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An American Traveler Accuses Macedonian Customs of Corruption After ‘Ordeal’ at the Border · Global Voices
Marko Angelov

A screenshot from the video “My Macedonian Ordeal” by Rick Ray.
American filmmaker Rick Ray posted a video online titled “My Macedonian Ordeal” (or “My Macedonian Arrest,” depending on the platform) accusing Macedonian customs officers of systemic corruption. The video went viral in Macedonia, with the Facebook version getting over 52,000 views and over 700 shares in less than two days.
Ray alleges that while traveling from Greece towards Germany by car, several customs officers at the Medžitlija border crossing mistreated him in order to confiscate a drone he uses in his film work. In the lengthy documentary-style video he uploaded, he describes his two-day misadventure, claiming that the whole system is corrupt — the customs officers target travelers for their goods and then resell what they confiscate, and government officials look the other way because those detained are forced by the court to pay a penalty for their “crime.”
Ray himself says he was made to pay a 500-euro fine, which he describes as a legal “bribe” meant to pad the Macedonian state's coffers.
The video seems well researched, and also features subtitles in Serbian, which increases its accessibility among Macedonian citizens, who are generally familiar with that language.
While Macedonia had adopted strict regulations about drone flying in 2015, local media report that importing drones for personal use by foreign nationals is not forbidden in Macedonia if they have capacity to fly up to 150 meters in height and in a radius of 400 meters. A license by the Civil Aviation Agency is required for higher capacity drones.
After the video vent viral on November 22, several Macedonian media reached out to the customs authority asking about the case. Some did not receive any response, while Radio MOF reported that customs answered that they have no immediate knowledge of the case, but shall investigate and get back to them.
A day later, on November 23, the customs authority issued an official denial, claiming the video contains untruths intended to damage their reputation as well as “the reputation of other institutions and the whole legal system,” and that the equipment was legally impounded because he did not declare it in the first place. (In the video, Ray says he was never given a chance to declare his drone.)
The customs authority further said Ray could had found recourse in using the legal means available to him, such as submitting a complaint to a second degree government committee or addressing the Administrative Court or the Higher Administrative Court:
Самото тоа што лицето Р.Р. одлучило да не ги користи правните механизми, туку се повикува на нешто што некој наводно му го кажал и нешто што наводно од некого го слушнал, зборува дека видеото е тенденциозно и со политичка позадина. Ова, дотолку повеќе што снимање на граничен премин без одобрение на надлежен царински и полициски орган е забрането бидејќи станува збор за објект кој е од стратешка важност за безбедноста на земјата.
The fact that the person R.R. decided not to use the legal mechanisms, but makes allegations about supposed statements told to him or heard from someone, indicates that the video is tendentious and with a political background. Furthermore, making videos at border crossings without permission by the competent customs or police official is forbidden, because such object is of strategic importance to country's safety.
In the video, Ray also comments on the wastefulness of spending Macedonian taxpayer money on Soviet-style monuments as part of the Skopje 2014 development project. He also highlights the anti-corruption protests called the Colorful Revolution, which splashed some of these constructions with paint.
Allegations from Ray's video are in sync with local perceptions of the omnipresence of corruption and exploitation. Corruption among customs officials is even part of the urban folklore in the Balkans. There are numerous jokes referring to it, such as the following:
Роденденот на еден цариник
Му било роденден на еден цариник, а колегите се договарале што да му купат.
– Еден предложил, автомобил?
– Абе срамота е, веќе има 5!
– Друг викнал, станче?
– Не бе, малку е.
– Еј, се сетив! Да го оставиме утре да работи две смени!
A Customs Officer's Birthday
A customs officer had a birthday coming. His colleagues gather to decide on a gift.
– How about we buy him a car?
– That would be embarrassing, he already has five!
– How about we get him a condo?
– No, man! It's too little.
– Hey, I got it! How about we leave him alone to work a double shift tomorrow?
Macedonia has a score of 45/100 on the Transparency International Corruption Perception Index, where 0 means highly corrupt and 100 means very clean.

author: Marko Angelov


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Answering the Burning Question on Venezuelan Minds: To Stay or to Leave? · Global Voices
Laura Vidal

“Heartbroken doesn’t even begin to explain it. I live in Berlin, but my country's situation disrupts my little bubble of comfort here in the first world. ” Image made by Venezuelan graphic artist Leonardo González, used with permission.
Venezuela currently faces the highest rate of inflation in the world, along with chronic food and medicinal shortages. While the government and the opposition continue to blame each other for the dire state of the economy, Venezuelans living abroad have been reaching out to Venezuelans in the country, through social media, to say that there is a world outside their crisis-ridden country.
The crisis, which has occupied the portrayal of the country in international media, has worsened in the last few years and has, in turn, created spaces for alarming human rights violations, which echo both inside and outside the country.
In response, an increasing number of Venezuelans are considering whether they should stay in the country, or leave and seek opportunities outside. The independent online media Efecto Cocuyo published some of the statistics and the reasoning behind them, as explained by research experts in Venezuela:
[…] Los momentos de migración en Venezuela en los últimos 15 años pueden ser divididos en tres períodos. En el primero, fue la élite venezolana la que emigró entre 1999 y 2003 debido a los cambios de carácter político que trajo la llegada del presidente Hugo Chávez […] En el segundo, comprendido entre 2004 y 2009, fueron los talentos y saberes los que abandonaron el país. Ahora, desde 2010 hasta la actualidad, los jóvenes y la clase media son quienes se despiden en [el aeropuerto internacional de] Maiquetía [debido a] las condiciones políticas, sociales y económicas de Venezuela.
Migration in Venezuela can be divided in three phases: The first was the migration of the elites, that left the country between 1999 and 2003 due to the political changes that were brought by the arrival of president Hugo Chavez […] The second, between 2004 and 2009 were qualified and educated people. Now, since 2010, it is the younger generations and the middle class the ones saying good-bye at the International airport in Maiquetía [due to] Venezuela's the political, social and economic conditions.
The voices of those who have left the country are quite visible in social media, and convey the different ways in which migrating has been challenging for Venezuelans. Community acceptance, cultural clashes, and the connection to the country's political crisis are very present in online conversations and testimonies, some of which have been shared by the collective blog Caracas Chronicles under #TheCrisisAndMe:
Juan Cristóbal Nagel, who writes from Chile, points at the ways in which the conflict in Venezuela hurts when putting in contrast with what seems to be an uneventful life in comparison:
My heart is full of lead, weighed down by an inability to put Venezuela behind me.
Every day, this scene repeats itself five, six times. Whether it is in a work meeting, a comment by a student in the hallway, or a call from a friend, people’s questions are always the same: “how horrible, what is going to happen?” The other day I started talking to a panhandler. He asked me where I was from. “Venezuela? Sheesh, things there are baaaad…” He gives me his pity look.
My reaction is the same. When I talk about it, it’s the half-an-hour of lingering emotional [hangover] that gets me.
I am grateful people are concerned, but I can’t help feel a bit jealous. They go on with their lives. They don’t feel guilty every time they go to the supermarket. They don’t have to spend hundreds of thousands of pesos buying medicine for loved ones to send home. They don’t spend hours and hours away from their family writing about Venezuela’s crisis.
We’re lucky. We’re not living through this crisis directly. But in a tiny way, we are.
In another post, Alejandro Machado recounts the way he feels his family keeps connected with online technology, although, to him, it's just not enough to feel them close:
We’re keeping informed, but not really . We’re being entertained, but not really . My family is now split across continents, leaving group chats and video calls as our only tools for maintaining our meaningful connection. I appreciate these feeble bridges that digital technology is tending, but, having lived the real deal, they don’t fully cut it.
We are away because the crisis became too dire, opportunities sprung up elsewhere, and we took them. We were extremely lucky to be born to this loving family and to not have been victims of the real tragedies happening to Venezuelans every day.
Alas, the crisis turned my family to a virtual one, and it hurts.
There are many experiences charged with anger, but also with ideas questioning home and country, nation and identity. Hector reflects upon these in a post shared in Medium where he explains his reasons to leave the country and the anger triggered by the system and the political conflict:
Pienso que hay que desechar esa tontería de sentirse orgulloso del país en donde uno nació sólo por eso. O sentir orgullo por los logros de connacionales excepcionales que se destacan alrededor del mundo en las distintas disciplinas. Si más bien dichos logros es porque se desprendieron de esa prisión moral y social que es atarse a una nacionalidad y actuar acorde a ella y a sus expectativas. No es casualidad que los grandes escritores o pensadores venezolanos cargaran sus obras con tanta crítica social hacia la identidad nacional, porque muchas veces los logros no son por el gentilicio sino a pesar de él.
I think we should discard the idea of being proud of the country we were born just for being born there, or being proud of the achievements of exceptional countrymen/women that shine around the world in different disciplines. Those achievements have taken place because they let go of that social and moral prison that is to be attached to a nationality and act according to it and its expectations. It's not a coincidence that great Venezuelan writers or thinkers charged their work with so much social criticism to national identity. Often times we achieve something despite our nationality rather than because of it.
Many others use social media, not only talk about the experiences and share stories of nostalgia but also advise others who might want to move abroad as well. For many, Venezuelans are experiencing what many communities in the 20th century had to go through in Latin America and Europe, and the shocks generate both empathy and criticism. As usual, the narratives are diverse, as it can be seen on the YouTube channel Diáspora Venezolana (Venezuelan Diaspora):
Uno siempre piensa que su país es el mejor, que su cultura es la mejor, la verdad es que todas las culturas son muy bonitas. No somos de ninguna parte, sino que somos del mundo. La gente tiene que atreverse, a viajar. Yo pienso que la vida es conocer, ir a otros lados, conocer otras personas, conocer otras culturas. Ver el mundo.
We always think our country is the best, our culture is the best, and what's true is that all cultures are beautiful. We're not from one place, we're from the world. People need to dare, to travel. I think life is about knowing, going places, meeting people, encountering cultures, see the world.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Laura Vidal


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Bangladeshis Watch Launch of Uber in Their Country With Relief and Caution · Global Voices
Rezwan

