text:
Not just Atlanta, but also Victoria, B.C. · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

I like to walk around at night taking snapshots of Victoria, B.C. Not everybody can do that right now. Photo by Nevin Thompson. License: Creative Commons Attribution 3.0.
This article was adapted from a personal essay originally published on Facebook and Medium.
On Wednesday, March 17, a terrible mass shooting in Atlanta, Georgia killed eight women. A white man targeted Asian people, targeted women, and targeted typically vulnerable, and stigmatized people who rely on jobs often categorized as sex work to pay the bills.
I live in Victoria, British Columbia. Compared to nearby Vancouver, Victoria is a predominantly white city. We're also on an island, and I get the sense that shootings and other racial violence are perceived as happening someplace else. However, I think that the white supremacy and misogyny we read about in the news isn't far away at all. Instead, racism and oppression is embedded in the fabric of Canadian society.
For example, I like to take snapshots, particularly at night. The night before the shootings, I used my pocket phone gizmo to try its “astrophotography” feature. It meant standing out in the dark in the park for a long time. I got some nice shots. Above, at the start of this essay, is a snapshot I took the other night.
“It must be nice to be able to walk outside in the dark,” my wife, M, said when I returned home. It was a genuine and sincere remark. “It must be nice.”
“I see lots of women out jogging at twilight,” I said, pretty clueless (which makes me part of the problem).
“Well, they’re white,” M said. She is from Japan, and, in this white-dominated city, presents as Asian. “I am not sure if I want to walk around outside at night right now. Too dangerous for Asians.”
The following day the targeted shootings in Atlanta happened. I’m not sure how many of my friends in Canada have been following it, but racial attacks against Asian-Americans have increased dramatically since the start of the pandemic one year ago. It’s thought that the initial characterization of COVID-19 as “the China virus” and the “Wuhan flu” may have triggered these incidents, along with growing racist attitudes that Trumpism has enabled.
There is also a long history of laws that excluded or targeted people of Asian descent in both Canada and the U.S., the effects of which live on in how our society regards people who look like my wife.
The increased number of attacks on Asian people is not limited to the United States. Over the past year, the Vancouver area has seen regular targeted attacks against Asian people. Toronto and other cities in Canada have seen these attacks, as well. Here in Victoria, news and social media reports of targeted violence against Asian women have been a constant source of worry for me when M goes out to the shops.
So far she has experienced no violence, but, in her sweet, kind and good-natured way, M has reported (white) people being rude to her in the shops, dodging out of the way, or even bumping into her.
In fact, since we moved to Canada in 2004, M has regularly encountered this sort of behaviour in Victoria. She often experiences overt harassment at the bus stop (“But I had my headphones on, so I could pretend to ignore them”). She’s even been followed home several times. It’s hard to tell if this is because she presents as an Asian person, or because she’s a woman, and this harassment is something all women experience, or a combination of both.
There seem to be few, if any, meaningful remedies for experiencing racist behaviour. Last March, our younger son was racially taunted at elementary school. He presents as Japanese. Two other boys accused him of spreading the “Wuhan flu.” It upset him at the time, mostly because the same boys had stolen and vandalized his sled the previous week, and then lied about it.
With the sled, the school moved swiftly to rectify the situation by suspending the boys. The parent of one of the boys purchased a replacement sled. It wasn’t a great solution, but at least she recognized the hurt her own son had caused.
However, when I reported the subsequent harassment—this was after the two boys had stolen his sled!—the school downplayed the issue.
“I’ll talk to them about it,” said the principal. But there was no follow-up, and no acknowledgement of hurt.
I also informed the parent of one of the boys that her son had made racist comments. Her reply was, “He feels terrible that you said he was a racist.”
The lesson for me was that even I, a big, articulate white man who, thanks to a previous career as a high school teacher, knows the professional jargon teachers use, could not get any white person to take racism seriously.
I wondered what sorts of harassment or ongoing, simmering microaggressions (or violent aggression) families who are not white must endure year after year.
The point here is not to commiserate with my wife (she’s tough) or my younger son (he is happy living his best life this year in middle school).
I'm also not blaming the school for failing to do the right thing when notified of a racist incident. It is a systemic and cultural problem with how we as a society fail to prioritize or even understand justice and accountability. In the context of systemic racism, the principal was equipped with no tools or understanding of how to make things right.
So, in the aftermath of yet another racialized mass shooting, I would like to call on the white majority of Victoria, B.C., to remember the names of the women who were killed in Atlanta.
I'd also like to call on people in Victoria to consider what sort of racist, white supremacist society we live in — a society built on stolen land — and often benefit from. We need to take an active interest in how what we see, what we overlook and ignore, how we act as we go about our day, and how we might help make things better.
White supremacy is embedded in Canadian culture. Misogyny is embedded into Canadian culture. This oppression makes going about our daily lives pretty easy for people like me, but potentially deadly for a lot of other people.

author: Nevin Thompson


text:
Protests erupt in Bangladesh after writer arrested under the Digital Security Act dies in prison · Global Voices
Samaya Anjum

People protesting the death of Mushtaq Ahmed in Judicial Custody. Screenshot from YouTube video by Nagorik News.
The death of Bangladeshi writer Mushtaq Ahmed in prison on February 25 has prompted fresh protests against the Digital Security Act (DSA), the draconian law criminalizing online speech which he was accused of violating.
Ahmed, who was 53, was arrested in May last year after he criticized the government's pandemic response on social media. He was charged with “tarnishing the image of the nation” and “creating hostility, hatred, and adversity” — all offenses under the DSA.
The writer had been in pretrial detention for the past nine months and was denied bail six times. Last month, he became ill and was transferred to a hospital, and shortly after he was pronounced dead. Authorities said he died of natural causes.
Ahmed was known for keeping a crocodile farm and for his book “Diary of a Crocodile Farmer,” and was an outspoken critic of the government on social media.
Organizations such as Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and Human Rights Watch (HRW) have demanded the investigation into the causes surrounding his death.
Passed shortly before the 2018 general elections, the DSA imposes heavy fines and prison terms for offenses such as “hurting religious values of sentiments,” and others. The law also empowers the police to arrest without a warrant, including citizens whom authorities suspect might commit a crime in the future using digital media.
In the first five months of 2020, 403 cases were filed and 353 arrests made for offenses outlined in the Act, according to police data.
Mushtaq had been arrested along with 10 other people, including cartoonist Ahmed Kabir Kishore and activist Didarul Islam Bhuiyan, who were also charged under the DSA.
Kishore was recently granted bail on health grounds and said in an interview with The Daily Star that he had been tortured while in custody.
Another Bangladeshi personality who was arrested under the DSA was photojournalist Shafiqul Islam Kajol, who had been in jail since May 2020 and was granted bail in December 2020.
Nine international organizations including the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development, the Asian Human Rights Commission, and the International Federation for Human Rights released a joint statement requesting the government to repeal the DSA.
Another written statement by seven citizens who had been previously targeted by the DSA demanded its rescission. Others have spoken out against it online.
Expat Bangladeshi writer Leesa Gazi tweeted:
DSA must be abolished. Mushtaq Ahmed's imprisonment and death must be investigated and responsible authorities must be held accountable. https://t.co/mki3Sh5roi
— Leesa Gazi লীসা গাজী (@LeesaGazi) February 28, 2021
Storyteller Sajib Tanvir tweeted:
Mushtaq dies in the jail. He was sent to jail under Digital Security Act 2018 (DSA). His ‘crime’ was nothing but ‘writing’.
Who is responsible for this death? Those who enacted DSA that compels a writer living in the prison for 9 months and dying at the end.#AbolishDSA pic.twitter.com/ZwcYQUiuIH
— Sajib Tanvir (@ovesajib) February 25, 2021
A digital human chain initiated by Architect Sofia Karim, founder of TurbineBagh Art, asked people to post pictures of themselves with a sign reading “justice for Mushtaq, Freedom for Kishore.”
A post shared by TurbineBagh (@turbinebagh_art)
Speaking with Global Voices via email, Karim said:
What they did to Mushtaq and Kishore may not have troubled the government of Bangladesh, but it troubled onlookers from many places. The digital human chain was to register our protest and call for Kishore's release.
Artists confronted the horror with artworks. When artists honour Mushtaq and Kishore, they honour us all. And when a government dishonours its writers and artists, it dishonours us all.
In response to the criticism, on March 2 authorities said that the government will work to amend the to ensure arrests are made only with a warrant.
Since 2018, there has been an ongoing online discussion in Bangladesh on the impacts of the DSA on speech and press freedom, such as on the Facebook groups ডিজিটাল নিরাপত্তা আইন সেকাল-একাল (Digital Security Act Then-Now) and ডিজিটাল নিরাপত্তা আইন মানি না (We Do Not Accept the Digital Security Act).
Meanwhile, protesters around the country are using art to express their discontent about the situation.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Samaya Anjum


text:
The difficulties journalists face covering the COVID-19 pandemic in three African countries · Global Voices
Jeslyn Lemke

