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A Pro-Environmental Campaign Pushes the Jamaican Prime Minister’s Public Petition Page Into the Limelight · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

Screenshot of the homepage of the Jamaica House petition website, a new government initiative.
Jamaicans are not, in general, accustomed to signing online petitions. The concept of petitioning the government is not well advanced, with only the occasional petition being delivered to the prime minister's office — in hard copy. In fact, the word “petition” rather conjures up the idea of election petitions when a seat is closely contested, or a petition for a US immigrant visa.
So, when the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM) officially launched the Jamaica House petition site on July 24, 2017, there was little more than a flicker of interest and not much public comment.
There are currently 26 petitions on the website — some of them quirky and others rather obscure. Causes range from making a popular dub poet a national hero to banning all white supremacy groups from Jamaica. There's even one suggesting the abolition of all traffic lights.
Petitions have a life of 40 days, within which the petitioner must garner 15,000 signatures or more for it to be considered. The website notes:
If you gather 15,000 signatures in 40 days, we’ll review your petition, and if it complies with agreed standards, the Office of the Prime Minister will issue an official response.
A petition to make revered cultural figure Miss Lou a “national icon” fell sadly short. However, some Jamaicans observed that to succeed with a petition, it must be widely publicised, especially on social media. Academic and commentator Carolyn Cooper took an interest in the site and came to the same conclusion, commenting:
Petitions need to secure 15,000 signatures within 40 days of being launched. That's the only way they are going to be taken seriously. I wonder if the OPM is setting us up for failure. How likely is it that any petition could attract so many signatures in such a short time? How did the OPM arrive at that seemingly arbitrary number? And why 40 days?
Despite the doubts, the environmental advocacy group Jamaica Environment Trust (JET) decided to test the page with a petition to help save Cockpit Country, the largest remaining natural forest in Jamaica and a haven of biodiversity as well as a major watershed.
The area, however, is under threat from the mining of bauxite, an aluminium ore. The mining activities there on the island are due for an expansion in order to supply a bauxite factory purchased in 2016 by the China-based Jiuquan Iron & Steel (Group) Company Limited. That factory would be powered by a 1,000 megawatt coal-fired plant, although construction has not gone ahead. In fact, the plans were subject of a petition that garnered 21,000 signatures, which JET printed and hand-delivered to the prime minister's office in October 2016.
In Cockpit Country, there is a strong emotional and historical connection to the rugged limestone landscape, which was where the Maroons hid after escaping from slavery under British rule, where battles were fought and a treaty signed. Maroon descendants who still live there have also raised their voices in protest over the years.
The deadline for the petition to attract the requisite number of signatures is September 30, 2017. Since the petition website went up, a few glitches have occurred. There were complaints from signatories that the website was not responding. The website went “down for maintenance” from around 3 p.m. on September 21, until the following morning around 9 a.m., causing a ripple of concern and many questions. Meanwhile, JET's CEO, Diana McCaulay, reminded supporters:
Everyone, great support for the Cockpit Country petition but please don't say anything personal, offensive or inaccurate #sticktotheissue
— Diana McCaulay (@dmccaulay) September 21, 2017
Nevertheless, the campaign continued, moving to traditional media on “Save Cockpit Country Day”, with coverage on several radio stations:
Today is Save Cockpit Country Day! We need to #SaveCockpitCountry. Unfortunately OPM petition website is down. But stay tuned! #Jamaica pic.twitter.com/WmE2LDRP7u
— Susan Goffe (@suezeecue) September 22, 2017
An energetic campaign for signatures was waged on Facebook and via WhatsApp:
All Jamaican friends, our Cockpit Country is very important. At present, there are no boundaries set for the place where our water flows from, and the home to much of Jamaica's biodiversity. Please sign this petition and share it for others to sign as well. The government will respond if enough signatures are garnered. You can help. Please, please do.
However, this particular petition has met with some cynicism among Jamaicans. Why has it been so hard to raise 15,000 signatures, some ask? Journalist Rodney Campbell notes that, rather than trying to sway the government, more Jamaicans need to be persuaded of the cause:
The bigger challenge is not trying to get a govt to be the champion of the cause…it is to get the nation to realise the importance of it
— Rodney Campbell (@rodneytwit) September 23, 2017
Another doubted the effectiveness of online petitions:
15,000 signatures will not stop a government from doing anything.
— Land Seveerer (@AndreMumbles) September 23, 2017
A common argument was, “Why is a petition to the government even necessary? The government should know that this is wrong”:
I'm not sure what's more upsetting, the need to save the Cockpit Country or the need for a petition to save the Cockpit Country
— K. (@AfroDijiac) September 21, 2017
As with everything in Jamaica, politics has been a part of the debate over Cockpit Country, which has lingered for a number of years. Opposition Leader Peter Phillips tweeted a video urging Jamaicans to sign the petition:
The people have spoken & they don’t want any mining done. Democracy is in the hands of the people. #JamaicaFirst #aJamaicaThatWorksForAll pic.twitter.com/4bEkzTESP8
— Peter D Phillips (@PDPhillipsJa) September 23, 2017
To which Prime Minister Andrew Holness’ communications director responded:
Why didn’t u have interest in this matter before now? Why didn’t you encourage your government to define the boundaries after so many years.
— Robert Nesta Morgan (@NestaJA) September 23, 2017
Despite all the squabbling, signatures continue to pour in. On the evening of September 22, the petition surpassed the required 15,000 signatures. Jamaica Environment Trust shared on Facebook:
Thanks to everyone who supported the Save Cockpit Country petition and helped us reach the target of 15,000 signatures. The petition remains open for signatures until September 30. Let's send our nation's leaders a clear message. We encourage everyone to continue to learn more about this issue and share the information and petition with your friends, families and colleagues. Stay tuned to JET's social media for further updates #savecockpitcountry […]
Meanwhile, the Prime Minister has responded to the high level of public support for the petition. On September 25, he posted on his official website and social media:
The Office of the Prime Minister wishes to congratulate the Jamaica Environment Trust and other Jamaicans who worked together to ensure the success of the ‘Save Cockpit Country’ petition [and] wishes to advise that, as was committed, the government will officially respond […] within thirty (30) days to address the issues and concerns brought by the petition.
While the petition itself may have reached its goal, the issue of Cockpit Country remains on the table, but perhaps the end of this long-running story may be in sight. Meanwhile, will this success encourage others to support the petition website? That remains to be seen.

author: Emma Lewis


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If You Want To Understand Brazil, You Should Check out Its Memes · Global Voices
Fernanda Canofre