Screenshot of a Uber map. Via Mujtaba Morshed
Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, is one of the most populated cities of the world. It is known for its lack of effective public transport and notorious traffic jams. The existing taxi services are inadequate and unreliable. So it is not surprising that the launch of Uber taxi service has been hailed by many.
.@Uber launches operation amid corruption-hit public #transport system of #Dhaka city in #Bangladesh
— Sam Jahan (@samjahanAFP) November 22, 2016
Great to have @Uber in Bangladesh. Just checked, Lalmatia-Greenroad will cost around 100 tk. Great deal indeed. pic.twitter.com/fC5uOpLGmX
— ibtihaj ahmed fahad (@fahadbd24) November 22, 2016
Use promo code ‘UberBDLaunch’ and get free ride as a new rider in Dhaka.#UberFact #UberInBangladesh #UberInDhaka #Uber
— BisawajitChakravarty (@Bisawajit) November 22, 2016
Uber, the American multinational online transportation network company with headquarters in San Francisco, has its presence in 450 cities around the world. In Dhaka, finding a cab is one of the toughest jobs and call-in taxi services are rarely available. With Uber, passengers can easily hail a cab via its visual app on mobile phones and then get picked up. Passengers can rate the service or behaviour of the driver and similarly a driver can rate a passenger. Uber in Bangladesh accepts cash payment at the end of the trip. A similar local service called Chalo launched last year, but it failed to make much of an impact.
So @Uber_BD launched in Bangladesh today and this is impressive. Having said that, also one of the most upscale neighborhoods in town. pic.twitter.com/GwuapsrkHe
— Zyma Islam (@zymaislam) November 22, 2016
Folks with 2+ cars complaining about how #Uber will make the already #hotmess of a #DhakaTraffic worse.#smh #Dhaka #traffic #UberInDhaka
— Karim Waheed (@karimwaheed25) November 22, 2016
Uber has about 300 cars running in Dhaka and everyday more cars are being added.
Bakhtiyar Ashraful is excited about Uber in Dhaka:
What an uber surprise! This is going to help our city.
Uber has taken a massive challenge launching the service in Dhaka. Kudos to them. Hope they succeed.
— Asif Ferdous (@aasiferdous) November 22, 2016
Uber claims that the service will reduce traffic congestion in the city. But Solaiman Sukhon do not agree to that:
উবার কিন্তু উড়ে না !!
ঢাকার মহাকাব্যিক যানজটে সিএনজি,রিকশা আর উবার সবই এক.
Uber does not fly!!
In the epic traffic jam of Dhaka, CNG Auto, Paddle Rickshaw and Uber are all the same.
Rezaur Rahman thinks that car pooling is the solution for the traffic jam problem in Dhaka:
I don't really understand why there is such excitement about Uber entering the Bangladesh market when it has been fully or partially banned in cities across the US, Japan, Germany, France, the Netherlands, Australia etc. for its subversion of labor laws, flouting of licensing regulations, competition and consumer laws and exposing passengers to sexual assault. Don't be seduced by the brand name or the ‘ease’ of mobility it supposedly offers.
There are other concerns whether Uber will be successful in Bangladesh. But only time will tell as people badly need a better and reliable taxi service in Dhaka.

author: Rezwan


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Brazilian Activists Outsmart Facebook’s Censorship of the Female Nipple · Global Voices
Taisa Sganzerla

Screen capture from Mamilo Livre (Free Nipple) homepage.
In September 2015, psychologist and blogger Letícia Bahia and photographer Julia Rodrigues launched the campaign Mamilo Livre (Free Nipple), featuring print portraits of both men and women with bare chests, aiming to challenge objectification of women's breasts and advocate individual sovereignty over one's body. As the campaign encouraged people to print photos from the campaign's website and post them in public spaces, the posters were seen in many Brazilian cities.
But as people started to publish the campaign photos on social media, they encountered a barrier not seen in the offline world: Facebook blocked all the portraits featuring women and suspended the profiles of those who published them. This included both campaign founders, as well as the page AzMina — a feminist digital magazine with over 80k followers, which helped support the campaign from its conception.
Julia and Letícia recently devised a way to outsmart Facebook's censorship: if you divide the photo of the nipple into four different photos and publish them simultaneously, Facebook will display it at people's feeds as a mosaic, where the nipple will be completely visible — but still not entirely present in one single photo, and thus not detected by its system.
The campaign's website made available an app where users can upload a photo of their nipple which will then be divided into four different photos.
The photos of the campaign are actually part of an older project conceived by Julia Rodrigues. On a Facebook page named “Pode Não Pode” (You can, you can't), she uploads photos of men and women with their bare chests and lets the network delete the ones it deem inappropriate. Facebook's technologies typically delete the ones featuring women. The result is an album where men's photos showing their nipples are untouched, where women's are either covered with a black tag or cropped above the nipples.
As she explains on the project's page:
Those photos are part of an experiment of mine inside Facebook. People from all genders posed for me with their bared chests, without sexual or pornographic appeal. Which photos will be considered improper for the public or for the Facebook system? What are the real differences between one portrait and another? What is offensive in one nipple that isn't in the other?
#MamiloLivre
A campanha: https://t.co/VbjWvMl0xx pic.twitter.com/IssFjCV4nc
— Diadorim (@HeitorMrnh) 23 November 2016
Social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram (owned by Facebook) prohibit any and all “graphic content” that pictures a woman's areola, but not men's. This has been challenged by activists around the world for the past few years. In 2014, Lina Esco's documentary ‘Free the Nipple’ investigated the United States obscenity laws in the United States, where it is illegal in 13 states for a woman to be topless in public.
Obscenity laws in Brazil are similar — women exposing their nipples in public could fall into the Article 233 of the country's penal code, which deals with practicing obscene acts in public. Although cases, where women were detained for this, are increasingly rare, Brazilian society hardly tolerates a female nipple to be seen in public. This comes as a shock to many foreigners who come to visit the famous Brazilian beaches. But indeed, contrary to European beaches, where the practice is somewhat common, in Brazil being topless (if you're a woman) isn't accepted at all.
When the Danish gymnastics team visited Rio de Janeiro to give a workshop in 2013, they sunbathed topless in Copacabana and were snapped by a photographer of Brazil's media outlets. The case gained so much media attention in Brazil at that time that the team's trainer approach the press to explain they were unaware of local custom.
Gradually this has been challenged in Brazil, with many feminist movements doing marches attended by many women who, in protest against hypersexualization and shaming of women's bodies, bare their chests in public. This has been accompanied by increased frustration with Facebook and Instagram's Community Standards, which allow specific non-sexual images of women's nipples (they make exceptions for breast feeding and post-mastectomy photos), but not others. They also allow some images of graphic violence, such as photos of people who have been tortured. Hypersexualized images of female breasts are also considered appropriate (as long as the nipple is not clearly visible), while photos including women's nipples ranging from indigenous ceremonies in Australia to campaigns against breast cancer are prohibited.
In Letícia and Julia's campaign's manifesto, they demand equal rights for men and women and a stop to the shaming of the female nipples:
Women and men are equal in rights and obligations. Freedoms that are available to one group must be available to all. 2. Hiding or displaying the nipples should be a choice, not an obligation. For anyone, of any gender, race or religion and at any age. 3. No one has to be ashamed of their nipples (or anyone else's nipples). It's a part of the body like any other, and everyone is born with nipples. 4. Nipples are different from each other. Each one has unique colors, sizes and shapes. They're as diverse as people, and diversity is beautiful. 5. Nipples are not public. The fact that they are being shown does not mean they're at disposal. 6. Nipples are not inherently sexual. They might be, but they don't need not be, like any other part of the anatomy. 7. Individuals are sovereign over their bodies. Other people's shame and lust can't prevail over the free enjoyment of one's body.
In a Facebook post, AzMina writes:
Peito, mão, orelha: tudo isso só é erótico quando eu quiser e não quando você decidir.
Vocês sabiam que os homens também tiveram que protestar pelo direito de andar sem camisa? Pelo direito de seus peitos não serem vistos como algo obsceno. Pelo direito de atribuir significado próprio ao próprio corpo.
Breast, hand, ear: all of this is erotic when I want and not when you decide. Did you know that men also had to protest for the right of walking around shirtless? For the right of their breasts to not be seen as something obscene. For the right to give their own meaning to their own bodies.

author: Taisa Sganzerla


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Despite Challenges, Volunteerism is Giving Young Jamaicans Hope · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