Ghanaian journalists on assignment at a funeral for COVID-19 patients. Image credit from MyJoyOnline, used with permission.
Three prominent journalists in West Africa recently lectured on the rigors of reporting during the COVID-19 pandemic in urban West Africa.
Former bureau chief Patrick Fort with Agence France-Presse (AFP) in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire, Nigeria's Emmanuel Akinwotu with The Guardian, and Seth Boateng with MyJoyOnline in Ghana, spoke to U.S. students at Pacific University, Oregon, virtually over Zoom between February 24 and March 3, 2021.
The journalists noted a common problem of trying to combat fake news around localized African traditions. They also faced the ongoing difficulty of having to use masks, sanitizers and protective clothing—and so causing mistrust—while conducting interviews in volatile situations in urban African cities.
As Nigeria's correspondent for The Guardian, Akinwotu said his challenge has been trying to track down a truer version of what is happening on the ground in Lagos, versus the various announcements by the Nigerian government. Misinformation abounds, he said.
For example, in April 2020, gravediggers in Kano, Nigeria began noticing a major uptick in the number of bodies coming in for burial each day, yet the Kano State government said COVID-19 had not reached the city.
In his lecture, Akinwotu told how he covered the Kano story by interviewing several gravediggers. The city of Kano, notably, did not have testing centers to identify whether the increase in deaths was from COVID-19:
So you had government officials denying that there was anything happening at all, and gravediggers saying what they were seeing was something they’d never seen before. That’s an example of how on-the-ground reporting can make up for a lack of data, reliable data.
Adding to Akinwotu’s observations about disinformation, AFP journalist Patrick Fort, who covered Côte d’Ivoire for five years, said in his March 1 lecture that combating fake news in the capital, Abidjan, was a major mission for his news bureau.
For example, like in many West African nations, the local marabouts in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire act as spiritual and traditional doctors. When the pandemic hit, they began adding claims about their powers over COVID-19 to their media ads. Fort asserts that:
One of the big ads they had was they could help you out with COVID-19. Obviously, it’s not true. That’s also one of the stories we worked on a lot, to work on fake news, or things that are spreading that are completely wrong.
AFP also covered the rush in Côte d'Ivoire to use traditional neem tree leaves, as people believed internet claims that these plants, traditionally used to help against malaria, could help cure COVID-19.
“In Abidjan people would run and try to strip trees of bark and peel off the leaves and have it. There was a big scare,” he added. The myth around neem tree leaves was later debunked in Malaysia and India. In trying to educate Ivoirians about the use of the neem leaves, AFP cited an October 12, 2020 statement by the World Health Organization reiterating that there was no cure for COVID-19.
Ghanaian journalists take footage at a funeral for COVID-19 patients. Image from MyJoyOnline, used with permission.
Journalists Patrick Fort and Seth Boateng, covering Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana, respectively, mentioned the many obstacles that masks, sanitizers, and technology, posed for reporting in an African context.
Fort reflected on the difficulty of trying to cover Côte d'Ivoire’s November 2020 national election between incumbent President Alassane Ouattara and the opposition party during the pandemic. The political situation in Abidjan and the rural areas posed multiple reporting problems of security and health.
“But the opposition in some parts of the country blocked the roads and we had to see them [while] wearing masks, and that scared them. They kind of think we are there to hide from them or not showing who we really are. Seeing people come around with masks and a health message is a big problem for them. They had suspicion around who we were and if we were hiding,” Fort said in his March 1 Zoom lecture.
Fort also noted that video interviews with sources were a problem because the internet connection is unstable in many rural locations. He travelled with his team to Niger in December to cover the presidential election between the parties of Mohammed Bazoum and Mahamane Ousmane. Unable to interview the leaders online, his team negotiated an interview with the president in an open space.
“When we interviewed the president of Niger before the election, his security absolutely wanted to disinfect everything we had. So they sprayed the microphone so much that the microphone wasn’t working because it was full of alcohol and water. So we had to use another microphone and get another mask,” Fort said.
The challenge of wearing personal protective equipment while in the field was also mentioned by Boateng of MyJoyOnline in Ghana, who spoke to students on February 24–the week that Ghana received its first shipment of vaccines.
Boateng said that covering COVID-19 in Ghana was difficult because journalists now have to wear personal protective equipment when shooting video in the field, otherwise, they must settle for phone interviews.
He said his newsroom underwent the same COVID-19 safety measures as many other businesses, including social distancing and masking. The newsroom administration even gave Vitamin C and zinc supplements to employees for free.
“In my newsroom, we are close to about 40. It’s a big newsroom because we are doing it for television, online and radio. … Some people with underlying health conditions had to stay out of the office and work from home. In my office, almost every week we get a case,” said Boateng. One of the MyJoyOnline news anchors now routinely broadcasts the news from his home, as he has underlying health conditions.
Journalism students at the private university, Pacific University in Forest Grove, Oregon, later said it was eye-opening to hear how many similarities the US public shared with people in Africa in responding to COVID-19, including the problem of fake news on social media.
“I just thought it was very interesting to hear we aren’t the only people that don’t trust our  government at some times,” said 20-year-old student editor Ella Cutter for the Pacific University newspaper, The Pacific Index. “It’s a very relevant parallel to what is happening in America right now.”

author: Jeslyn Lemke


text:
The toxic masculinity of Georgia’s gangster prince · Global Voices
OC Media

Illustration: Mariam Nikuradze/OC Media
This article was originally published on OC Media. An edited version is republished here via a content partnership agreement.
On March 6, the public in Georgia became privy to explosive personal conversations between Bera Ivanishvili, the son of Georgia’s richest man and founder of the Georgian Dream Party, and Irakli Gharibashvili, the country’s newly elected prime minister. The two men appeared to discuss violence committed against critics who had dared to insult Bera online.
The leak comes amidst a political crisis in Georgia over the results of last year's parliamentary elections. Shortly after these conversations were leaked, the oppositionist Lelo party demanded the immediate resignations of Gharibashvili and Anzor Chubinidze, the head of the Special State Protection Service (SSPS), who is also implicated in the recordings. Other opposition party leaders followed suit, demanding the resignation of the newly elected prime minister.
There have been no legal consequences so far for the alleged violence or against its instigators. Quite the opposite, the channel that released the recording, TV Pirveli, is under attack by the government for allegedly disseminating false information. Members of the Georgian Dream Party insist the leaked recordings had been doctored. Authorities are investigating only the authenticity of the tapes, and whether the recording and act of dissemination were illegal — but not the content. Meanwhile, Bera Ivanishvili and Irakli Gharibashvili get away scot-free.
But did they really get away with it?
The public discussion following the incident has resulted in a wave of negativity towards Bera, including on his favorite social media platform, TikTok. He recently bemoaned this as the “worst” in the history of the platform.
This negativity has shattered his celebrity myth — an image of unattainability tarnished with alleged real-life violence.
In an interview with pro-government news channel Imedi, Bera summed up the harsh judgment levied against him as the work of the type of man who “lacks love for his mother.” Responding to the question about the authenticity of tapes, Bera said he “wouldn’t even start arguing” about the authenticity of the leaked conversations. “Today I have absolutely the same position and will directly say that if someone insults my mother, if someone touches upon my family, which is the most sacred and valued thing to me, I will definitely demand an answer from this person even today. Show me a single Georgian man who has a different opinion on this,” said Bera in an interview.
Such a trope does not see women as individuals but as a territory of disputes.  Such a “mother” exists only in relation to her male kin, not as her own person. The insult against her is thus only a problem because it poses a threat to her son/father/brother/husband. The love of one’s mother, then, is not the love of the woman herself but rather of one’s honor attached to her, and the love towards one’s status as “a real man.”
In this mindset, punishing someone who has insulted one’s mother is damage control with regard to one’s honor as a man. The actual living, breathing mother remains invisible. We do not see her, we do not hear her, she does not exist beyond the pride of her son.
The trope is simple and should have worked well for Bera, but unfortunately for him, his attempt to gain a ‘common touch’ only reveals his incredibly elite status.
Bera has in the past attempted to position himself rather wholesomely, as a hip-hop artist and family man who wants nothing more than to share his many joys with his fans on TikTok.
This, of course, ignores that he is also the son of the richest and most politically influential person in the country. Not only has Bera previously participated in his father’s political campaigns, but he has compared his father — who at present says he “retired” from politics — to the “glorious kings” of the past.
If his father is a king, then Bera’s actions neatly fit into that of a spoiled prince.
At the end of his interview with Imedi, Bera spoke about the widespread hostility he has received on TikTok. He was very popular on this platform, with nearly five million followers.
The backlash on TikTok is the only thing he does not blame on Georgia’s political opposition, specifically the United National Movement. Meanwhile, on the platform itself, he has remained silent — perhaps fearful of stoking even more resentment.
What Bera appears not to understand is that online criticism from “haters” is a natural part of the social media ecosystem, and is also an integral part of the celebrity culture he actively seeks through both his music career and his TikTok videos.
Unlike the code of upholding male honor which binds kings and mafiosi, in which any slight or insult must be responded to with swift retribution, an online celebrity must not only tolerate the anger of the public, but it is indeed sustained by it (as the saying goes, “all publicity is good publicity”).
This is how Bera’s need to be at once a sovereign and a celebrity came to a fundamental contradiction. By bringing his actual inherited power as a quasi-prince into allegedly violent action he inadvertently damaged his digital power as a celebrity.
Worse still for Bera, is that he keeps forgetting that TikTok is much more diverse than the conservatives he imagines them to be. Outdated macho language, in which honor and violence are the currency does not so easily transfer onto a stage in which the currency is instead “likes” and “hearts.”
It was also obvious from the comments Bera has received on TikTok that his followers empathize with his alleged school-age victims. As violent as social media can get, in this case, it seems that users are denouncing digital violence that shifts to the real world, especially with such an asymmetry of power.
After all, most male violence can only be enjoyed by the men of money and power, while for everyone else, it is just an oppressive system that could turn them into the next victim of men like Bera.