The “confused” lady above is one of Brazil's well-known memes. She was actually a character from a 2004 soap opera who kidnapped a baby and killed some people who got in her way | Image: Twitter/Reproduction.
You have probably already stumbled upon a Brazilian meme on one of your internet searches and didn't even know it. Do you know the one with the confused blonde lady with complicated formulas in the background? That's a Brazilian meme.
Brazil ranks as the fourth country with the highest number of internet users in the world. Portuguese is Brazil's only official language and the majority of its population do not speak English. While most of the internet is decidedly anglophone, Brazilians have carved out a large Portuguese-speaking digital territory of their own. And they mainly use it to speak on their own terms — which means, a lot of memes.
The truth is, in order to understand anything about Brazil in 2017, from soap operas and daily news, to politics and the economy, you must take a look at its memes.
Brazil takes its memes so seriously that the country launched the 1st Meme World War against Portugal in 2016, after finding out that a Portuguese Twitter user had appropriated a dearly loved meme.
Even though memes from any culture can be difficult to explain to outsiders, Brazilian researcher Gabriela Lunardi embraced the challenge. She is a research student at QUT Digital Media Research Centre in Australia and is currently working on a project that, as she explains, “tries to understand why Brazilian memes are different from other memes, how they express specific aspects of Brazilian culture, and why they matter.”
“Brazil is very active on the internet, not only because of the number of users, but also because Brazilians have a very specific way of behaving online. […] Brazilians don't care if you don't understand their language and their jokes, they will talk to you — or Katy Perry, or Nicki Minaj — as if you were Brazilian”, Gabriela says in an essay about former Brazilian singer and dancer Gretchen — aka the queen of memes, in Brazil — who recently starred in Katy Perry's Swish, swish lyric video.
We talked to Gabriela to understand “why Brazil's memes matter”.
Global Voices: Why have you decided to study memes in your dissertation?
Gabriela: Meu TCC na graduação foi sobre o canal de YouTube Porta dos Fundos. Eu amei estudar sobre a internet brasileira, então quis investigar mais a fundo a relação entre humor e cultura brasileira online. Sempre achei os memes brasileiros maravilhosos. Eles dizem muito sobre o Brasil, e isso ficou ainda mais claro vim para a Austrália e vi que os australianos tinham um humor completamente diferente do nosso e não entendiam nossos memes.
Gabriela: My final paper for my undergrad studies was about a YouTube channel called “Porta dos Fundos” [“Backdoor”, a Brazilian comedy-sketch channel]. I loved studying the Brazilian internet, so I’ve decided to go deeper into the relationship between humor and online Brazilian culture. I’ve always thought that Brazilian memes were wonderful. They say so much about Brazil, and this became even clearer after I moved to Australia and found out that Australians have a completely different sense of humor and had trouble understanding ours.
GV: How do Brazilian memes differ from other countries’ memes?
Gabriela: Cada país ou região tem memes diferentes, que refletem suas culturas. Os memes brasileiros retratam quem é o brasileiro e como ele lida com a cultura popular, política, e realidade social. Eles são incrivelmente difíceis de entender para quem vê de fora porque temos esse aspecto único que é falar dos nossos problemas através do humor. Uma frase que eu gosto muito de falar para quem não é brasileiro é que “nós rimos pra não chorar”, porque acho que ela descreve perfeitamente esse nosso jeito singular de fazer humor.
Gabriela: Each country or region has different memes that reflect their own culture. Brazilian memes portray the Brazilian people and how we deal with popular culture, politics and social reality. They are amazingly difficult to understand, for those seeing them from the outside, because we have this unique way of talking about our problems through humor. A saying that I really like to mention to those who are not Brazilian is that “we laugh so we don’t cry”. I think it perfectly describes our unique way of making humor.
I had to log back in on this acc, cause I felt like I was talking to myself on the other acc. pic.twitter.com/j79OCuCP8j
— ⛈?? (@FOCCl) June 14, 2017
Cuca is an anthropomorphic alligator villain from the Brazilian children’s television show Sitio do Picapau Amarelo. In 2017, GIFs of the alligator were circulated on Twitter, with some claiming she had replaced The Babadook as the new “gay icon.”
GV: How do you describe this unique Brazilian language?
Gabriela: Auto-ironia. Ao mesmo tempo que criticamos os nossos problemas como país e o nosso comportamento como sociedade, fazemos humor, como se rir fosse a única alternativa diante daquela realidade. Os nossos memes se apresentam como genuinamente brasileiros porque são paradoxais e complexos, como a nossa cultura. Quando rimos do Brasil é como se, ao mesmo tempo, a gente sentisse vergonha e orgulho de ser brasileiro.
Gabriela: Self-irony. While we criticize our problems as a country and our behavior as a society, we also make fun out of it, as if laughing were the only way to face such a reality. Our memes present themselves as genuinely Brazilian because they are paradoxical and complex, just like our own culture. When we laugh at Brazil’s expense, it is as if we were both ashamed and proud of being Brazilian.
GV: What are the challenges of translating Brazil’s memes to other contexts?
Gabriela: Um dos meus maiores desafios foi tentar “traduzir” nossos memes culturalmente. A grande dificuldade é que existem memes que só fazem sentido se você é brasileiro – e esses eram os que mais me interessavam. Então na minha tese eu resgatei um pouco da história do Brasil e tentei explicar um pouco da nossa cultura, antes mesmo de tentar explicar nossos memes. Eu também tentei achar comparações com a cultura australiana e optei por descartar aqueles que eram muito culturalmente específicos.
Gabriela: One of my greatest challenges was to try to “translate” our memes culturally. The biggest difficulty is that some memes only make sense if you are Brazilian – and those were the most interesting to me. So, in my dissertation, I delved into a little bit of Brazil’s history and tried to explain our culture before trying to explain our memes. I’ve also tried to find comparisons with Australian culture and chose to discard those that were too culturally specific.
GV: How did Brazil's meme culture begin?
Gabriela: Não há registros oficiais sobre “o primeiro meme de internet no Brasil”. Na verdade, não há um consenso na Academia sobre quando a palavra “meme” começou a ser efetivamente usada na internet, de modo geral. Originalmente, essa palavra vem da teoria do biólogo Richard Dawkins, de 1976, onde ele define “meme” como a transferência de ideias de pessoa para pessoa através da repetição. Na internet, um meme seria uma ideia, frase, imagem ou vídeo que vai se repetindo e se transformando. Por isso, muito antes da internet o Brasil já produzia memes, como cantigas de roda que foram se transformando através do tempo, ou bordões de novelas que foram usados em outros contextos, por exemplo. Um dos primeiros memes brasileiros na internet de grande sucesso foi o vídeo “Tapa na Pantera”, de 2006, que ganhou paródias, versão em funk e trechos do vídeo viraram bordões.
Gabriela: There are no official records of “Brazil’s first internet meme”. Actually, scholars do not have a general consensus for when the word “meme” began to be used on the web. Originally, this word comes from a 1976 theory by biologist Richard Dawkins in which he defines “meme” as a transference of ideas from person to person, through repetition. On the internet, a meme is an idea, phrase, image or video that keeps repeating and changing itself. That's why Brazil was already a meme producer way before the internet, with popular rhymes that kept changing over time or catch phrases from soap operas that are used in real life in different contexts. One of the first successful Brazilian memes online was “Tapa na Pantera” [“slap on the panther”, meaning taking a hit off a joint], from 2006, that had several parodies, a funk version and excerpts that turned into punch lines.
GV: How do memes drive change in the overall Brazilian culture?
Gabriela: Os memes estão nos ajudando a construir a nossa identidade cultural, que é extremamente complexa e abstrata. Os memes que ironizam os escândalos políticos dos últimos anos, por exemplo, ilustram a forma como o brasileiro encara os problemas do país e suas visões políticas. Quando “rimos da desgraça” estamos nos expressando de uma forma extremamente brasileira. Esse jeito de encarar os problemas pode não ser de hoje, mas a comunicação em rede consegue transformá-lo em um retrato da cultura brasileira, como se determinada linguagem, uso do humor e comportamento determinasse o que é ser brasileiro na internet. Isso faz com que os internautas brasileiros se vejam como pertencentes a uma mesma cultura, por mais que seja composta por diferentes visões políticas e sociais.
Gabriela: Memes are helping us build our cultural identity, which is extremely complex and abstract. Memes that satirize political scandals of the past few years illustrate how Brazilians face their country’s problems and their own political views. When “we laugh at the disgrace”, we are expressing ourselves in the most Brazilian way possible. This way of facing problems may not be new, but network communication can turn it into a portrait of Brazilian reality. It's as if specific language, use of humor and behaviour define what it is to be a Brazilian on the internet. This also makes Brazilian internet users recognize themselves as being part of the same culture, no matter how different their political and social opinions are.
GV: In your article about Gretchen, you mentioned how some international pop stars have embraced Brazilian memes. Is this common to observe with other countries’ memes or are Brazilians are masters of the internet I’m-messing-with-you kind of thing?
Gabriela: O Brasil está ganhando espaço na internet, sim. Hoje, somos o quarto país com maior presença online e, mais do que ter um alto número de usuários, nós somos MUITO ativos online, principalmente nas redes sociais. Há, inegavelmente, um orgulho dos memes nacionais por parte dos internautas brasileiros, que fazem questão de compartilhá-los com os “gringos”, atitude que também faz parte da construção da identidade cultural que citei anteriormente. Cada vez mais os brasileiros estão sendo vistos como parte de uma internet intensamente dominada pelos EUA. Isso acontece principalmente quando memes brasileiros são “validados” pela cultura norte-americana, como foi o caso da presença da Gretchen no videoclipe da Katy Perry.
Gabriela: Yes, Brazil is conquering more space online. Today, we are the fourth country in the world with the largest online presence and — more than having a high number of users — we are VERY active online, especially in social media. Our memes are, undoubtedly, a source of national pride. Brazilians insist on sharing them with the “gringos” (slang for foreigners), an attitude that is also part of our cultural identity. Brazilians are increasingly being perceived as part of an internet that is intensely dominated by the United States. This happens, mainly, when Brazilian memes are validated by US culture, such as the case with Gretchen performing in the Katy Perry music video.
when black moors first introduced bathing to the europeans pic.twitter.com/KFdN37ZNM1
— 1900 (@alIycxt) June 11, 2017
This is a scene from early 2000s Brazilian soap opera Mulheres Apaixonadas, where actress Vera Holtz played a school teacher struggling with alcoholism. Holtz’ soap opera characters are a popular source of memes in Brazil, and she herself has become an online cult figure for her surrealist/nonsense self-portraits of her social media accounts.
GV: If you could define Brazil with one meme, which one would you choose?
Gabriela: Missão impossível! Acho que nem se eu fizesse um catálogo de memes eu conseguiria definir esse país tão único e complexo. Mas existe um comentário (não um meme especificamente) que eu acho que diz muito sobre como usamos o humor para criticar os problemas brasileiros ao mesmo tempo em que construímos nossa identidade cultural. Acho que ele representa muito bem esse paradoxo de termos vergonha e orgulho do Brasil ao mesmo tempo, algo que está no DNA dos nossos memes. Estou falando da resposta de uma internauta à cantora Azealia Banks que, incomodada com o bombardeio de comentários em português recebidos após criticar o Brasil, disse: “eu não sabia que tinha internet na favela”. A resposta da Débora não poderia ser mais brasileira, e por isso gosto muito dessa imagem:
Gabriela: Mission impossible! Not even if I organize a meme catalog, would I be able to define such a unique and complex country. But there is a comment (not a meme specifically) that I think says a lot about how we use humor to criticize Brazilian issues while, at the same time, building our cultural identity. I think it perfectly shows this paradox of having shame and pride at the same time, something that is in our meme  DNA. It’s the reply of a Brazilian girl to Azealia Banks, who was so annoyed by the bombing of replies in Portuguese she received after criticizing Brazil. Azealia wrote: “I didn’t know they had internet in the favela”. Débora’s answer couldn’t have been more Brazilian than this.
Singer Azaelia Banks got into a fight with Brazilians on Facebook (and allegedly had her account suspended) after calling them “third world freaks”. This was Débora Oliveira's reply: “Here we have internet even in prison, my love”. Image: screenshot

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Fernanda Canofre


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Netizen Report: From Puerto Rico to Bangladesh, Mobile Blackouts Exacerbate Humanitarian Crisis · Global Voices
Netizen Report Team