Neville Charlton giving a thumbs up at a Christmas function held at the Golden Age Home in Kingston, Jamaica in 2013. Photo courtesy Emma Lewis, used with permission.
Are the voices of Caribbean youth being heard? Are they being listened to, and what are their concerns? Some youth-led volunteer organizations are beginning to emerge that are seeking to empower young Jamaicans to address their issues head on.
Global Voices recently caught up with Neville Charlton, a Kingston student who founded his own youth volunteer group four years ago called The Positive Organization. It currently has approximately 60 members, mostly in Kingston and its environs. One member in Montego Bay has started her own initiative, Retirement Youths for Change, in the vulnerable community of Retirement; another youth-led group, Okinos Helping Hand, has started working in deep rural St. Andrew.
The group's current president, Samantha Miller, also joined the conversation. Both believe in hard work, have a passion for change and above all, they seek to motivate their peers towards a more activist approach. The challenges, though, are many.
Global Voices (GV): Tell us a little bit about yourself, and how you got into volunteering. What motivated you?
Neville Charlton with Moya Swearing, co-founder of The Positive Organization, at the recent Youth Forum in Jamaica. Photo courtesy the subject, used with permission.
Neville Charlton (NC): I am currently in my final year at the University of Technology, (UTech), pursuing my degree in Communication and Technology. I’m the youth director at the Silverstone Citizens’ Association, a community-based organization in Portmore, which is a dormitory community. In 2014 I won Scotiabank's Community Program Award for my work in this area, where I live. And I founded my own non-profit organisation — Youths Inspiring Positive Change Ja — in 2012. Most recently, I became a Respect Jamaica youth ambassador. I was also an ambassador for I Believe — a youth empowerment initiative of the Governor General of Jamaica.Growing up, I never really saw volunteerism happening around me. Then at church, as a member of the Pathfinder Club, I recognized the need to give back. I am motivated just by seeing the smiles on people's faces. When I volunteer, it's just knowing I am able to help someone in need. Our organization is focused on youth advocacy, empowerment and helping young people to find themselves and their purpose in life. Many young people are losing direction and don't know which way to turn.
Samantha Miller speaking at a youth meeting at King's House, Jamaica. Photo courtesy the subject, used with permission.
Samantha Miller (SM): I am 24 years old. I live by the mantra, ‘If I have the belief that I can do it, I shall surely acquire the capacity to do it, even if I may not have it at the beginning’ — a quote from Mahatma Gandhi. I met Neville some years ago, saw what he was doing and decided to start volunteering. My very first project was a lupus walkathon, and the joy of giving back was immense.My mom always told me I was a challenger of norms and societal norms, so she knew I would be involved in making change. But I was told [by others], ‘You'll always be that girl from Waltham Park Road [an inner city community] and never amount to anything.’ I use all those negative comments to motivate me to be better than my situation and circumstances. I always thought my voice would not count. But I have found my voice now and I’m putting it to use.
GV: This month is Youth Month. Do you think Jamaicans are really listening to the voices of our youth, twelve months of the year? If not, why not?
NC:  We have come a far way, I believe. Jamaicans are listening. Our voices have become louder because we are stronger together. But young people are still reluctant to speak up and speak out. Also, the important thing is not just hearing our voices — but listening to what we have to say — and taking action. We still have a good way to go because most Jamaicans are not taking us seriously. They think young people just aren't able to solve the country's problems. Let’s look at the National Youth Parliament, for example. Young people had the opportunity to raise the issues affecting them directly, to advocate and debate them. Now we have identified those critical concerns, let's see if the government will take action.
SM: When I was growing up and questioned the status quo, I was always told by older folks, ‘What do you know? You’re so young. You nuh ready fi dis ting yet, your mind too young.’ But if we really take the time out to listen to them, we get to realize the youth have so much to offer. They are at the forefront of all the issues. We, as guardians, need to create that platform for the youth to be heard and not shut them down. Regardless of age, young people have a lot to contribute to the growth of our nation.
GV: Your event at UTech this week was called ‘Youth Take a Stand’. What do you think Jamaican youth should be taking a stand on, and why?
NC: Take a stand on everything that prevents the positive development of youth. My colleagues have identified crime, peer pressure, bullying, discrimination, education, and gender-based violence as some of the major concerns. There is a lot of negativity going on in Jamaican society. Naturally, children are going to be susceptible to it all — and in many cases, without the guidance they need, they gravitate towards it. So I am telling young people: Take a stand against it all, and be true to yourself, because only you know your worth to society. You must create your own story, so make it an inspiring one. It doesn’t matter where you’re from, all that matters is where you’re going.
SM: Originally, ‘Youth Take a STAND’ stood for ‘Stay True And Never Deviate’. It means taking a stand on everything that is impacting us negatively. Taking a stand means accepting yourself, being strong enough to accept who you truly are. Taking a stand against bullying in schools. Taking a stand when people say you’re from the ghetto, so you not going to be anybody. My favorite movie quote is from the Will Smith film, The Pursuit of Happyness: ‘Don't ever let someone tell you that you can't do something. […] When people can’t do something themselves, they're going to tell you that you can't do it. You want something, go get it. Period.’
GV: What do you see as the benefits of volunteering? What is the point, if you don't get paid?
NC: (Laughs.) I don’t need to get paid. Volunteering gives me a feeling of empowerment; knowing I am able to help someone who is just seeking a helping hand…my hand is available. Volunteering makes me feel good because I am doing something for others. It helps me to respect other situations humans find themselves in. I volunteer knowing that I can help to give back to my community and my country; it's a way to show gratitude for the help I have received from others. Jamaicans are experiencing grave economic difficulties and many have little hope for a bright future. Realizing this, I teach myself to be more focused. I know there are people going through much worse than I am. Volunteers make our communities safer; they stand up for human rights and lobby for positive change at local, national and international levels. Their collective efforts can make Jamaica a more vibrant, healthy country. Making our country safer is the greatest benefit.
SM:: I get to meet amazing, like-minded persons. I get to talk a lot without the fear of being shut down. I share my ideas, and I feel that my input is valued. I definitely don’t do it for the monetary reward. To make a general impact on someone’s life is all the reward I need — to listen to what they have to say and steer them in the right direction. I want to see a Jamaica that my nieces and nephews can call home, without the fear of going through what I went through. To be heard and feel valued. And that is what I try to achieve every time I meet new people.
Samantha Miller (front, far left) with volunteers from the Positive Organization group. Photo by the author, used with permission.
GV: Who inspires you?
NC: My aunt is my greatest inspiration. She has molded and shaped me into the young man I am today […] taught me the importance of being independent, honest and self-reliant. She is no ordinary woman.
SM: My mom. She’s so humble and kind. She makes the best of every situation. Growing up in a single parent family was hard, and I saw her struggles. When I was a child I remember saying, ‘Mommy, I'm going to make you proud.’ I admire her strength and her willpower and I want to be exactly like her. My other inspirations are my nieces and my nephews. I hope to make them proud as well. I want to be an effective role model for all of them.
GV: Do you have hope for Jamaica's future? What would you like to see? And how do you see yourself in ten years’ time?
NC: Yes, I do have hope. Jamaica's future looks bright, despite the challenges of unemployment, crime and education. We have energy and youthful exuberance, so more young people are becoming active agents of change. There is still much work to be done, especially in the areas of discrimination, equality and gender-based violence. However, we need to get every Jamaican to buy into the goal of Vision 2030: ‘Jamaica, the place of choice to live, work, raise families and do business.’
In ten years’ time, I want to be able to say I helped change things. I love the media; it's such an important tool. I would like to be running my own marketing and PR company — one that can embody my philosophy, inspired by Mahatma Gandhi: ‘I must be the change that I want to see in the world!’
SM: My hope and vision for Jamaica is as a nation of opportunities, one in which we are not defined by our situations, our circumstances, where we live. I also hope to see a nation where we are free to express ourselves. And I want to see a nation no longer overcome by crime and senseless violence.
In the next ten years, I see myself making immense strides at the community and national level. I have always wanted to be a world leader. I am not one to limit my potential and I want to achieve this goal. I also want to complete my degree and inspire young minds.
I always tell people: The world is your oyster. It's up to you to find the pearls.

author: Emma Lewis


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How My Father Recorded 100 Days of Curfew In Kashmir · Global Voices
Ieshan Wani

Curfew in Kashmir. Photo by the author.
On the 8th of October, I land at Srinagar airport. Nothing has changed since I left three months ago. Kashmir is still on edge. The anger of the residents is palpable. The tension in the air hits your face as soon you leave of the fortified area of the international airport. Spools of concertina wire tell a story of a beautiful cage where people walk with their feet fettered.
Welcome to my home, where my identity is always being questioned by men in camouflage who arrived by plane in the hundreds of thousands. Along with the barbed wire guarded by Indian armed forces comes frequent questioning.
Since Burhan Muzaffar Wani died during a brief gunfight in South Kashmir, undercurrents of resistance have gripped the mountains and the vales of this Himalayan region. Speak to people and they offer the pat reply: “This time, the mood of the people is different as compared to the uprisings of 2008 and 2010.”
Photo by the author.
My father retired from government service three years ago. During his working years I never saw him take sick leave or stay home for any reason. He is restless these days, he has been restless ever since Wani died and Kashmir erupted in anti-India demonstrations.
Picture of a local daily after the young rebel commander was killed in a gunbattle in South Kashmir. Photo by the author's father.
My father rarely sits in one place and relaxes. He keeps moving from one room to another: sometimes even a short stroll to the main gate of our house isn't possible due to the air filled with tear smoke. The only time he sits in peace is in the morning, when he reads the local English and Urdu dailies.
After my father's retirement, his own ailing dad kept him busy. He spent most of his time attending to him. My grandfather passed away this year after a prolonged illness.
A neighbour crosses a wood log placed near an alley while others sit and discuss. Photo by the author's father.
For the past 100 days the valley has remained shut. Countless have been injured; at least 100 have had their vision permanently damaged owing to the use of pump action guns by the armed forces. The government has also unleashed a massive crackdown. People are being arrested by the hundreds each day and detained under “lawless laws”.
Rocks used to block a road outside my home in the Old City. Photo by the author's father.
The day I returned home, a 12-year-old student became the latest victim of the pellet guns. He succumbed to his injuries, which he sustained a day earlier when local police “shot him from a close range near his house”.
There was a stringent curfew in place. Not only did the government impose a curfew, but people also ensured that a “civil curfew” was in place. Citizens set up roadblocks to stop police from entering their localities. Official figures put the number of arrested at 446, but the local press says the number is much higher.
A market is completely shut after the boy's killing. Photo by the author's father.
Demonstrators and others have been confined to their personal localities owing to the strict curfew.
Back at my home, my father tries to tuck in his stomach after I point it out. He holds his breath deeply, but isn't able to hide it.
When I left, things were different. Every time I talked to him on the landline phone I would ask the same question: “What did you do today?” and his reply was similar too: “Eat, sleep and repeat.”
Both my parents have gained weight. Although my mother refuses to accept it, the reality is that she has.
Elderly of the area sit on a shop porch. Photo by the author's father.
My father thankfully isn't on any medication, nor has he ever been. He enjoys a healthy life. With age, he has become more tech savvy. On his phone's camera, he recorded the things he saw over 100 days, as his movements remained restricted to the lanes around our mohalla.
Dad taking his picture through a window pane on his 80th day at home.
From our house, he can move 400 meters to north: Fateh Kadal; 300 meters south to Kani Kadal’ 170 meters west to Syed Mansoor Sahab bridge; 120 meters east to the point where all our neighbors sit and pass their day.
Interactive satellite map showing the area where he could move. Image remixed by Ieshan Wani
According to Google Maps, my father has his free movement restricted to 990 metres, 10 metres less than a kilometre.
The topics mostly discussed on shop porches—or “pyend”, as we call them in Kashmir—are the Kashmir uprising, oppression, cricket, and the recent robbery of seven lakh rupees’ (US $10,000) worth of gold jewelry belonging to a bride-to-be in the locality.
Children sit outside their houses in the locality. Photo by the author's father.
“Tear gas came suddenly from nowhere and burst near my friend, we all ran then, the conversation was left midway,” my father tells me. He continues to record and show the beautiful prison in which he is caged.
Cow of a local milkman crosses a roadblock in the locality. Photo by the author's father.

author: Ieshan Wani


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La Francophonie Summit Comes to Madagascar, Where Demonstrators Are Waiting · Global Voices
Rakotomalala

