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Following Hostage Crisis, Mali Celebrates Its Heroes and Gets Back to Work · Global Voices
Rakotomalala

Tourist protected by the Malian forces, by Pablo Esquer CC BY 40
Armed men attacked a hotel in Bamako and took 170 people hostage last Friday, November 20. According to the latest counts, at least 21  guests and staff are dead, as well as at least three attackers. According to reports, gunfire erupted around 7 a.m. at the Radisson Blu hotel, when attackers breached the facility's security system. Soon thereafter, Malian soldiers, assisted by Minusma (UN) forces and French GIGN (National Gendarmerie Intervention Group) forces, stormed the building to free the hostages, killing all attackers. An investigation is now underway to identify the assailants.
Mali has declared a state of emergency, while the group Al-Mourabitoun—an ally of Al-Qaeda—has claimed responsibility for the attack. The assault in Mali comes one week after the murderous attacks on Paris by ISIS (or Daesh as it is called in Arabic), which left 130 dead and more than 350 injured.
A Malian soldier carries a hostage on his back during the attacks in Bamako. Photo by Mohamed Mamouny / Facebook. Used with his permission.
Mali's hostage situation ended late in the day, after a siege that lasted several hours.
Ali Yazbeck, a patisserie chef at the hotel, was injured by two bullets—one in the neck and the other in the back. In a hospital bed, after being rescued, he described what it was like to be a hostage: after one attacker wearing a turban shot him, he took cover in an office, where he encountered two waitresses:
Il nous a retrouvés et a tiré sur Awa, qui a été tuée, et sur Sarah, qui a été blessée. Il n’a rien dit, mais après il est reparti dans la cuisine, où il a pris un morceau de viande, qu’il s’est fait griller avant d’ouvrir le gaz dans toute la cuisine
He found us and fired at Awa, who was killed, and Sarah, who was injured. He said nothing, but afterwards he went back into the kitchen, where he took a piece of meat and grilled it for himself before turning on all the gas pipes in the kitchen.
Baïda and Penda Cissé run a cigarette stand at the street corner perpendicular to the Radisson’s entrance. Baida gives this account of the events:
Un homme, teint noir, en tenue militaire, tire sur les gardes de l’hôtel. Quand j’ai vu un premier garde, puis un second à terre, je suis parti me mettre à l’abri.
A dark-skinned man in a military uniform was shooting at the hotel guards. When I saw first guard, and then a second, on the ground, I took cover.
In an extremely tense situation, several acts of bravery and cool thinking helped to prevent further loss of life, as illustrated by the calm leadership of the maitre d'hôtel, Tamba Diarra.
Tamba Diarra Maitre d'hotel of the Radisson Hotel in Bamako. Screenshot from a video of his eyewitness account. YouTube
Tamba Diarra described his experience during the attacks, explaining what he did to protect the hostages’ lives:
J'ai rencontré un des jihadistes, raconte le maître d'hôtel d'une voix posée, mais hésitante. Il avait un képi, une chemise à manches longues bleue, un pantalon bleu. Il a posé son képi sur le bar, puis il m'a poussé en tirant partout. Pour intervenir efficacement dans le bâtiment, les forces d'intervention ont besoin de connaître la configuration des lieux. Je les guide  porte par porte, couloir par couloir, étage par étage, afin qu'on puisse libérer tout le monde. Quand un client appelait de sa chambre, on lui donnait le mot de passe “Tamba”. Quand on avait un appel, je disais aux militaires : “Allez à tel étage, dites au client “Tamba”, et là le client sort.
I encountered one of the jihadists […]. He was wearing a kepi, a long-sleeved blue shirt, [and] blue trousers. He put his kepi on the bar and pushed me, firing shots everywhere. To mount an effective response in the building, the intervention forces needed to know the layout of the premises. I guided them, door by door, corridor by corridor, floor by floor, so that everybody could be released. When guests called from their rooms, they were given the password “Tamba”. When there was a call, I told the soldiers: “Go to such-and-such floor, say the word ‘Tamba’ to the client, and then the guest will come out”.
Malian special forces also responded with commendable efficiency, demonstrating great professionalism and managing to save the vast majority of the hostages. On the Internet, a photograph of a Malian soldier carrying a hostage on his back to safety has become a viral sensation. Writing on Facebook, Boukary Konaté in Bamako shared his admiration for such heroism:
A Malian soldier carries a hostage on his back. Photo: Mohamed Mamouny. Used with permission.
Que le monsieur au dos m'excuse, mais je veux juste exprimer ici, mon admiration pour ce militaire malien qui fait non seulement la tache pour laquelle il s'est engagé dans l'armée, mais aussi un acte d'humanisme, de solidarité…. Les mots me manquent
Apologies to the gentleman being carried, but I just want to express my admiration here for the Malian soldier who performed not only the task for which he joined the army, but also an act of humanity and solidarity…. I’m at a loss for words.
Most people in Mali have already returned to their ordinary economic activities, ignoring the risk of more extremist attacks and the national state of emergency (which is still in force). In the following video, Mrs. Djero, a fish vendor, explains why the attacks will not affect her everyday life:
Le Mali est un pays pauvre. Si on s’arrête de travailler, même un seul jour, on ne peut pas vivre. L'attaque nous a choqué au plus haut point mais il faut continuer à vivre.
Mali is a poor country. If we stop working—even for just one day—we have nothing to live on. We are deeply shocked by the attack, but we have to go on living.

author: Rakotomalala


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How Manila Became a ‘Walking Dead’ City During the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Summit · Global Voices
Karlo Mongaya

The hashtag #PHfightAPEC was used by activists during the APEC Summit in Manila. Photo from Bulatlat
Many Filipinos criticized their government’s hosting of the annual Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Economic Leaders Meeting during November 18-19 because of the disruptions it caused in Metro Manila, the nation's premier urban center.
APEC is a network of 21 countries in the Pacific Rim whose goal is to promote economic integration and free trade. Twenty heads of states, including United States President Barack Obama, attended the APEC meeting in Manila.
Many netizens questioned the designation of special lanes (exclusively for APEC delegates) on major roads, the procurement of luxury cars, and the allotment of 10 billion pesos (roughly 200 million US dollars) to host the event.
The hashtags #APECtado, a play on the word affected, and #APECfail, a pun alluding to “epic fail”, were used by netizens to vent their anger over the traffic jams, cancellation of airplane flights, the sluggish Internet connection, and loss of wages from the special holidays due to the summit.
The photo below went viral as it symbolized the inconvenience caused by the APEC summit on the lives of Metro Manila residents:
This is what APEC truly means to most Filipinos (also a representation of almost everything in this country) pic.twitter.com/Qe2xRHyGdq
— Richard Bolisay (@richardbolisay) November 16, 2015
This photo inspired the posting of memes featuring “The Walking Dead”, a popular American TV show about a zombie outbreak:
Parts of Manila became like a scene in the hit TV series “The Walking Dead” because of the designation of a special lane for the exclusive use of APEC delegates. “Punyeta” is a curse word in Filipino. Meme from the Facebook page of Pixel Offensive
“Sayang ang Lupa” means “Land is wasted”. Meme from the Facebook page of Anakbayan Kamaynilaan
Below are some of the tweets reflecting the anger and disappointment of residents affected by the APEC event:
Bagal ng net these past few days. Akala ko ba hindi maaapektuhan ang net speed kahit ipinagkaloob ang 8kbps sa APEC delegates. #APECtado
— Carlota Malagueño (@CarLilaLala) November 19, 2015
The net is so slow these past few days. I thought net speed will not be affected by the 8kbps allotted for the APEC delegates. #APECtado
Lumubog na yung araw, hindi pa dumadating yung jeep. Nakatulog na ako sa jeep, hndi parin nakalahati ang byahe. #APECtado — Danelle Farala (@chowder009) November 19, 2015
The sun has set, the jeep has still not arrived. I fell asleep in the jeep [referring to the jeepney, a public transport vehicle in the Philippines], we haven't even reached half of the way. #APECtado
At the expense of the people. Road closure, Flights cancelled and no work no pay for workers. #APECHassle https://t.co/eso60mLLlN
— James Allan Sayson (@jamesayson) November 11, 2015
#APEC2015 supposedly about inclusive prosperity but closed roads, cancelled flights show how most Filipinos are in fact excluded #APECtado — arnold padilla (@arnoldpadilla) November 16, 2015
Netizens likewise criticized the ostentatious and lavish expenses by the government of President Noynoy Aquino for the APEC summit to welcome foreign dignitaries amidst the persistence of poverty, inequality, hunger, joblessness endured by many Filipinos.
Crazy how Aquino shows off PH's best food for his masters in one evening while millions can't even taste those in their lifetime. #APECFail
— Hapis (@mikmikgarrido) November 18, 2015
Who benefits from it? Is it the majority of the masses or the few capitalists? Exclusive economic growth ebribadi. #APECfail — Chelna Deblois (@chelniwhyy) November 18, 2015
The government acknowledged the inconvenience caused by APEC, but it described it as necessary to show “hospitality” to foreign guests:
Thank you for helping show the world, through our hosting of #APEC2015, what Filipino hospitality means. pic.twitter.com/JvM63DdOgM
— APEC 2015 (@apec2015ph) November 18, 2015
Meanwhile, not everyone was amused by how the mainstream media played up the #APEChotties bandwagon by asking who is sexier between Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto:
Remember Canada's trash and Mexico's missing 43 students. So who's your #APECbae? #APECfail
— Krissy Conti (@chronikrissys) November 17, 2015
Dear Prime Minister @JustinTrudeau, You can throw your garbage in our backyard, anytime. Please reply with a wink. #APEChotties — Fei Fei Sunshine (@ihateposh) November 17, 2015
Challenge to #APEChottie Justin Trudeau – STOP destructive Canadian mining firms in the Cordillera! Fake inclusive growth becomes #APECfail
— Emmi de Jesus (@emmidejesus) November 18, 2015
Thousands of activists and organizations of workers, indigenous peoples, farmers, women, and students took to the streets in defiance of a government ban on rallies to oppose APEC’s “free trade globalization” agenda, which they claim have enriched big countries like the United States at the expense of poor countries like the Philippines.
Earlier, youth led burning of US flag in Liwasang Bonifacio to denounce US imperialist globalization #JunkAPEC pic.twitter.com/BfpcuqL5Ab
— mai uichanco (@thereforeiammai) November 18, 2015
Some non-Filipinos participated in the anti-APEC rally:
Palestinian freedom fighter Leila Khaled showing her solidarity for the people's call to #JunkAPEC pic.twitter.com/rhnX9QBa6U
— Jeoff (@jeofflarua) November 19, 2015
The police tried to stop activists from holding a program during the rally by playing songs by American pop star Katy Perry:
Dear @katyperry, PH gov't is using your songs to violate human rights. Please ask them to stop. Thanks https://t.co/CltB4F6Ry0
— Vencer Crisostomo (@venzie) November 20, 2015
The protest culminated in a big march reaching just a block away from the APEC meeting venue at the Philippine Convention Center on November 19, the last day of the summit, amidst police barricades, violent dispersals, and attempts to drown the protest out with loud dance music.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Karlo Mongaya