author: OC Media


text:
Biru Terong Initiative: Using the power of video for social change in Indonesia · Global Voices
EngageMedia

Screenshot of the Biru Terong website
This article by Egbert Wits is from the Video4Change Network, an association of organizations catalyzing the use of video for human rights, social justice and environmental change. This story is edited and republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement with EngageMedia.
On a late, rainy, 2020 afternoon in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, I spoke with Vivian Idris, founder of the Biru Terong Initiative which recently joined the Video4Change Network.
While keeping distance, and with some tasty fried bananas and a pot of hot ginger tea between us, Idris explained what Biru Terong is all about. Yet, before I could even ask a question, she started off by expressing how excited she was to join the Video4Change Network.
Ever since joining the Impact Toolkit Co-Creation Lab in Jakarta back in 2019, I felt our work at Biru Terong was strongly connected to Video for Change. From my discovery then—that there’s a network of like-minded organisations, all using the power of video to address social issues and create change—to Biru Terong now actually being part of that network and me meeting with all those other amazing people, this has been really exciting and stimulating.
Egbert Wits (EW): What videos have Biru Terong worked on that you think advocates of Video for Change should watch?
Vivian Idris (VI): Lately, our team has been working together with PEKKA, an organisation working with women-headed households to empower families across Indonesia. We have been using video to document how women are struggling for their livelihoods while coming up with creative ways to economically support their families. The screening of our footage allowed us to show women in one region of Indonesia how women in other regions were doing and discuss what can be learned from the practices of other women.
EW: How do you practice Video for Change in your work?
VI: We use video to capture the social-economic reality of marginalised groups of society and use that footage to stimulate dialogue and learning. By involving women in the production process, they become more critically conscious of their situation and more outgoing and daring to step up and demand better treatment or more equal rights.
Another element of Biru Terong’s work is the documentation of indigenous and traditional knowledge, as much is lost with the passing of elders. Documenting this knowledge is not just for archiving; in fact, it’s highly relevant to our current way of living. We are witnessing a global resurgence of awareness that the practice of indigenous knowledge is proven to be sustainable for life on earth, benefits our health and happiness, and can teach us many lessons in more equitable economic, social, and cultural practices … and that’s not even addressing the spiritual aspects.
EW: What kinds of stories do you think need more reporting?
VI: Stories of women in disadvantaged positions fighting to sustain themselves and their families while challenging poisonous elements of male-dominated culture that still exist in many places around the world.
EW: What’s one thing you want to share with the Network and the Video for Change community?
VI: When making a video, try to let your own ambitions be for a while. Instead, focus and find inspiration from what you encounter in the field, everywhere there’s amazing work done by people, invisible from the eyes of the rest of the world. These are the stories, most often from women, but sometimes also of men, that need capturing as their potential to inspire is boundless.
Vivian Idris of the Biru Terong Initiative, Indonesia. Photo used with permission.
EW: What’s next for the Biru Terong initiative?
VI: We look forward to potential collaborations with other Video4Change Network Members, but I realise patience is needed for this pandemic to end. Meanwhile, we continue our work with PEKKA. Personally, I’m mentoring a young community of film-makers in Kendal, Central Java, in order to strengthen their video-making skills.
EW: And just in case anyone is wondering, doesn’t Biru Terong mean Blue Eggplant?
VI: Haha, yes, literally speaking it does. But the name actually depicts a specific colour often used in indigenous weaving traditions I documented in Central and South Sulawesi. It’s a beautiful light purple, an inspiring colour worn by powerful women.
*Egbert Wits is the Learning Manager of EngageMedia’s Video for Change programs.

author: EngageMedia


text:
Sierra Leone’s new cybercrime bill could turn a phone into a crime scene  · Global Voices
Alhaji Koroma

A street scene in Freetown, Sierra Leone. Photo by bobthemagicdragon, November 16, 2011, via Flickr/CC BY NC ND 2.0.
This article is part of UPROAR, a Small Media initiative that is urging governments to address digital rights challenges at the Universal Periodic Review (UPR).
Digitization has been a huge boost to Sierra Leoneans in recent years, making new spaces available online to freely express and share sensitive views and information on the country’s political and socio-economic issues.
But Sierra Leone’s current laws on free speech in digital spaces do not adequately protect citizens from targeted harassment or arbitrary threats and arrests.
Now, a proposed cybercrime bill could turn a citizen’s smartphone into a crime scene.
Parliament proposed the bill after a series of violent incidents last year that were sparked by social media messages. It intends to offer clarity regarding cybercrime offenses and punishments and better handle national security and crime in digital spaces.
Last year, when violent incidents broke out in Tombo, a western fishing village, and Makeni, a northern village, the government quickly pointed to a social media personality known as “Adebayor.”
Currently based in the Netherlands, Adebayor is an outspoken opposition voice who commands a large following within the country — particularly on WhatsApp.
Tombo and Makeni are both All People’s Congress (APC) opposition strongholds, where Adebayor felt villagers were being unfairly treated.
The nights before both incidents, Adebayor allegedly produced audio messages in which he called on youth to protest against decisions made by ruling-party authorities.
In May, Adeboyar reportedly provoked Tombo youth to protest against authorities’ COVID-19 restrictions that limited fishing to only 15 boats out of over 400. He allegedly claimed that the decision was politically motivated by ruling SLPP members to suppress APC supporters. Clashes resulted in two people dead.
Months later, Adebayor reportedly called on youth in Makeni to rebel against the Ministry of Energy’s decision to move a standby 1MW caterpillar generator from their city to another. He allegedly told youth that they shouldn’t sit by and allow the ruling Sierra Leone People’s Party to suppress the needs of APC supporters, the country's main opposition party. The youth protest left four people dead and 10 wounded.
In a bid to tackle the situation, the government proposed a cybersecurity bill that would deter people from listening and sharing virulent messages like Adebayor’s, that spread hate, incitement and invectives against ruling-party politicians.
Sahr Mattew Nyuma, Sierra Leone’s leader of government business in parliament, warned last August in parliament that “everyone will be vulnerable if the country does not enact tough laws to deal with the situation.”
Cyber Crime Act 2020 — covering common issues on cybersecurity laws and regulations, including cybercrime, applicable laws, preventing attacks, specific sectors, corporate governance, litigation, insurance and investigatory and police powers — has already passed the pre-legislative stage in parliament.
Leader of the main opposition partyAll Peoples’ Congress, Chernor Ramadan Maju Bah, described the bill as sensitive because it affects everyone.
And Director-General of National Telecommunications Commission (NATCOM), Daniel Kaitibie, also welcomed the cybersecurity law as the nation works to reform digital rights.
Of course, the main objective is to fight cybercrimes of all kinds.
But the bill has its shortcomings.
The proposed bill spreads fear and grants further legal pretext to clamp down on dissent — to seize the age’s prized possession — the mobile phone.
Several citizens and opposition members argue that the bill serves as a conduit for government suppression of digital rights and freedoms — especially in instances where the government falters.
The cybercrime bill is “a new Public Order Act for the electronic age,” writes Mohamed Gibril Sesay, in a March 19 editorial in the Sierra Leone's Standard Times. The minister of state and opposition politician has openly condemned the cybersecurity bill in his op-ed.
In the past, politicians would invoke sections of the Public Order Act that criminalized libel to suppress free speech and the press. Several sections of that Act were repealed in 2020.
But the cybercrime bill is even more punitive than the Public Order Act. Whereas POA’s maximum sentence is two years, the cybercrime bill allows for sentences up to five years for actions deemed “cyber crimes.”
Everyone is a potential target for criminalization of speech if the ruling party deems one's online content offensive.
And the bill lacks clear definitions of what constitutes a cyber crime, ceding too much power to the Minister of Information to draw regulations and determine punitive measures.
The new cybercrime law, if passed (I guess it's now a matter of 'when' and not 'if'), will have far-reaching…
Posted by Edward Kargbo on Friday, March 19, 2021
Chris Wizo, an editor, also raised concern about the bill on Facebook:
Sierra Leone's media must sit up and ensure the new Cyber Bill is thoroughly scrutinised before it is passed into law by…
Posted by Chris Wizo on Friday, March 19, 2021
Under Part III: Powers and Procedures, the bill also cedes too much power to the police to take away phones and computers and gives too much latitude to state agents to turn whatever phone of their choosing into a “crime scene.”
It prescribes methods through which computers or phones may be seized if a judge authorizes it. All that’s required to get the process started is the police officer’s belief that the seizure is justified.
That’s where the potential for misuse looms very large against every journalist, civil society activist or an ordinary citizen who uses a phone or computer.
Journalist Mahmud Tim Kargbo is among several Sierra Leoneans who have already been targeted for writing critical social and political commentary on social media.
Mahmud Tim Kargbo was arrested and charged with criminal defamation last year for sharing content on social media about Sierra Leone's assistant inspector-general of police, Patrick A.T. Johnson, that was regarded as “insulting” and “scurrilous.” He had allegedly violated Section 3 of the Public Order Act, which criminalized obscenity, threats and other actions resulting in “insult” or “annoyance.”
Most Sierra Leonean journalists, civil society organizations and opposition politicians admonished Kargbo’s arrest. The Committee to Protect Journalists has unequivocally condemned these developments, which they described as tactics used by the incumbent government to clamp down on voices critical of their governance.
Mahmud Tim Kargbo was released on bail on December 4, after spending a few hours in the Pademba Road maximum prison. If he had been convicted, he could spend up to three months in prison or pay a fine of 20 million leones ($1,960 United States dollars).
Sierra Leone's 1991 constitution doesn't hold specific provisions for digital rights, but it makes it clear that all citizens hold the right to free speech under Chapter 3, which protects the rights to “freedom of conscience, of expression and of assembly and association.”
Under the new cybercrime bill, police have already formed a cybersecurity unit specifically for criminal investigations in the cybersphere.
Several people have been called by the police to answer questions about what they put on social media — even before the bill becomes a law.