Rally of the citizen's collective “Wake Up Madagascar.” Photo: Facebook, used with permission.
The sixteenth Summit of the International Organisation of La Francophonie (IOF) will take place on November 24 and 25 in the capital of Madagascar, Antananaviro. Taking place every two years, the summit brings together heads of state and government leaders from the member states of the IOF, which represents French-speaking nations. At the summit, delegates discuss international politics, global economics, cooperation between Francophone nations, human rights, education, and democracy.
In preparation for the arrival of the many heads of state, the Madagascan government has been keen to clean up the country's capital, so foreign guests see it in its best light.
The administration has taken drastic steps to achieve this. New roads have been built, but the many homeless people who live in the capital have been relocated, as well. Felaniaina Diamante has published photographs showing homeless people being moved during the night ahead of the summit. She writes:
Afindra monina vonjy maika(…) aloha ireo”mahantratsika”fa manimba mason'ny vahiny@frankofonia…Noraofina t@camion ben'ny CUA.
Our destitute citizens are being […] hurriedly moved because their presence might shock the guests of La Francophonie. They were transported by a dump truck from the city council.
A collection of photos showing the evacuation of homeless people in Antananarivo, Madagascar. Photo: F. Diamante, used with permission.
Pamela, who lives in Antananarivo, confirms this information:
J'étais outrée de voir comment ces personnes ont été transportées en pleine nuit, entassées dans un camion. Les SDF ne pouvaient pas vraiment refuser l’offre faite, les policiers leur ont proposé des vivres et des couvertures. Mais dès le lendemain matin, quelques-uns sont revenus à la case départ expliquant que le lieu ne leur convenait pas. Pourquoi a-t-on laissé le nombre de SDF s'accroître dans ce quartier, pour subitement décider de les embarquer, quelques jours avant ce sommet ?
I was furious to see how these people were transported in the middle of the night, crammed in a lorry. The homeless people couldn't really refuse the offer in front of them. Police officers offered them food and blankets. But the very next morning, some of them came back to square one because the place wasn't suitable for them. Why has the number of homeless people been left to increase in this neighbourhood — to decide suddenly to send them packing several days before the summit?
The citizen's movement “Wake Up Madagascar” works to expose the realities of daily life for Malagasy people. In one of the capital's public squares, the movement organised a sit-in to call out to leaders attending the summit. The group described the objectives of its demonstration in an open letter to the Secretary-General of the IOF:
Madame La Secrétaire Générale,
Nous, citoyens malgaches, sommes honorés d’être les hôtes du 16e Sommet de la Francophonie, bien que l’organisation de l’événement et les mesures prises pour son déroulement sont loin d’avoir acquis l’adhésion de tous. Nous vous souhaitons la bienvenue dans notre humble pays.
Malheureusement, ce Sommet qui se veut fédérateur écarte l’âme même de Madagascar qu’est sa population. Les mesures prises au nom du confort et de la sécurité des prestigieux invités ne servent qu’à cacher la réalité du Malgache de 2016 et pour certains d’entre nous, alourdissent la précarité quotidienne durant la semaine consacrée à la Francophonie.
Par ailleurs, un budget faramineux a été mis à disposition de l’Etat pour l’organisation de l’événement. Cependant, les dépenses occasionnées dans la préparation du Sommet restent opaques et les détails, jalousement gardés par l’Administration. Malgré les incessantes demandes de la société civile et de simples citoyens, le budget y affecté et ses sources sont volontairement laissés flous, laissant planer des doutes et des inquiétudes légitimes.
Madam Secretary-General,
We Malagasy citizens are honoured to host the sixteenth Summit of La Francophonie, even though the event's organisation and preparation has far from gain the support of everyone.
We wish you a warm welcome to our humble country. Though this summit aims to unify, unfortunately it casts aside the very soul of Madagascar: its people. Steps taken in the name of comfort and security for the prestigious guests only serve to conceal what life is like for a Malagasy citizen in 2016. For some of us, daily life has been made all the more precarious during the week devoted to the summit. Moreover, a budget of staggering proportions has been made available to the government to organise the event. However, the money allocated to organising the summit has not been publicised, while the government jealously guards every preparation detail.
Despite incessant calls from civil society and common citizens, the budget assigned to the summit, as well as its provenance, have been purposefully shrouded, giving rise to legitimate doubts and worries.
The letter continues:
Everyday in Madagascar, our citizens die in burglaries, armed attacks, and attacks by the dahalo [Malagasy for “bandits” or organized criminal gangs]. While the state is bending over backwards to host the summit, it's not acting for its citizens.
We feel excluded from our own lives, our own city, and our own country. This is a grave injustice. This is our reality in 2016:
At the sit-in, many messages were displayed by the protesters, like this one carried by Jentilisa, a contributor to Global Voices:
“I am freedom of expression ridiculed.” Photo: Jentilisa, used with permission.
Et quand il y a un sommet où il s’agit d’inviter des étrangers, l’Etat se plie en quatre pour les accueillir. Mais nous, alors qu’on demande des services publics de base, -par exemple des problèmes d’électricité, de délestage qu’on a au quotidien, l’eau boueuse, les routes qui ne sont pas réparées-, personne ne nous écoute.(La teneur des messages?) : « Je suis les milliers de sans-abris », « Je suis celui qui n’a pas de travail », « Je suis les 1 400 000 Malgaches qui souffrent d’insécurité alimentaire dans le sud ». Les dirigeants veulent jeter de la poudre aux yeux à la communauté internationale tandis que le peuple se meurt.
And when there is a summit where people are invited from abroad, the state bends over backwards to welcome them. But for us, no-one listens when we ask for basic public services, such as problems with electricity, planned selective cuts to utilities, dirty water, unrepaired roads. What do the messages say? “I am the thousands of homeless people”, “I am the jobless”, “I am the 1.4 million Malagasy citizens in the South who struggle with food insecurity”. Leaders want to make a smokescreen for the international community while the people are dying.
To date, the government has not publicly revealed the cost of hosting the summit. This lack of transparency is precisely what the “Wake Up Madagascar” wants visitors to the Summit of La Francophonie to know.

author: Rakotomalala


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Leader of Malaysia’s Anti-Corruption Movement ‘Bersih’ Arrested Under Anti-Terror Law · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

More than 10,000 protesters joined the Bersih rally in Malaysia calling for the resignation of the prime minister. Photo from the Facebook page of Bersih.
Malaysian activists and supporters of the Bersih movement (‘Bersih’ is a Bahasa word for clean or reform) have been organizing symbolic protest actions in the last few days to demand the release of Bersih chairperson Maria Chin Abdullah.
Maria Chin was arrested last November 18, a day before Bersih was scheduled to hold massive rallies across the country to demand the resignation of Prime Minister Najib Razak, who is facing numerous corruption scandals. Bersih succeeded in peacefully mobilizing more than 10,000 people on November 19.
Police arrested Maria Chin for allegedly violating Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 (SOSMA), also known as the anti-terror law. Under section 4(5) of Sosma, a suspect can be detained for up to 28 days without trial. Maria Chin is being investigated for committing activities deemed “detrimental to parliamentary democracy.”
Bersih leaders claimed the arrest was meant to undermine the scheduled protest and sow fear among the population.
This is the fifth time that a Bersih protest was organized in Malaysia. The movement was first launched in 2007 to demand free and fair elections in the country, where the ruling party has been in power since the 1950s. In recent years, the election reform campaign was broadened to include the demand for a clean and transparent government, as well as the protection of civil liberties.
Since last year, Bersih has been calling for the resignation of Najib, who has been implicated in several corruption cases.
After the peaceful protest last Saturday, many groups demanded the immediate release of Maria Chin by reminding authorities that the Bersih leader is an activist, patriot and democracy-loving citizen who doesn’t deserve to be jailed and treated like a terrorist.
Activists are using the hashtags #BebasMaria (Free Maria) and #MansuhSOSMA (Repeal SOSMA) to spread information about the campaign.
We all miss her dearly. Pls continue joining the vigils & sign the petition to free her at: https://t.co/3KhcuNRYlE#BebasMaria #MansuhSOSMA pic.twitter.com/M5v2wGT9bF
— Bebas Maria (@BebasMaria) November 23, 2016
Some members of the Parliament marched outside federal police headquarters to denounce the harassment and detention of opposition leaders:
Opposition MPs march to police HQ from Parliament wanting an end to “harassment” of MPs. Also calling for release of @bersih2‘s @mariachin pic.twitter.com/YFrV1geYJb
— Sumisha Naidu (@SumishaCNA) November 22, 2016
Ousted Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin and former Minister Shafie Apdal joined the MPs march from Parliament to Bukit Aman earlier pic.twitter.com/FPs624zKQQ
— Jay Jay Denis (@jayjaydenis) November 22, 2016
Vigils and solidarity actions were held in many parts of Malaysia in support of Maria Chin:
I wasn't there tonight but so many more were for #bebasmaria God bless them. pic.twitter.com/KcpdoWJfeN
— Jahabar Sadiq (@jsadiq) November 22, 2016
#women4maria it is never about just one person. When u lockup 1 person, the rest of us rise up #BebasMaria #MansuhSosma pic.twitter.com/yNJIretJry
— serene (@serene2910) November 23, 2016
Even former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad joined the Bersih rally and a vigil demanding Maria Chin’s freedom:
Proud of Mum and Dad. #BebasMaria pic.twitter.com/2iP2CGowBZ
— Marina Mahathir (@netraKL) November 22, 2016
Maria Chin’s children penned a letter about the detention of their mother:
Is this the type of country that we Malaysians want to live in, where corruption runs amok, elections are rigged and innocents are placed behind bars?
People like our parents, who are willing to speak up against corruption do not do it for their own sake, but for the sake of the future generations.
This cartoon by Zunar reflects the sentiment of many Bersih supporters about the detention of Maria Chin and the lack of accountability for officials involved in fund anomalies:
Cartoon Zunar: Activist DEMOCRACY vs KLEPTOCRACY #Bersih5 pic.twitter.com/LB9hW346m7
— Zunar Cartoonist (@zunarkartunis) November 23, 2016

author: Mong Palatino


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Lebanese Prime Minister Hariri Bans Photojournalist for this ‘Unofficial’ Photo · Global Voices
Zeina Nasser

Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri does not seem to like this “unofficial” photo of him by photojournalist Hussein Baydoun. Photo used with permission
Lebanese activists took to social media on November 16, 2016 to show solidarity with photojournalist Hussein Baydoun after he was forbidden from covering political events involving Prime Minister Saad Hariri at Beit Al Wasat, the PM's famed mansion.
Baydoun, who works at London-based news outlet The New Arab, was told that the ban was put in place due to an ‘unofficial photograph’ he took and published, in which Hariri has one finger in his mouth.
Hussein took the controversial photograph at the end of a press conference held on October 20, 2016, in Beit al Wasat, in which Hariri announced his backing of the candidacy of Michel Aoun to the presidency. Later that month, the parliament elected Aoun as the 13th president of Lebanon.
On Twitter, Baydoun posted the photo with a short comment in Lebanese Arabic that says “for you” (literal translation: “for your eyes”).
لعيونك
Photo:Hussein baydoun pic.twitter.com/KdrTwdJ3xI
— hussein baydoun (@PhotographyHB) October 20, 2016
Wael Yaman, who manages the PM's website and heads the Digital and Social Media Department at the Future Movement (the political party led by Hariri), admitted on Twitter that Hussein wasn't allowed to enter Beit al Wasat before adding that:
@ghazayel@CMPaso@saadhariri the prob is not with the photo rather than the way it was promoted and distributed with a silly caption
— Wael Yaman (@WaelYaman) November 16, 2016
Yaman continued to stand by the PM's decision under the pretext that such bans have also been issued in other democratic countries:
@CMPaso @ghazayel @saadhariri democracy loll, now ur funny! Even in the White House they can allow x or y journalist to attend it or not
— Wael Yaman (@WaelYaman) November 16, 2016
In that same conversation, Mahmoud Ghazayel, a journalist at the UAE newswebsite 20fourMedia, defended the PM's decision by saying:
@CMPaso @WaelYaman @saadhariri we can't compare a home with a govermental institute.
— محمود غزيّل (@ghazayel) November 16, 2016
But another activist, who tweets at @CMPaso, pointed out that Hariri uses his mansion as a political headquarters and cannot, therefore, be considered a ‘private residence’ during events such as press conferences, which are of public interest:
@ghazayel@WaelYaman@saadhariri he is using it as a political headquarter. It's not completely private.He's not hosting a friend for dinner
— Paso (@CMPaso) November 16, 2016
The media office of the PM soon changed their position and told Baydoun that one of the reasons behind the ban placed on him was that they had restricted the event to “permanent” reporters only.
“Permanent reporters” are those who cover media events at the Parliament, the Presidential Palace, or the Government Palace. Usually, media outlets decide on the journalists and photojournalists they want in those places, who are then granted press passes by the relevant authority.
The PM's media office circulated this among mainstream media as well, claiming that Hussein had never been to Beit al Wasat. Baydoun told us he found “ironic” since this was the site in which he took the controversial photograph. He even shared with Global Voices another photo from the same day, in which he appears in a group with PM Hariri and other photojournalists at Beit al Wasat:
Baydoun also told Global Voices that there were no prior e-mails sent restricting the event to permanent reporters. He maintains that the restriction was only put in place after he was forbidden from doing his job.
As for Beit El Wasat, media outlets are usually asked to send the names of the their journalists who will cover an event there, “for security reasons”.
Ironically, the PM himself gave another reason for the ban, contradicting his own media team.
Hariri's representatives have said that the photograph, which was supposedly the reason behind banning Baydoun from accessing Beit el Wasat, was actually taken by another photojournalist, Ali Alloush. In fact, both photojournalists captured the same shot but from different angles.
Ali's photograph, which was taken for news outlet Al Modon appears on the right. Baydoun's is on the left.
Photo uploaded by Mahmoud Ghazayel on Twitter. Left: Photo by Hussein Baydoun for The New Arab. Right: Photo by Ali Alloush for Al Modon.
Luckily for Baydoun, his newspaper, the New Arab, is supporting him, a privilege that other journalists do not have. In Baydoun's words:
I am fortunate that my newspaper is next to me, offering full support, but not all journalists are offered that. So, we need to have a real photojournalists’ syndicate that fights for our rights. The syndicate's chairman Aziz Taher is really nice, but despite all the viral posts today and the case that has been the talk of the town, he did not talk to me yet.
Baydoun does not belong to any political party, he tells Global Voices. He has his own political views, but he does not share them on Facebook. He even likes Saad Hariri's character. “He's a young man, just like us, who like to take selfies, and is a sportsman as well. I like Saad Hariri's character,” he said.
The photos he takes are not without political impact. His photographs taken during last year's ‘you stink’ protests against government corruption were featured in numerous outlets.
One of his most influential photos depicts a wall put up by the authorities to keep protesters away from the Grand Serail, the Governmental Palace. On one side of the wall, a member of Lebanese security forces stands alone, while on the other side hundreds of citizens are protesting.
Photo: Hussein Baydoun/Alaraby Aljadeed, used with permission
Baydoun is not afraid to take any photo but, he says he is really bothered by what he described as Lebanon's “ugly” censorship:
I'm trying to change the pictures and the concept..I'm a photojournalist, and it is due to my photographs during the recent protests that I have become known among other photojournalists.
Frustrated at the reality of photojournalism in Lebanon, he wonders:
What shall we tell students when they ask us what photojournalism is about?…Yeah a lot of photographers take pictures of politicians, but they don't post photos like the ones I took, because they need protection and money…I understand them, but I'm like them... I have bills, bank credit that I must pay, and I'm in a dangerous zone now. Till now my newspaper is beside me, other newspapers get rid of their photographers.
Despite the multiple pretexts given by the PM and his media team, Baydoun has continued to receive an outpouring of support on his Facebook page. Sara Sbeity wrote:
وقت رئيس الحكومة يخاف من المصوّر
When the prime minister fears the photojournalists
Another message of support was by Adam Hala Chamseddine, who wrote:
يذكر ان الراحل غسان تويني قاطع تغطية أي من نشاطات رئيس الجمهورية الراحل الياس الهرواي بعد أن أهان أحد المصورين في النهار على إثر التقاطه صورة أزعجت القصر، فما كان من الهرواي الا الاعتذار من المصور لكي تقبل النهار بالعودة الى أروقة القصر.
The late Ghassan Tueni (head of Annahar newspaper and a veteran Lebanese journalist), refused to cover activies of the late President Elias Hrawi after the president insulted one of Annahar's photographers, following the publication of a photograph that he found bothersome. Hrawi later apologized to the photographer, and Annahar newspaper thus began covering activities happening at the presidential palace again.
Today, Lebanese citizens do not expect acts of apology like that of the late president Hrawi towards Annahar newspaper. But that a politician can feel free to forbid a journalist from doing his or her job is something which many consider a red line. Baydoun's experience has left many to wonder if the syndicate of photojournalists will defend the rights of photojournalists if incidents like this arise in the future.

author: Zeina Nasser


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Porn Customers Have a Right to Privacy — But Who’s Looking Out For Them? · Global Voices
Elizabeth Rivera

No Porn. Public Domain Photo from Pixabay.
Last September, an unidentified hacker obtained and released thousands of e-mail addresses, user names and passwords belonging to registered users of a website featuring hardcore pornographic contents, constituting a massive breach of users’ privacy rights.
According to the BBC and  other sources, the data was stolen from the site known as Brazzersforum in 2013, but it was not until September 2016 the hacker posted this information online, violating the privacy rights of the users. Headquartered in Canada, Brazzersforum and Brazzers legally distribute photographs and videos of a sexual nature to paying customers.
User names and passwords were not the only things compromised.  The Independent reports the data dump made it possible to access private conversations and comments expressed on the forum pertaining to the explicit nature of the site's contents.
The exposure actually appears to have been leaked from the Brazzersforum site, where viewers discussed their favourite scenes and performers.
However the site's privacy policy might be regarded as lenient and underprotective of subscribers’ rights. As seen in the excerpt below, the company reserves the right to share “any of the personal information” it has gathered with “affiliated or unaffiliated third parties”:
By the subscriber's use of the site, the subscriber expressly agrees that the site may, in its sole discretion share, disclose, transfer, rent, license or sell any of the personal information about subscribers that it has gathered or collected with affiliated or unaffiliated third parties.
Up until now, no privacy watchdog – to the best of our knowledge – has publicly condemned the leak or initiated an investigation into the matter.
Transfer of personal data without written consent, particularly sensitive data regarding sexual preferences, is illegal in some countries, such as Mexico. The European Union also has laws governing the transfer of personal data and  mandates special precautions to be taken when the handover is made. In Canada, where Brazzers is incorporated, the Personal Information and Protection of Electronic Documents Act requires companies that collect personal data to disclose how such data will be used, and offers users clear avenues to remedy for violations of their privacy. But it does not strictly regulate the transfer of personal or sensitive data.
Roughly one year before the Brazzers privacy breach, in July 2015, a group identified as “The Impact Team” stole data from the adult social networking system Ashley Madison – targeted to people who are married or in a committed relationship and seek to have an extramarital affair. Tom Lamont wrote  earlier this year for The Guardian that the Ashley Madison hack meant the leak of names of over 30 million users:
It’s six months since hackers leaked the names of 30 million people who had used the infidelity website Ashley Madison. Resignations, divorces and suicides followed.
More recently, on November 14, 2016, The Guardian also reported the hack of over 412 milliion accounts from Friend Finder Networks’ pornography and sex hookup sites, marking the second hack they've suffered in just over a year, and one of the largest data breaches ever recorded, according to monitoring firm Leaked Source.
In 2011, the Adult Industry Medical Health Care Foundation, a US-based organization that tested pornographic actors for HIV and other STDs, investigated the possibility that its medical record database was breached to supply information for a web site called Pornwikileaks.com. This site has been giving out names, dates of births and addresses of thousands of adult film stars, many of whom could face retaliations from their families, friends and the current employers of those who now work in other industries.
Jeffery Douglas, an attorney for the clinic, mentioned at the time:
Accessing a database for improper purposes, violating medical privacy and extortion are all crimes in California.’
In addition to exposing the personal data of adult sites’ users, violations of online privacy rights also reveal gaps in legal protections for customers of websites with a global presence. In cases like these, affected users might hesitate to raise their voices, in order to avoid further exposure and shame once their online interactions or sexual preferences have been divulged.