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How the Ruling Oligarchy Imperils Japanese Democracy · Global Voices
Jonathan Augustine

Protests in front of the Japanese National Diet (SEALDs). Photo source: Wikimedia Commons.
In the late 1940s, in the aftermath of Japan's surrender in World War II, the Allied powers oversaw the creation of a new Constitution that would prevent the Japanese government from leading its people into another war. Most vital to its transformations was Article 9, which declared that Japanese would renounce war, and Article 11, which guaranteed human rights for all Japanese citizens, thus laying the foundations for a democratic government.
A basic and ongoing challenge facing any democracy is that its citizens need to have free and open access to unbiased information and alternative viewpoints. Above all, citizens need to cultivate critical thinking skills, in order to make intelligent choices and decisions.
But even semi-democratic nations can be misled by politicians with hidden agendas. Abe Shinzo poses as a peace-loving prime minister, both gentlemanly and courteous, even by the exacting standards of Japanese society, but his historical revisionism and desire to do away with constitutional guarantees of pacifism and human rights spell trouble for Japan’s democratic foundations.
Rather than conveying unbiased political news, the Japanese media is often accused of covering up Abe’s meetings with ultra-nationalist groups and his past statements condoning the development of nuclear weapons within Japan. Despite the ongoing nuclear pollution that the Fukushima disaster is causing, Abe insists that relying on nuclear power is economically necessary and presents no unsurmountable dangers.
In fact, in a very recent parliamentary debate, Yamai Kazunori of the opposition Democratic Party of Japan questioned Abe as to whether the Prime Minister’s confidence in nuclear power wasn’t directly related to the fact that residual fuel could be used to develop a nuclear arsenal.
Perhaps the biggest obstacle that prevents East Asian countries from peacefully coexisting is the memory of Japanese atrocities during WWII. For example, at a recent trilateral summit, the leaders of China, South Korea, and Japan tried to work out an early resolution to the “comfort women” dispute, which deals with coming to terms with the history of Japanese colonialism's sexual abuse of women. When South Korean President Park Geun-hye argued that the Japanese government should consider compensating the victims who suffered sexual coercion under the Japanese colonial regime, Abe defaulted to the position of his ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), saying the matter was legally settled in a 1965 diplomatic treaty.
Eminent historians often argue that the Japanese people never came to terms with their war crimes to the extent that the Germans did. In fact, on the 70th anniversary of World War II, nearly 200 scholars from various countries signed a statement imploring Abe to make a sincere apology that reflects genuine contrition. While Abe appeared optimistic about reaching closure at the summit, leaders and diplomats who spoke with him were dismayed by his apparent lack of empathy and compassion for the victims of these unspeakable horrors.
Last year, the national broadcaster NHK and local newspapers focused on a man who poured gasoline on himself and then set himself on fire to protest the Secrecy Protection Act, which increased the government's ability to monitor citizens. A bystander who witnessed his act recalled the man saying, “Japan used to be a country that really valued peace.”
Ever since Abe determined to force a controversial security bill through the Diet, legalizing Japanese military action overseas in aid of an ally, continual protests have been held outside the parliamentary building. These demonstrations are on a scale not seen since Abe’s grandfather, Kishi Nobusuke, who strengthened the US-Japan Security Alliance in 1960.
1960 Protests against the United States-Japan Security Treaty. Public domain.
Pro-LDP media have tried to play down the scale of the protests, even though clashes between students and the police, reported on social media, indicate that they could potentially become riotous.
But the Prime Minister enjoys a strong and loyal largely agrarian support base outside urban centers. The disproportional representation for rural voters in comparison with their urban counterparts means his approval ratings have remained steady throughout the current turmoil.
Abe is also confident of the backing of the US military establishment, which wants Japan to shoulder some of its own defense burdens.
Revoking Article 9 and amending Article 11, which guarantees human rights, are high priorities on the Abe cabinet’s agenda. The draft that the LDP prepared previously reinterpreted the human rights clause by emphasizing citizens’ duties and obligations to the state.
Abe’s historical revisionism is emboldening nationalist historians, who are now arguing that the entire post-war Constitution was forced on the Japanese people. A visit to any major bookstore in Tokyo or Osaka will dismay non-Japanese residents, since book titles such as 『日本軍は本当に「残虐」だったのか』 (Was the Japanese Military Really Brutal During WWII?) and others are among the best-sellers.
In fact, it was Abe himself who organized the research committee that argued there is no evidence to prove that the Japanese colonial regime coerced the so-called “comfort women” into serving the Japanese military. Western, Chinese, and Korean historians have provided hundreds of testimonies showing that indeed there was both torture and coercion, but the Japanese Army burned the most inconvenient evidence.
Responsibility for the public’s ignorance of the Japanese military’s brutality lies at the doorstep of the Ministry of Education, a loyal LDP supporter. The Ministry is infamous for redacting war crimes from school textbooks and expunging the war period from secondary school curriculums.
A week before the security bill was forced through the Diet, the Ministry of Education confirmed its plan to eliminate Liberal Arts programs altogether from Japanese national universities. The rationale is that these subjects do not profit the nation economically. Critical thinking, however, is the hallmark of disciplines such as history, philosophy, and political science and it's essential to any country hoping to maintain democratic freedom and human rights.
In numerous interviews, the Prime Minister has stated that he respects above all others his grandfather, Kishi Nobusuke, who before being “rehabilitated” and elected prime minister was ruled a war criminal for his actions in Manchuria, where the Japanese Army carried out its most brutal Three Alls Campaign (“kill all, burn all, loot all”), not to mention the infamous live human medical experiments of Unit 731.
By strengthening Japan’s military alliance with the United States, Abe hopes to check the rising power of China. Political analysts, however, point out that there is no guarantee that the US will back Japan when the Chinese GDP overtakes that of the US, and China closes the gap on military technology. In fact, Abe has recently volunteered to back the US Navy in its maneuvers.
Confronting the Chinese in the South China Sea is comparable to the Cuban Missile Crisis in that it could unintentionally trigger warfare on a global scale—all it takes is a first shot.
Naturally, these developments cannot be blamed on the LDP and the Prime Minister alone. Japanese citizens are responsible for apathetically electing the same party for nearly 70 years, or simply not bothering to vote.
But now, new youth movements, as well as groups of concerned mothers, have hit the streets to speak out against remilitarization and oligarchic authoritarianism. Revitalized by grassroots protestors, some aged Japanese veterans of World War II are also coming forward to share passionately their bitter wartime experiences.
For the first time in many decades, formerly apolitical youth are realizing how important social protest is. A high school student at a demonstration recently told a reporter, “When I first started going, I was particularly impressed by the speeches. I felt like I was learning things that filled a gap in my education.”
戦争法案に反対する全国若者一斉行動 SEALDs 表参道デモ８月２３日（SUN） 16:30青山公園集合 17:00青山公園出発（神宮通公園解散） #本当に止める pic.twitter.com/ueGtK1iNS1
— SEALDs (@SEALDs_jpn) August 16, 2015
Join the demonstration on Sunday, August 23 [2015] with SEALDs, the national youth organization opposed to the Abe government's security legislation. #letsstopthis
Members of Students Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy (SEALDs) succeeded in mobilizing and energizing massive protest rallies against the security bill, saying “This is what democracy looks like.” Their further aim, looking towards the 2016 elections, is to bring together “all the liberals across the conventional political spectrum to form a united front to protect Japan’s tradition of liberal democracy”—on the basis of liberal values including “constitutionalism, social security, and peace diplomacy.”
Last nite,Protest agst #warbill @ the Diet,#Tokyo Many tweeps say police reaction last nite was the worst v @aki21st pic.twitter.com/h5VZ0xLvr6
— Coley (@Coley_EJ) September 14, 2015
Jonathan Augustine has spent most of his life in Asia since the 1970s. He is active in theatrical projects and volunteer activities. His academic and fictional works include: Kyoto Artisans (2015), Shadows of the Atomic Bomb 『原爆の影』 (2013), Karakuchi Onna 『辛口女』 (2010) and Buddhist Hagiography in Early Japan (2005).

author: Jonathan Augustine


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If You Want to Know What #1in5Muslims Thinks, Don’t Ask UK Newspaper The Sun · Global Voices
Qurratulain (Annie) Zaman

