro Huaroc, a member of Keiko's presidential ticket, had to be removed for buying votes in the Junín region. This decision can be appealed, incidentally.
Protesters aren't giving up, and large anti-Keiko marches are planned throughout Peru on April 5, the 24th anniversary of the  “Auto-Coup,” when then President Alberto Fujimori dissolved country's congress and judiciary and assumed full legislative and judicial powers.

author: Juan Arellano


text:
Mexican Government Hopes to Counter Violence Against Women With Gender Alerts · Global Voices
J. Tadeo

Photo: Montecruz Foto / Flickr / CC 2.0.
Violence against women is rampant in Mexico, with experts and activists pointing to antiquated gender norms and insufficient government solutions as some of the reasons why the problem persists. The sexual assault of a journalist in broad daylight in Mexico City earlier this month (on International Women's Day, no less) and subsequent inaction by prosecutors is just a recent reminder of the issues women in Mexico face.
Such violence is palpable not only on the Mexican capital's streets but in different parts of the country as well, where sexual abuse adds to murder, both of which often go unsolved and unpunished. Ciudad Juárez (in northern Mexico, on the US border) was one of the first cities to draw attention to this phenomenon, according to Reporte Índigo's Imelda Garcia :
El asesinato de cientos de mujeres en varias partes del país prendió los focos rojos sobre el peligro que representa ser mujer en ciertas zonas de México. Primero fue Ciudad Juárez, en Chihuahua, donde la desaparición y el asesinato de mujeres fueron un asunto con relevancia internacional, desde la década de los 90.
The murder of hundreds of women in various parts of the country sounded the alarm on the dangers of being a woman in certain areas of Mexico. First it was Juárez, in Chihuahua, where the disappearance and murder of women have been an issue with international relevance since the 1990s.
The National Commission to Prevent and Eradicate Violence Against Women (CONAVIM) was established in 2009 to promote (among other things) compliance with international obligations regarding women’s human rights. Some of these obligations arose from the “Campo Algodonero” case, where the Inter-American Court of Human Rights declared that the Mexican state is responsible for a litany of violations of these rights.
The CONAVIM is tasked with operating Mexico's Gender Violence Against Women Alert (AVGM), which is meant to “ensure the safety of women and girls, the cessation of violence against them, and the elimination of the inequalities produced by public policy that violates their human rights.” Civil society organizations and human rights groups are able to request a gender-violence alert, and CONAVIM then forms a working group to review the situation in question and decide whether or not to issue an alert.
When the AVGM is declared, the commission establishes prevention-and-justice security measures that the local government should take to address gender violence. Usually the security measures refer to “reinforced patrols” and police operations in strategic locations. As for the “justice measures,” they usually have to do with creating more specialized units that handle only investigations of crimes committed against women.
To get an idea of the situation, so far alerts have been requested in 15 of Mexico's 32 states. CONAVIM has already formally declared alerts in counties in two different states. Additionally, the states of Puebla, in central Mexico, and Sinaloa, in the country's north—both recently asked CONAVIM to declare alerts in their areas.
With requests for gender-violence alerts on the rise, many Mexicans are asking what effect, if any, the trend might have in the long term.
CONAVIM and its alert system adds to the array of Mexico's bureaucracy created and publicly funded in order to promote gender equality and eradicate violence against women. (Other institutions in this network include the National Institute for Women, the National Commission for Human Rights, and the National Council to Prevent Discrimination.) Many in Mexico are deeply suspicious of all these government organizations’ efficacy. Some social-media users, such as Madame Déficit, have argued this point online.
#CONAVIM CONAPRED CNDH INMUJERES, etcétera. Mucha burocracia y poca protección real / justicia para nosotras las mujeres #ViolenciaDeGénero
— Madame Déficit (@Alessia_mx) March 15, 2016
CONAVIM CONAPRED CNDH INMUJERES, and so on. A lot of bureaucracy and little real protection / justice for us women. #GenderViolence.
Reporte Índigo's Imelda Garcia, meanwhile, says the lack of transparency makes it difficult to know the magnitude of gender-based violence in Mexico, and complicates efforts to assess the government's actions. For instance, Garcia argues, the National Public Security System reports no disaggregated information about femicides, and the Interior Ministry quantifies homicides without distinguishing between men and women. This became evident after a private citizen asked for the statistics in August 2015 and the government office answered the information doesn't exist.
Commenting on the abuses, the difficulty women have to get justice, and the frequency of gender-based violence in Mexico, Amnesty International recently sponsored an art installation called “The Clothes Line,” where the group displayed sheets of paper containing women's descriptions of their experiences as victims of abuse and domestic violence.
‘El Tendedero': Ellas quieren caminar libre por las calles y usar la ropa que quieran. pic.twitter.com/eDRS5dcea6
— Amnistía Int. México (@AIMexico) March 8, 2016
“The Clothes Line”: They want to walk free on the streets and wear the clothes they want.
[Image reads, “When was the first time you were harassed?” The response says, “I was sixteen. I was traveling on the bus to the school and there was a man in front of me who started staring at me. I couldn't understand what that look meant until he touched my vulva. I could only punch him. Nobody else did anything.”]
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has also stressed that it is constantly informed of cases of sexual and gender torture in Mexico:
Nos alarma que en #México se produzca tortura sexual y de género por parte de agentes del Estado https://t.co/BwrDacE3kp
— CIDH (@CIDH) March 13, 2016
We are alarmed that gender and sexual torture are perpetrated by agents of the state in Mexico.
Recently, CONAVIM's deputy director of judicial, human rights and victims attention, David Uribe, acknowledged the difficulties assaulted women face in Mexico when appealing to law enforcement for justice.
David Uribe nos habla acerca de los retos que enfrentan las mujeres para acceder a la justicia. pic.twitter.com/vdL0b6TMT5
— CONAVIM_MX (@CONAVIM_MX) March 8, 2016
David Uribe talks about the challenges that women face in getting justice.
While the Mexican government adds to its bureaucracy and tries to show signs that it wants to address the problem of violence against women in the country, the facts show there's still a long way to go, before anyone should consider hanging a “mission accomplished” banner.