author: Elizabeth Rivera


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Complaint of Moldy Buns Triggers Wave of Harassment at Chinese University · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Moldy mandarin orange. Photo released to public domain via Wikimedia Commons.
Online complaints about food quality are a persistent fear for restauranteurs and food companies, who often depend on positive reviews to keep their businesses afloat.
But in a recent case in China, it is the complainer — not the restauranteur — who is suffering for his negative comments about the food at his university cafeteria.
Mainland Chinese blogger Wang Zhian has documented an online incident of an university student being harassed by a school restaurant owner, school and education authorities and public security police for complaining about food quality on Weibo.
The student, whose Weibo screen name is @“highest authority Si Sailou” (@最高权力西塞罗), was accused of spreading rumors about moldy buns at the university restaurant. He was forced to make a public apology. He has now deleted the apology and all his Weibo posts, presumably due to a flood of harassing comments from other netizens.
When he raised the issue with the restaurant owner, he was told that the black spots on buns were caused by fermentation of a brand of yeast called “Angel yeast”.  Later, an expert on the issue stepped in and clarified that the black spots were not caused by yeast fermentation. But the clarification has not brought justice to Si. He is still missing in the online world.
Here is the timeline documented by Wang. All the quotes were retrieved from screen captures of Si's Weibo account:
10:26 AM University student @highestauthority Si Sailou from Lanzhou Finance university published a post on his Weibo with a photo showing buns with black spots on them. The post read:
@蘭州財經大學 民族餐廳發霉「清真」包子豆槳等食品屢次愚弄在校大學生，很多校友多次抱怨清真餐廳過期變質食品泛濫，買回去之後發現變質要求更換卻發現全都是變質的。難道是伊斯蘭教清真食品凌駕於中華人民共和國食品安全法？
請@甘肅食品藥品監督 […] 及時派人依法處理並給予在校大學生一個交代。
@Lanzhou Finance University There are several incidents that students have been cheated by the ethnic restaurant’s molded Muslim buns and soya bean food products. Many alumni complained that the Muslim restaurants sold expired food. When they found out that the food was rotten and demanded exchange, the food they got in exchange was the same. Is that because the country’s food security law cannot rule over the Muslim food? Please @Gansu Food and Medicine Quality Monitor […] send someone to deal with the matter according to law and respond to the students.
He got the photo from his fellow student via QQ, a very popular mobile social media app, and many echoed that they had similar experience. A few had diarrhea after eating at the restaurant. He confirmed these allegations with others and decided to write the post.
Soon after the post was published, he received a private message via Weibo from the restaurant asking him to go there by 1pm, or they would report to the police. Si ignored the message and updated his friends about the complaint development on a chat group.
A student complained about the black spots on buns online and harassed by police, school and restaurant owner. Image from Weibo.
3:00 PM The police station called Si, warned him that if his post had been shared more than 500 times, he would be in trouble. The police wanted to talk to him and urged him to settle the matter with the restaurant owner.
The Rumor Law was passed in 2013 and it criminalized unverified information which has been viewed 5000 times and retweeted 500 times online. Si wrote on Weibo that the police would come to him soon after the phone call.
Ten minutes later, the police came, telling him that the restaurant owner reported the case and that they had to escort him to the restaurant. They said that they would ask relevant authorities to check on food quality. If the buns had a problem, the authorities would settle the matter with the school. If not, Si’ post would be handled as a defamation of the restaurant.
When they arrived at the restaurant, an university party leader was there waiting for Si. The restaurant owner took out the buns from the food draws and some had black spots on them. He said that they were caused by fermentation of yeast, not mold.
The university party leader then asked Si to delete the post and write a “clarification”.
5:00 PM Si deleted his post and wrote:
剛和學校領導、餐廰老皮一起去了餐廳後㕑，看了㕑師剛出來的包子，剛蒸出的包子也有一黑點不是霉點。㕑師解釋我之前發微博提到的包子上面的霉點，是發酵粉的問題，冬天天氣冷發酵粉入水沒有散開，是誤會。在此給學校，餐廳造成的不良影響表示歉意。
I just went to the restaurant kitchen with school leader and restaurant owner. We saw that the black spots on the buns took out of the steamer were not mold. The chief explained that the black spots were caused by fermentation in winter – the yeast fails to dissolve in water. This is a misunderstanding and I apologize for the adverse consequence I bought to the school and to the restaurant.
According to Wang's report, the above message was read out loud by the school leader and sent out when they were still at the restaurant. Fifteen minutes later, the official Weibo of Lanzhou Finance University also published a post, clarifying that the black spots were caused by “Angel yeast”, not mold.
All parties then went to the police station to file a written record of the incident. During the process the school leader reminded the police officer to write in the manner that the report would not affect the future of Si. Upon finishing the written record, the school leader asked Si to make an apology to the university for ruining the school's reputation. Si then wrote on Weibo:
本人今天中午发一条微博，对包子黑点的误解引起了恶劣的影响，对民族餐厅造成了恶劣声誉影响。经校长傅德印调查，和平派出所张国宏同志的调解和老板的宽容，本人删掉了微博，接下来连续几天做道歉，直到恢复声誉[doge]@甘肃省教育厅@甘肃食品药品监督@甘肃发布@兰州发布@兰州财经大学
I published a Weibo around noon time today, caused misunderstanding about the black spots on the buns and ruined the ethnic restaurant’s reputation. Upon the investigation led by university principal Fu Deyin and comrade Zhang Guohong from Heping police station, also thanks to the open mindedness of the restaurant owner, I deleted the Weibo and will make public apology in coming days until reputation [of the authorities] were restored @Education Bureau of Gansu province @Gansu Food and Medicine Quality Monitor Bureau @Gansu Information @Lanzhou Information @Lanzhou Finance University.
10:46 PM Si published a 1500 word apology letter on Weibo, revealing details of the day. Attached to the post were images from a popular TV drama “Drawing Sword” which is a heroic story about the People's Liberation Army. The apology went viral online and criticism of the authorities poured in.
12:00 AM The school leader called up Si and raged over the phone, asking him to go to the police station tomorrow and explain to the police what had happened. Si deleted his apology at once and called up the police station. But the police did not expect his call and his visit.
2:00 – 3:00 AM Out of panic, he wrote several Weibo posts between:
各位互关的好友，你们好，首先感谢你们的热心帮忙，但是我下一条道歉的微博请不要转发，不要转发，不要评论，不要评论。也不要到我学校微博和教育厅微博去评论。你们这样过了嘴瘾口无遮拦，会把我坑死的。求你们了。我那个道歉被你们评论歪了，歪到其他意思了，真的。求你们什么都不说。[悲伤]
Dear friends, I appreciate your help but please do not repost my next apology, please do not repost it and do not comment. Do go to the university and education bureau’s Weibo to comment. You guys have fun commenting, but I will be buried. Please. My previous apology has been distorted by your comments, and its meaning is twisted. Really, I bet you not to say anything. [Crying face]
【不要转发和评论，帮作证我是真心实意道歉澄清错误的】 [可怜][可怜][可怜]我诚挚地道歉，确实是冤枉了餐厅。前几个道歉微博是我自己写的，没有人逼我或者是劝我。发自内心地为餐厅澄清错误。但是有一些网络喷子暴民不明真相就跑到我微博、学校微博、教育厅微博去肆无忌惮地谩骂叫嚣和骂我，你们这么做图一时嘴快，可曾想过我的感受。这些肮脏评论容易对我造成很严重的后果可曾想过？所以请不要评论和转发，希望我的鲁莽行为得到学校的原谅。什么都不说，这是最吼的。
[Don’t repost and comment. Pls just bear witness that I am sincere in my apology] I am here to make a sincere apology. I really wrongly accused the restaurant. I wrote the apology by myself, no one forced me or compelled me to do so. I am genuine in correcting my mistake and clarifying the matter. But some internet mob came to my Weibo, the school’s Weibo and the education bureau’s Weibo, cursing me and the authorities. You guys have fun commenting, have you considered my feelings? Your dirty comments can have a very negative effect on me. Please don’t comment and report. I hope the school will accept my apology for my thoughtless behavior. I won’t talk about this anymore.
He deleted all his posts on Weibo that night and leave just one message behind:
#我深深地爱着这个国家##我深深地爱着这个国家#
#I am deeply in love with this country# #I am deeply in love with this country#
Netizens have found other ways to participate in the incident. One of them carried an experiment using Angel yeast to make buns. Even if the yeast does not dissolve in the water fully, there aren’t any black spots.
More experts said that the most likely cause of the black spots indeed was mold.
On 21 November, the university, the restaurant and representative from “Angel Yeast” conducted another experiment at the school restaurant. This time, no bun had black spots. “Angel Yeast” published on its official Weibo a post stressing that the black spots were not caused by its products.
Thus far, there is no explanation of the cause of black spots on the buns. And Si is still missing from the online world.

author: Oiwan Lam


text:
Sleeping or Dead – Part 4: “We Declared It a Revolution For Freedom” · Global Voices
سرمد الجيلاني

