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Why Are Japan’s Election Sound Cars So Noisy, and So Pointless? · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

Communist Party Election Sound Truck, Tsuruga. Photo by Nevin Thompson.
On July 10, 2016 Japan goes to the polls. While the purpose of the upcoming election is to choose 121 of the 242 members who make up the House of Councillors, the upper house of Japan's bicarmeral parliament, for many Japanese people it's a somewhat meaningless, low-stakes election — yet, there is one issue that generates passion amongst almost everyone in the Japanese electorate: noisy sound cars.
朝から選挙カーの騒音に睡眠妨害される土日。
そんな党には絶対投票しないからな
— おまっさん( ³ω³ ) (@mid_1209) June 25, 2016
I can't sleep in on Saturday, my day off, with the noise from the sound trucks from morning until night.
Sound trucks and sound cars — vehicles outfitted with campaign livery and loudspeakers — are a key tool for virtually any election campaign in Japan.
The cars and trucks slowly cruise through the byways and neighborhoods that make up the electoral battlefield, blaring one message: the candidate's name, and a plea for your vote on election day.
This YouTube video captures exactly what sound cars do every election, and why some voters might find them annoying:
Video caption: “The election sound car is here and it's LOOOOOUD!”
It is argued that, especially in an election such as Japan's July 10 vote where voters are generally not engaged and not really paying attention, developing name recognition is a key part of getting elected — so using sound cars to make sure people know your name at the ballot box seems like a wise strategy — but some Japanese voters are still unimpressed with it:
選挙カー嫌だな。犬がビックリする。老犬とかは大きい音が苦手で、花火の後の次の日に死んじゃった子もいるし。
近所のオバサンの元犬。
静かな夏を過ごしたいですね。
— 羽芽子(うめこ）と飼い主（あこ） (@umekodaa) June 25, 2016
Man, I hate election sound cars. For example, older dogs really hate the racket, and, just like the day after a fireworks display, some of them actually die from the stress. There's a woman in the neigborhood whose dog died this way. All I really want to do is enjoy a quiet summer.
Other voters wonder why the election sound cars simply (and seemingly mindlessly) repeat the name of the candidate over and over, without broadcasting any other useful information.
ほんまに！◯◯党△△××です！！
としか言ってない選挙カーは政党と名前よりお前の意見を言えって思うよね
何処で戦ってんの？って思う
— かき (@Kaki_0223) June 24, 2016
Oh, man!
“I am ‘XYZ” candidate from “ZYX” party!!”
That's all that's ever blared from the election sound car. Instead of just your name, can't we ever hear what you actually think? And why you're actually running in the election?
あー、またこれから選挙カーとかでうるせぇなぁ・・いや、投票はもちろん行くんだよ？ただ、各政党とか候補の主張なんてもう十分分かってるし、むしろ選挙カーからのスピーカーなんざ名前連呼してるだけで、聞く事に何の意味もないしな。マジうるさいだけ。
— murratch (@murratchxx) June 22, 2016
Arg, it's time for the noise and so from the election sound cars to start once again… Of course I'm going to go and vote, but I already know who all of the candidates are! But the sound cars just keep repeating the candidates’ names over and over again, without saying what the candidates actually believe! It's really just a noisy racket.
Spotlight blogger Mikan Box (みかん箱, mikan bako) offers an explanation about why election sound cars blare such seemingly meaningless messages:
せっかく大音量でアピールするなら、自分の意見や政策を言えばいいのに！と思っている方もいるかもしれませんが、実は選挙カーから伝える内容は公職選挙法により限定されているのです。
You might say ‘If candidates are going to blare earsplitting messages to try to get me to vote for them, why not actually tell me what they actually think!’
However, the messages that sound cars broadcast actually must follow guidelines set out in Japan's election laws.
Mikan Box refers to Article 141, Clause 3, of Japan's election law:
「選挙運動のために使用される自動車の上においては、選挙運動をすることができない」とした上で、２つの例外をあげています。
・自動車の上において選挙運動のための「連呼行為」をすること。
・停車した自動車の上において、選挙運動のために演説すること。
It is prohibited to campaign using motor vehicles. There are two exceptions to this prohibition:
・Repeating the same (simple message) from atop a moving motor vehicle
・Delivering campaign speeches from atop a stationary motor vehicle
Mikan Box concludes by saying:
つまり走行中の選挙カーでは「同じことを繰り返し言うこと」しか法律で認められていないのです。そのため、どの候補者も名前やあいさつの連呼になってしまうんですね。
しかし、そんな名前を連呼するためだけに何台もクルマや人員を用意して、本当に意味があるのでしょうか。
So, it seems that (according to Japan's election laws) the only thing candidates can legally do while campaigning from a moving motor vehicle is to broadcast the same message, over and over. And so, for that reason, election candidates in Japan have resorted to simply repeating their name and simple greetings over and over again.
However, one wonders if the effort of putting together the people and resources for these election sound cars is really worth it.
While most Japanese people find sound cars annoying at best, they still have the power to amuse. One hapless soundtruck that got stuck while attempting to cross under a railway managed to go viral:
おい！　そこの自民党候補の青山繁晴！
選挙カーで公共物を壊すんじゃねー！
観衆少なすぎるので集めようと、
わざとじゃねーだろーな！
まわりの迷惑考えろ！！
詳細→https://t.co/HyrrTV5gOm pic.twitter.com/5QTgVCZfLw
— 北濱幹也 (@kitahamamikiya) July 2, 2016
Hey! You! Candidate Aoyama Shigeharu of the Liberal Democratic Party! Your sound truck should not be destroying public property (like that railway overpass)! […] It's a real pain in the ass!