author: Alhaji Koroma


text:
After pineapple ban, Taiwan calls Beijing’s new agricultural investment offer ‘an old trick’ · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Taiwan has special skills in the cultivation of wax apples. Screen capture from Taiwanese public broadcaster PTS.
After banning the importation of pineapples from Taiwan on February 26, Beijing has now offered incentives to the Taiwanese agriculture and forestry sectors to invest in rural tourism and plant high-end commercial crops such as tea, fruit and flowers across the strait in China.
On March 17, Beijing announced 22 measures which included access to use agricultural and forestry land in China for Taiwanese agricultural businesses. The package also includes financing support, economic subsidies and infrastructure backup for their investment in China.
In response to such a favorable offer, however, Taiwan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it was a trick:
#Beijing just unveiled 22 measures to attract #Taiwan investment in #China‘s advanced agriculture development. They banned our #FreedomPineapple, now they think they can uproot our agriculture sector. Sound familiar? This old trick won't fool us. We're not dumb nor crazy. JW
— 外交部 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ROC (Taiwan) ?? (@MOFA_Taiwan) March 17, 2021
Taiwanese lawmaker Chen Ting-fei said the measures were “sweet poison” aimed at stealing Taiwan’s advanced agricultural skills, technologies and experience. Another lawmaker, Lai, Jui-Lung, accused China of using the “feed, trap and kill” tactics for taking over Taiwan’s overseas agricultural market.
In response to the concerns, the Taiwan Council of Agriculture (COA) said it would submit a draft amendment to the Plant Variety and Plant Seed Act by June to prevent the outflow of endemic fruits, cultivars, and agricultural technologies, to China.
Beijing’s abrupt ban on the import of Taiwanese pineapples at the end of February has compelled many to reflect upon Taiwan's agricultural policy.
Professor Chen Shih-shiung, president of the Association of Taiwan Organic Agriculture Promotion told a reporter from Liberty Times that in the past three decades, in particular, during the period between 2008-2016 when the Kuomintang’s Ma Ying-jeou was in the presidential office, Taiwan's agricultural sector had transferred more than 2,500 species of agricultural products including fruits, flowers, 800 patented agricultural technologies and farming and aquaculture skills, to China’s Fujian province. A similar transfer of planting skills and technologies has also taken place in other Chinese provinces and eventually, China had taken over Taiwan’s agricultural export in overseas markets such as Japan.
After Ma took office in 2008, he promoted closer economic cooperation with China. Before Taiwan signed the Cross-Straits Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement with China in 2010, experts from the agricultural sector had already fathomed its adverse impact on the sector. For example, professor Yang Ping-shih, former dean of the College of Bioresources and Agriculture of the National Taiwan University, predicted that the agreement would escalate the trade deficit between Taiwan and China, as land and labour costs in China were much cheaper.
Yang cited the transfer of eel aquaculture skills as an example and pointed out that China had beaten Taiwan within 10 years after Taiwan fishermen had started investing in eel aquaculture in mainland China in early 1990. By 2008, Taiwan had imported 760,000 U.S. dollars worth of eels from China, while its own exports to China in the same year were down to zero.
The story of eel aquaculture was repeated in the past decade. Chang Chin-I, deputy director of the Fisheries Research Institute said that upon spending a decade of research on giant groupers, the institute eventually succeeded in breeding the species in 1997. However, in 2008, the government allowed the Taiwan aquaculture sector to invest in giant grouper farms in China and by 2012 China’s output on the new grouper species had outnumbered Taiwan and dominated the market.
In the past two decades, Taiwanese skills in the cultivation of golden pineapples, yellow guava, wax apples, sugar apples, mangoes and butterfly orchids have also been transferred to mainland China and eventually, the Chinese version of the fruit and flora have flooded the market at much cheaper prices.
Against such a background, although the 22 measures cover a wide range of benefits to attract the Taiwanese agricultural businesses to expand their investment in mainland China, the sector remains cautious. Huang Wen-hong, a Taiwansese businessman who had the experience of running a farm in Fujian told independent online media News Market he was skeptical of Beijing’s policy,
It is true that the Chinese government will give you a huge piece of land, but you have to invest a big sum of money to improve the land quality. Then they will learn your skill and you will soon lose your value … they could change its policy whenever they feel like. They could make up excuses to take back the land or even cut your water and electricity supply.
As the Taiwanese government has started strengthening its law against the outflow of endemic agricultural products and technologies to China, it appears the Taiwanese agricultural sector will likely reduce its reliance on the Chinese market and diversify its overseas market.

author: Oiwan Lam


text:
Angola’s new penal code, which decriminalizes homosexual relationships, comes into force · Global Voices
Dércio Tsandzana

Members of the Association IRIS Angola. Photo from the organization's archive, published with the author's permission.
Angola's new penal code, which decriminalizes relationships between people of the same sex and punishes homophobic violence, came into force on February 11.
The new legislation was approved in 2019 but only ratified in November 2020. It replaces the penal code of 1886, of the Portuguese colonial administration.
The code has removed a provision punishing those who “habitually indulge in the practice of vices against nature.”
It also introduces heavier punishments for violence motivated by discrimination on the basis of, among other things, sexual orientation. The law also punishes anybody who refuses to employ a person because of his or her sexual orientation with two years in prison.
The new code does not mention legal unions between people of the same sex.
Angola now joins the minority of African countries that do not criminalize consensual relations between adults of the same sex. In recent years, South Africa, Seychelles, Mozambique, Cape Verde, Malawi, Botswana, and Gabon have either judicially repealed or modified their laws in order to decriminalize such relationships.
In 2014, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights called on all African states to do the same:
Reconhecer os perigos da violência e outras formas de discriminação contra pessoas com base na sua orientação sexual e identidade de género reais ou imputadas, e instituir leis que protejam as pessoas LGBTIQ+ da violência e discriminação como membros de uma categoria vulnerável, tal como exigido na Resolução 275 da Comissão Africana dos Direitos Humanos e dos Povos.
Recognize the dangers of violence and other forms of discrimination against persons based on their actual or assumed sexual orientation and gender identity, and establish laws that protect LGBTIQ+ people from violence and discrimination as members of a vulnerable category, as called for in Resolution 275 of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights.
Mozambique decriminalized homosexual relationships in 2015.
Angola, though, was ahead of Mozambique in permitting the registration of IRIS, an organization for the defence of sexual minorities, in 2018, something that Mozambique has declined to do with the organization Lambda.
Lambda works to educate and raise public awareness on the right to equality regardless of sexual orientation and gender identity. Since about 10 years ago, Lambda has been pressuring the Mozambican government to formally recognize the group as an “association,” without success.
The adoption of Angola's new penal code, and so the decriminalization of homosexual relationships, drew various reactions, especially from those hoping that the law would bring more tolerance to Angolan society.
Resistência LGBTQ pelo planeta: Em decisão histórica, a Angola descriminaliza ser LGBTQ no país
Lei sancionada em novembro de 2020, entrou em vigor essa semana e resultou em alteração no código penal do país africano. A mudança também proíbe a discriminação de pessoas LGBTQs. pic.twitter.com/LoPmoHx4eE
— Universo LGBTQIA+ ?? (@universolgbtq) February 12, 2021
LGBTQ resistance across the planet: In a historic decision, Angola decriminalizes being LGBTQ in the country.
The law, which was ratified in November 2020, came into force this week and changes the African country's penal code. The change also bans discrimination against LGBTQ people.
The change was seen as a move forward by human rights experts in the country, as activist Paula Sebastião told BBC Focus on Africa.
Esse Código Penal vai nos permitir atender a diferentes demandas a partir de agora, e também nos permite abrir uma conversa sobre trabalho, que é uma das principais lutas da comunidade LGBTQI+…
This penal code will allow us to meet different demands from now on, and it also allows us to open a conversation about work, which is one of the main struggles of the LGBTQI+ community…

author: Dércio Tsandzana


text:
Group’s report to Biden administration seeks commitment to human rights and democracy in Brazil · Global Voices
Isabela Carvalho