Satellite imagery of Puerto Rico, before and after a blackout in 2016. Images by National Aviation and Space Administration, licensed to public domain.
As societies across the globe grow increasingly dependent on mobile networks for everything from entertainment to emergency services, a sudden communication blackout — whether accidental or intentional — can swiftly disrupt daily life and leave people cut off from critical services like medical care.
This week, two populations on opposite sides of the globe are facing communication shutdowns amid rapidly worsening humanitarian crises.
More than a week after Hurricane Maria pummeled Puerto Rico, bringing the worst storm damage that the Caribbean island has seen in nearly a century, 70% of telecommunications networks are still inoperable and nearly all homes are reportedly still without electricity
Alongside life-threatening shortages of food, water and passable roadways, this has left the majority of Puerto Ricans unable to communicate by phone or mobile networks, or even to charge mobile phones or computers. Along with phone lines and mobile phone towers, a major fiber optic internet cable was so badly damaged from flooding that it shut down altogether.
The cable, which was working at 25 percent of its normal capacity by September 23, provides the underlying digital communication infrastructure for hospitals, police and fire departments and government agencies.
Residents of San Juan are rationing power from generators and other power-generating devices, such as car batteries. As part of relief efforts, telecommunication providers have set up temporary WiFi hotspots in urban areas and sent satellites over the island to facilitate communication. Visit this page to support recovery efforts.
Bangladesh bans SIM card sales to Rohingya refugees
Nearly 15,000 kilometers away from San Juan, authorities in Bangladesh this week placed a ban on the sale of mobile phone SIM cards to Rohingya refugees, citing ‘security concerns’. Companies, shops and even individuals who violate the ban have been threatened with fines.
The ban compounds the challenges facing nearly 430,000 refugees who have sought refuge in Bangladesh after fleeing military ‘clearance operations’ that have destroyed more than one hundred Rohingya villages in Myanmar’s Rakhine state. Violence began with clashes between the military and the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army militant group. Bangladeshi officials explained that their security concerns arose from rumors that there were militants among the hundreds of thousands of refugees (most of whom are children) who have crossed the border in recent weeks.
The country’s telecommunications authority said it will lift the ban once biometric identity cards — which have become a requirement for Bangladeshis seeking SIM cards — are issued to the refugees, but this process could take up to six months.
Tens of thousands of refugees are living without shelter in camps near Bangladesh’s border with Myanmar and are suffering from shortages of food, water, medicine and now, a lack of basic communication tools.
With the next Communist Party Congress taking place in October, China’s Cyberspace Administration issued major fines to national tech companies Baidu, Tencent and Sina, saying that the companies had failed to adequately control online pornography, images of violence and messages promoting ethnic hatred. Although the companies were reportedly assessed with maximum fines under the law, this might amount just 500,000 yuan (about USD $76,000) — a tiny fraction of their annual revenues, which number in the tens of billions.
Saudi Arabia eased restrictions on the use of VoIP and messaging applications, but maintained its ban on WhatsApp and Viber. The government first began blocking the apps in 2013, and explained the changes follow “modern trends” that “operators in the kingdom should follow.” Saudi users can now make calls using apps including LINE, Snapchat, FaceTime, Skype, Telegram and Tango.
Russian news agencies say local authorities will block Facebook next year unless the company begins storing the personal data of Russian citizens on servers in Russia, a move that will make it easier for Russian authorities to obtain citizens’ social media data. Communications regulatory agency Roskomnadzor blocked access to LinkedIn last November following a court ruling that found the company guilty of violating Russian data storage laws. Twitter told Roskomnadzor it aims to localize the personal data of Russian users by the middle of 2018.
Moroccan journalist Hamid El Mahdoui began a hunger strike in protest of an unfair trial after a court of appeals increased his prison sentence from three months to one year. Mahdoui was arrested and charged for giving a speech that authorities say incited others to participate in a July protest and break the law, even though the right to protest and assembly is guaranteed under the Moroccan Constitution and the Law on Public Assemblies.
In mid-September, developers launched a new source tool that aims to curb online abuse in Pakistan. The app, known as Muavin, allows users to create groups of allies on Twitter and Facebook so that they may securely alert each other when they experience harassment.
Afef Abrougui, Ellery Roberts Biddle, Leila Nachawati, Elizabeth Rivera, Nevin Thompson and Sarah Myers West contributed to this report.

author: Netizen Report Team


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On Telegram, Russian Politics and Memes Translate Into Big Bucks · Global Voices
Fabrice Deprez

The most popular Telegram “channels” have many thousands of subscribers. Screencapped by Alexey Kovalev
With more than 90,000 subscribers, the Telegram channel “MDK” is not just one of the most popular one-stop shops for Russian-language memes on the messenger app. It’s also a profitable business.
MDK’s administrator told RuNet Echo he charges 25,000 rubles ($420) for a single ad on his channel, a blogging platform somewhere between a Facebook and Twitter account. He would not comment on how much money the channel was making overall, but sources in Russian media have claimed popular Telegram channels such as MDK can bring in up to 1 million rubles ($17,000) a month. Even that, however, can look like chump change when compared to other, more political, channels.
The emergence of Telegram channels is one of the consequences of the growing popularity of the messenger app created by Pavel Durov, the tech entrepreneur behind Vkontakte, a Facebook clone that still dominates the Russian social media landscape.
Most popular chat apps in Russia, graph by @thebell_io pic.twitter.com/X2uHDQfj1o
— Fabrice Deprez (@fabrice_deprez) 27 de septiembre de 2017
Telegram channels are a distinct feature allowing the messenger app to also be used as a blogging platform: anyone can subscribe to a channel, but only the creator can post on it. Channels have quickly grown in size and numbers in the last two years, and in some cases have become sizable business operations. One of the most popular Telegram channels made the headlines in the Russian press in September 2017 when it was sold for 5.5 million rubles (US$95,000) just two weeks after its creator had first sold it for 1.2 million rubles (US$20,000).
The business side of channels can get murky, however. That is because they have proved attractive not only to news websites and meme aggregators, but also to a whole new brand of anonymous political bloggers who specialize in revealing what they claim to be “insider information” about Kremlin politics.
On September 27, Russian business daily Vedomosti reported that Telegram channels had turned into a new market for “political ads,” claiming that business and political actors were ready to pay up to 450,000 rubles (US$7,500) to get information published on these channels. An administrator from the “Karaulny” political channel, which has 26,000 subscribers, told RuNet Echo that offers for publishing information on their channel ranged from 50,000 to 150,000 rubles and were essentially about “corporate conflicts,” but they would not comment on whether or not they accepted the proposals.
Vedomosti's piece does not say what kind of information is being published for this kind of money, though it quotes a source claiming the publication of “negative information” (otherwise known as black PR) can cost two to three times as much as more positive ads.
These prices might stem from the growing belief that these channels have gained a loyal readership in the higher ranks of the Russian state apparatus. In January 2017, local outlet Ura.ru claimed Telegram channels were routinely read during morning briefings and meetings of Duma deputies and in various ministries’ cabinets. In September, Vedomosti also revealed the channels were being monitored by Russia's Federal Security Service as well as the defense and interior ministries.
Thanks to a flurry of information and a few scoops, anonymous political channels have become over the previous year a major – albeit controversial – source of insights into Russian politics. “Nezygar,” the most popular of these channels, increased from 16,000 subscribers at the beginning of the year to more than 72,000 in September.
This growing popularity has also attracted criticism over the lack of transparency these anonymous channels thrive in. Oleg Kashin, a Russian journalist and himself an avid Telegram user, told the Rain TV channel in January that “If Russia had good political scientists, active political journalism and strong, independent media, the ‘Nezygar’ phenomenon would not exist.”
Given that not only the channels but also the high-ranking officials allegedly reading them are, in most cases, anonymous, doubts remain about their actual influence, while theories abound about their provenance. But whether they are, according to a source quoted by Vedomosti, a “plaything” of the Kremlin’s internal politics department or a new media for political experts, one thing seems clear: it’s a promising business.

author: Fabrice Deprez


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Saudi Women Activists Win Driving Victory in Shadow of Guardianship System and Wave of Arrests · Global Voices
Gulf Center for Human Rights

Artwork in support of the “I Am My Own Guardian” campaign. Credit: Artist @MsSaffaa
This post was written by Khalid Ibrahim, executive director of the Gulf Center for Human Rights, an independent, non-profit organisation that promotes freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly in the Gulf region and its neighbouring countries.
On 26 September, Saudi Arabia’s King Salman issued an order to the minister of the interior to begin issuing driver's licenses to women, finally allowing women to drive in the kingdom. The actual implementation of the long-awaited decision will not commence until 24 June 2018, with a ministerial committee to be formed within 30 days of the royal order to draw up recommendations.
The move was preceded by many years of campaigning and struggle led by the Women's Driving Campaign, which dates back to 6 November 1990, when 47 women demonstrating in the streets of the capital city Riyadh drove their cars in protest of the ban. The 13 cars they were driving were stopped by police forces sent to confront the protest.
This was followed by many similar campaigns in recent years, led by Saudi women driving their cars to challenge the ban. Saudi authorities responded by arresting several activists, as was the case when, on 1 December 2014, Maysaa Al-Amodi and Lujain Al-Hathlol were taken into custody after driving their own cars.
Although the royal order will not be implemented for another 10 months, there are serious concerns that this new ministerial committee may start its work by adopting recommendations issued earlier by the Saudi Shura Council, a consultative body with limited powers that includes proposing laws and advising the government in the absolute monarchy. Some of these recommendations are that the female driver's age should not be less than 30 years, that the driver's guardian must agree she may drive the car, and that she may only be allowed to drive within the city and from 7 am to 8 pm from Saturday to Wednesday, and from 12 pm to 8 pm on Thursdays and Fridays.
Despite recent decisions to allow women to drive and to enter King Fahd Stadium in Riyadh for the first time during national celebrations to mark the 87th anniversary of the kingdom's founding, reform in Saudi Arabia is still hampered by discriminatory restrictions against women and the targeting of those who speak out for reform.
In fact, Saudi Arabia's discriminatory male guardianship system is still in place. Under this system, women require the consent or presence of a male relative guardian to travel outside the country, apply for passport, get married or to even rent their own places. Many human rights defenders and activists, including Essam Koshak and Mariam Al-Otaibi, have been arrested for participating in the campaign #IAmMyOwnGuardian, which calls for an end to the male guardianship system.
In recent weeks, Saudi authorities launched a wave of arrests targeting writers, academics, online activists, and clerics. The arrests took the form of raids on houses where electronic equipment was confiscated. Among those recently detained are academic Abdullah Al-Malki, known for his support for human rights, and Essam Al-Zamel, known for writing about the need for economic reform in the kingdom.

author: Gulf Center for Human Rights


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Sri Lanka Condemns Mob Attack Against Rohingya Refugees by Buddhist Monks · Global Voices
Rezwan