Screenshot: The UK's Independent Press Standards received 450 complaints about the front page of The Sun.
British tabloid The Sun is facing an immense backlash after publishing a front-page story with the questionable claim that “1 in 5 Brit Muslims’ Sympathy for jihadis” at a time when Islamaphobia is on the rise in the UK. So far, the publication has inspired a record number of 450 complaints made to the UK's Independent Press Standards Organisation and a popular hashtag, #1in5Muslims, lampooning The Sun's Islamophobia.
Of the UK's population of 64 million, about 5% is Muslim. The Sun arrived at its extraordinary claim through a telephone survey of 1,003 Muslims carried out by polling company Survation, in which respondents were asked to choose among a list of statements (which do not include “jihadi”, even though the word appears in The Sun's headline).
A total of 71% answered that they have “no sympathy with young Muslims who leave the UK to join fighters in Syria”, and 9% said they didn't know. Meanwhile, 15% said “I have some sympathy with young Muslims who leave the UK to join fighters in Syria” and 5% indicated that they have “a lot of sympathy with young Muslims who leave the UK to join fighters in Syria.”
The Sun, which is the newspaper with the largest daily circulation in the UK, added together the last two groups to reach 20%, or 1 in 5.
But many people, including media workers and Muslim leaders, have argued that the use of term “sympathy” is vague. It is not clear which “fighters in Syria” are being referring to — those fighting for ISIS, also known as Daesh, those fighting against ISIS, or those fighting against the regime of President Bashar al-Assad.
Other criticism has been directed at Survation's methodology, which included phoning people with “Muslim surnames”, and at the lack of control group to see how people of other faiths responded to the same questions. The Sun originally approached a different survey company, which refused to carry out the poll because, according to the Guardian, “it could not be confident that it could accurately represent the British Muslim population within the timeframe and budget set by the paper.”
Islamophobia is on a rise in the UK. According to latest figures, there has been 300 percent increase in Islamophobic hate crimes in the week following Paris attacks. These figures were collected by Tell Mama Helpline, an organisation that measures anti-Muslims attacks, both verbal and physical, across the country. According to the report, which was prepared for the government's working group on anti-Muslim hatred:
Most victims of the UK hate crimes were Muslim girls and women aged from 14 to 45 in traditional Islamic dress. The perpetrators were mainly white males aged from 15 to 35 […] the reported attacks were in public places, including on buses and trains. Thirty-four victims were women wearing the hijab, while eight involved young children.
Meanwhile, Twitter users around the world have mocked The Sun’s headline and story using the hashtag #1in5Muslims to offer similarly dubious, but much more hilarious claims about Muslims.
#1in5Muslims is married to their cousin. The other 4 are trying very hard to do the same.
— Samad Khurram (@SamadK) November 24, 2015
#1in5Muslims go to mosques only during Ramadan. To socialise and have free food.
— Hayder al-Khoei (@Hayder_alKhoei) November 24, 2015
#1in5Muslims are French… if they score. Otherwise, they're Arab. pic.twitter.com/YY4h7CYbOG
— Khaled Bey (@KhaledBeydoun) November 24, 2015
#1in5Muslims won the Nobel Prize before they were old enough to start college pic.twitter.com/5YSU50ZOIF
— Khaled Bey (@KhaledBeydoun) November 24, 2015
#1in5Muslims probably uses this at work. Especially in #Dubai pic.twitter.com/FJO6nrhJW6
— Anthony Permal (@anthonypermal) November 24, 2015
#1in5Muslims fornicate, drink alcohol, smoke weed, but wouldn't go anywhere near bacon flavoured crisps cos it's haram bro…
— Maz Bonafide (@MazBONAFIDE) November 23, 2015
#1in5Muslims are your daughter's favorite heartthrob pic.twitter.com/8WU0nEY17L
— Khaled Bey (@KhaledBeydoun) November 24, 2015
#1in5Muslims have a secret pet that looks like this. pic.twitter.com/h7lsH2uXoi
— Muslimerican (@FaheemYounus) November 23, 2015
Users seem to be appreciating the lighthearted responses:
Just love the way twitterati have started responding to insulting facts Much better than abuse or trolling #1in5Muslims
— Rana Safvi رعنا राना (@iamrana) November 24, 2015

author: Qurratulain (Annie) Zaman


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New Ukrainian Police Banned from Using Russian Social Networks · Global Voices
Tanya Lokot

No more VK or Odnokklassniki for Ukraine's patrol police, pictured here on their first day of work in Kyiv in July 2015. Photo by Oleksandr Ratushniak for Demotix.
Members of Ukraine's new patrol police force make frequent appearances on social media—in fact, their penchant for posing for selfies and featuring in testimonials on social media pages seems to be part of their strategy to get Ukrainians to trust the reformed police ranks.
But now Ukraine's Interior Ministry has decided to ban its police officers from using Russian social networks. This means that VKontakte and Odnoklassniki, the two Russian platforms most popular in Ukraine, will be off limits for Ukrainian law enforcement.
Interior Ministry's spokesperson Artyom Shevchenko told LIGA.net news agency that the restrictions on social media use only apply to VKontakte and Odnoklassniki, but will not not affect Facebook or Twitter accounts. Shevchenko also noted, however, that police officers would be banned from “discussing information connected to their professional activities” on their profile pages.
The decision to regulate police social media practices is likely connected to a series of recent discoveries of older social media posts by Ukrainian Internet users currently serving in the new parol police that were deemed to be “unethical” by some commentators. The most prominent case is that of Kyiv police officer Alexey Savkin, whose posts on Twitter and VKontakte from the period of Euromaidan protests called for “disbanding the Maidan bums” and contained other critical comments about the protesters and the political opposition at the time.
After users discovered the posts and exposed them, Savkin deleted the entries and closed his accounts to the public, but screenshots of the posts made their way to the Interior Ministry. The patrol police department suspended Savkin while his behavior was being investigated, and later said they found his social media posts to contain “violations of disciplinary, ethical, and moral norms,” according to a Facebook post by Interior Ministry spokesperson Shevchenko.
Ukrainian social media users engaged in heated discussions about Savkin's posts (published before he served in the police) and repercussions for his actions. Several pointed out that Savkin was not the only police officer posting and sharing questionable content on social media, and even compiled archives of what they claimed were “posts indicating pro-separatist sentiment” among Odessa patrol police officers. After these became public, Odessa regional governor Mikheil Saakashvili demanded the police officers be suspended from their jobs for “publishing anti-Ukrainian content.”
The Interior Ministry's decision echoes recent restrictions on using Russian Internet services for Ukrainian state officials. In October 2015, Ukraine's Cabinet of Ministers mandated that Ukrainian officials were only allowed to use email services in domains gov.ua and .укр (Ukrainian Cyrillic domain) for security reasons. State servants using Russian online email services for professional correspondence have been reprimanded and dismissed, as Ukraine believes using Russian email platforms grants the Russian security services and law enforcement easy access to Ukrainian official communications.

author: Tanya Lokot


text:
An Interview With Laurinda Gouveia, a Young Woman Charged With Conspiring Against the Angolan Government · Global Voices
Pública - Agência de jornalismo investigativo