Joe Biden, president of the United States. Photo by Adam Schultz, Biden for President /CC BY-NC-SA 2.0
When the new coronavirus pandemic hit Brazil in March 2020, a speech by President Jair Bolsonaro on national television echoed the words of then President of the United States, Donald Trump, underplaying the severity of the disease, and advocating to loosen the social distancing measures recommended by scientists.
For members of the US Network for Democracy in Brazil (USNDB), formed by 150 Brazilian and American activists and academics based in the US, the speech was a consolidation of the “Trump way” of facing the pandemic in Brazil, which ultimately resulted in record deaths, tensions with trade allies in Asia and Europe, and the delegitimization of science. When Trump himself backed down, The Atlantic magazine named Bolsonaro the leader of the coronavirus denial movement.
After Trump's loss and the beginning of the Joe Biden-Kamala Harris administration, however, the USNDB saw that the change in the manner in which the pandemic was being addressed in the US could also influence the actions taken by Brazil. This is how the idea came about to develop a report to inform the new government on the subject, according to Juliana Moraes, executive director of the network's Washington bureau. The document later evolved into something broader that included other issues affected by the former government's relationship with Bolsonaro's.
According to BBC Brazil, aides of two congressmen close to Biden, Susan Wild and Raul Grijalva, have read the report. The BBC also contacted the Brazilian government, which declined to comment. In early February, the USNDB was informed that the document had reached the White House, through Juan Gonzalez, appointed by Joe Biden to be the senior director for the western hemisphere for the White House's National Security Council. Gonzalez is an adviser to the Democratic Party on issues of economic development and diplomacy with Latin American countries. Over the next four years, he will advise Biden on topics such as bilateral cooperation, rule of law and climate change.
Before the election results, in late October, Gonzales had commented on his Twitter about issues involving Brazil.
Anybody, in Brazil or elsewhere, who thinks they can advance an ambitious relationship with the United States while ignoring important issues like climate change, democracy, and human rights clearly hasn’t been listening to Joe Biden on the campaign trail. https://t.co/SyIGlFMdpx
— Juan S. Gonzalez (@Cartajuanero) October 22, 2020
I spoke with Juliana Moraes via telephone and e-mail about the coordination of the report and the importance of the Brazil-United States relationship:
GV: How did the report reach Biden's office?
The Washington Brazil Office (WBO), an arm of the USNDB that focuses on advocacy in Washington D.C., partners with multiple NGOs and think-tanks. Through our non-partisan and decentralized position we have built important relationships inside and outside the US Congress, and it was due to these relationships that the report reached Juan Gonzalez, newly nominated by Joe Biden to his team. Gonzales was a great critic of Trump and is a longtime Democratic advisor for Latin America.
The consolidation of our relationship with the US Congress has its roots in 2016. During the impeachment process against President Dilma Rousseff [in 2015], the US House sent a letter signed by 43 congressmen to the then Secretary of State, John Kerry. In this letter, parliamentarians expressed concern about the political-constitutional situation in Brazil. It was the first letter in which the US Congress expressed concern for Brazil in more than 20 years.
GV: How did the idea of sending a report to the Biden administration come about, and why now?
We knew that if Joe Biden and Kamala Harris won the election they would bring a new focus on the management of the pandemic in the United States and, consequently, that could influence the management of the crisis in Brazil. We thought about crafting a collaborative paper on this topic. The document evolved into something broader with other issues that have suffered a serious impact in the last two years of the relationship between Bolsonaro and Trump, then the American president.
In the United States, the first 100 days of the administration are very important. The government shows its tone during this period, so it was essential that these recommendations reached the White House now. In 30 pages, [the report convenes] experts in 10 areas: democracy and the rule of law; indigenous rights, climate change and deforestation; political economy; Alcântara base and US military support; human rights; police violence; public health; coronavirus; religious freedom, and labor.
Illegal logging in Roraima. Photo by Felipe Werneck/Ibama (CC BY-SA 2.0)
What are the paper's main highlights?
The most extensive, and I would say most complex, chapters are those addressing environmental and human rights issues. It is not true that in order to achieve positive economic results we need to weaken socio-environmental regulations. This separation is a disservice to Brazil. The document connects both [issues], and presents evidence that there are paths to responsible and sustainable development in Brazil
We present historically contextualized analyses on global warming and the environment, sustainable economic growth, strengthening of democratic institutions and policies, workers’ rights, as well as the public position of the current Brazilian government on issues such as the rights of indigenous peoples, quilombolas [descendants of Afro-Brazilian slaves who escaped from plantations], women’s and LGBTQIA+ rights, access to public health, and pandemic management.
The report makes concrete recommendations, such as: reviewing the Technological Safeguards Agreement signed by Bolsonaro and Trump, which directly impacts quilombola families [who live in the base area of] Alcântara, in the state of Maranhão; restricting imports of wood, soy, and meat from Brazil originating from illegally deforested areas, which is already provided for by American legislation; disclosing confidential documents about the dictatorship in Brazil and clarifying the alleged US participation in Operation Car Wash.
In general, the report recommends that the current US government review the foreign policies of Donald Trump's administration and his influence in Brazil, which has also pushed other Latin American countries toward a dangerous turn to the extreme right.
In general, in the USA, there is a great lack of knowledge about Brazil, its history, its diversity, and its complexities. With our network of contacts, inside and outside the government, we have the responsibility to bring to light issues that are not widely known abroad, and we have the opportunity to present the most important issues in Brazil, those affecting the daily lives of the population.
Through our work with the Congress of the two countries, we managed to stimulate conversations between political representatives, social movements, and civil society. We learn and we export knowledge. This type of open and well-informed dialogue between two countries is the basis for building more equitable bilateral relations. Without this, we are more vulnerable to internal and external crises, be they economic, political, or social
Disclosure: Isabela Carvalho, who wrote this article, is part of the Advisory Board of the Washington Brazil Office arm of the USNDB, which is responsible for the organization's advocacy work.

author: Isabela Carvalho


text:
Malaysia’s ‘fake news’ ordinance takes effect amid continuing concern over the COVID-19 state of emergency · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Placards used by activists during a protest near Parliament calling for the repeal of the ‘fake news’ ordinance. Photo from the Facebook page of the Centre for Independent Journalism
Malaysia’s Emergency (Essential Powers) (No. 2) Ordinance 2021, a measure that criminalizes the publication of “fake news” pertaining to COVID-19 took effect on March 12.
The Perikatan Nasional (PN) government declared a state of emergency on January 12 to contain the surge of COVID-19 cases. But critics believe the PN intended to use it to remain in power since it also suspended parliamentary sessions and banned elections. Activists also warned that the declaration could lead to the suppression of free speech since it allowed authorities to detain citizens and netizens who were “interfering” in the enforcement of health protocols.
Some petitions have been filed in the courts questioning the constitutionality of the declaration. Amid these concerns, the PN released the ordinance criminalizing “fake news.”
According to the ordinance, fake news is any news, information, data or report which is wholly or partly false relating to COVID-19 or the proclamation of the state of emergency, whether in the form of features, visuals or audio recordings or any other form capable of suggesting words or ideas.
Those who violate the ordinance face a three-year term of imprisonment and/or a fine of 100,000 RM (24,000 U.S. dollars).
The ordinance allows the police to access computerized data, including passwords and encryption codes. It is applicable to all nationalities and even if the offence is committed outside of Malaysia.
Malaysia passed an Anti-Fake News Act ahead of the 2018 general elections but this was repealed by the previous Pakatan Harapan government. The PN ordinance reintroduces certain aspects of the 2018 law.
One of the similarities between the two measures is the vague definition of what constitutes “fake news.” Because of this, the Centre for Independent Journalism has warned that the ordinance could be abused by authorities:
We anticipate further surveillances and invasions of our privacy, arbitrary censorships of critical and dissenting media reports, and thus, attacks on media freedom, and disproportionate crackdowns on legitimate speech such as dissent and misinformation.
Zaid Malek, coordinator of Lawyers for Liberty, reminded the government that a state of emergency is not a license to arbitrarily create legislation. The group also noted that “emergency proclamation” is not defined in the ordinance. It is concerned, too, that the extra police powers undermine the privacy of citizens:
In addition to trampling on the rights to free speech, this Ordinance entirely disregards the right to privacy by allowing enforcement authorities to search any electronic device that they deem “necessary” to complete their investigation.
Human rights group Aliran asserted that “existing laws could easily handle any attempt to create public alarm or unrest.” It also said that the ordinance threatens to create more divisions in society:
To frighten people with such punitive legislation would only create a disconnect between the government and the people. It would muzzle the people while those in government would live in a cocoon.
The think-tank Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs echoed the earlier criticism that the emergency declaration is intended to silence dissent:
This ordinance strengthens the perception that the state of emergency we are currently in is a smokescreen to curb any form of criticism towards the government of the day. It should be acknowledged that many have provided constructive criticism precisely because they are concerned about the state of the nation and genuinely want improvements.
The member of Parliament for Selayang, William Leong Jee Keen has advice for the government:
The government ought to counter fake news by providing full and complete disclosures supported by scientific evidence on these matters.
Reassurance does not come by burying the truth in the form of heavy and disproportionate punishment for disseminating information.
Gerakan Media Merdeka urged authorities to “fight fake news with facts, not Acts.”
We have consistently supported any form of fact checking initiatives, particularly in the current times [of] the pandemic which have seen confusion that arises from sharing of inaccurate information.
On March 14, a group of protesters representing members of the Freedom of Expression Cluster held a flash mob near the parliament to call for the repeal of the ordinance.
Civil society organisations focused on freedom of expression organised a peaceful protest at Jalan Parlimen today against the gazettement and the coming into force of the Emergency (Essential Powers) (No. 2) Ordinance 2021. Here's their statement. pic.twitter.com/a6VX3ANIxA
— CIJ Malaysia (@CIJ_Malaysia) March 14, 2021
Communications and Multimedia Minister Datuk Saifuddin Abdullah assured critics that the ordinance will not lead to censorship.
We will make sure that the action taken is on fake news, not criticism. In matters of democracy, it is possible to criticise but if it involves fake news, then no matter who spreads it, anyone can be hit (receive action).”
He also said that the ordinance is a temporary measure since it can be repealed once parliament has resumed its sessions and six months after the emergency proclamation has been lifted.