Rohingya refugees escaped to Bangladesh after the recent crackdown in Myanmar. Image by Syed Rajowan (এস রেজওয়ান). Used with permission.
On Tuesday, September 26, a violent mob led by a group of radical Buddhist monks broke down gates and entered the walled multi-storied  United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) safe house for Rohingya refugees in the Sri Lankan capital of Colombo, sparking widespread condemnation in Sri Lanka.
The monks allegedly threatened a group of 31 Rohingya refugees including 16 children and 7 women, calling them terrorists. Authorities quickly escorted the refugees into protective custody and relocated them to a safer place.
BBC journalist Azzam Ameen tweeted:
31 Rohingya refugees at Mt. Lavinia to be taken to Boossa detention camp by Police for their safety after a mob stormed their UN safe house.
— Azzam Ameen (@AzzamAmeen) September 26, 2017
Sri Lanka has mostly stayed silent regarding the recent Rohingya crisis in Myanmar. Only a few days ago Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe announced the country will not accept any Rohingyas as refugees and existing refugees will eventually be resettled in a different country.
Only a few hundred Rohingya refugees currently stay in Sri Lanka and the majority came to Sri Lanka by boat and air following the disturbances in Myanmar in 2012. Others were rescued by the Sri Lankan navy last May from Sri Lanka's northern shores and kept in a UN safe house in Mount Lavinia until their resettlement.
According to international reports, the hardline nationalist group Sinhale Jathika Balamuluwa showed the attack live on their Facebook page with over 30,000 followers. The video showed the monks and a few civilians entering the safe house chanting “do not allow terrorists into this country.”
Several others uploaded footage of the Buddhist monk-led attack against Rohingya refugees on Youtube by users such as sonakar.com:
All the refugees escaped the attack without injury, but two police officers were wounded and admitted to hospital.
The government of Buddhist-majority Myanmar does not recognize the Rohingya people among the country’s ethnic groups and denies them citizenship. They are often described as the “most persecuted minority group in Asia.” Authorities and Buddhist nationalists consider Rohingya as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, even though they have roots in the Rakhine state that go back centuries.
Since August 2017, about 400,000 Rohingyas have fled to Bangladesh after Myanmar's military crackdown on insurgents belonging to the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA). ARSA was accused of attacking several police and military outposts which then led to the burning of Rohingya villages and attacks on civilians.
Some Sri Lankan Buddhist monks share similar extremist views with their ultra-nationalist counterparts in Myanmar when it comes to minority Muslims and created a Facebook page to express those views. Sri Lankans also offered sympathy to Myanmar on the Rohingya issue specifically:
Srilanka stand for #Myanmar regarding #Rohingya crisis in #Rakhine pic.twitter.com/vQY9LWxiqj
— MrMaung KoThet (@MrMaungKoThet) September 26, 2017
However, the attacks were strongly condemned by the Sri Lankan government. Cabinet spokesman Rajitha Senaratne said:
“This is not what the Buddha taught. We have to show compassion to these refugees. These monks who carried out the attacks are actually not monks, but animals.”
And via a tweet by Azzam Ameen, the minister also lamented:
“2 million Sri Lankan's went to other countries as refugees, ashamed that we can't even look after 30 people temporarily” Minister Rajitha
— Azzam Ameen (@AzzamAmeen) September 27, 2017
The minister committed to taking disciplinary action against officers who failed to control the mob. Other government officials expressed condemnation but the President and Prime Minister have yet to issue a statement:
Statement in English by the Minister of Finance and Media @MangalaLK on the #Rohingya #Refugees in #SriLanka pic.twitter.com/musVZnBeTI
— Mahishini Colonne (@MFASriLanka) September 27, 2017
“I condemn these actions as a Buddhist who is very proud of the fact that Buddhism is a religion of non violence & Compassion”. My statement on Rohingya refugees in #SriLanka . #UNHCR https://t.co/TxOQuk6Mnd pic.twitter.com/l26oTZHAl4
— Mangala Samaraweera (@MangalaLK) September 27, 2017
Ordinary citizens also denounced the attacks on social media:
Attack & eviction of Rohingya children & adults by Bud Monk led goons in #lka: SHAME! On Sri Lanka. Esp Sinhala – Buddhists, Police & Govt pic.twitter.com/o53hk4cn3b
— Ruki Fernando (@rukitweets) September 27, 2017
WHO is in charge of #lka law & order? @SagalaRatnayaka or saffron-robed thugs who attack #Rohingya refugees with impunity? @UNHumanRights https://t.co/46Gi18HoSh
— Nalaka Gunawardene (@NalakaG) September 27, 2017
Veteran Sri Lankan journalist Latheef Farook condemned Sri Lanka's silence on the ongoing persecution of Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar:
Sri Lanka and its Foreign Ministry had never failed to promptly condemn explosions and bombings in far-away Western capitals but terrorizing a half million men, women and children into fleeing their generational places of birth, closer home in our Asian neighborhood, has not struck the conscience of good governance, the professionals, the academics, the civil society and women’s organizations in Sri Lanka.
Sam Kosai, of Yangon, Myanmar expressed his frustration with the irony of a violent Buddhist attack against Rohingya refugees in Sri Lanka:
Our brothers in Sri Lanka joined Burma to give Buddhism shame and a bad name. Bravo! Well done! Being Facist alone is no fun. The more the merrier.

author: Rezwan


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Africans in Solidarity Online With Rohingya People Over Their Persecution in Myanmar (Burma) · Global Voices
Abdoulaye Bah

Displaced Rohingya people in Rakhine State By Foreign and Commonwealth Office – Flickr, OGL
The world had high hopes that persecution towards the Rohingya community would stop when the National League for Democracy (NLD) came to power. This was a party that been met with admiration for its non-violent approach in opposing the military dictatorship that had governed Burma for several decades. The hope was all the more justified by the fact that the party’s leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was a 1991 Nobel Peace Prize laureate who had also been honored by other countries and international organizations. Unfortunately, hope has been replaced by a sense of deep disappointment as the suffering of the Burmese people has worsened.
Beyond its commitment to respecting human rights, the situation in Burma made waves online among Africans, particularly those in West Africa where the Muslim population often exceeds 90%. There, they practice a tolerant Islam, despite attempts by jihadists to impose their own ideology and vision of Islam. For example, the Senegalese people, of whom 95% are Muslim, had elected Léopold Sédar Senghor, who is a Christian, to be their prime minister.
Pan African website pressafrik.com published a review by Bougane Gueye Dany, from Senegal, Dakar, that explores crimes against Rohingyas. In it,  he denounces the ongoing ethnic cleansing in the country as well as the apathy of the Burmese political leaders and the international community:
‘Rohingya tu n'existes pas’. Ce roman d’Yves Bourni est d'une actualité grave et brûlante. Au moment où l'un des drames les plus ignobles touche ces musulmans birmans, le monde affiche une indifférence coupable qui montre à suffisance une cruauté, illustration d'une indignation à géométrie variable…
Le leader birman, leur principal bourreau, Ashin Wirathu estime que ‘l'Islam est une religion de voleurs par qu'il permet d'épouser une femme de confession différente’. Il va même jusqu'à dire publiquement dans des videos qui circulent que les chiens, les alcooliques et les drogués valent mieux que les musulmans…
La communauté internationale a les yeux rivés ailleurs. Ce n’est pas non plus la tasse de thé de la presse africaine particulièrement sénégalaise…
Qui ne dit mot consent. Notre silence est troublant. Où est notre diplomatie ?…
Il faut en parler, il faut s'indigner, il faut les aider.
‘Rohingya tu n'existes pas’ (‘Rohingya you don’t exist’) is the title of the major topical work of Yves Bourni. At a time where one of the most heinous tragedies affecting Burmese Muslims is taking place, the world has shown a reckless indifference that amounts to cruelty, and is an example of unequal outrage in the face of tragedy…
The Burman leader, their main executioner, Ashin Wirathu, stated, ‘Islam is a religion of thieves for it allows men to marry a woman of a different faith’. Wirathu goes as far as publicly stating in videos making the rounds online that alcoholics and drug addicts are worth more than Muslims…
The international community seems to be indifferent and the situation of the Rohingya in Burma is no longer a burning topic in the African press, especially not in the Senegalese news…
Silence is consent. Our silence is troubling. Where is our diplomacy?
We need to speak out about this, we need to get angry, we need to help them.
News site Africa News published the words of the South African Nobel Peace Prize winner, Desmond Tutu, who broke his media silence to express his deep sadness at the situation:
‘Je suis maintenant vieux, faible et officiellement à la retraite, mais je romps mon voeu de garder le silence en raison de ma profonde tristesse au sujet de la situation désespérée [des Rohingyas]’, a écrit Mgr Tutu dans une lettre adressée à la prix Nobel de la paix Aung San Suu Kyi.
‘Si le prix politique à payer pour votre ascension politique en Birmanie est votre silence, le prix est assurément trop élevé (…). Il est incongru pour un symbole de justice de diriger ainsi un pays’, a-t-il estimé…
Mercredi, cette dernière est sortie de son silence pour dénoncer un ‘iceberg de désinformation’ dans la crise dans son pays.
‘I am now old, weak and officially retired, but I’m breaking my vow of keeping silent because of a great sadness I feel about the tragic situation [of the Rohingyas]’, Desmond Tutu writes in a letter addressed to Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi.
He continues, ‘If silence was the political price you paid that got you to where you are at today, then the price is certainly too high […] It is incongruous that a justice system like this governs a country.’
On Wednesday, Ang San Suu Kyi came out to denounce an ‘iceberg of misinformation’ surrounding the reporting of the crisis of her country.
Recalling a speech given two years ago, Ahmadou Mukhtar Kanté, an imam, writer, and speaker, also from Dakar, offered a point of view that draws on the teachings of the Qur'an:
En 2015, sur invitation de l’ambassadeur du Rwanda au Sénégal, nous avons prononcé un discours lors de la 21 Commémoration du Génocide (Kwibuka 21) célébrée à Dakar. Qui nous aurait dit qu’en 2017, face au drame qui est en cours en Birmanie, nous aurions recours au même discours assorti de quelques remaniements aux fins d’en faire une contribution adaptée au sujet ?…
C’est après avoir fait le récit de l’épisode fratricide entre les deux fils d’Adam, que le Coran a énoncé deux enseignements éthiques fondamentaux: le crime contre l’humanité et le devoir de la protéger : « (…) C’est pourquoi Nous avons prescrit aux enfants d’Israël que quiconque tuerait une personne non coupable d’un meurtre ou d’une corruption sur la terre, c’est comme s’il avait tué tous les hommes. Et quiconque sauve un seul homme, c’est comme s’il avait sauvé tous les hommes (…) » (Coran 5 : 32) Ces versets nous indiquent combien il est grave de refuser à l’autre la dignité d’humain et le droit à la vie.
In 2015, on the invitation of the Rwandan Ambassador to Senegal, we gave a speech during the 21st Commemoration of the Genocide (Kwibuka 21) commemorated in Dakar. Who would have imagined that in 2017, faced with this tragedy unfolding in Burma, we would have returned to the same arguments and rhetoric with simply a few tweaks in order to contribute adequately to the subject? […]
This is after having told the fratricidal account of the two sons of Adam, that the Qur'an laid down two fundamental ethical teachings — crime against humanity and the duty to protect it: ‘And he who saves one human being, it is as if he has saved all of humanity (Qur'an 5:32). These verses show the gravity of refusing another person humanity dignity and the right to live peacefully.
On the Justice.Info website, Adama Dieng, the Senegalese United Nations Special Adviser, provided the following statement  on the prevention of genocide:
Les Rohingyas vivant au Myanmar n’ont pas droit à une identité nationale. Ils ont été dépouillés de  leur citoyenneté. Ils sont apatrides. Pendant plusieurs années, ils ont souffert de pratiques et de politiques sévères de discriminations ainsi que de restrictions touchant à l’exercice de droits fondamentaux, y compris la liberté de mouvement, le droit de se marier et de fonder une famille. Des milliers de Rohingyas déplacés par les violences de 2012 vivent reclus dans des camps de déplacés, tandis que d’autres milliers n’ont eu d’autre choix que de fuir par terre ou mer. Beaucoup d’entre eux se sont retrouvés victimes des réseaux de trafic humain ou ont péri en voulant se rendre dans d’autres pays de la région. Au Myanmar, une campagne dangereuse conduite par des extrémistes proférant des discours de haine antimusulmans et anti-Rohingya pourrait conduire à davantage de violence.
The Rohingya people living in Myanmar don’t have the right to national identity. They are stateless people. For years they have suffered discriminatory practices and policies that affect the exercising of basic human rights, including freedom of movement, the right to marry and build a family. Thousands of Rohingyas who were displaced by violence in 2012 live secluded in displacement camps, while thousands of others have no choice but to escape by land or sea. Many fall victims to human trafficking or perish on the journey to other countries in the region. In Myanmar, a dangerous campaign led by extremists is spreading a toxic discourse of anti-Muslim and anti-Rohingya sentiment that could lead to even more violence.
In Burkina Faso, the blog Net Afrique has been among the media outlets that have also commented on the situation:
Le gouvernement birman, au premier rang duquel l’ex-opposante Aung San Suu Kyi, rejette les accusations de l’ONU de possibles « crimes contre l’humanité » commis par l’armée depuis fin 2016 contre les Rohingyas. Traités comme des étrangers en Birmanie, ils y restent apatrides, privés de tout droit, même si certains vivent dans le pays depuis des générations.
The Burmese government and, above all, Aung San Suu Kri, reject the accusations made by the UN of possible ‘crimes against humanity’ committed by the army since the end of 2016 against the Rohingyas. Treated as foreigners in Burma, they remain stateless, denied their rights, even if some have lived in the country over several generations.
Nigerian researcher Labaran Yusuf, from Jos, reminded us of the historical facts that emphasize the injustice and absence of any justification for the persecution of the Rohingyas:
Attacked with impunity, stripped of the vote and driven from their homes, the Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic minority of about 1.3 million in the predominantly Buddhist Myanmar (formerly Burma), are considered as the most persecuted minority in the world.
The Rohingya, according to many historians and Rohingya groups, probably arrived in what was then the independent kingdom of Arakan (now Rakhine) as long ago as the 8th century. They were seafarers and traders from the Middle east and were joined in the 17th century by tens of thousands of Bengali Muslims captured by the raiding Arakanese. ‘Rohingya’ simply means ‘inhabitant of Rohang’, the early Muslim name for Arakan. The kingdom of Arakan was later conquered by the Burmese army in 1785.
With the British conquest of Arakan in 1825, Arakan and Burma were administered as part of British India. Thousands of labourers from Bangladesh and India migrated to what is now known as Myanmar, and such migration was considered as internal, according to the Human Rights Watch (HRW). However, this migration of labourers was viewed negatively by the majority of the native population.
After gaining independence from Britain in 1948, the Burmese government refused to recognise the Rohingya as Burmese citizens. The government viewed the migration that took place during the British rule as ‘illegal’, and this led many Buddhists to consider the Rohingya offensively as ‘Bengali’, a recent invention created for political reasons. After the military coup in 1962, things only worsened for the Rohingya, coupled with the fact that they were only given foreign identity cards, which limited the jobs and educational opportunities they could pursue and obtain.
Diallo Boubacar from Guinea reacted to a Facebook thread about the history of African solidarity with Aung San Suu Kyi's fight for freedom:
On s'est battu a l'epoque pour Cette dame de Rangun, pour sa liberation de soi disant captivity de la junte birmane.
A present on est estomaque.
At the time, we fought for this lady from Yangon (Aung San Suu Kyi), for her freedom from the so-called captivity of the Burmese dictatorship.
But now, we're shocked.
Hocine Berkane, from Algiers, Algeria, believes that what is happening right now in Burma is a shame to mankind:
C'est une honte pour toute l'humanité l'être humain a perdu toutes les valeurs qui font de nous des humains privilégiés par Dieu sur toutes ses créatures vivantes nous sommes devenus pire que les bêtes sauvages. On est entrain de revenir à l'âge de la pierre.
It is a shame to humanity, humans have lost the values that God gave us that made us a privileged species among his living creations, but we have become worse than savage beasts. We seem to be returning to the Stone Age.