Laurinda Gouveia. Photo: Eliza Capai / Agência Pública
This interview was first published on the Agência Pública site on November 16, 2015. It is republished on Global Voices in two parts with permission. Read the second part of the interview: ‘If There Is One Thing the Angolan Government Is Scared of, It Is People’
Laurinda Gouveia is an impressive young woman who lives in a small studio in one of the shantytowns of Luanda, the capital city of Angola. She is 26 years old. She is in her third year of studying philosophy because she “wanted to have a more coherent way of thinking of things”. Since 2011, she has been one of the few women who frequents demonstrations against President José Eduardo dos Santos, in power for more than 36 years, and the vibrant rap scene in Luanda, where young people, inspired by Brazilian groups like Racionais MCs, discuss the problems of the country, one of the most unequal in Africa. The protests attracted dozens of people in 2012, but dwindled in the face of a meticulous strategy of repression and selective terror by the government, which has not only affected the youth protesters, but their families as well. This is what happened to Laurinda.
Until last year, she worked with her aunt in the informal sector selling barbecue, soup and beer on the street. But then everything changed. Laurinda gained national notoriety after being brutally attacked by the Angolan police when she participated in a protest as a citizen reporter. The episode led her family to expel her from home.
Beaten for two hours by police officers, she decided to tell all to online sites, showing her wounded body. “They started to beat me, still handcuffed, with nightsticks, with a broomsticks, giving it to me on my legs, all over. I was just crying, asking for forgiveness, saying I was sorry, all kinds of words came out of my mouth, really saying I was sorry.” In her interview with Pública in August in Luanda, Laurinda turned her eyes away from the camera when she remembered those hours of torture. “Don't get yourself into this, you are a woman, concern yourself with marriage and having kids… After this beatdown, you will not have kids!” said the police. “The way that they beat me, it lead me to believe they were truly furious at me,” she says.
Five days after having given us this interview and publicly acknowledged that she had participated in a study group based around the book “From Dictatorship to Democracy” by Gene Sharp with 15 other young people imprisoned since June, Laurinda was forced to give a deposition, prohibited from speaking about her questioning, and officially became a defendant in the same case. She was accused of planning a rebellion and allowed to remain out on bail, according to Angolan courts.
Laurinda's trial began November 16 and will continue on for weeks in Luanda's Provincial Courts. This was her last interview as a free woman.
Pública: How did you start participating in the demonstrations?
Laurinda Gouveia (LG): Eu faço ativismo desde 2011. Faço parte de um grupo da igreja, sou uma pessoa que gosta muito de orar e questionar as coisas. Quando ouvi a notícia da manifestação, disse: “Uau, então podemos mudar alguma coisa reclamando…”. A partir dali, comecei a seguir, né? Comecei a entusiasmar-me também. Então fui. Falei com meu primo. O meu primo, como gosta de rap, ele conhecia muito bem o Luaty, e ele até disse, a brincar: “Olha, nem vale a pena seguir o Luaty, porque ele já vem falando do presidente há bastante tempo”. E fui seguindo, só ia participar das manifestações, depois voltava pra casa. Comecei a participar normalmente, até a data de hoje.
Laurinda Gouveia (LG): I've been an activist since 2011. I am part of a church group, I am a person who likes to speak and question things a lot. When I heard news of the [first] demonstration, I said, “Wow, so we can change something by complaining…” And from there, I just followed, right? I started to get really excited too. So I went. I spoke to my cousin. My cousin, as he likes rap, he knew [rapper] Luaty [Beirão, who is charged with planning a rebellion over participation in the same study group] really well, and he even said, playing around, “Look, it's not worth following Luaty, he's been talking about the president for a good long time.” And I kept on following, I just used to go to the demonstrations, then I would return home. I began to participate normally, and continue to do so till this day.
Pública: What was your first experience with security forces?
LG: Em 2012 foi a primeira vez que eu fui agredida por um agente da polícia secreta. Marcou-se uma manifestação e, como é normal, eles vêm sempre com paus, que é pra bater nos manifestantes. Quase todos fugiram e eu e me mantive lá, estava a andar normalmente como se não tivesse a fazer parte do grupo… Só que eles, depois, disseram: “Olha, pega ela também, pega ela também!”. E depois apareceu um senhor e deu-me uma galheta [tapa], e a chapada que ele me deu, assim mesmo, do nada… Porque eu tava um pouco renitente também, não quis sair do largo porque aquilo é público. Não tenho que sair porque simplesmente alguém que está a fazer o trabalho do Estado quer que eu saia. Até que, depois eles cansaram, outros moços vieram conversar comigo: “Mas por que tu estás a te meter nisso? Deixa disso. Estuda, arranja um bom marido, não te preocupes com isso, porque não és tu que vai mudar isso”. Foi a primeira agressão que eu sofri.
LG: 2012 was the first time I was attacked by a secret police agent. The demonstration was scheduled, as is normal, they came always with wooden sticks, to beat up demonstrators. Almost everybody fled and I stayed there, I was walking normally as though I was not part of the group. Only then, they said, “Look, grab her too, grab her too!” And then a gentleman came up and smacked me, and the way he slapped me, just like that, out of the blue… Because I was a little stubborn also, I refused to leave the square because that was public. I do not have to leave simply because somebody working for the state wants me to. At which point, after they tired of me, some other boys came up to talk with me, saying “But why are you getting involved in this? Leave it alone. Study, find a good husband, don't worry yourself with this, because it is not you who is going to change this.” That was the first act of aggression that I suffered.
Pública: Did this make you want to participate more, or did you get scared?
LG: No momento eu pensei: “O dia em que chegarem com o porrete, não sei como é que eu vou ficar!”. Mas aquilo depois passou, consegui levar normalmente e continuei a fazer as atividades, comunicando-me com os manos quando havia manifestação. Penso que as coisas começaram a andar mais quando nós optamos pelas manifestações espontâneas. Os policiais mesmo chegavam e batiam, não viam se era menina, se era rapaz, batiam-nos. E ainda assim eu continuei.
LG: At the time I thought, “The day they arrive with nightsticks, I do not know how I am going to stay!” But that passed afterwards, and I was able to take it and I continued with these activities, communicating with our guys when there was a demonstration. I think stuff started to get going when we opted for spontaneous protests. The police still came and beat us, without even seeing if we were young women or men, they would beat us. And even so, I carried on.
Pública: When did you start to get more involved? Was it after 2012?
LG: Continuei com as pessoas, conheci o Luaty pessoalmente, o Nito, o M’banza Hanza [os três estão presos desde junho] e outros manos, né?, e começamos a dar um outro rumo ao ativismo. Principalmente nas manifestações espontâneas, eu faço um papel de tipo repórter cívica: quando via uma ação policial contra os manifestantes, fazia fotos. E foi quando em 2014, isso no dia 23 de novembro, decidimos fazer uma manifestação que durava dois dias, na qual estávamos a exigir a demissão imediata do José Eduardo do cargo de presidente. No dia 22 não pude participar, então decidi participar no dia 23. Fui ao Largo da Independência, mas quando chegamos lá logo vimos o aparato policial. E como sempre o [partido] MPLA criou uma contramanifestação, encontramos jovens vestidos com t-shirts do MPLA e tudo mais… Quando era mais ou menos 16 horas, já não tinha tanto policiamento, nós decidimos entrar no largo, apesar dos empecilhos, porque o largo tava vedado. Normalmente, quando há manifestação, eles vedam o largo, que é pra nós não entrarmos e exercermos a dita liberdade de expressão. Éramos sete. Fiquei na retranca: “Vou fazer imagens pra mandar pros manos que estão no Facebook acompanharem”.
Logo que os ativistas tentam entrar, os policiais vieram logo com porrete e começaram a bater, e nós éramos sete pessoas. Eu peguei o telefone e comecei a retratar aquilo. Assim que eles se deram conta, os manos fugiram, e eles vieram todos contra mim: “Me dá o telefone!”, eu disse, “Não, não vou dar o telefone”. Apareceu uma senhora, vestida assim, me deu uma chapada na cara, eu fiquei totalmente descontrolada. Um dos policiais pegou-me na mão que era pra tirar-me o telefone, e eu sempre a fazer força pra não largar o telefone. Ele veio, deu uma galheta, eu disse: “Não, você não pode fazer isso!”. Os carros todos parados, a rua toda a olhar, mas ninguém se mete. O telefone eles levaram, e eu ia atravessando pro outro lado, foi assim quando veio um agente da Sinse [serviço secreto], pegou-me pelo braço e alguns comandantes vieram e começaram a puxar: “A senhora vai pra esquadra!” [delegacia]. Pegaram-me no cabelo, a puxarem no braço, na perna. E fomos, eu sempre a chorar e a pedir socorro, foi assim que eu vi que não estavam me levando à esquadra. Algemaram-me.
Quando dei por conta, tava na escola Primeiro de Maio. Ainda tava lúcida, vi que eram gente da polícia e gente da Sinse. Eles pegaram-me, começaram a bater-me ainda algemada, com porrete, com pau de vassoura, a dar-me mesmo na perna, em toda parte. Não tinha como falar alguma coisa, eu só estava a chorar, a pedir desculpa, a pedir perdão, todo tipo de palavra saiu da minha boca, a pedir mesmo perdão. Foi assim que apareceu um dos comandantes, falei: “Tio, por favor, desculpa!”, ele deu-me um soco nos olhos. Eu a pedir sempre desculpa, desculpa, mas ele a ofender-me. “Não, nós já avisamos, vocês não ouvem… E por isso hoje vais ter que se mijar nas nossas mãos!” Eu me mijei, ainda tava algemada, mijei-me. Depois eles disseram “Desça do carro!”, desalgemaram-me e meteram-me no chão. Eu só estava a dizer: “Pra sofrer assim, vale a pena tirar-me a vida! Não estou a aguentar a dor!”.
Foi assim que chegou um senhor de óculos e perguntou-me “Laurinda, tu me conhece?”, eu disse: “Não, não conheço o senhor”. Pegou um porrete diferente, um assim grosso, começou a bater-me, mesmo, a bater-me, disse: “Vira de costas!”. Começou a dar-me no rabo, a dar, a dar. Disse: “Você hoje vai se lembrar quem eu sou!”. Foi cerca de uma a duas horas mesmo só a bater-me, aquilo foi um sofrimento e tanto. Depois dali eles disseram: “Ok, agora vamos conversar”. Perguntaram qual é o partido que nós seguíamos. Eu disse: “Não temos partido nenhum”. “Quem é vosso líder?”, eu disse: “Não, nós não temos líder. O que nós estamos a reclamar é algo que nos é de direito”. Pegaram uma câmera e começaram a filmar, a fazer perguntas: onde que eu nasci, com quem vivia, onde estudo. Algumas coisas eles já sabiam porque me vinham a investigar. Da maneira que eles batiam, dava a entender que eles tinham mesmo raiva de mim, dessa minha persistência nas manifestações.
LG: I carried on with people, I got to know Luaty personally, Nito and M'banza Hanza [all three in prison since June] and the other brothers, right? And we started to take another direction in our activism. Principally, the spontaneous protests, with me taking the role of citizen reporter: when I saw a police action against the protesters, I would take photos. And it was in 2014, on November 23, when we decided to have a two-day protest, in which we were asking for the immediate resignation of José Eduardo dos Santos from the presidency. On November 22, I could not participate, so I decided to participate on November 23. I went to the Largo de Independência (Independence Square), but when we arrived there we saw right away the police apparatus. As always, the MPLA [ruling party] had created a counter-protest, and we found young people wearing MPLA tshirts and all the rest… Around 4 pm, when there not much more policing, we decided to go into the square, in spite of the obstacles, because the square was all fenced off. Normally, when there were protests, they would fence off the square, so that we could not enter and exercise our rights to free expression. We were seven people. I was hanging back: “I will take some images so the brothers on Facebook can follow along.”
As soon as the activists started to enter, the police came right away with nightsticks and started beating them, and we were seven people. I grabbed my phone and started to document it. As soon as they realized this, the brothers fled, and they came towards me: “Give me the phone!” I said, “No, I'm not going to give you the phone.” A woman appeared, dressed up, and slapped me on the face, and I lost control. One of the police grabbed me with his hands to take my phone, and I was trying hard not to let go. He came and smacked me, and I said, “You can't do that!” The cars were all stopped, the street was watching, but nobody intervened. They took the phone, and I started to cross to the other side, when a secret service agent grabbed me by the arm and some commanders came and started to pull me: “You are coming to the police station!”. They grabbed my hair, they grabbed my arm and my leg. And we went, with me crying and asking for help, and so I saw that they were not taking me to the police station. They handcuffed me.
When I realized where I was, it was the Primeiro de Maio School. I was still lucid and I realized there were police and secret service agents. They grabbed me and started to beat me while I was still handcuffed, with a nightstick, a broomstick, really hard on my legs, all over. There was no way I could say anything, I was just crying, saying I was sorry, asking for forgiveness, all kinds of words came out of my mouth, really saying I was sorry. So when one of the commanders arrived, I said, “Uncle, please, forgive me!” and he punched me in the eyes. I was saying I was sorry the whole time, sorry, and he was offending me. “No, we warned you, and you wouldn't listen… And for that today you are going to piss yourself in our hands!” I did piss myself, I was still handcuffed and I pissed myself. Then they said, “Get down from the car”, they took off my handcuffs and put me on the ground. I was just saying, “Suffering like this, it would be worth it to just to take my life! I can't handle the pain!”
Then a gentleman with sunglasses arrived and asked me, “Laurinda, do you know me?” and I said, “No, I do not know you, sir.” He grabbed a different nightstick, very thick, and started to beat me, even, while beating me he said, “Turn around!” And he started to hit my backside, hitting again and again. He said, “Today you are going to remember who I am!” It was for about two hours that he beat me, that was such suffering. After that, they said, “Okay, let's talk.” They asked which party we followed. I said, “We don't have a party.” “Who is your leader?” I said, “No, we don't have a leader. What we are asking for is something that is our right.” They grabbed a camera and started filming, asking questions: where I was born, who did I live with, where I study. Some things they already knew because they had been investigating me. The way that they beat me led me to believe they were really furious with me, of my persistence in the protests.
Pública: What happened after this?
LG: Dali pra cá minha vida mudou tremendamente, porque depois os meus familiares não gostaram, acharam que a melhor solução seria eu sair de casa, já que vinham avisando-me e eu constantemente a fazer aquilo que eles não queriam. Até agora não aceitam. Então acharam que a melhor maneira de resolver esse problema era tirar-me de casa. Até o ano passado eu trabalhava com a minha tia. Ela vende churrasco, sopa e cerveja.
LG: After that my life changed tremendously, because my family did not like it, and thought the best solution for me was to leave home, especially as they had been warning me constantly [against protesting], and I was always doing what they didn't want. Even now they don't accept it. So they thought the best way to resolve the problem was to pull me out of the house. Until last year I worked with my aunt. She sells barbecue, soup and beer.
Pública: And were you forced to stop working with your aunt and look for other work?
LG: Comecei a me virar. Estou a viver um pouco mais próxima da universidade e as coisas estão mais calmas. A dificuldade foi… Estar com a família é outra coisa, viver só é algo difícil. Eu no momento vendo calçados. O lucro é o que eu tiro pra sustentar-me e pagar também a universidade. Mas penso que, quando estamos numa luta, devemos arcar com as consequências. Enquanto vivermos, teremos que nos sujeitar a tal coisa. E psicologicamente vou me arranjando também, porque afetou-me mesmo psicologicamente. Até agora, fisicamente, encontro-me com sinais desse espancamento. E, lógico, a maneira de olhar pra esses senhores não é como era antigamente, porque não tinha provado dessa experiência, de tanta maldade da parte deles.
LG: I started to get by. I am living a little closer to university and things are calmer. The hard part was… being with family is one thing, living alone is hard. At the moment I'm selling shoes. The profit is what I take to support myself and pay my university fees. But I think that when we are involved in a struggle, we have to handle the consequences. As long as we are alive, we have to subject ourselves to exactly that. And psychologically I am getting myself together too, because this really affected me psychologically. Even today, physically, I bear physical evidence of this beating. And, obviously, my way of looking at these men [in power] is not the same as it was before, because I hadn't had this experience, of such nastiness from them.
Pública: When this happened to you, did it make the news? Was there any repercussion?
LG: Teve. A princípio eu também estava assim meio hesitante de mostrar, pois são nas partes mais íntimas, mas fui analisando e é uma forma de mostrar às pessoas que, quando nos fazem alguma coisa, devemos mesmo reivindicar de modo que mude a situação. Então, teve notícia [nos sites] Club-K, Maka Angola, entre outros. Penso que, de certa forma, também despertou a mente das outras pessoas.
LG: Yes. At first I was hesitant to show [my wounds] because they were in intimate areas, but I thought about it, and it is a way of showing to people that when they do something to us, we have to assert ourselves in a way that will change the situation. So, it was news on the websites Club-K, Maka Angola, among others. I think that, in a way, this also raised awareness of other people.
Pública: You say you have marks on intimate parts of your body…?
LG: Tive marcas nas partes íntimas, né?, no bumbum, nas pernas… Fiquei toda manchada nas costas, houve um constrangimento, mas depois vi aquilo como algo positivo, de modo que pude motivar as outras pessoas a denunciarem quando há alguma coisa mal.
LG: I had marks on my intimate areas, right? On my bottom, on my legs, I got all marked on my back, it was embarrassing, but then I saw it as something positive, as it could motivate others to denounce things when there is something wrong.
Read the second part of the interview: ‘If There Is One Thing the Angolan Government Is Scared of, It Is People’