author: Mong Palatino


text:
Chinese patriotic YouTuber apologizes after criticizing propaganda and corruption · Global Voices
CitizenNews

Patriotic YouTuber Zheng Guocheng. Screen capture from YouTube.
This post was originally published in Chinese on Hong Kong based CitizenNews on March 19, 2021. This translation is published on Global Voices via a content-sharing agreement.
If we really believe the U.S is bad, then we have to conduct a thorough search from central to local government authorities and see who has sent their kids to the U.S. They should be the enemies of the people.
This kind of comment is often bandied around on Chinese social media, but this time it came from famous patriotic YouTuber Zheng Guocheng during a four-hour-long live stream on March 11.
The next morning, Zheng deleted the video and uploaded another apologizing for his comments, claiming was drunk the night before. Still, many netizens replied that they enjoyed his rant which they perceived as honest.
Zheng has been a YouTuber for three years. With over 100,000 subscribers, his channel Chinese youth Zheng Guocheng is famous for its pro-China content and criticism of its adversaries. For that reason, Zheng is often described as “50 cents,” Chinese slang for government-funded online commentators.
His four-hour-long outburst on March 11 caught his audience by surprise. During the live stream, he complained about the Chinese Communist Party and government authorities — from Forestry and Grassland to Propaganda authorities — as well as his fellow patriotic online commentators.
He also revealed to his audience that patriotism is a performance to make a living and that just last month he had made a 7,000 USD income.
Zheng's rant was triggered by a recent visit to the Forestry and Grassland Administration in Jilin province. The local authorities there had failed to implement a land distribution policy and the dispute remained unsolved for over 10 years.
Zheng said the problem was caused by corruption and decided to tell the story “for the sake of villagers’ rights”:
我们这儿，森林这么多年都没分下来，都是贪污的、腐败的！国家林业局有文件，人人按户分山，没分！
In our village, the forest land has not been distributed. It is so full of corruption! The National Forestry and Grassland Administration has a document saying that all households could have the right to hold a piece of land. But nothing has happened here.
老百姓偷一萬，判三年，貪污呢？貪100億、好幾億也三年，憑甚麼？貪污比老百姓偷竊更嚴重，如果以這個標準，貪一萬塊錢至少判三年，如果超一億誅十族！我現在認為貪污100塊，就是死刑！
When an ordinary person steals 10,000, they go to jail for three years. For corruption? Even if the amount is up to billions, the sentence is just three years. How’s that fair? Corruption is worse than stealing. If stealing 10,000 is three years, then billions should cost the lives of an extended family. In my opinion, all corruption should receive a life sentence regardless of the amount.
Zheng recalled the patriotic education he received during high school, when, he said, his teacher used to say that “the U.S will perish” and urged students not to go to the U.S, but now “the majority of the officials send their kids to the U.S.”
When asked why he did not hand in a petition to Public Complaints and Proposals Administration, Zheng said:
…真的越級上訪，他的侄子考公務員都會考不上。…問題來了，信訪制度到底有沒有道理，沒有道理，你取消了好不好？既然存在，為甚麼越級上訪，你要牽扯人家子女呢？天天喊中國牛（厲害）了，中國牛有甚麼用啊？
If I visited the provincial petition office, my cousin could never become a civil servant (…) You can see the problem here, what’s the point of the petition system? If the system is useless, why don’t you abolish it? If it exists, why punish the petitioners’ family if they file a petition? You keep saying that China is awesome and strong, what’s the point of being strong?
Citing a case in Heilongjiang, Zheng said that “the path to petition is worse than death as it would affect the lives of your whole family.”
He also criticized censorship and official propaganda for “ignoring people’s suffering”. When being questioned about his “extremist view,” he said:
甚麼叫我極端？我現實都解決不了，你怪我極端嗎？要不要臉？
What makes me extreme? I can't even solve the problem in my real life and you blame me for being extreme? Shame on you!
In his apology video, Zheng said he had been drunk because he was going through family issues and that an old friend recently passed away. He promised that he would abstain from alcohol in the future.
After that, Zheng returned to his usual content, such as criticizing the U.S. and mocking Taiwan.
As Chinese media reported on his first video, and different clips of it had gone viral, Zheng uploaded another apology on March 17 claiming that his initial comments were being misinterpreted.
Still, many netizens left comments saying that he didn't need to apologize because he was simply telling the truth. Some asked him to drink before doing lives as they had enjoyed watching him talk while drunk.
Below is a Youtube backup of his four-hour talk on March 11:

author: CitizenNews


text:
Did the Ethiopian government use its COVID-19 restrictions to silence dissent? · Global Voices
BefeQadu Z. Hailu

Youth volunteers take to the streets to mobilize against COVID-19 in Ethiopia. Photo by UNICEF Ethiopia. CC-BY 2.0
A number of Ethiopian activists were arrested in 2020 for violating the country's COVID-19 restrictions, raising questions on whether the government has used those protocols to silence criticism.
Ethiopia was under a State of Emergency (SoE) to counter the COVID-19 spread from April to September, 2020.
On April 20, Elizabeth Kebede, a lawyer, activist, and outspoken critic of the government, was detained in Addis Ababa for allegedly “spreading false rumors” about the COVID-19 situation in Harar, the main city in the Harari region.
In March, shortly after Ethiopia registered its first COVID-19 case, Elizabeth had posted on Facebook that she knew people who, despite coming into contact with others who had tested positive for COVID-19, had not gone into quarantine.
Elizabeth was extradited to Harari on the same day of the arrest, according to the Ethiopian Women Lawyer’s Association (EWLA) where she works as a volunteer. She was released on May 6 without charge.
EWLA argued that the Harari Police had no jurisdiction to file cases against  Elizabeth as her permanent address is in Addis Ababa. They also say there was no legal need to transfer her to Harari.
Ethiopian journalist Yayesew Shimelis was also arrested without charge, on March 27, 2020. That was one day after he posted a video on the Ethio Forum YouTube channel, which he administers, reporting that the central government was preparing 200,000 graves to accommodate COVID-19 deaths, citing anonymous sources. Yayesew was released on April 23.
The Ministry of Health and the Prime Minister’s Office have rejected the claims made in the video. The former said the video “should be condemned” and the latter that “law enforcement agents […] have been mandated to take action against individuals and groups unleashing terror upon people’s health and sense of safety.”
Yayesew hosts a weekly political program on Tigray TV, a channel owned by the Tigray regional government, a major oppositional force to the Addis Ababa government. The journalist is known in Ethiopia for being critical of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
After witnessing the fierce reaction on social media to his video report, Yayesew tweeted saying that he “didn’t imagine the news could be that shocking.”
Yayesew told Global Voices that YouTube took down his video report, and Facebook took down a post where he had shared the video. He says Twitter also suspended his account.
The directive issued by the Council of Ministers to implement the State of Emergency had provisions that experts say undermined freedom of expression and unleashed a chilling effect on the press.
For example, Article 3/26 prohibited publishing information that “could make society unstable.”
It is prohibited to disseminate any information that makes the society unstable and that puts psychological pressure on society regarding COVID-19 and related issues.
Also, Article 4/10 declares that information disseminated by media outlets should not create shocks.
Government communications professionals and private media institutions should disseminate information, news analysis, or related information on COVID-19 and related issues without exaggerating or undermining the relevant information and without causing undue shock and terror.
A screenshot of Yayesew's Facebook Page taken on 25th February 2021
Since his release, Yayesew  is no longer as outspoken. His Facebook bio has since been updated and reads: “I can’t breath — just keeping quiet.”
On a video he uploaded to YouTube on June 2, 2020, Yayesew says he had to stop his show on Tigray TV’s EthioForum “with sadness” for a reason he “cannot disclose for the time being”
Elizabeth Kebede has since left Ethiopia for an undisclosed country. On a Facebook post from November 2020, she explained her reasons for seeking asylum abroad, and indicated that her case wasn't closed, only transferred from Hariri to Addis Ababa.
Her Facebook post, which has since been removed, included an attached statement by Ethiopia’s permanent mission to Geneva that read:
Ms. Elizabeth's posts have severely undermined the safety, equality and dignity of certain ethnic groups and it would likely incite violence and disturb public safety.
This article is part of a series of posts examining interference with digital rights under lockdowns and beyond during the COVID-19 pandemic in nine African countries: Uganda, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Algeria, Nigeria, Namibia, Tunisia, Tanzania, and Ethiopia. The project is funded by the Africa Digital Rights Fund of The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