author: Abdoulaye Bah


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Despite Trump’s Travel Ban, Chad Plays a Central Role in the Geopolitics of the Sahel Region · Global Voices
Sylvain Keller

Chadian Army Eland Mk7 armored car. Photo by Idriss Fall in VOA. Public Domain.
Recently the Central African country of Chad has been mentioned in mainstream media because of Donald Trump's ban on Chadians traveling to the US. Although the country has a dubious election history, the ban is seen as nonsensical due to Chad's role as a stabilizing force in the sub-Saharan region. In fact, on 8 September 2017, Chadian President Idriss Déby visited Paris to sign an agreement with the European Union which will send Chad 8.3 billion euros in funding from 2017 to 2021. The plan aims to help the country recover from a severe economic crisis. Some see this move as a reflection of the strategic importance of Chad in its involvement in the fight against terrorism. However, despite this monetary show of support, domestic political pressures are threatening Chad from within and could affect its role as a stabilizing force in the region.
Idriss Déby came to power in 1990 after toppling then-Chadian president Hissène Habré with the help of the French secret service. In April 2016, Déby gained a fifth term in elections and has since managed to tighten his power further, despite numerous attempts to overthrow him. He has since succeeded in positioning Chad as an unavoidable partner for international security on the continent. During his recent trip to Paris, Déby was congratulated by French Prime Minister Edouard Philipe and French President Emmanuel Macron for his work against terrorist groups in the area.
During a recent speech in Paris, Macron pointed to the fight against terrorism as a main priority for his administration. As a result, the financial aid offered to Chad is seen as a means of maintaining the stability of this strong partner in the region. Chad's importance to Western countries can be seen in its geographic location and the history of its involvement in campaigns directed at stabilizing the area.
Chad is located at the crossroads of Northern Africa. Chad's neighbors, specifically Nigeria, South Sudan, and Libya, are three countries where the extremist threat is present, most notably with Boko Haram in Nigeria. Due to its geographic position, Chad is seen as strategic for French and western countries’ interests in the fight against terrorism.
Chad is an important member of the G5 Sahel coalition which alongside Mali, Mauritania, Burkina Faso and Niger, seeks to strengthen cooperation and security in the Sahel region. As part of the operation Barkhane, an anti-insurgent operation in the Sahel region, Chad houses an important French military contingent made up of a 3000-strong French force headquartered in the capital, N’Djamena.
It is also one of the rare African states that has a history of being a sheriff in the region. Daniel Eizenga, a Chadian political science researcher, explains:
The Chadian government then held several negotiations with the rebel groups and the Sudanese government which had been providing a safe haven for the rebel groups. After the negotiations, and following an agreement between Chad and Sudan, the national military integrated most rebel forces. This provided a degree of stability even if some rebel groups continue to contest Déby’s authority.
The election of Emmanuel Macron will most likely reinforce the ties between both countries, given the focus of the fight against extremist groups, Boko Haram and AQIM. The International Crisis Group explains the situation:
Boko Haram’s presence in Chad has been most strongly felt around Lake Chad, which lies primarily within Chadian territory. The area combines rich agriculture, pastoralism and fishing and is a magnet for migrants from all over the Sahel, leading to tensions over control of resources. Boko Haram has taken advantage of the geography of the lake seeking refuge on its many islands. To counter the ongoing threat while responding to the immediate and longer-term needs of the population, Chadian authorities need to build on the relatively successful regional security cooperation, start to move away from their highly militarised response to include a more significant civilian component
Idriss Déby deployed its soldiers on multiple fronts, in the Central African Republic, in Mali and more recently in the Lake Chad basin to fight Boko Haram, pursuing a strategy of military diplomacy to lead the fight against terrorism in the region. Military spending has also helped Chad to expand its involvement outside of African borders, as they back the Saudi Arabia-led coalition to fight Houthis combatants in Yemen.
Chad is also an important partner in the current migration crisis, as many refugees are trying to reach Libya by crossing the Chadian border. Over the last five years, many Sudanese people have also found refuge in the country. A more recent sign of Chad's growing political influence was the election of Moussa Faki Mahamat, former Chadian foreign minister, as the head of the Union African Commission.
As a result of its involvement in these projects, Chad's overall military spending skyrocketed in the past 13 years, going from $67 million in 2005 to $247 million in 2006. Military expenditures even reached an all-time high in 2009, accounting for $670 million spent. Its armed forces have now turned into one of the best equipped on the continent. Chad's involvement in the war against terrorist groups in Mali, for example, made it necessary to buy more modern weapons. Between 2006 and 2014, the regime purchased 139 aircrafts and 153 armed vehicles.
Lat September, in an attempt to gain more influence and help from other countries, Idriss Déby threatened to not participate in the G5 Sahel coalition and to withdraw a part of the foreign troops implemented in his country if Chad was not given strong financial support.
Nothing is less certain. Although the country looks strong, thanks to its solid military power and stable political institutions, the country is starting to face heavy blows from domestic opposition. The government currently faces some criticism concerning human rights and democratic issues and is dealing with a strong economic crisis, illustrated by a decline in Chadians daily quality of life. Oil prices have also plummeted, causing losses in export revenues for the country. The crisis has also exacerbated by Boko Haram attacks which have hindered trade with Nigeria and Cameroon, dropping the price of oil — something particularly damaging given the economy’s strong dependence on its oil revenue. Drastic budget cuts have been introduced since oil prices started to plummet, affecting many public services like the police force, student scholarships, and pensions. It has also triggered protests from concerned citizens.
The government reacted to these protests with a clampdown on public dissent. Over the last few months, there have been reports of harassment, arbitrary arrests and ill-treatment. At the same time, an increase in the torture of journalists, activists, and political opponents has been alarming.  The only television station, Tele-Tchad, is state-owned and its coverage favors the government.
External threats are also on the rise. The violence caused by Boko Haram brought about in early 2016 has caused the displacement of more than 100,000 people and the arrival of around 7000 refugees in the country. Many terrorist attacks have occurred in N’Djamena and around Lake Chad where the geographic proximity with Boko Haram is unsettling. The country also faces considerable pressures from other external threats, such as war in Central African Republic and a wave of refugees from its neighboring countries — i.e. Sudan.
In the face of these challenges, Chadian authorities must avoid the politics of religious or geographic exclusion. Boko Haram is not the only threat to political stability in Chad. Another is a national political crisis which is the perfect fertile ground for all sorts of violent actors, including jihadists. To avoid this, the Chadian state must open political space and build sustainable institutions. It starts with the tenure of new parliamentary elections, recently postponed by Idriss Déby under the pretext of an insufficient budget. On the fringe of the Chadian president's visit to Paris French foreign minister,  Jean Yves le Drian, urged the country to hold new parliamentary elections, reminding that French support was conditional on the presence of a democratic regime, raising the prospect of a decline in France and European support if Idriss Déby decides to ignore current criticisms.