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Chinese Netizens Have Their Own Version of Thanksgiving: Fried Rice With Egg Day · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Cartoonist @badiucai's newly release comic on China's Thanksgiving Day.
Very few people know that just like the United States and Canada, China also has a Thanksgiving Day — albeit an informal one. Indeed, netizens invented the holiday a few years back as political satire commenting on the death of Mao Anying, former Chinese leader Mao Zedong's eldest son, during the Korean War (1950-1953).
Fried rice with egg is the traditional meal. Why? Because Mao Anying was killed by an air strike during the Korean War when he was reheating the rice for a late breakfast, according to historical literature on Mao Anying and the Korean War written by former People's Liberation Army solider Wu Lijin. It is believed that the smoke from the fried rice alongside burned apple peel caught the enemy air force's attention and led to the bombing.
For those who celebrate the Chinese Thanksgiving on November 25, they believe that had Mao Anying survived the war, China would have become like North Korea. Hence, they use the occasion to express their thanks to the “enemy” air force.
This year, many Chinese netizens moved to Twitter — which is technically unavailable in China, but uncensored if you can circumvent the official block on the service — to celebrate the Chinese Thanksgiving Day. Participants published messages for the day and photos of fried rice under the hashtags #蛋炒饭节 (Rice With Egg Day) or #中国感恩节 (Chinese Thanksgiving).
Twitter-based cartoonist @badiucai posted a festival comic (see  image on top). Journalist @jiajia posted his lunch with a reminder:
友情提醒：今天是蛋炒饭节，标准配置是腊肠蛋炒饭配苹果。吃前拍照上传哦！是中国人就转！标签 #中国感恩节 #chinathanksgiving 。 pic.twitter.com/eg4r9MCGsq
— 賈葭 (@jajia) November 25, 2015
Friendly reminder: Today is Rice With Egg Day. The standard delicacy is fried rice with egg and ham, apple as a side dish. Enjoy your meal and remember to upload the photo. Chinese people please retweet this. #ChineseThanksgiving
@arthur369 has marked the occasion for seven years straight eating fried rice:
又到蛋炒饭纪念日了，感谢上天没有把我们变成西朝鲜。今天也是我生日，午饭固定节目。吃了七年了。 pic.twitter.com/pWmO0n3QPp
— 西乔 (@arthur369) November 25, 2015
Today is Rice With Egg Day. Thank heavens that we didn't turn into North Korea. Today is also my birthday. For seven years, I have this [fried rice] for lunch.
Bill Kwong cartoon from Weibo.
Over on China's Twitter-like Weibo, a number of netizens posted cartoonist Bill Kwong's festival artwork — although the posts were deleted quickly, given that the platform is heavily censored.
Below is a selection of posts on Weibo:
年前的今天，一碗蛋炒饭改变了新中国的命运。不是它，我们今天将会和朝鲜邻居一样(虽然现在也差不多)。感谢美帝飞行员，感谢蛋炒饭！
Sixty-five years ago, a plate of fried rice with egg changed the fate of China. We would have become North Korea without this dish (although the two are becoming alike). Thanks to the US Imperialist Air Force, thanks to fried rice with egg.
刚做好蛋炒饭，我爸就过来了，给他分了一半，他吃得好开心。本来想说今天为什么做蛋炒饭的，但想到毛之于他，相当于周杰伦之于90后，话到嘴边，忍了
Just finished cooking fried rice with egg. My father came along and I had to share the dish with him. He was very happy. I wanted to tell him why I cooked fried rice today, but considering that he worships Mao as much like today's young people's worship [pop-singer] Jay Chou, I stopped myself from telling the story.
今天是中国的感恩节，又名蛋炒饭节，thanksbombing day，非常感谢当年英勇的美军飞行员，你改变了一个国家的命运。
Today is Chinese Thanksgiving day. It is also called Rice With Egg Day, or Thanks-Bombing Day. Thanks to the courageous air force of the USA. You have changed the fate of a country.
But not everyone enjoys the dark humor of the day. Dissident writer @mozhixu commented:
中共搞市场化改革，加入国际经济，在消灭饥饿贫穷等民生层面确有改善，市场化也内在地促进了人身经济文化等权利的落实，所以看着朝鲜油然而有优越感，这恐怕是蛋炒饭节的心理基础，不过，吃食虽好，无公民权利，仍是肉猪，感恩云云，再说，市场化很可能为极权长期续命，有啥可得意的？
— 莫之许 (@mozhixu) November 25, 2015
The Chinese Communist Party's market reform and entrance into the global economy has improved people's livelihood and solved the poverty problem. People to a certain extent enjoy [freedom in] cultural and economic activities. This is the psychology behind the celebration of Rice With Egg Day. However, you have the right to eat, but no civil right. Pigs are pigs, even they are grateful [for their status]. The current marketization will likely help the dictatorship to survive longer. There is nothing for us to celebrate.
For people living outside China, at least, the hashtag was amusing:
@crehage really? Is that true? but not really matter, now I have an appetite for #蛋炒饭 🍚🍚🍚🍚🍚
— Pia (@Lu_Peiya) November 25, 2015

author: Oiwan Lam


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Iranian Cartoonist Who Drew Sadness of Paris Attacks Jailed · Global Voices
Center for Human Rights in Iran