IMAGE: Public domain via Pixabay.
This is the fourth installment in “Sleeping or Dead”, a six-part series by activist Sarmad Al Jilane about his experiences in a Syrian prison. Read parts one, two and three.
Despite everything we’ve been through this past week: the beatings, the torture, the denailing, the electrical currents that run more powerfully through our bodies than through the prison wiring, there are still people amongst us who have the power to revolt against their tormentor.
On the eighth day they take us out, Abdul Rahman, myself and many other prisoners. At the cell door the interrogator places some papers against the wall and hands us a pen: “Sign quickly.” I try to read the little I can make out of the handwritten text. It looks like an interrogation report. He interrupts my reading with a few slaps and blows with a metal bar he’s holding. “Sign without reading, you donkey,.I told you to sign, not read.” He carries on with the insults. I sign. We all finish and go back into the cell and wait.
We’re not from Afghanistan, and we’re not terrorists. None of us knows how to plant an improvised explosive device, and none of us have declared a scared Jihad; for us this is a revolution for freedom. We have not accused anyone of apostasy, nor is our goal to cleanse the world. We are not murderers; we have hurt no one . Our only collective sin is that we thought out loud, and announced our demands loud and clear.
Days pass; we depend on our own improvised calendar. One vertical line for each day that passes. The fifth is a horizontal line that crosses all four. We put a small circle to mark the day one of us gets released. But it’s not the best calendar, as I found out later, for people like me who have been transferred from one prison to the other and left behind our lines and blood decorating the walls.
The guard comes and takes Abdul Rahman, after ordering him to pack his belongings. Abdul Rahman is taking with him verbal messages for our loved ones, along with as many phone numbers as he’s been able to memorize, to convey to our families a few words of hope. They leave and I remain, alone now along with 37 other lonely souls.
Many days later the promised day arrives: the guard comes in for the roll call but my name doesn’t come up. “Sarmad, pack your things and come with me.” He neither covers my head nor hand-cuffs me. In my happiness I almost forget the numbers I’ve been asked by my cell-mates to memorize. We go out into the yard. The same welcome rituals, surely for the farewell this time. They put our valuables into bags and tether us to a long chain. I feel my heart beating in the soles of my feet. “Damascus chain is now ready, drag them to the door. They’ll be transferred there after spending two days in the Military Police branch,” a guard says, full of pride. He adjusts his red beret and we all board the bus.
We exit the prison gates. I see my grandparents’ house, I pass right in front of it! Some cities embody the drama that is your life story, they write your fate even before history begins, turning the peaceful home of your childhood and adolescence into the bloody address of your sacrifice. The revolution weighs heavily upon me as I travel in the bus and see my family home right before my eyes, only meters away but a world of tyranny apart. Me and my home before me, separated by an entire regime, as though a teenager who has just come of age that year were the cause of all that has happened to our country. It was then that I cried for the first time.
We enter the Military Police branch in Deir Ezzor. We leave the bus and alight in a small garden in the yard. Eight guards sit there, each holding a whip. Tires of all sizes are strewn about everywhere. One guard takes our papers and our valuables and the rest handle the intake. They un-chain us. Each guard selects one of us, picks a matching tire, and “tire” us, as they call what they inflict on us with the tires.
Mine squeezes me in a tire, throws me to the ground and starts hitting me. He keeps going until he sees blood, provided it does not take fewer than 15 strokes. They take us into the prison which comprises three massive units connected by a big central hall. A big bathroom too. The buzz of the inmates’ voices gets louder. In a few hours it will be lunch time, any requests? We are surprised to learn that here you can pay the guard to get you whatever you want, but the money is the bags they confiscated, so what’s the point? Lunch is served, and we finally break our diet of bulgur, potato and chicken bones along with the rest of the inmates.
Visitations begin. One of the inmates knows my uncle; he receives from his wife and asks her to call my parents. She does so, and within an hour a guard arrives carrying 1,500 Syrian pounds and a new pair of pyjamas that’s too big for me, or maybe my size, pre-prison. No problem, what matters to me most is being able to relieve some of the tension and anxiety, and, most importantly, relieve the burden of caring for the blue jacket by packing it safely folded between my sweatshirt, now that have the new pyjamas to wear.
“These things are for you. You’re banned from receiving visitors, someone brought it for you.” Later on, after my release, I found out that Aghyad was the one who brought the things. The guard didn’t allow him in, and charged 1,000 Syrian Pounds to bring me the stuff. They record the ID of every visitor. If Aghyad has been allowed in we would have never come out alive. He’s a wanted man, and the interrogator focused on him a lot during the interrogation.
We go back inside. I’m wearing my new clothes. I sit and wait for the transfer. Two days pass, and on the third we get transferred to Raqqa—the Military Security branch there. The same rituals—they’ve all been fed the same depravity by the Baath party. Two more days and we move to Aleppo, the Military Police branch in AlJmaylie. That was the last time I visited Aleppo. I sneak a peek from the bus window as they cram my head between my legs. It was a moment of triumph, the triumph of sneaking a peek at the streets, the people, after having spent so many days longing for a glimpse of these things. AlYamani Coffee was the shop that caught my eye. That name is engraved in my memory, four years later.
We arrive at the Military Police branch. They cover our heads and untether the chain. We enter the building. A big room with 40 of us inside. “Everyone against the wall, strip down and perform two safety measures, fast!” says a spiteful guard as he lifts the covers off our heads. He’s scrawny, no more than 170 cm tall, holding a black stick almost as long as his leg. We are totally naked, standing still while he inspects. It’s the first time we are sodomized. He starts running the stick against our genitals and buttocks, tapping us provocatively. He sodomizes all of us, as though avenging an old demon. For them our triumphant chants for freedom have been a sort of rape, and now is their chance for revenge.
He orders us to get dressed again. They return our money but keep the bags of valuables. We’re distributed among the cells. We enter the cells to find tea and cigarettes, all the taboo items! After having believed for so long in that dream from which only a sip of tea and a draught of AlHambra smoke could awake you and bring you back to life. We order a five-litre pot of tea even though we’re only seven. We order cigarettes and a lot of food. You order food, and daily trivial things that are your basic rights, then you thank them for bringing you the stuff that you yourself have bought with your own money, while they imprison and torture you. I was wearing sneakers, so I took advantage of the others’ busyness and lifted the sole of one shoe and carefully slid one AlHambra cigarette under there— more about this later.
The two days pass quickly. They take us out to be transferred again. The same big room. Taher is here! They tether us all to a chain. The sound of a quarrel between Taher and one of the guards gets louder. “I told you, I have always been the head of my clan, and neither you nor anyone can change this. You will untie me and move me to the head of the line!” Taher screams with total disregard for anyone or anything. After a lengthy argument the guard unties Taher, moves him to the front of the line and re-ties him.
The Colonel behind the table starts stamping the transfer papers. Taher walks ahead slowly—all eyes are on him—and he pulls a bag of bread loaves from the cabinet next to the Colonel and starts distributing the bread to the inmates. The Colonel shouts at him. “Sir, I cannot wake up unless I eat something, and you know I can’t eat by myself while the others watch, so I thought to myself I better distribute some bread to the poor guys.” No matter how hard he tries to keep a straight face, there is always a smile on Taher’s face when he talks. A guard starts beating him until he falls to the ground.
He waits for the guard to leave and stands up with difficulty, then sits on the metal chair next to the table. The Colonel looks up, trying to contain his anger. A guard approaches quickly to strike Taher. “Sir, aren’t we all the sons of Mr. President, our leader? Do you accept it in your heart that your fellow brother of the same country and of the same father leader doesn’t get the chance to sit on the chair a rest a bit?” The Colonel couldn’t hold back the laugh that forced its way out as he hears Taher’s words. He finishes the stamping.
They take us out to the yard. We were expecting to find a bus, but instead waiting for is a big van of the kind used for transporting vegetables. We climb into the refrigerated cargo area, 93 of us, crammed into the back of the van like sardines. My friend shows me how to loosen the handcuffs, because the road is long. No one speaks. Silence and fear of what’s to come.

author: سرمد الجيلاني


text:
A Bahraini Mannequin Challenge Tackles the Country’s Stereotypes · Global Voices
Mohammed Al Nemer

A screenshot of the Bahrain mannequin challenge.
Omar Farooq, a Bahraini filmmaker and activist, has given the Mannequin Challenge a creative twist to question stereotypes in Bahrain.
The Mannequin Challenge, which has participants freeze while music plays in the background and the camera travels around the room, has taken social media by storm. The American broadcaster NPR reported that “it all started with this video from user @pvrity___ where a group of high school friends from Edward H. White High School in Jacksonville, Fla., created the first video.”
#manequinchallenge SHARE‼ RT‼ pic.twitter.com/k1BqR6iZ1p
— blackie (@pvrity___) October 26, 2016
In this Bahraini version, however, Farooq chose to spotlight the voice of each character as a way to criticize his society.
The video starts with a ‘warning’ which reads:
في هذا المقطع، نحن لا نقصد فئة معينة. نحن نقصدكم كلكم… كل المجتمع!
In this clip, we do not mean one section [of society]. We mean all of you, all of society.
And then Farooq asks the question, “How does society think?”
The following is what is said by each character:
Man in a khaki shirt: Heh, you are thinking Masha Allah! Do you want me to tell you how?
Man reading newspaper: The youth of today are petty. May Allah prevent calamities.
Three women wearing the hijab: All of them? Your problem is that you love to generalize.
Man with green wristband: Why are you talking about people who wear the turban [worn by Shia Muslim clerics]? Do not offend those who wear turban, you sectarians!
Man with the agal [a sort of black headband]: What did you mean, ‘us'? You're the sectarians!
Cool girl: This how society thinks. This is why I am detached from you.
ISIS (also known as Daesh or ISIL) sympathizer: Your fates are in hell. The banner of Allah endures.
Man with eyeglasses: Avoid conflict everyone! This is precisely what the West wants us to do.
Man with Nirvana shirt: Conflict? May Allah have mercy on Saddam [usually said by someone who supports Saddam Hussein].
Other man: What? May God put you together in the afterlife [an expression that means ‘May God punish you’]
Anglophones: Whatever. Guys, it’s not even that important.
Man on bicycle: You're ignorant! Speak Arabic!
Man in blue: No one is ignorant but the governments.
Other man: Governments and rules are crowns over your heads, you traitors!
Man with the agal with the man in a suit: Iran is the reason for everything that happens to us.
Man sitting: We are here. We can defend ourselves even with fighting.
Other man: Do you know that hatred causes violence? I wish you loved one another more.
Two men sitting: Love one another? You're obviously talking about gay marriage.
Two men: This is a product of the vindictive Masonic media.
Other man: What does Masonic mean?
Man in red: [in a mocking tone] Ma-Sony or Ma-Apple?
Man with iPhone: Apple is the brainchild of one person who changed the world. What have you done?
Women protesting: Are you saying that girls don’t have any role in the society?
Condescending man: I wish I could see protesting every day!
Poor man sitting: Why is it so? Why do they have everything while I don’t even have enough food to feed myself.
Man in wheelchair: Thank God. At least you can walk.
In an interview with Saudi news channel Al-Arabiya, Farooq said the idea was originally to make a film, but when he saw the Mannequin Challenge trending online, he decided to take advantage of it:
#تفاعلكم :
اليوتيوبي البحريني عمر فاروق يكشف الهدف من وراء فيديو #انا_متبري_من_المجتمع ..@omr94_ pic.twitter.com/bpodFcZ7IG
— العربية – #تفاعلكم (@tafa3olcom) November 21, 2016
Bahraini YouTuber Omar Farook reveals the purpose behind his video.
When asked about an important point and message from the video, Farooq referenced a popular uprising that began in Bahrain five years ago. That movement suffered a brutal crackdown at the hands of authorities:
As Bahrainis, we witnessed a crisis in 2011. I think that the conflict between Sunnis and Shiites must be stopped. There are still people who use sectarian jokes that might provoke discord in society and hatred among the people.
The video has reached more than 263,000 views since it was uploaded.

author: Mohammed Al Nemer


text:
VIDEO: How Do Japanese Cats Stay Warm in Winter? With ‘Kotatsus’, Just Like Humans · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

A cat in a ‘kotatsu.’ From the Kagoneko YouTube channel.
Winter has arrived in Japan. On Thursday, November 24, Tokyo experienced its first November snowfall in 54 years. While the snow may have been unexpected, it does herald the start of an uncomfortable season in Japan: winter.
While the torrid summer months can be made bearable thanks to ubiquitous air conditioning, Japan's chilly winter months can be cruel. This is because central heating is not as widespread in Japan as it is in other developed countries. Instead, many people rely on kerosene space heaters to keep warm, as well as something called a kotatsu—a low wooden table outfitted with a heavy blanket, and warmed by a heater underneath.
The word kotatsu conjures up images of coziness and warmth, and not just for humans. House cats love the kotatsu, too, and can often be found snoozing under the table, inside the blanket, close to the electric heater.
As reported by Japanese blog Fundo, YouTube vlog Kagoneko (かご猫 Ｂｌｏｇ, “Cat in a Box” Blog) captures this quintessential Japanese winter scene of warmth and comfort. The vlog regularly uploads videos of cats in Japan, including cats snuggling under kotatsus.
Cats also lay claim to the warm spot in front of the kerosene heater. The Nekobako blog captures this scene perfectly:
Be sure to check on the Nekokago vlog for regular updates.

author: Nevin Thompson


text:
Looking Back on the Evolution of Citizen Journalism with the Organisation ‘Periodismo Ciudadano’ · Global Voices
Juan Arellano