author: Sylvain Keller


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Ik ‘ta K’op Collective Supports the Technological Sovereignty of the Indigenous People in Mexico’s Chiapas State · Global Voices
Giovanna Salazar

Logo of the Ik ‘ta K'op Collective. Image from the “Gallery” section of the Collective webpage, used with permission.
Almost a year ago, Mariano Gómez, Antonio Sántiz and Neyder Domínguez from the Mexican state of Chiapas—who were then students at different Normal State Schools (which train graduates to become teachers, emphasizing self-discipline, self-management, and a democratic way of living)—decided to set up the “Ik ‘ta K'op Collective“. This is a project which aims to help the indigenous peoples in remote parts of Chiapas have access to and use information technologies to support their communication and participation needs.
As they explain in their blog, the name they chose for the collective is in the Tseltal language (one of the most widely spoken indigenous languages in Chiapas) and entails a deep symbolism for its founders:
‘Ik’’ significa viento; luego ‘ta k’op’ significa hablar; pero al mismo tiempo, ‘k’op’ significa palabra. Quedaría como ‘palabra al viento’ o el hablar que se lo lleva el viento, o ‘redes’.
‘Ik’ means wind; ‘ta k'op’ means to speak; but, at the same time, ‘k'op’ means word. Thus, the name could be translated as ‘word to the wind’ or the talk that is taken by the wind, or ‘networks’.
The work of the collective focuses on three distinct aspects:
In her article “Internet en la Selva” (“Internet in the Jungle”), the social chronicler and anthropologist María Álvarez Malvido already pointed out that Abasolo is one of the many rural communities that have been ignored by large telecommunications companies in Mexico, because these communities do not bring big profits to their business.
However, the small project of these three young indigenous educators has been expanding, and it currently has several internet access points, or “nodes”, in different parts of the region.
Young people using the community intranet in Abasolo, Chiapas. Photograph from the “Gallery” section of the Collective webpage, used with permission.
The creation of the Ya J'noptik community intranet aims to function as a technological platform that, according to the project webpage, provides “information and educational material to promote the cultural rescue and the use of information technologies, while respecting the indigenous community of Abasolo in the municipality of Ocosingo, Chiapas.”
This community intranet service has its origin in an educational platform called IntraBACH, which was created by Professor Luis Ramón Alvarado for accessible and modifiable academic content, by and for the school community of the College of Bachilleres de Abasolo, Chiapas.
Currently, the Ya J'noptik Community Intranet includes educational content, video, audio, archives, Wikipedia and software:
El proyecto de Intranet Comunitaria Ya J’noptik representa una iniciativa tecnológica original e innovadora para el fortalecimiento cultural y educativo en una comunidad que, como muchas otras en nuestro país, cuenta con escasos servicios de telecomunicaciones, rezago educativo e imposición de modelos culturales ajenos.
The Ya J'noptik Community Intranet project represents an original and innovative technological initiative for strengthening the culture and education of a community that, like many others in our country, has few telecommunication services, an educational gap, and is marked by the imposition of foreign cultural models.
Module 1 Broadcasting workshop for the volunteers of the COBACH 105 Abasolo Plantel. Image from the Facebook page of the Collective, used with permission. Photo album: Building Community Radio.
Precisely because of his work and relevant role in the creation of a wireless network that provides connectivity and access to information to at least 600 people in the indigenous town of Abasolo, Chiapas, a member of the collective, Mariano Gómez, was recognized by the Internet Society (ISOC) organization as one of 25 young people under the age of 25 who are using the internet to make a difference in their communities.
Unfortunately, Mariano was not able to attend the awards ceremony that took place on September 18, 2017 in Los Angeles, California, as the US embassy in Mexico rejected his application for a tourist visa.
In a message addressed to the Internet Society, Mariano points out that the reasons given for this refusal were the impossibility of locating the address of his house (because, in the indigenous community in which he resides, the streets do not have identifiable names). Another reason was that he did not have bank accounts with sufficient financial resources; and finally, the fact that the region he is from is considered one of the most trafficked routes by illegal migrants to the United States.
In his letter, Mariano states the following:
Escribo esta carta y cuento mi historia porque es un ejemplo de la realidad de miles de hermanos indígenas o no indígenas que pasan por lo mismo. Es el reflejo de una sociedad con estereotipos en la cual ser parte de un pueblo indígena es considerado como alguien inferior, en la cual no tener una cuenta bancaria y grandes recursos económicos es el sinónimo de nada. El racismo es claramente visible, la sociedad clasificada por el color de piel, lengua, religión y estatus económico para definir un modelo de mundo. Más en estos tiempos que piensan dividirnos entre muros.
I write this letter to tell my story because it is an example of the reality of thousands of indigenous and non-indigenous brothers who go through the same situation. It is the reflection of a society with stereotypes, for which being part of an indigenous people is considered as being inferior, for which not having a bank account and big financial resources is synonymous with having nothing. Racism is clearly visible in a society classified by skin color, language, religion and economic status to serve as a model for the world. Even more so in these times when they want to divide us with walls.
The letter concludes by highlighting the important role of the internet for the freedom of expression and communication, especially for indigenous peoples, as well as to promote and preserve their culture, history and self-determination. Mariano ends his letter by inviting the Internet Society to donate to the collective the funds planned for his trip, in order to improve their services and continue to positively impact the development of their community. Mariano specifies that:
En realidad el logro que he tenido no es sólo mío sino de una gran familia de hermanos que hemos hecho, en las que involucra a nuestro colectivo, las comunidades que solicitan el servicio y a todas las organizaciones hermanas que han confiado y apoyado nuestra iniciativa.
Actually, this achievement is not only mine but of a great family of brothers from our collective and from the communities that use this service and all the organizations that have entrusted and supported our initiative.

author: Giovanna Salazar


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As China Restricts Home Sales, Netizens Ask If This Serves the People’s Needs · Global Voices
Jack Hu

Image from state-owned Xinhua.net.
To cool down the overheating property market, China has banned the resale of apartments within two to five years of purchase in more than 50 cities.
The restriction was first introduced in April 2017 covering mainly 14 first and second tier cities. However, the latest round of announcements on September 22 and 25 has extended the regulation to many third tier or even fourth tier cities.
As the tiered city system is used to classify Chinese cities so as to formulate and fine tune economic and political strategies based on local consumer behaviour, income level, politics, and local trends. The implementation of home-sale restriction in all four city tiers implies that it is a national strategy in dealing with property bubbles.
While pro-government commentators argued that the policy would force the speculators to leave the property market, others raised doubts about this and warned that the suspension of sale would reduce supply in the market and prevent property values from going down.
Meanwhile, prominent blogger on economic news Shi Han Bing pointed out in a widely shared blog post that the restriction on home sales is more about safeguarding the country’s financial system:
由于流动性的冻结，房价的波动区间也被人为锁定，这对于保护银行很重要——2017年6月末，人民币房地产贷款余额29.72万亿元，如果房价大幅度下跌，导致抵押品价值缩水，那么，就会损及银行利益，甚至，威胁到中国的金融安全。而此时冻结楼市流动性，等于让买房者在高位“承包”了风险，担当了共和国的金融卫士。
The suspension of property market flow has also locked the fluctuation of home price in the market. This is a significant move to protect the bank — in June 2017, the sum of property mortgage is up to RMB 2972 billion yuan [approximately US$ 447.8 billion dollars]. If the property price falls all of a sudden, the value of guarantee also reduces sharply, the bank will be hurt and China’s financial security will be threatened. The suspension of property market flow has transferred the risk to those who purchase the house at a high level and they become the group of people that safeguard the financial system.
The blogger also explained that the policy is protecting the interest of local governments:
冻结流动性的房产，对于保护地方政府也很重要，首先，地方政府该变现的都已经完成了变现——无论是卖地收入，还是各种税费收入，都已经悉数入库；其次，冻结这部分已经实现“利润”的房产流动性后，有刚性需求的人就只能去买一手房，从而继续帮助地方政府实现卖地收入与各种税费收入…
First, local governments have already cashed in their land sale and taxes for their revenue; Second, after suspending the sale of “profit-making” houses, those who have genuine need will buy houses from the first hand market, which means local governments can still sell lands and collect taxes.
The United States Federal Reserve policy has a role in China's decision to restrict property sales, the blogger also argued:
美国东部时间9月20日，美联储主席耶伦宣布将从10月开始缩减其数万亿美元的资产负债表（简称“缩表”）。缩表以后，全球资本加速回流美国，对中国的外汇储备构成新的威胁。在这种情况下，冻结楼市的流动性，就使得相当大的资金无法兑现，更无法兑换外汇。因此，我们看到，9月20日，美联储主席耶伦宣布缩表，9月22日，中国就开始了如火如荼的以冻结流动性为目的的调控措施出笼。
Yellen, the chair of the US Federal Reserve, announced on 20 of September that the organization will begin reducing its multi-trillion balance sheet in October. The move will attract global capital back to the U.S. and pose new threat to China’s foreign currency reserves. The suspension of property market flow will stop the cashing out of property and the outflow of foreign currency. Hence, we see that Yellen announced the reduction of balance sheet on 20 of September and China quickly made the announcement extending the suspension of property market sales all over the country on 22 of September.
Stability of real estate and financial system are the top priorities for the party's leadership ahead of the twice-a-decade Communist Party Congress slated to begin on October 18. In August, a high-ranking official said that the local economy is being undermined by the profiteering schemes of real estate developers. The official added that the threat of a property bubble has “kidnapped” financial institutions.
But netizens responded with pessimism and rage on social media platforms like Weibo. Many believe that the restrictions on property sales would only push prices up and that government officials are reluctant to allow prices to drop.
Hangzhou is one of the first cities that introduced restriction on home sales in April 2017 and netizens observe that the policy did not have any effect on cooling down the market:
参考杭州，越限房价越高，新楼盘还得靠抢才能买到。调控是缓慢调高房价的意思吗？
Take a look at Hangzhou real estate market, the greater the restriction on house sales, the higher are the home prices. Buyers are snapping up newly built apartments. Does adjustment mean gradually rising home prices?
不对存量征税，只对欺负增量。真当我们傻是不是。
The government only cracks down on market supply volume instead of taxing stocks. Are you fooling the people?
这明显是在保房价
Obviously the new curbs are protecting high home prices.
Some came up with sarcastic remarks like this one:
终身为房奴，为国家打工这不就是社会主义么
Lifelong property slaves serving the country's need. Isn't this socialism?