Cartoonist Hadi Heidari was imprisoned on November 16, 2015. Image from Heidari's Facebook.
A version of this post originally appeared on iranhumanrights.org and is published here in collaboration with the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.
Security forces arrested prominent Iranian cartoonist Hadi Heidari in his office at Shahrvand newspaper in Tehran on November 16, 2015. Two co-workers of Heidari at the Tehran daily confirmed the arrest and told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran that “a young man came with a warrant. He showed Hadi the warrant and they took him quietly.”
The sources told the Campaign that they were not certain which organization arrested Heidari, but added that he was likely arrested by the Intelligence Organization of the Revolutionary Guards, a powerful branch of the country's armed forces responsible for maintaining the country's Islamic system. Heidari’s last cartoon was related to the attacks in Paris on November 13, which left 130 people dead.
Hadi Heidari's cartoon ‘France cried’ captured the emotions following the November 13 Paris Attacks. Image from Heidari's Instagram account.
Hadi Heidari, 38, is a graduate of Tehran’s Arts and Architecture University with a degree in painting. For the past 20 years, he has worked in various reformist publications in Iran, including Etemad, Bahar, Pool, Norooz, Neshat, Asr-e Azadegan, and Eghbal, among others.
Heidari was previously arrested in 2009 in the aftermath of that year's disputed presidential election on charges of “assembly and collusion against national security,” and spent 17 days in detention before release. He was again arrested in December 2010 on charges of “propaganda against the state,” and was released two months later on bail of about $15,000.
In September 2012, a cartoon by Heidari titled “The Blindfolded Men” for Shargh newspaper became highly controversial. Following its publication and a concerted effort by 150 members of parliament, state authorities, and clerics, Shargh was banned on September 26, 2012, a day after the cartoon was published, and Heidari was summoned to court. Mehdi Rahmanian, the newspaper’s manager and license holder, was transferred to the notorious Evin Prison.
The authorities who objected to the cartoon stated that it was an insult to Iran-Iraq War veterans, but many believed this to be a mere excuse for banning the reformist newspaper in which it was published. The newspaper and Heidari were eventually acquitted of the charges on December 29, 2012, and Shargh resumed publication.
Cartoonist Touka Neyastani's take on his fellow cartoonists imprisonment for ICHRI.
During recent weeks, several Iranian journalists have been arrested by the Revolutionary Guard Intelligence Organization, in what has become an intensifying crackdown by hardliners. Ehsan Mazandarani, managing director of Farhikhtegan newspaper, Afarin Chitsaz, columnist for Iran Newspaper, Saman Safarzaei, the international editor of Andisheh Pouya publication, and Issa Saharkhiz, political activist and journalist, are some of the recent detainees whose arrests have been confirmed by the Revolutionary Guards.

author: Center for Human Rights in Iran


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Pot Isn’t Legal Yet in Mexico, But a Landmark Supreme Court Decision Has Opened the Door · Global Voices
J. Tadeo

Marijuana cultivation. Image courtesy of A7nubis under CC license.
The Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation (SCJN), Mexico's highest judicial authority, approved a resolution presented by Justice Arturo Zaldívar Lelo de Larrea declaring unconstitutional several articles of the country's Act Respecting Public Health, thereby conferring on four specific individuals the right to grow and consume cannabis for their personal use.
Debate over Zaldivar's resolution took place behind closed doors in the Criminal Chamber of the Supreme Court. The newspaper La Jornada explained certain aspects of the judgement:
La sentencia, que se oficializará en sesión pública, declara la inconstitucionalidad de los artículos 235, 237, 245, 247 y 248 de la Ley General de Salud, en las porciones que establecen una prohibición para que la Secretaría de Salud emita autorizaciones “para la realización de los actos relacionados con el consumo personal con fines recreativos (sembrar, cultivar, cosechar, preparar, poseer, transportar) exclusivamente el estupefaciente cannabis (su resina, preparados y semillas) y el psicotrópico THC que en conjunto son conocidos como mariguana.
The ruling, which will be formalized in an open session, declares unconstitutional Articles 235, 237, 245, 247, and 248 of the Act Respecting Public Health, insofar as they prohibit the Ministry of Health from granting authorizations “to perform acts related to personal use for recreational purposes (sowing, growing, harvesting, preparing, possessing, transporting) of cannabis (its resin, production, and seeds) and the psychotropic narcotic THC exclusively, which together are known as marijuana.
The resolution does not, however, mean that just anyone can legally cultivate marijuana, known as “mota” on the streets of Mexico. Neither does the Supreme Court's judgment imply a widespread reform of drug possession laws, which remain in force. For the time being, the judicial decision only benefits the four appellants who filed an injunction claiming that the law infringed upon their individual rights to differentiate themselves from the rest of society, a notion that is enshrined in the Mexican constitution and is protected by the writ of “amparo”.
The case sets a precedent in Mexican history, however, and opens the door to legalization.
In his own words, journalist Carlos Puig summed up Justice Zaldívar Lelo de Larrea‘s resolution:
El proyecto del Ministro Zaldívar al amparo 237/2014 propone a la Primera Sala declarar inconstitucionales “los artículos 235, 237, 245, 247 y 248, todos de la Ley General de Saludo en las porciones que establecen una prohibición para que la Secretaría de Salud emita autorizaciones para la realización de los actos relacionados con el consumo personal con fines recreativos (sembrar, cultivar, cosechar, preparar, poseer, transportar), en relación únicamente y exclusivamente con el estupefaciente ‘cannabis’ (sativa, índica y americana o mariguana, su resina, preparados y semillas) y el psicotrópico THC”.
En castellano: no debe ser delito sembrar mariguana en nuestro jardín para nuestro consumo.
In plain Spanish, it should not be a crime to grow marijuana in our own gardens for our own personal use.
Debate on Zaldívar's resolution was scheduled to take place in October, but that was postponed and didn't occur until November 4 in the presence of all the Justices of the Criminal Chamber, whereby it was adopted in a 4-1 vote.
The central tenet of the resolution is that consumption of marijuana is a question of individual freedom.
Con todo, debe enfatizarse que esta Primera Sala no minimiza los daños que puede ocasionar la marihuana en el consumidor mayor de edad, sin embargo, entiende que la decisión sobre su uso sólo le corresponde tomarla a cada individuo. Así, este Alto Tribunal considera que pertenece al estricto ámbito de la autonomía individual protegido por el derecho al libre desarrollo de la personalidad la posibilidad de decidir responsablemente si desea experimentar los efectos de esa sustancia a pesar de los daños que esta actividad puede generarle a una persona.
It should be emphasized that the Criminal Chamber does not minimize the harm that can result from consumption of marijuana by an adult; however, it does recognize that it is up to the individual to decide. Therefore, the High Court considers that the choice of whether to experiment responsibly with the substance, despite any harm it may cause them, rests strictly with the individual in their full autonomy and is protected by the right to free development of one's personality.
Zaldivar concluded:
Al declararse por parte de este Alto Tribunal la inconstitucionalidad de las disposiciones de la Ley General de Salud antes señaladas y, en consecuencia, permitírsele a los recurrentes recibir una autorización por parte de la Secretaría de Salud para realizar todas las actividades necesarias para el uso lúdico de la marihuana, al realizar éstas los recurrentes no incurrirán en los delitos contra la salud previstos tanto por la propia Ley General de Salud como por el Código Penal Federal.
The High Court, having deemed that the the provisions of the Act Respecting Public Health outlined above are unconstitutional, thereby grants the appellants authorization by the Minsitry of Health to undertake the activities required for the recreational use of marijuana. By so doing, the appellants shall not be considered to have committed any crimes against health whether set out in the Act Respecting Public Health or in the Federal Criminal Code.
The decision has generated a lot of comments throughout Mexican society, which Ernesto López Portillo compares to a soccer game:
Con la mariguana sucede como con el fútbol, todo mundo tiene una opinión que considera mejor a la de los otros, sepa o no sobre el asunto. Quien nunca, alguna o muchas veces le ha pegado al balón de pronto siente que puede corregir la estrategia del mejor director técnico del mundo; o quien jamás, alguna o muchas veces ha usado la mariguana, igualmente suele ir por el mundo señalando cuál debe ser la política pública en materia de drogas.
Marijuana is just like soccer: everyone has an opinion they think is better than anyone else's, whether they know what they're talking about or not. They may never have kicked a ball or done it a lot; either way they know more than the best coach in the world. It's the same with someone who has smoked a lot of pot or maybe hasn't even tried it, either way they walk around acting like experts on drug laws.
Lisa Sánchez, of the The Mexican Times, has come out in favor of the Court's decision. She explains why:
Pero ¿cuál es la importancia de este fallo y por qué debe aprobarse? En primer lugar, porque el proyecto constituye una oportunidad de oro para introducir la perspectiva de Derechos Humanos a la política de drogas y reconocer que la prohibición somete innecesariamente a las personas a un régimen punitivo que impide el pleno ejercicio de sus derechos. En segundo lugar, porque el análisis jurídico presentado por el Ministro Zaldívar reconoce la obligación del Estado de garantizar salud pública al tiempo en que delimita su capacidad de interferir con la vida privada de los individuos, tratándolos como adultos.
So why is this ruling important and why should it be ratified? First, because the project is a golden opportunity to inject a human rights perspective into drug policy and to recognize that prohibition subjects people to an unnecessarily punitive regime—one that abrogates the full exercise of their rights. Second, because the jurisprudence presented by Justice Zaldivar recognizes the state's obligation to ensure public health while at the same time limiting its ability to interfere in the private lives of individuals, effectively treating them like adults.
On social networks like Twitter, debate about the issue emerged quickly and shows no signs of ending. For instance, Catalina Hernández, a random Internet user, declared herself opposed to the legislation:
Bien por los ministros, esperemos que finalmente no legalicen la marihuana. Es un peligro para la salud de nuestros niños.
— Catalina Hernandez (@eipar) October 28, 2015
Good for the Justices, let's hope they don't legalize marijuana. It is danger to the health of our children.
Kique Hemphille, meanwhile, expressed a similar sentiment:
Ustedes disculpen, pero no estoy de acuerdo con que legalicen la marihuana con fines lúdicos. Y si sí, que haya reglamento prohibitivo.
— Kique Hemphille (@KiqueJournalist) October 28, 2015
Sorry but I don't agree with legalizing marijuana for recreational purposes. And if yes, there should be regulation against it.
Jurist Fabián Aguinaco shared comments about the Zaldívar resolution regarding the right to decide for oneself:
1aSala#SCJ marihuana. Cuando la libertad de decidir muere, la sociedad humana muere con ella y de nada servirán los manuales y encuestas.
— Fabián Aguinaco (@fabianaguinaco) November 3, 2015
When the freedom to choose dies, human society dies with it, and no rulebook or survey can change that.
The actor Luis Gerardo Méndez sent the following message to his followers:
Mañana podría ser un día histórico. La @SCJN debatirá la despenalización de la marihuana. Legalizar es el principio del fin de esta guerra.
— Luis Gerardo Méndez (@LuisGerardoM) November 3, 2015
Tomorrow could be a historic day. The @SCJN will debate the decriminalization of marijuana. Legalization is the beginning of the end of this war.
The war Méndez is referring to is the current strategy used to combat organized crime, which the Mexican government has pursed since late 2006. The strategy has sparked an internal armed conflict in which tens of thousands of people have died and many others disappeared. Given this backdrop, the decision taken by Mexico's highest judicial authority marks a turning point in the country's evaluation of laws and public policy governing narcotics, especially in light of recent state initiatives to decriminalize personal use of marijuana in the United States.
The issue is hardly resolved, however, and many questions remain. Does the Supreme Court of Justice have the fortitude to lead the country in this new direction? Or will it be muzzled by the traditional punitive approach that unleashed the war in the first place?