author: J. Tadeo


text:
Aliyev’s Toys, or the Treatment of Political Prisoners in Azerbaijan · Global Voices
Arzu Geybullayeva

President of Aliyev meeting with President Putin of Russia in 2014. Official Russian government photo.
Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev likes expensive things: grandiose construction projects, dear-to-host sporting competitions and the odd glitzy Eurovision program.
But one of the most precious possessions of the dictator and his regime may be Azerbaijan's political prisoners, who have increasingly come to be used as bargaining chips in Aliyev's up-and-down negotiations with the West.
Ahead of his trip to Washington D.C. for the Nuclear Industry Summit at the end of the month, and with pressure from abroad mounting over the country's increasing restrictions on human rights, Aliyev decided to relinquish some of his possessions in a pardon of 14 key political prisoners: N!DA activists Rashadat Akhundov, Mahammad Azizov and Rashad Hasanov; bloggers Siraj Karimli and Omar Mammadov; former government official Akif Muradverdiyev; chairman of the National Statehood party Nemat Penahli; Musavat party activist Yadigar Sadigov; journalists Parviz Hashimli, Hilal Mammadov, and Tofig Yagublu; human rights defenders Taleh Khasmammadov and Anar Mammadli.
The case of the N!DA activists in particular attracted international attention when eight young men (including the three released) were arrested in March 2013 after they used social media to organize a series of demonstrations on the issue of increased deaths of army conscripts due to hazing and bullying within the military in Azerbaijan. In September of 2013, they were charged with organising mass riots accompanied with violence, breaking, arsons, destruction of property.
Another notable case was that of Anar Mammadli, chairman of the Election Monitoring and Democracy Studies Center, who landed behind bars in December 2013 on charges of tax evasion, illegal entrepreneurship (failure to obtain proper institutional permits) and “abuse of office”, suggesting that he sought to interfere with election results.
One conspicuous absentee from the list of pardoned prisoners was Khadija Ismayilova, the high profile anti-corruption journalist defended by celebrity lawyer Amal Clooney, who is serving a 7.5-year sentence on charges widely believed to be trumped up. Some chips are just to precious to give up.
Although the releases — like the initial charges — point to political motives, the release of the 14 brightened up the Nowruz holidays, celebrated with particular fervour in Azerbaijan, Iran and across Central Asia.
RFE/RL's Azerbaijan service Azadliq visited (video) the homes of the released political prisoners.
Rashadat Akhundov, posting after his release said on his Facebook page:
Girov həyatımız sona çatdı. Azadlıqdayıq!Digər içəridə qalan dostlara tezliklə azadlıq arzu edirəm.
Posted by Rashadat Akhundov on Thursday, 17 March 2016
Our hostage life is over. We are free now! I wish freedom to all our friends remaining behind bars.
Anar Mammadli, head of the Election Monitoring and Democracies Studies Center wrote on his Facebook shortly after release:
Dəyərli dostlar!Nəhayət, 27 ay çəkən həbsdən sonra yenidən birlikdəyik. Bizim azadlığa çıxmağımızda əməyi keçən, həmç…
Posted by Anar Mammadli on Saturday, 19 March 2016
Dear friends! Finally, we are together after 27 months of jail. I thank everyone who took part in fighting for our freedom as well as our families and friends! I had a chance to talk and see many of you in the last two days. Thank you for your kind wishes and congratulations! Sadly, while on one hand we are happy, on the other we are not. The reason for this are our friends we left behind in jail. We have a long way ahead of us, as we work to ensure the release of all political prisoners and to lift all political barriers. We must go on!
The founder of Sing for Democracy, Art for Democracy, and Sport for Rights campaign, Rasul Jafarov also had a few words to say after his release:
Dostlar, salamlayiram haminizi, bildiyiniz kimi artiq evdeyem ve azadliga cixdigim uchun cox sevinirem, bu gunku hissler…
Posted by Rasul Jafarov on Thursday, 17 March 2016
Friends, I greet you all. As you all know, I am home and very happy I am free. Feelings I am experiencing today reminded me of what freedom really means and its importance. I believe that our friends Intigam Aliyev, Khadija Ismayil, Ilgar Mammadov as well as others will be freed soon and I am ready to do everything I can for this. With a hope to see you all and to talk…
Journalist Rauf Mirkadirov who was convicted of espionage charges, was also released, although not officially amnestied. Mirkadirov's six-year sentence was replaced by a five-year suspended sentence by a Baku court.
Along with Ismayilova, journalist Seymur Hezi, human rights lawyer Intigam Aliyev, youth activist Ilkin Rustemzade, and opposition REAL movement leader Ilgar Mammadov are just some of the more prominent political prisoners the president still has up his sleeve.