author: Jack Hu


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Broadcasting the Thrill of the “Gooooooooal” in the Quechua Language · Global Voices
Eduardo Avila

Quechua-speaking fans of Peru’s national football team recently were able to enjoy an important World Cup qualifying match with Quechua-language commentary thanks to efforts by two radio stations sharing their broadcasts on YouTube.
Quechua might share the word for “goal” with Spanish, but the two are distinct languages. Quechua is the most widely spoken indigenous language in South America, including spoken by more than 3 million Peruvians.
Taking one step closer to qualifying for the World Cup Russia 2018 with a 2-1 away victory against Ecuador on September 5, 2017, Peru has only two matches left in the qualifying cycle. Peru currently sits in 4th place that comes with an automatic berth ahead of other traditional regional powers like Argentina.
These efforts were the work of the Indigenous Audiovisual Association – Inkari and Interactiva Medios, fans could relive the match through a YouTube video summary with play-by-play in the Quechua language.
Another radio station, Radio Peruana Unión, broadcasted the entire match bilingually in Quechua and Spanish over its airwaves and online, uploading a behind-the-scenes clip showing the emotion displayed by the announcer calling both goals. There is also a video with a Quechua announcer of an earlier full match between Peru and neighboring Bolivia where Quechua is also spoken.

author: Eduardo Avila


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Japan’s Removal from South Korea’s Winter Olympics Map Revives Old Disputes Between the Two Neighbors · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

A television image taken from the PyeongChang Organizing Committee website. Caption (top-right): “Why was Japan omitted from a map on the official PyeongChang 2018 Olympic website? Japanese government protests.” Screencap from ANN official YouTube channel.
The omission of Japan from a map on the official web page of the upcoming 2018 Winter Olympics in PyeongChang, South Korea has provoked outrage in Japan, and exposed deep resentment against its neighbor.
On Wednesday, September 27, 2017, the Japan Sports Agency, which supports Japan's Olympic athlete program, reportedly noticed a map uploaded by the PyeongChang 2018 Winter Olympics organizing committee had omitted the Japanese archipelago. It already lodged a complaint via the South Korean Embassy in Tokyo, according to the Associated Press.
Since the February 2018 Winter Olympics will be held in neighboring South Korea, Japan's omission from the map was quite noticeable.
While the Pyeongchang organizing committee reportedly explained the omission of Japan on the map was a “simple mistake” caused by changes in image files when organizers updated the Olympic website in February, the gaffe went viral in Japan, resulting in television coverage and a hashtag on Twitter, #PyeongChang2018HomePage (‘#平昌五輪HP’).
There was also a highly visible protest by the Japanese Cabinet itself which officially rebuked the PyeongChang Olympic organizing committee.
菅義偉官房長官「極めて不適切だ」　#平昌五輪 ＨＰで日本列島ない世界地図掲載 #平昌五輪HPhttps://t.co/JJSH6TgB4p pic.twitter.com/PM7mpXZuDu
— 産経ニュース (@Sankei_news) September 27, 2017
Suga Yoshihide, Chief Cabinet Secretary in the Japanese government: omission “extremely inappropriate.” Official #PyeongChang2018 home page publishes map that omits Japan. #PyeongChang2018HomePage.
While the map was quickly fixed, it did not stop online resentments from seething on social media. Manuronald, a member of the online blogging site Naver Matome, collected some of the tweets in a post that has been viewed nearly 250,000 times. Most of the comments Manuronald collected expressed deep cynicism on whether the omission of Japan was merely a simple mistake.
平昌五輪のサイトの世界地図に日本がないって言うから見たらさらっと修正されてて草 pic.twitter.com/q3rTEN71lf
— すぺーす@noesis勢 (@wisdomandtalent) September 27, 2017
After people noticed Japan wasn't on the map on the PyeongChang Olympic website they fixed it, lolololol
Other tweets suggested that Japan simply refrain from participating in the Winter Games in February 2018.
一生懸命に練習をしてきた選手には本当に申し訳ないけど、こうなると公平なジャッジは期待できないし、日本の選手を侮辱すらするようなことが容易に想像できるので、日本は不参加が良いと思う。#平昌五輪#平昌五輪HP#平昌オリンピック#韓国 https://t.co/YKjRqY9QDd
— ハデス (@hades_Ichiro) September 27, 2017
While it would be totally unfair to the athletes who have trained so hard (for the Olympics), if this sort of thing happens it's unlikely the judges are going to be impartial. It's pretty easy to imagine ways in which Japanese athletes could be slighted (at the Games), so I think it would be better if Japan just do not participate.
One Twitter user suggested that the ongoing tensions on the Korean Peninsula as the North Korean regime tests ballistic missiles and nuclear devices may end up affecting the games anyway.
戦争が起きたり人が死ぬことは全く望まないが、北朝鮮軍の越境などで平昌五輪が中止になったらいいのに、と思う。五輪に備えて頑張ってきた選手のために翌年に別の国で「ポスト五輪」特別に開催したらいい。僕は韓国人は嫌いじゃないが国家としての韓国・北朝鮮は大嫌い。
— ピクシー (日本人でよかった) (@pixie10ole) September 27, 2017
While I don't want to see a war and don't want to see people die, maybe the North Korean military, which is located just across the border, will “pause” those games. Maybe they could reschedule the games another year for a post-Olympics, to give the athletes a chance. I don't hate Koreans, but I detest the South and North Korean governments.
The omission of Japan from the map also refocused the attention of the Japanese Internet on two long-simmering disputes between Japan and South Korea, the naming and ownership of what Japan calls the Takeshima Islands and what South Korea calls Dokdo, located in the waters between Japan and South Korea.
There is also another ongoing dispute between Japan and South Korea over what the body of water commonly referred to as the Sea of Japan should be named. South Korea insists it should be called the ‘East Sea.’
The PyeongChang organizing committee website also wades into these contested waters. As Livedoor news reported,
競技場を説明するページの地図に、島根県の竹島を「DOKDO」（独島）、日本海を「East　Sea」（東海）と記載。
On one of the pages on the site, Takeshima in Shimane prefecture is called “DOKDO”, while the Sea of Japan is called the “East Sea.”
For now, with Japan re-added to the map, the controversy has died down, but some Japanese netizens continue to harbor resentment and often outright hatred towards South Korea.

author: Nevin Thompson


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Misleading Headline Sparks Row Between Jamaica’s Press Association Head and Prime Minister’s Office · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