author: J. Tadeo


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The Place to Be for African Web Activism Will Be Dakar, Senegal From November 26-28 · Global Voices
Abdoulaye Bah

Poster of the official launch of the League of African Cyber-Activists for Democracy. With permission.
ABLOGUI, the Guinean association of bloggers, have announced the launch of a new project and a conference named Africtivistes on their website GuineeVote.com. This event will mark the formation of a league of African bloggers and cyber-activists.
The project wants to build on local initiatives such as the website GuineeVote.com, which was created to encourage participation during the presidential elections on October 11, 2015, in Guinea and disseminate other election news. This event to launch the Africtivistes project will be held in Senegal’s capital of Dakar:
Trois jours durant — du 26 au 28 novembre 2015 — les cyber-activistes africains se rencontreront à Dakar au Sénégal pour le lancement officiel d’Africtivistes — la ligue des cyber-activistes africains pour la démocratie — ; autour du thème « L’Afrique engagée & déterminée à garantir & à construire la démocratie ». Les participants pourront enfin se rencontrer après s’être côtoyés pendant des années sur les réseaux sociaux. Ce rassemblement de blogueurs et cyber activistes existe grâce aux réseaux sociaux — sur lesquels diverses campagnes ont été initiées ; notamment #CIV2010 en Côte d’Ivoire lors des élections de 2010 et Sunu2012 au Sénégal pour les présidentielles en 2012. Africtivistes a, également, pu accompagner le processus électoral en Guinée lors des dernières élections en formant plus de 400 e-observateurs.
Over the next three days — from November 26 until November 28, 2015 — cyber-activists will meet in Dakar, Senegal, to launch Africtivistes. Africtivistes is the league of African cyber-activists for democracy. The topic of the conference is ‘The African continent is engaged and determined to guarantee and construct democracy’. Participants will finally meet after years of interacting online over social networks. Online social networks made this formation of bloggers and cyber-activists possible. These social networks have initiated diverse campaigns, such as #CIV2010 in Cote d’Ivoire during the 2010 elections, and Sunu2012 in Senegal for the 2012 presidential elections. African activists also contributed to monitoring the last election process in Guinea, attracting more than 400 e-observers.
The following is a video broadcasted on international TV channel TV5 Monde on September 14, which showcased some of the initiatives that will be presented in Dakar:

author: Abdoulaye Bah


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Welcome to the #StandwithRussia Movement · Global Voices
Kevin Rothrock

Image edited by Kevin Rothrock.
Following the Turkish Air Force's attack on a Russian Sukhoi Su-24 jet yesterday near the Syrian-Turkish border, protesters assembled outside Turkey's embassy in Moscow, throwing rocks and eggs, and even breaking a window. Russians are expressing their anger online, as well, launching a wave of one-star reviews on Google Maps of Turkey's Moscow embassy.
“They support terrorism,” says one recent review. “Your role in world history has always been that of a prostitute!” another angry reviewer writes. “Did you vermin forget who won in eight Russo-Turkish wars?” asks a woman named Natalia Vasilyevna.
Screenshot: Google Maps reviews of Turkey's embassy in Moscow.
Despite today's wave of negative reviews, Google Maps still displays a 4.5 overall score for the embassy, with a total of 44 listed reviews.
The government-run Russian news network RT published a story on November 25 claiming that Internet users around the world have begun sharing the hashtag #StandwithRussia, apparently to express condemnation of Turkey's attack on the Su-24, which led to the death of one of its pilots, as well as a second Russian soldier who was killed in a subsequent search-and-rescue operation.
One of the images RT says Internet users are sharing to show solidarity with Russia is a peace symbol with a military aircraft superimposed over the center, recalling the peace symbol the Russian Foreign Ministry promoted after determining that the October 31 plane crash in Egypt was a terrorist attack. (This earlier plane-peace symbol was itself a reference to the Eiffel-Tower peace symbol created by French illustrator Jean Jullien in the immediate aftermath of the Paris attacks on November 13.)
Прошу поддержать акцию pic.twitter.com/0FmpyCxhNr
— Чебупель Залго (@AndreyZalgo) November 24, 2015
Asking for your support.
According to Twitter user @AndreyZalgo, however, he created the warplane-peace symbol image as a joke, before it had been revealed that Turkey's attack on the Russian Su-24 led to the loss of life.

author: Kevin Rothrock


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With Messaging Apps Still Banned, Bangladeshis Turn to Tor (and Twitter) · Global Voices
Zara Rahman

Traffic at downtown Dhaka. Image by Indrajit Ghosh. Copyright Demotix (19/11/2015)
On November 18, the Bangladeshi government issued a ban on social messaging apps until further notice — service providers blocked WhatsApp, Facebook, Messenger, Line, Tango and Google Hangouts. The decision to block the sites came immediately after the Supreme Court upheld death penalty convictions against two former opposition leaders for their role in the 1971 Liberation War. Citing “security reasons” the government appears to be restricting communications in a bid to dampen potential protests in response to the ruling and subsequent execution of the two men. In the meantime, the ban has led to some interesting developments in use of social media and secure communication tools in Bangladesh.
On the day that the social messaging ban was imposed, what State Minister for Post and Telecommunications Tarana Halim described as a “misunderstanding” led to the entire Internet being blocked in Bangladesh for around 90 minutes, marking the first time the internet was blocked in the country. It appears that directives to block all social messaging apps became confused with the Internet itself.
Angry users reacted:
Some ISPs stop serving https in Bangladesh to block facebook. Result is obvious! #Stupid101
— Munir Hasan (@AAMunirHasan) November 19, 2015
Did the Govt of #Bangladesh / BTRC block Instagram too? I'm trying not to laugh. Such Digital Bangladesh… much censorship.
— Sidrat J (@SidratJ) November 18, 2015
Blocking #SocialMedia during unrest is rather dangerous. There’s no good reason for #Bangladesh to block them in the name of ‘security’
— Mohammad Tauheed (@mttwit) November 23, 2015
The government had given some warning that they were prepared to stoop to the level of blocking certain sites just the week before, when Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina announced that popular online messaging and calling services WhatsApp and Viber would be blocked temporarily “if needed, in order to nab militants and prevent terrorist activities in the country”, according to the Dhaka Tribune.
So what has happened while these sites have been blocked?
More Bangladeshis are using the Tor browser or encrypted messaging apps like Signal. Bengali-language tutorials for these tools have been circulating heavily on Twitter.
How to use Facebook in Bangladesh with Vpn https://t.co/vIOKtAnpHQ via @YouTube
— mr.tanver (@mr_tanver) November 22, 2015
Some unlikely advocates of secure messaging services have surfaced as well, including bdnews24, which recommended secure anonymous browser Tor to its 110,000 followers:
To avoid #Bangladesh government ban on social-media tools like #Facebook download Tor: https://t.co/TmEbNGHBeQ pic.twitter.com/ChTx6iXuMk
— Bangladesh News 24 (@bdnews24) November 18, 2015
It looks as though people listened to them, too. From Tor's metrics site the number of users in Bangladesh has increased steeply since the blocking, from roughly 2000 to 12000 users in just a few days:
Even the ruling party in the government seems to be using alternative technologies in order to maintain their online presence. Despite being the ones who put the ban in place, the official page of the ruling Awami League party has been regularly updated:
Screen shot from Awami League's official page
Last Saturday, Minister Tarana Halim urged users to bear with the temporary suffering for the sake of the country, reasoning that the move would ensure long-term security. She also defended this choice, saying:
The government has blocked Facebook and online messaging services WhatsApp and Viber until further notice on security grounds. The state authorities have been monitoring the people who are using those in alternative way.
Somewhat incredibly, even the Minister of ICT, Zunaid Ahmed Palak, updated his page during the blockade with this post about Digital Bangladesh.
Screenshot from the ICT Ministers page
A discussion on “Tathya Apa” – a project on the empowerment of women through ICT to build Digital Bangladesh. Help Line 10922.
So it is not clear whether the government has blocked the Facebook portal or banned the use of Facebook altogether.
In this Twitter poll, users gave their opinion:
Is the #Bangladesh ban on #Facebook and other social-media tools effecting [sic] your social & business life?
— Bangladesh News 24 (@bdnews24) November 21, 2015
Both executions took place on Saturday night, yet the ban seems still to be in place. We'll see how long this lasts. The government is already claiming that no unwanted incident took place due to curbs on social media. However, if the ban continues, it will hinder economic growth in the country, critics said.
If there's any silver lining we can draw from this gross misuse of power, perhaps it's that more people will starting using encrypted and secure technologies to communicate — ones that are much more difficult for the government to extinguish.