Imagen tomada de Pixabay. Publicada bajo licencia CC0. Perteneciente al Dominio Público.
The story below is an edited version of an interview originally carried out by Juan Arellano and published in Spanish on his blog, Globalizado. The interview looks at various Spanish-language projects in Latin America and Spain and reflects upon the evolution of the people's media from the point of view of the organisation Periodismo Ciudadano (Citizen Journalism), a group which Juan has collaborated with from time to time.
According to its participants and creators, Periodismo Ciudadano “is an observatory of all that happens surrounding citizen journalism, the participation of readers, and cyber activism online.” In its ten years, the organisation has hosted a space for debate and shared information about media and blogs dedicated to journalism undertaken by ordinary internet users.
In the time before the Web 2.0, a large majority of online discussions focused either on the definition of citizen journalism or its mere existence. The debates enjoyed huge publicity, with newspapers and academics putting forward arguments for and against such a practice. But beyond these discussions, individuals and initiatives online have continued exploring ways to further democratise the production of content and the arrival of information and knowledge.
This exploration and progress have kept the team at Periodismo Ciudadano busy for a decade full of challenges and learning. Part of the fruits of their labour can also be seen in a Spanish-language book (available in PDF) published two years ago: “Periodismo Ciudadano. Evolución positiva de la comunicación” (Citizen Journalism, a Positive Evolution in Communication).
Paula Gonzalo, current director of Periodismo Ciudadano, spoke to Global Voices and answered questions about the history and evolution of the site, as well as her perspective on citizen journalism today.
Global Voices (GV): How did the interest in citizen journalism come about, and why was it decided to launch the site?
Paula Gonzalo (PG): Hace 10 años vimos el potencial de los dispositivos móviles y las herramientas que tiene a su alcance la ciudadanía. Esto coincidió con la visita de Dan Gillmor a Valencia, España. Le entrevistamos, hablamos con él y nos pareció un fenómeno del futuro y el tiempo ha demostrado que así es.
La participación de los ciudadanos y el contenido generado por el usuario se ha convertido en un ingrediente habitual tanto de la comunicación, como de los nuevos medios.
En esa tesitura decidimos poner en marcha un observatorio internacional alrededor de la participación de los usuarios, así como del uso de la redes sociales y herramientas tecnológicas que permiten integrar a los ciudadanos en los procesos participativos.
Paula Gonzalo (PG): Ten years ago we saw the potential of mobile technology and the tools available to the public. This coincided with [American journalism educator] Dan Gillmor‘s visit to Valencia, Spain. We interviewed him and talked with him and a future phenomenon became apparent, and time has shown us that it is so. Public participation and content generated by the user has become an everyday ingredient in communication just as much as in new media. Therefore, we decided to launch an international observatory around user participation, both of social networking sites and of technological tools which permit public integration and participation in its processes.
GV: Is the current site in any way different from the original?
PG: Por supuesto, no hemos dejado de avanzar, incorporando nuevos temas de interés como el Contenido Generado por el Usuario en sus múltiples usos. Nos hemos centrado especialmente en cómo la participación ciudadana está contribuyendo a la defensa de los derechos humanos, así como también la verificación de contenido generado por los usuarios. Además hemos tenido que ampliar los temas que abordamos a medida que surgen nuevos fenómenos sociales como el del periodismo drone o la ciencia ciudadana.
PG: Of course, we haven't stopped moving forward, incorporating new topics of interest like user-generated content in its various uses. We have focused especially on how public participation has contributed to the defense of human rights, as well as verifying user-generated content. Furthermore, we have had to broaden the subjects that we tackle as new social phenomenons come about such as ‘drone’ reporting, or citizen science.
GV: What is ‘citizen science'?
PG: La ciencia ciudadana, entendida como la colaboración de personas no expertas en proyectos científicos, es otra forma de expresión de la participación de la ciudadanía en nuevos ámbitos de la sociedad. Esta colaboración no requiere de un público experto sino del ciudadano de a pie dispuesto a ofrecer su tiempo para simplificar la labor de análisis de la gran cantidad de datos que precisa analizar una investigación científica. A través de la ciencia ciudadana se consigue simplificar en gran medida la labor de los científicos, liberándoles de una parte del trabajo que puede delegarse en los usuarios.
La ciencia ciudadana, o ciencia abierta, sitúa a las personas en el centro de estas investigaciones gracias al estallido de la revolución de la telefonía móvil, la redes sociales y la colaboración ciudadana. Un proyecto de ciencia ciudadana especialmente destacado en el mundo de la astronomía es Zooniverse, (@the_zooniverse), que utilizó la ayuda de gente anónima en favor de la investigación científica consiguiendo clasificar alrededor de un millón de galaxias. Los resultados son muy alentadores en relación con el valor de la ciencia ciudadana. El 10% de los contribuyentes hizo casi el 80% del trabajo. Sobre ciencia ciudadana, puedes consultar la tag respectiva en PC, ahí hay mucha información.
PG: Citizen science, understood as the collaboration of non-experts in scientific projects, is another form of public participation in new areas of society. This collaboration does not require public experts, but rather ordinary citizens willing to offer their time to streamline the work of analysing huge amounts of data needed in a scientific investigation. Through citizen science, you manage to greatly streamline scientific work, by freeing the scientists of the work which they can delegate to the public.
Citizen science, or open science, puts people at the centre of these investigations thanks to the advancement of the mobile telephone, social networking and citizen collaboration sites. Zooniverse, (@the_zooniverse) is an example of a citizen science project. Their work is dedicated to the world of astronomy, and they used the aid of anonymous members of the public in favour of scientific investigation, managing to classify around a million galaxies. The results are really encouraging in relation to the value of citizen science. A total of 10% of contributors did almost 80% of the work. You can look here to find lots more information on citizen science.
GV: What kind of changes to citizen journalism have you been able to observe?
PG: Especialmente observamos una mayor participación de los periodistas ciudadanos en conflictos armados como en Siria, en donde la única manera de saber lo que sucede es a través de las crónicas de sus ciudadanos. Contar con corresponsales fiables en lugares en conflicto como el sirio nos permite acceder a información de gran valor, sin necesidad de desplazar corresponsales a zonas de riesgo. Observar esta tendencia nos ha hecho comprobar cómo han aumentado también los programas de alfabetización de los ciudadanos en sus lugares de origen para establecer una red de informadores verificada.
El periodismo ciudadano es ya un componente esencial del nuevo periodismo. Los nuevos medios no pueden prescindir de la participación ciudadana si quieren generar información actualizada, especialmente en situaciones concretas como pueden ser los desastres naturales, conflictos armados o situaciones de crisis. Acontecimientos como los atentados de Londres, los disturbios de Ferguson más recientemente, o todos lo relativo a las revueltas de la [llamada] Primavera Árabe son un ejemplo de ello.
PG: Above all we have noticed a larger number of citizen journalists in armed conflicts like Syria, where the only way to find out what is happening is through the stories of its inhabitants. Having reliable correspondents in conflict zones like Syria gives us access to valuable information, without the need to place correspondents in risky areas. This observation led us to check also how programs creating alphabetised lists of citizens in their places of origin have increased, establishing a network of reliable sources.
Citizen journalism is an essential component of the new journalism. New media cannot work without public participation if it wants to generate up-to-date news, especially in specific situations like natural disasters, armed conflicts or crisis situations. Events like the London attacks, or the more recent disturbances in Ferguson [in the United States], or everything that happened during the Arab Spring are examples of this.
GV: And what is the outlook, current and future, for citizen journalism in Spain and Latin America?
PG: En España tenemos ejemplos tan interesantes como Scifabric, una empresa encargada del desarrollo de plataformas innovadoras como Crowdcrafting, (@crowdcrafting), la única plataforma web para proyectos de ciencia ciudadana 100% Software libre, que defiende la necesidad de utilizar este tipo de tecnología de código abierto para promover la transparencia de la investigación. El periodismo ciudadano en España y Latinoamérica cuenta con grandes ejemplos de cómo la participación ciudadana se está introduciendo con fuerza imparable en ámbitos como el político. Un ejemplo de ello lo tenemos en el campo de la verificación de contenidos en donde contamos con ejemplos como Chequeado, (@Chequeado), la primera plataforma colaborativa de América Latina dedicada a la verificación del discurso político. Preto no Branco de O’Globo, (@OGloboPolitica), es el primer blog de fact-checking de Brasil. UyCheck, (@_UYCheck) es el primer sitio independiente de verificación del discurso público en Uruguay. El Sabueso, (@ElSabuesoAP), es el apartado dedicado a la verificación de Animal Político en México o el Detector de mentiras de La Silla Vacía, (@lasillavacia), de Colombia, que es otra iniciativa desarrollada gracias al apoyo del medio argentino Chequeado, con el que han compartido desde su metodología, sus categorías de chequeo y verificación y su conocimiento para el desarrollo de la app en Twitter.
En España, están estos 10 ejemplos de periodismo ciudadano que pueden servir para el análisis.
Nuestra experiencia habla de buena salud y de un fenómeno que continúa en expansión. De hecho, como cada vez hay mas contenido generado por el usuario, una de las tendencias en alza es la verificación de este tipo de contenido, una faceta que tendrá que estar presente tanto en redacciones de medios de comunicación como en las universidades.
PG: In Spain, we have such interesting examples like Scifabric, a business working to develop innovative platforms such as Crowdcrafting (@crowdcrafting), the only 100% software-free web platform for citizen science projects that defends the need to use this type of coding technology to promote transparent investigations.
You can see a number of examples of how citizen journalism in Spain and Latin America is bursting into areas like politics. We can see an example of this in the arena of content verification like Chequeado (@Chequeado), the first collaborative Latin American platform dedicated to verifying political speeches. Preto no Branco out of O Globo (@OGloboPolitica) is a first Brazilian fact-checking blog. UyCheck (@_UYCheck) is the first independent site in Uruguay for the verification of public speeches. El Sabueso (@ElSabuesoAP) is a section of Animal Político dedicated to verification in Mexico, and Detector de mentiras [which literally means ‘lie detector’] by La Silla Vacía (@lasillavacia) in Colombia, which is another initiative developed thanks to the support of the Argentinian site Chequeado, with which they have shared experiences, methods, verification categories and know-how for the development of the app on Twitter.
In Spain, here are a further 10 examples of citizen journalism.
Our experience shows good health and a phenomenon that continues to grow. In fact, as more and more content is generated by the user, the result is the verification of this type of content, a side of things which will have to be present as much in media newsrooms as in universities.
GV: Of all the articles produced, which ones stay with you as really important or carry special significance for you?

author: Juan Arellano