Ministers at Jamaica House. Photo by OriginalR (Own work), via Wikimedia Commons. CC BY-SA 4.0
When well-known broadcast journalist Dionne Jackson Miller asked Prime Minister Andrew Holness a question about planned road repairs during his quarterly press briefing, little did Jamaicans know that the response would spark a war of words involving the prime minister's office and the country's oldest media house.
Jackson Miller referred to concerns expressed by Political Ombudsman Donna Parchment Brown over a J $600 million road project (about US $4,644,000), scheduled to happen in a rural constituency with a pending, hotly contested by-election. The seat had fallen vacant after the sudden passing of Opposition Member of Parliament Winston Green, who won by a mere five votes in the 2016 general elections.
Questioned about the curious timing, the prime minister, who was expected to announce the dates of the by-election on October 1, 2017 and had repeatedly denied any connection between the works and the upcoming elections, responded: “I would say [the Ombudsman's concerns] are not valid.” He noted a “general concern about how public resources are spent, particularly closer to an election, for partisan benefit” and said he was willing to discuss the matter further at planned bipartisan talks with the opposition.
It is difficult for anyone to shrug off Dionne Jackson Miller. She hosts two popular current affairs programs on Radio Jamaica (RJR) and Television Jamaica (TVJ), and is also president of the Press Association of Jamaica (PAJ). Her employers are the powerful RJR/Gleaner Communications Group (the two media houses merged in 2015).
Pressed again therefore, Prime Minister Holness mentioned two government agencies without referring to the ombudsman — the Office of the Contractor General (OCG) and the National Contracts Commission (NCC) — explaining that he answers to them in matters like these. The OCG is already monitoring the project after strong objections from the opposition People's National Party (PNP).
Holness denied that his administration was using state resources to boost his party's chances in the by-election, adding, “There is no basis for anyone to lodge any complaints for political abuse of public resources”.
Two days later, a front page headline — “Not You, Madam! — in the Gleaner newspaper raised some hackles in political circles, and sparked social media discussions, as well as strong criticism from another media house, since it was not a direct quote from the prime minister.
A letter from Holness’ director of communications titled “Misleading NOT YOU MADAM! Reportage” was soon posted on Twitter:
Please see letter sent to PAJ President @djmillerJA today. pic.twitter.com/pA78JFoOmk
— Robert Nesta Morgan (@NestaJA) September 25, 2017
The letter objected to the “substance, tone and tenor” of the article, concluding:
The misleading reportage has created a negative perception among some members of the public that the Prime Minister has disrespected the Office of the Political Ombudsman. This is not so.
Seeing that there is no media complaints council, as was supported by you in March 2015…and that the relevant questions were asked by you, we seek your intervention as PAJ President and a leading member of the RJR/Gleaner Communications Group to provide clarity to the public…
We also invite you as PAJ President, senior journalist and lawyer to offer your experienced guidance to colleagues who may have breached the principles of fairness which should attend upon good journalism.
Jackson Miller wasted no time in responding, and tweeted a sharp retort in letter form a few hours later:
Since you have worked in media, I am quite sure you understand editorial processes, and how newsrooms work. I am therefore at a complete loss as to why you would think it appropriate to call on me to ‘clarify’ an article I neither wrote nor edited, and that was not carried on either of the programmes which I produce and present…
You state that the questions to which the Prime Minister responded were asked by me, and then make the completely illogical and astonishing leap to suggest that this should, at least in part, form the basis for my intervention to ‘clarify’ a story I had absolutely nothing to do with.
I have no idea why you felt it necessary to mention the fact that I am a lawyer. If you believe there are legal issues involved here, surely you should be corresponding with the legal counsel of the RJR Gleaner Communications Group (who is not me).
Thank you for your kind invitation for me to offer guidance to my colleagues. I would like to assure you that this type of discourse takes place regularly in the media community.
You are, of course, quite within your right to share any concerns you have about any article or publication by any media house. The right of freedom of expression surely belongs to those who wish to criticize the press, as much as to anyone else.
The newly appointed head of the Media Association of Jamaica, Christopher Barnes, who works at the same media house as Jackson Miller, defended the PAJ's stance in a radio interview.
The response raised some eyebrows:
I was taught that when you are upset never respond in writing nor speech. What a piece of ‘tracing’ from the learned lady?!
— Kerry-Ann Morgan (@patrioticjam) September 26, 2017
“Tracing” is Jamaican slang for persistently arguing.
During an interview with talk show host Cliff Hughes on a rival radio station, Jackson Miller refused to comment, as Press Association head, on whether the article — or the headline — was fair, saying Jamaicans should make up their own minds. She noted that kind of criticism is the role of a media complaints council – a mandate the PAJ does not have, although it supports the creation of such a body. She added that the Office of the Prime Minister should have responded directly to the media house.
Former media head and influential commentator Marcia Forbes tweeted:
When the media gets it wrong, as with @JamaicaGleaner & this story re Ombudsman & the PM, media needs to retract & apologize. https://t.co/NrEYF9NBtS
— Marcia Forbes (@marciaforbes) September 25, 2017
Journalist Rodney Campbell, in a long Twitter thread, complained about the dangers of “click bait”:
It is a most dishonest and underhand way to report an event by using a headline you KNOW gives a different impression than the actual story
— Rodney Campbell (@rodneytwit) September 27, 2017
He also suggested that egos were at play in the debate:
Being the watchdog and keeper of the gate doesn't make you owner of the house…or give you the right to be overwhelmed by awesome power
— Rodney Campbell (@rodneytwit) September 27, 2017
The Gleaner itself stoutly defended its headline and story in two editorials on September 24 and September 27, even tweeting an excerpt from the second one:
Editorial: Mr Morgan and biting dogs https://t.co/7n6gBW6RhC pic.twitter.com/sgrds33yMC
— Jamaica Gleaner (@JamaicaGleaner) September 27, 2017
One Jamaican responded:
I am disappointed with the structure of this response. The bottom line is that the PM didn't utter the words in the headline. #justsaythat
— Mind food (@awsum78) September 27, 2017
A letter to the Jamaica Observer newspaper commented on the oft-discussed media complaints council — an idea that has apparently been shelved — urging:
Now, step up to the plate, get moving in constituting an oversight body and ensure it is free to function effectively.
After all, you would require no less from others.
Despite all of this, there were questions on the other side. Returning to the original bone of contention, commentator and attorney-at-law Linton Gordon referred to the prime minister as “aloof, arrogant and high-handed” and urged him to spend money on the road works after the elections.
Civil society activist Jeanette Calder commented on the prime minister's “diminishing credibility” over the road works, commenting on Facebook that questions remain.
So, what of the ombudsman's role? People asked what the point of the ombudsman, a well-paid office, is, and Jackson Miller herself hosted a television show on the matter:
@djmillerJA why the office holder cant be a “voluntary” one in service to country for and for terms limit? 22mil for what?!!! Kmt
No wonder we are in the state we are in. U know how much 22mil could do to security, health or education?
— Rick – theCynic (@ricksocool) September 28, 2017
“Kmt” means “kiss my teeth”, slang to denote disgust or annoyance.
At this point, the two sides appear to be at stalemate (or perhaps there is a truce), but Jamaicans on the sidelines have had plenty to say, as usual, on media-related topics. This discussion took on several dimensions — beyond the headlines — which, funny enough, is the name of Jackson Miller's radio show.


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Peru’s Inti Currency Is Just One Reminder of When Peruvian Economy Went Crazy · Global Voices
Gabriela García Calderón Orbe

One thousand intis banknote. Image on Flickr by user A.Davey (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0).
If you are Peruvian and over the age of 35, you probably remember the time when Peru's economy went crazy, especially during the second half of the 1980s. During those years, words like inflation –along with its superlative, hyperinflation – shortages, scarcity and maquinita trended in everyday language (maquinita, literally “little machine”, was a colloquial way to refer to the inorganic emission of currency not backed by the Central Reserve Bank of Peru, the country's issuing entity).
It was during this time that the government created a new currency called the inti (the Quechuan word for “sun”), a short-lived currency that existed between 1985 and 1991, and that due to huge devaluation, was replaced by the nuevo sol (literally “new sun”, today officially known just as sol). Figures don't lie, in 1985 one inti amounted to one thousand nuevos soles; but in 1991, the nuevo sol amounted to one million intis.
During those years, the country's cumulative inflation rate reached up to 2,178.49%. A figure that looks astronomic when compared with the 3.23% inflation in 2016.
Although, it is important to note that during this period Peru was suffering regular domestic terrorism attacks, one of the many causes for this inflation rate was President Alan García's economic policy during his first administration (1985-1990). According to Wikipedia:
Memories of shortages and long lines to get essentials prevail. Some citizens do not lose any opportunity to remind former President García of this, even today:
Haga su cola, señor.
— Roberto Black (@roblack19) 24 de julio de 2017
First tweet (by Alan García) complaining about a phone company: For 32 days, your service answers “we've registered a breakdown in your area”. When do you [plan to] fix it?
———-
Second tweet: Get in line, sir.
Today, when the media is again using the words like hyperinflation, lines and scarcity to refer to other countries, like Venezuela, some Peruvians are again reminded of the inti currency.
The blog Ratapelada tells us about the rapid banknote denomination changes and how Peruvians used to only pay with banknotes, as there were no coins in circulation.
La galopante hiperinflación aprista acabo con su existencia [del inti] de la manera más rápida posible. Una imagen recurrente de esta moneda se asocia con enormes fajos de billetes que, debido al fenómeno inflacionario, perdían su valor adquisitivo en cuestión de meses o semanas. Si bien los primeros billetes fueron los de 10, 50, 100 y 500 intis. Ya en 1986 se introdujo un billete de 1.000 intis. […] En 1988 fueron introducidos billetes de 5.000 y 10.000 intis. En 1989, fueron introducidos los billetes de 50.000 y 100.000 intis. A inicios de 1990 fue introducido un billete de 500.000 intis, y en el segundo semestre de ese mismo año empezaron a circular los billetes de 1 y 5 millones de intis.
The out-of-control hyperinflation by APRA party-led administration [Alan García's party] ended up with [inti's] existence as soon as possible. A recurring image of this currency is linked to huge wads of banknotes that, due to inflation, lost acquisition value in months or even weeks. The first banknotes were the 10, 50, 100 and 500 intis. By 1986, the 1.000 intis banknote was introduced. […] In 1988, 5.000 and 10.000 intis banknotes were introduced. In 1989, we had 50.000 and 100.000 banknotes. In early 1990, a banknote for 500.000 intis was introduced, and on the second half of that year, banknotes for 1 and 5 million intis started to circulate.
On Twitter, some users shared pictures of those high nominative value banknotes:
Con un millon de intis comprabas un tarro de leche
Volaron todos
+ de un millo'n .
85 – 90 pic.twitter.com/Nq6ouOqBCQ
— Jose Luis Galarreta (@gala_peru) 4 de septiembre de 2017
With one million intis, you could buy a can of milk.
They were all sold out.
over a million.
Alan,te acuerdas de este billete?Sí.Son 5 “millones”de intis y te alcanzaría para un pequeño desayuno de 6 panes,mantequilla y jamonada,hoy! pic.twitter.com/c3qWzEjFq0
— un poco de memoria (@melitoncarbajal) 21 de agosto de 2017
First tweet: ???, wake up you, POLITICAL ZOMBIE, this is not the 1990s anymore, when you fooled everybody. Remember your 5%!!!
——-
Second tweet: [Expresident] Alan [Garcia], do you remember this banknote? Indeed, 5 “million” intis. Today they could get you a modest breakfast with six pieces of bread, butter and jam!
That 5% is referred to the total votes Alan García got in the 2016 president election.
Billetes en el Perú: así eran los Intis de los ochenta [FOTOS] https://t.co/qZiuI5vX4b vía @elcomercio_peru
— Mónica Chávez Pérez (@monicaperu1) 22 de septiembre de 2017
On the link: Peruvian banknotes: these are the intis from the 1980s [PHOTOS]
The intis were issued to replace our devalued soles, but they lived a short and unfortunate life.
——
Tweet: Peruvian banknotes: these are the intis from the 1980s [PHOTOS]
Los intis en la actualidad: ¿Qué podrías comprar hoy con estos billetes? [VIDEO] https://t.co/RABKR74srx pic.twitter.com/fXigppz3jH
— Lima_El Comercio (@Lima_ECpe) 22 de septiembre de 2017
Intis nowadays: what could you buy today with these banknotes? [VIDEO]
Some online shopping websites even offer them as collectibles.

author: Gabriela García Calderón Orbe