author: BefeQadu Z. Hailu


text:
Pakistan bans TikTok for the second time · Global Voices
R Umaima Ahmed

Photo by cottonbro from Pexels. Used under a Pexels License.
Pakistan slapped a second ban on the Chinese app TikTok on March 11 — five months after it had been restored following a first ban.
The Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) has ordered all internet service providers to block traffic to the platform in compliance with a ruling handed down by the Peshawar High Court in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa which described TikTok content as “obscene, immoral and contrary to tradition.”
The ruling responded to a joint petition filed by 40 Peshawar residents who requested a ban on the video app for violations of constitutional provisions that restrict acts contrary to the Islamic code of life.
The PTA tweeted:
In respectful compliance to the orders of the Peshawar High Court, PTA has issued directions to the service providers to immediately block access to the TikTok App. During the hearing of a case today, the PHC has ordered for the blocking of App.
— PTA (@PTAofficialpk) March 11, 2021
This is the second time TikTok is blocked in the South Asian country. Last October, the PTA blocked it without a court order, alleging it had failed to remove unlawful content.
The ban was reversed ten days later, after TikTok's parent company ByteDance assured Pakistani authorities it would bolster content moderation.
Analysts at that time said that the main impetus behind the ban was censorship rather than hostility towards China, a close ally of Pakistan.
After the latest block, TikTok released a statement saying that it uses a combination of technologies and moderation strategies to detect and review content that violates its terms of service and community guidelines.
The company mentions its H2 2020 Transparency Report, which showcases examples of content taken down according to Pakistan's laws. However, the company also acknowledged that it was committed to ensuring its users’ rights to express themselves creatively on the platform, as long as if in line with company policies.
TikTok is very popular in Pakistan, and the country's influencers have criticized the ban.
Twitter user Hummayun Chaudhry said:
Kindly block internet as well https://t.co/Fj82s13WNO
— Hummayun Chaudhry (@hummayunChoudri) March 11, 2021
Political commentator Zafar Raja said:
Crazy decision, just take out the troublemakers please , this is too draconian in freedom of speech and entertainment @PTAofficialpk https://t.co/G4nV4CnGmK
— Zafar Raja (@ZR786) March 11, 2021
Human rights activist Gulalai Ismail said:
Like seriously, they have banned #tiktok in Pakistan on the orders of the court. Ban karna hay tou dehshatgardi ban karo. Nojawano, VPN install karo. Psiphon bilkul free VPN hay.
— Gulalai Ismail ګلالۍاسماعیل (@Gulalai_Ismail) March 11, 2021
[…] If the state has to ban something it should be terrorism. […] Young people should install Psiphon VPN, it's free.
In October 2020, Pakistan enacted new regulations for social media platforms forbidding content that is “defamatory, obscene, blasphemous and pornographic.” Platforms that don't comply could be fined up to Rs500 million (US$ 3.22 million).

author: R Umaima Ahmed


text:
Taking the Laz language online, one project at a time: An interview with Eylem Bostanci · Global Voices
Doga Celik

Rize, Turkey. Screen shot taken from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=feXQb1HV024
The Laz language, or Lazuri, is one of Turkey's 30 minority languages — and one of its most endangered.
According to different sources, there could be anything between 30,000 to 200,000 speakers of Laz today, and most of them still live in the towns and villages of Artvin and Rize, on the coast of the Black Sea. A large proportion also emigrated from Batumi area to Marmara in the 19th century, after the Ottoman-Russian War.
From 1982 until the late 1990s, all minority languages were forbidden from being taught at Turkish schools, which significantly thwarted the use of Laz
While a 2002 law ensures instruction in minority languages spoken by Turkish citizens in secondary schools, still there are too few teachers available, and many schools actively discourage students from pursuing such studies.
Global Voices spoke with Eylem Bostancı, a project coordinator at the Laz Institute, an Istanbul-based organization dedicated to promoting the Laz language and culture.
Bostancı is ethnically Laz but grew up in London. Her journey to explore her roots began 20 years ago, when she came across a website through which she discovered other Laz people.
In the following years, Bostancı translated books from Lazuri to English, including a grammar book and a Laz-Turkish-English dictionary, and helped publish magazines in Lazuri.
This interview has been edited for brevity.
Doğa Çelik (DÇ): How did you develop an interest in the Laz language?
Eylem Bostancı (EB): I am an ethnic Laz and both my parents’ first language is Laz. Yet, since I was raised and educated in London I could understand a bit but not speak Laz. The Laz language is a strong component of my cultural heritage and my roots. It was through an internet site that I met with other Laz people in 2001, writing articles and doing research on Laz by going into archives at the British Library. In 2002, I made a radical decision to move to Istanbul, Turkey, where I married my husband who is the first person to publish a Laz-Turkish dictionary in Turkey.
DÇ: Where do you think is the Laz language situated on the internet?
EB: Currently, there aren’t sufficient education methodology, materials and resources that can be easily accessed through the internet, which means that the education in these languages is not adequately supported. The internet is a strong medium that facilitates the widespread access to all materials and resources in Laz. Those materials prepared in the recent years are not compatible with the digital sphere, thus not user-friendly or easily accessible to those wishing to learn the language. Within the scope of the European Union project that we started in July 2020, we will be producing practical, innovative, easy to access and diverse podcasts, videos, and learning materials enriched by graphics and music so that children and the young people can learn their mother language. In addition, existing learning materials will be digitalized.
DÇ: How important do you think is the internet in preserving the Laz language?
EB: It is critical. We have organised a “Digital Activism” training recently, in which academics and experts in the field of endangered languages digital activism were invited as lecturers. Through digital activism and language preservation trainings aimed at the young people who are interested in safeguarding the endangered language as native speakers, activists or NGO members, we target to increase the capacities of the participants within the respective matter, and help them use social media efficiently and productively. The content of the training are the creation of visual material, the techniques and application of video activism, effective use of digital tools, citizen journalism, digital language preservation focusing on the mother language and cultural rights, preparing news text in the mother language. At the end of this activity, we will prepare a digital handbook intended for the institutions and activists conducting a rights-based study on the endangered languages and cultural rights.
DÇ: Do you have any digital projects?
EB: We are working towards creating a digital media platform by building content that involves news related to the developments for Laz and other endangered languages in Turkey and the world, information on the Laz language, culture and the history, learning materials, photos, articles, videos, interviews and podcasts. We are also working on producing cartoons in Laz for children. There is a rapidly increasing number of young Laz who consult the Laz Institute to find out about their language and culture in search of their ethnic identity and expressing their demand for expanded cultural rights and extended representation of their linguistic groups of people. We strive to meet the increasing demand from the Laz people for better accessible resources through concentrating on digitalisation. The Laz Institute website  and the TAD-Endangered Languages website that we have established during our latest EU funded project both contain the information and resources that are developed by us. We have also set up social media accounts for Laz Enstitusu and Tehlike Altindaki Diller (Endangered Languages) on YouTube, Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and LinkedIn. In addition, in May 2020 we have  applied for Duolingo app to be available in the Laz language.
We will also create a Laz Audio Dictionary website and a digital “Language Map” of Laz and Circassian languages.  This will be an online map showing the cities, towns and villages where the Laz and Circassian languages are spoken in Turkey. The map will also include the ethnographic information, population number, and the original names of the towns and villages and the new names given by the state in the last 80 years. This map will enable users to make updates, allowing them to add new information. Thus, correct census data will be provided on these languages and the changed place names will be visible and easily accessible.  In addition, we are also working on Laz and Circassian language learning websites.
DÇ: Do you face any problems in trying to spread the usage of Lazuri?
We are experiencing some problems in communicating correct information on the Laz language. For instance, the Laz/Mingrelian languages are classified not as languages on their own, but as dialects of another language on Wikipedia, as well as many academic articles, wrongly being classified as “Kartvelian” languages, rather than solely “South Caucasian” languages. We have amended the information on Wikipedia several times, yet it has been changed back, making it difficult to deal with. Although the information in the already published non-digital sources are hard to correct, it is possible to interact with the online sources. We are now establishing an “International language preservation and promotion studies” network and contacts will be made with the internet sources, identified at the beginning of the studies activity, for the amendment of information and providing the accurate information (with relevant sources) on the Laz language.

author: Doga Celik


text:
The Laz people’s mission to save their language from extinction · Global Voices
Doga Celik