author: Zara Rahman


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Ahmadi Muslims Once Again Become a Target for Violence in Pakistan · Global Voices
Qurratulain (Annie) Zaman

This image, shared by alternative debate platform Roshni, says: “The Jhelum incident proved that the minority communities are not safe in Pakistan, but Pakistani Muslims want religious freedom around the world. (Hur Abbas)”
A contingent of the Pakistan army was called in to quell riots in northern Punjab's Jhelum city after angry mobs torched a factory owned by a member of Islamic sect Ahmadiyah, broke through a police cordon at an Ahmadi mosque and ransacked it as well as burned homes owned by Ahmadis.
According to the Pakistani newspaper Dawn, the mob was incited at a local mosque that accused a factory worker of  ‘desecrating the Quran’, a common accusation used to target minorities and abuse Pakistan's unforgiving blasphemous laws. Ahmadis are a persecuted minority group in Pakistan and victim of frequent hate campaigns and blasphemy accusations. Local reports say 18 Ahmadi families had fled their homes for protection.
Police have arrested up to 35 people in connection with the incitement and violence and are hunting for another 70. The police also arrested three Ahmadis accused of blasphemy.
This is not the first time violence has been directed at Ahmadi Muslims. A year ago, 60 miles from Jhelum, in Gujranwala a similar mob sparked at a mosque by an alleged “blasphemous Facebook post by an Ahmadi man” set fire to five houses belonging to the Ahmadi community. Three Ahmadis were killed including an eight-month-old baby and a seven-year-old girl.
Another eight Ahmadis were murdered for their beliefs in 2014. More than 80 Ahmadis where killed in 2010, when militants stormed two Ahmadi mosques in Lahore and killed indiscriminately. Hundreds of Ahmadis were killed in the 1953 Lahore riots and then in the brutal 1974 anti-Ahmadiyya riots. After the 1974 riots, the country's first elected parliament and Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto officially declared Ahmadis non-Muslims, making Pakistan the first state to do so.
Ahmadiyya is an Islamic sect founded in 1889 in India by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad. With 5 million Ahmadis in Pakistan, persecution of Ahmadis has been particularly severe and systematic in Pakistan. Anti-Ahmadi sentiment runs high in Pakistan and is fostered by various religious groups, many of which publish and distribute anti-Ahmadi brochures at mosques. Pakistan's free media has also incited anger against the community a few times.
According to the constitution's second amendment, Ahmadis aren't allowed to call themselves Muslim or call their place of worship a mosque, use any Islamic symbols such as name of Allah, read the Quran, the holy book of Muslims, or perform the annual pilgrim of Hajj. Newspapers and media organisations use the word “place of worship” rather than a “mosque” while reporting about Ahmadi mosque because it is a punishable act under the law.
An Express Tribune editorial shed light on the lives of Ahmadis in comparison to another religious minority in Pakistan — Christians:
There is no member of any religious minority in Pakistan that can sleep safe in their beds. The virulent intolerance displayed against minorities has left two groups particularly vulnerable to attack and discrimination — Christians and the Ahmadis. The latter have the added disadvantage of discriminatory practices being institutionalised constitutionally. Their places of worship are attacked, the buses they commute to work on boarded by terrorists who go on to commit mass murder, and their homes and businesses destroyed.
Many Pakistani Ahmadis have taken refuge in the UK, Germany, Canada and the United States. But even in leaving the country behind they are faced with intolerance — when an Ahmedi Muslim applies for a passport or an identity card in Pakistan, they are asked to sign an oath that calls their spiritual leader an ‘imposter’ and refer to Ahmadis as Qadianis, which is a derogatory term.
Pakistani newspaper The Daily Times published a letter to the editor by US-based Shumaila Ahmed on November 23 following the torching of the factory. In it, she questioned the silence of Pakistani Muslims over attacks on minorities, referencing the recent murder of three young Muslim people in Chapel Hill in the US state of North Carolina for comparison:
In the case of the Chapel Hill tragedy as well as other Islamophobia-motivated attacks, Pakistani Muslims have been very verbal in voicing their outrage and indignation at the senseless actions towards the Muslim community. So why are these same Muslims silent in the case of Ahmedi persecution? The difference, quite simply, lies in the law of the land: the Constitution of Pakistan declares Ahmedis as non-Muslims. This allows the vast majority of Muslims to escape the moral responsibility that prompts them into solidarity in the aftermath of tragedies like Chapel Hill or the Syrian refugee crisis. With their staunch silence towards the heinous actions committed against their countrymen, Pakistani Muslims continue to fan the smoke of hatred and bigotry.
Reports of the factory being burned first broke on Twitter. One social media user, Luqman, tweeted photos reportedly of the scene:
#Ahmadiyya mosque attacked in #Jehlum, #Pakistan. ‘Constitutional Muslims’ then prayed Asr there #AhmadiPersecution pic.twitter.com/fgpQVfVNnm
— Luqman (@Luqman255) November 21, 2015
The events were also reported on Roshni, a Facebook page that promotes alternative opinion and debate in Pakistan, which has been blocked in the past.
Image courtesy Facebook Page of Roshni
The violence reminded Tahir Imran Mian, a BBC journalist, of the 2014 Gujranwala attacks:
This is repeat of Gujranwalla situation all over again. Hope this time we don't loose precious human lives. 😔 https://t.co/Q4i5xzv1ko
— Tahir Imran Mian ✈ (@TahirImran) November 20, 2015
Rabia Mehmood, a journalist who has done in-depth reporting on the persecution of Ahmadis, questioned the authority of the government, which established the National Action Plan (NAP) in January 2015 to crack down on “terrorism”:
First high intensity attack on #Ahmadis since #NAP implementation. Huge test of #Punjab govt's resolve towards battling violent extremism.
— Rabia Mehmood (@Rabail26) November 20, 2015
While the news was all over social media as the factory burned, some users complained that mainstream media was slow to pick up the story or absent altogether. Farah Naz Ispahani tweeted:
#Ahmadi owned factory under attack in #Jhelum. Why is the media silent? #Pakistan https://t.co/uNtUAcWL5c
— farahnaz ispahani (@fispahani) November 20, 2015
Kala Kawa, a blogger, argued there are double standards at play in Pakistani society:
We bleat about the West callously turning back refugees while we sit in abject silence at continued Ahmadi persecution in Pakistan.
— Kala Kawa (@kaalakawaa) November 20, 2015
Annie Khalid, a Pakistani singer, tweeted:
Lets focus on what's happening in our back yard! #AhmadiyyaPersecution pic.twitter.com/hCHO3AhS5l
— Annie Khalid (@annie_khalid) November 22, 2015
A video was circulating on social media showing a local Sunni religious leader addressing the crowd outside the Ahmedi mosque in Jhelum on November 22. While standing alongside army personals and local deputy commissioner officer, he promises the crowd that the authorities will punish those accused of blasphemy and tells everyone gathered that they have done a “great” deed as a good Muslim and a follower of the Prophet Muhammad by attacking the factory and the mosque. He requests the crowd to be peaceful now and not destroy any public property. In the end, he subtly warns the deputy commissioner officer to continue his cooperation or he would call people on the streets again.


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Commonwealth Youth Demand That Leaders Stop Talking and Act · Global Voices
James Propa

Attendees Of The Commonwealth Youth Forum 2015 (CHOGM). Photo from CHOGM 2015 Facebook Page
The youth of the 53 Commonwealth member countries are meeting in Malta just days before the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting (CHOGM), which takes place in Valletta from 27 to 29 November, 2015.
The forum, attended by over 200 young people between 18 and 29 years old, started on Saturday, November 22, 2015 and will end today, November 26, 2015.
The Commonwealth Youth Forum (CYF) 2015 participants are expected to come up with solutions which they will present to the heads of states for action. Most of the participants are tired of policy makers and their leaders who discuss issues that are never implemented. A total of 60% of the Commonwealth population — an estimated 2.3 billion people — are under the age of 30.
#WhatNext is the main slogan of the forum and the hashtags #WhatNext  and #CYF2015 are being used to share the proceedings of the forum.
The Commonwealth Youth Secretariat summarised the spirit of the youth forum on Twitter:
“Silence never won rights. They are not handed down from above. They are won by pressures from below.”- @anglufarrugia #CYF2015 #WhatNext
— Commonwealth Youth (@ComSecYouth) November 23, 2015
Despite conflicts and differences that have developed between nations in the world today, the Commonwealth youths have chosen friendship and working together, as pointed out by Mohammed Hoodh, a youth leader from the Maldives:
#Malta & #Maldives friends and youth leaders is working together for the common good is #WhatNext #CYF2015 pic.twitter.com/JEun4txKQb
— MHI (@M_Hoodh) November 23, 2015
Maltese social worker and youth leader Bugeja Georvin called for investment towards youth ideas:
Invest in our ideas!We must take proactive actions now.We are the leaders of today. #CYF2015 #WhatNext @ComSecYouth pic.twitter.com/kf0ju3T61y
— Georvin Bugeja (@GeorvinBugeja) November 23, 2015
Mmanti Umoh, who works with the Nigeria-based future leadership organisation Global Shapers UYO, wrote:
This battle will be won when young people realise their potentiality and refuse to be ‘used’ to achieve negativity. #CYF2015#WhatNext
— Mmanti Umoh (@MissChangeGene) November 21, 2015
Supporting the youth forum, Marie-Louise Coleiro, the president of host country Malta expressed her trust in the young people:
I believe in the positive and active role and contributions of #youths in promoting #development, #peace, and #democracy #CYF2015
— Marie-Louise Coleiro (@presidentMT) November 25, 2015

author: James Propa