A statue of a Laz man and woman in Artvin, Turkey. Screen shot taken from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=feXQb1HV024
Hundreds of years ago, there was a kingdom stretching from the west of what is today Georgia all the way to Russia's Sochi and Turkey's Rize.
Established by the early Colchis tribes, the Colchis Kingdom flourished on these lands that were also known as Lazistan. Throughout its turbulent history, the Colchis Kingdom changed names many times. After the Roman conquest of Colchis around 65 BC, it became a Roman province called Lazicum. When the Ottomans claimed the region in 1461, it became a sanjak, a subdivision of the central administrative structure ruled by the Sultan, with its governor based in Rize.
After the foundation of the Turkish Republic in 1923, Lazistan's history was mostly forgotten. But the descendants of the Colchis, the modern Laz people, still live in Rize, and many are speakers of the Laz language, Lazuri, a South-Caucasian language. According to different sources, there could be anything between 30,000 to 200,000 speakers of this language today.
In 1982, all minority languages were forbidden from being taught at Turkish schools. In 2009, UNESCO reported that Lazuri was among Turkey's 15 languages in danger of becoming extinct.
In 2010, Anita McNaught visited Rize's villages and noted that Lazuri was mostly spoken by the elderly and was rarely used in its written form.
Also in 2010, Laz scholar İsmail Bucaklişi, who had co-authored the first-ever Lazuli dictionary, told Al Jazeera that the decline of the Laz language was tied to how people see the language itself. “Turkish is perceived as a language of modernity and commercial success,” he said.
Indeed, UNESCO points out that the lack of intergenerational language transmission and community members’ own attitudes towards their language are key factors contributing to language extinction. The lack of documentation or use in the media, as well as unsupportive governmental attitudes, also play a decisive role.
But Lazuri has experienced a slow revival from 1999 when Turkey began talks to accede to the European Union, a process that requires implementing protections for ethnic minorities.
As a result, a series of reforms have since been passed, including in education. In 2002, the Law on Teaching and Education of Foreign Languages was amended to enable “learning of different languages and dialects traditionally used by Turkish citizens in their daily lives.”
Regardless of changes in policy, over the past decades, there has been a range of local initiatives and passionate individuals who have strived to preserve the Laz culture and language. We have listed some of them below.
In 1993, a group of people among which Bucaklisi was also present started the first Lazuri-language magazine, Ogni-Skani Nena (“Listen to your language”). On its first issue, the magazine was labeled  “separatist propaganda” by the Turkish government because of two articles focusing on Laz nationalism. Authorities took legal action against the publication and confiscated issues from stands.
Despite a court decision that later ruled in favor of the magazine, internal disagreements prevented the publication to continue, according to the Wikipedia entry about Ogni.
In 2000, some of the former editorial team of Ogni launched the magazine Mjora (“Sun”), but that was also short-lived.
In 2011, Murat Ercan Murğulişi, now 38, became the author of the first-ever novel published in Lazuri. “Daçxuri”, which means “fire,” follows the life of a 7-year-old boy after he loses his parents in a car crash.
Murğulişi is a native of Rize and began writing in Lazuri during his university years. In an interview with Sabah newspaper in 2011, he argued Lazuri was “also a literary language, with its unique vocabulary and grammar.”
A more recent initiative was the creation, in 2013, of the Laz Insitute in İstanbul, with 37 founders and many supporters and volunteers. In the institute's inauguration ceremony, co-founder Prof. Mehmet Bekaroğlu explained what they had in store:
We will collect all cultural activities under one umbrella. We will work on the Lazuri language and will be preparing school books. We are planning to contact universities to educate Laz teachers. Besides, we would like to organize a Lazuri Congress. The Latin alphabet is not enough, we need two alphabets. Also, we are planning to contact Ankara for a Lazuri TV station.
In 2014, the Institute cooperated with the Ministry of Education to create a suitable syllabus for teaching Lazuri in secondary schools in addition to textbooks for middle school students. Turkey introduced minority languages as an elective subject in public schools in 2012, and now Lazuri is also available.
The first schools to teach Lazuri were in Vitze (Fındıklı), a district in Rize, and Arkabi (Artvin), on the coast of the Black Sea. These two public school courses started with 65 students at the start, reaching 214 in total over time.
In 2018, the institute also created a Lazuri teaching program, which has so far certified 19 teachers.
Students all over Turkey can request Lazuri classes at their school, which, in theory, would be obligated to offer it. However, there are still very few Lazuri teachers available, and many schools discourage students from pursuing studies in this language.
An academic article published in 2018 said:
When students choose an elective course in Laz, the administration in many schools tries to persuade them to change their minds by claiming that the school cannot find a teacher or that an insufficient number of students will enroll the course. As one Non-Governmental Organization working on the subject of the Laz language has noted, “local education authorities advise students and their families not to choose the Living Languages and Dialects elective language courses.”
In 2020, Laz Institute launched the EU-funded project Network of Laz and Circassian Civil Societies. The project's coordinator Eylem Bostanci told Global Voices in an interview that the institute “will be producing practical, innovative, easy to access and diverse podcasts, videos, and learning materials enriched by graphics and music so that children and the young people can learn their mother language.”
One of the most famous musicians in Turkey and a supporter of the preservation of Lazuri was singer Kazım Koyuncu, who died in 2005. His rock band Zuğaşi Berepe sang lyrics in Lazuri, and during his solo career, he continued to sing in both Turkish and Lazuri.
His songs remain in the hearts of many, both Laz and Turks. The beauty of the Laz language can be heard in his song “Didou Nena” about a lover who left.


text:
This open-source software is helping Barbados and Jamaica preserve their cultural heritage · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

Screenshots of the home pages of Barbados’ National Registry of Historic Places and Jamaica's National Inventory of Historic Places.
The Getty Conservation Institute, famous for the role it plays in facilitating the understanding and appreciation of art, is perhaps less well known for its efforts around the preservation of global heritage sites and history. Most recently, Getty’s Arches software was used in Barbados and Jamaica in order to highlight the cultural heritage of both islands in ways that give voice to those who have been historically disenfranchised.
Arches, the free, open-source, cultural data management software Getty developed, helped local heritage professionals in Barbados and Jamaica to feature various locations, stories and traditions that make each island unique—an approach that Alexandria Sivak, Getty's International Communications Manager, calls “an interesting intersection of history, archaeology, and technology.”
Via email interviews with Sivak, as well as with David Myers and Alison Dalgity of the Getty Conservation Institute, I learned more about the software. Myers describes Arches as a tool designed to “respond to the critical and common challenges of cultural heritage organizations around the world who are responsible for heritage stewardship, such as those in Jamaica and Barbados, around creating and maintaining modern inventory systems.”
Arches has the ability to record, map and describe all types of cultural resources (archaeological sites, heritage buildings, even cultural landscapes), manage the data and make it available online. Dalgity says the goal is “to build a robust open source community to engage with and support Arches for the long term, and to help heritage organizations around the world […] protect significant cultural heritage”, with Sivak adding that in the past, it had been costly and difficult for countries to identify and map their historical places:
The result was often incomplete histories, or ones that favor colonialist worldviews.
The Arches project is changing all that, allowing for collaboration with local communities to determine which cultural heritage sites are meaningful to them, part of a wider trend, Sivak explains, to “recontextualize known historic sites, and bring awareness to lesser-known ones”.
It is a shift that is especially meaningful in post-colonialist regions like the Caribbean, affording people the tools with which to explore their heritage in new ways and on their own terms.
Some of the locations that were included in Jamaica's heritage list (clockwise, from top left): Seville Great House, the Holywell-Oatley Trail in the Blue Mountains, Fort Charles in Port Royal, and Nanny Falls. Photos courtesy Getty, used with permission.
To find out more about how the process worked, I interviewed (also via email) Angela Labrador, the managing partner at Coherit Associates which, as the technical consultant, worked with local teams to create inventory forms, solicit nominations for inclusion in their National Registers and document them in the Arches software.
Janine Mendes-Franco (JMF): What was it about the history of these two islands that inspired Getty to include them in the Arches project?
Angela Labrador (AL): Jamaica and Barbados both have a rich history of vernacular architecture, sacred places and historical sites related to emancipation and independence that have never been systematically inventoried — and […] never monitored on a continuous basis. As part of a larger 13-nation cultural heritage initiative sponsored by the Organization of American States and funded by the US Permanent Mission to the OAS, the project managers chose the Arches software to deploy in Barbados and Jamaica as pilot projects to introduce Arches to the Caribbean region.
JMF: What was its scope?
AL: The project sought to strengthen cultural heritage capacity in five dimensions: professional networking, legislation, inventories, sustainable tourism, and education. Arches was part of the inventory theme, in which the principles of the US Register of Historic Places (and other examples and best practices from around the world) were adapted to local conditions and values, and the vocabulary and data fields […] customized to adapt to the needs of the Jamaica National Heritage Trust and the Barbados Ministry of Culture.
JMF: How has the project given these two islands agency in a region that has been culturally disenfranchised and had much of their history told from a Eurocentric perspective?
AL: Historically, the inventories of both countries have been comprised primarily of colonial monuments such as plantation great houses and European forts. Thus, the history of the Afro-Caribbean, Indo-Caribbean, and Indigenous Caribbean communities has largely been left out of ‘officialized’ heritage in the region. In addition to expanding the types of heritage sites that can be nominated to their registers and the evaluative criteria to recognize a greater range of values, the engagement with the communities themselves through grassroots solicitation of nominations of places of significance, has the potential to energize the interest of the general public in both Jamaica and Barbados in cultural heritage identified as their own. In other words, it can help build pride in collective and personal identity for a greater segment of the population whose heritage can now be represented in the register.
JMF: How did the project actually work and how much of a role did technology play?
AL: The installation and data entry into Arches was actually the last step in a long process. The local teams were first introduced to best practices in heritage inventories, and through a series of workshops […] formulated forms and vocabularies that could be used to collect data. When the ground-truthing of [those] were completed and the Arches instances customized [for both islands], a workflow was established for data entry. It was clear that a long period of training and experimentation with inventory methods was essential, using real examples and hands on work. […]
The project’s entire workflow is available as a downloadable Implementation Guide.
While it would be interesting to investigate the ways in which the project helped empower Caribbean people and made them reconsider their history—both on a personal level and in a professional capacity in terms of the ability of regional heritage agencies—this data does not appear to be available just yet.
Debra Kay Palmer, director of world heritage and cultural conventions for Jamaica's Ministry of Culture, Gender, Entertainment and Sport, told me via email that the website has not yet been promoted across the island, likely due in part to the fact that the government's primary focus has been the COVID-19 pandemic.
Currently, she noted, “only the professionals at the JNHT [Jamaica National Heritage Trust] are really using the site”:
The platform is ideal to engage [people], especially now in the COVID pandemic; however, we have been a bit behind in this arena. Currently, the Jamaica National Heritage Trust is facilitating a project to film sites to enable virtual tours and consideration is being given to adding them to the national inventory in Arches.
The cultural heritage inventory of Barbados can be explored here, while Jamaica's can be found here.

author: Janine Mendes-Franco