author: Nevin Thompson


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Kyrgyzstan’s President Turns Mournful Singer-Songwriter · Global Voices
Eurasianet

Kyrgyz leader Almazbek Atambayev doing his day job. Russian government photo. Licensed for reuse.
The following is a partner post from EurasiaNet.org. Republished with permission.
Social media in Kyrgyzstan is abuzz at the sudden appearance online of a soulful singing performance by President Almazbek Atamabayev, who has apparently elected to show off his more sensitive side.
The Russian-language song “In Spite of Fate” appeared on YouTube on July 2 and was accompanied by suitably downbeat snippets from Soviet-era Kyrgyz film “Provincial Romance.”
Atambayev does not himself appear in the clip, which had racked up around 75,000 views by July 4, but his voice is unmistakable.
Representatives from the Ordo production studio, which recorded the song, told local outlet Kloop.kg that the president is also the person playing the acoustic guitar.
“This is one of my first songs,” Atambayev drawls lugubriously in the intro, as if addressing a captive audience at an intimate acoustic set. “It is like a motto for me. This song helped me to beat a path through all the difficulties that befell me in life.”
The two-minute song that follows is a melancholy recollection about a lost lover. Referring to “memories like droplets of rain” and swimming to “the lighthouse of your sad eyes,” the song evokes a protagonist weighed down by tribulations and misfortune, rather than the businessman-turned-opposition politician who came to power on the back of a bloody revolution.
Other presidents in the region have turned out happier fare.
Think of Turkmen leader Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov’s “Forward Only Forward, My Dear Country Turkmenistan” — a blandly bubbly streak of ethno-disco trash as lacking in self-reflection and humility as Atambayev’s tune is in cheer. And it is hard to see Atambayev embarrassing thousands of his browbeaten citizens, including all his top officials, into participating in a mass rendition of his song.
But while Atambayev, four-and-a-half years into a single, six-year term in office, is unlikely to erect a golden statue of himself anytime soon, this song does appear to have helped him out on the image-building front.
Just as when news broke last year that his youngest daughter, Aliya, had donated almost $3,000 raised from a painting exhibition to a Down Syndrome charity, social media users have been making favourable comparisons to the former ruling Bakiyev family, whose talents barely extended beyond stealing.
“Recently I have been discovering a new Atambayev,” wrote Facebook user Aitpasgul Aitpaeva on the wall of member of parliament Janar Akayev, who posted the music video.
“I like this other Atambayev more,” she concluded.
Preferring the singing Atambayev isn’t difficult, however.
This is a notable softening of image from the thin-skinned, tantrum-throwing politician fond of engaging in unseemly diplomatic spats and haranguing female human rights activists in public.
While Atambayev may portray himself as a grief-stricken lover struggling against a tide of ill-luck, Kyrgyzstan might have been a much happier place now had he struggled a little harder and pushed through much-needed political reform in the graft-prone country.
Still, the leader who first grew rich in the early 1990s by setting up a printing house pumping out Russian translations of popular Western books and claims he wanted to be a writer as a child has now proven himself a man of words, if not of deeds.
And those not fond of his rueful debut hit should be aware that there may be more where it came from. At an end-of-year speech last year, the glum strummer, who turns 60 in September, revealed he plans to take up the piano in retirement.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Eurasianet


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Nurse, Restaurant Owner and Motorbike Taxi Driver: Fatoumata Diaby Is a Symbol of Mali’s Resilience · Global Voices
Boukary Konaté

Fatim, the motorbike taxi entrepreneur in Saolabada, Kéniéba in Mali with her permission.
After several years marked by confrontations in the north of the country, Mali is working progressively towards its reconstruction and reunification. The task is difficult, but the citizens of Mali are not objecting. Fatoumata Diaby is an edifying example of this Mali, which is letting go of nothing and is making daily efforts to reconstruct its economy. Fatoumata lives in Sakolabada, in the center of Mali. Global Voices met up with her while she was driving her motorbike taxi.
Commonly called “taxinin” or “katakatanin”, motorbike taxis are used today in almost every region of Mali. They serve as public transportation in certain cities like Ségou, where they are trying to supplant taxis to offer a more affordable alternative to city dwellers. In Bamako, they are used to transport baggage. Formerly an activity exclusively done by men, Fatoumata is the first woman to take the handlebars of a “taxinin”.
Here is the interview with Fatoumata, by Boukary Konaté for Global Voices.
GV: Can you introduce yourself to our readers?
Fatoumata Diaby FD: Je me nomme Fatoumata Diaby, j’ai 35 ans. Je suis originaire de Kéniéba, mais je vis avec mon mari à Sakolabada, un village d’orpaillage situé à 26 kms de Kéniéba. Nous avons trois enfants: deux garçons et une fille. Je suis infirmière, mais je n’ai pas eu la chance de pratiquer ce métier.
Fatoumata Diaby (FD): My name is Fatoumata Diaby, I am 35 years old. I am originally from Kéniéba, but I live with my husband in Sakolabada, a gold panning village about 26 km from Kéniéba. We have three children: two boys and a girl. I am a nurse, but I haven't had the chance to practice this occupation.
GV: Yesterday, I met you at Kati on a motorbike taxi going to Kéniéba. You told me that you were coming to buy motorbike taxis in Bamako in order to go sell them in Kéniéba. You drive these motorbike taxis from Bamako to Kéniéba. Explain to us why and for how long you have done this work?
FD: Parfois, les choses arrivent d’elles-mêmes. Je suis infirmière de formation, mais Dieu ne m’a pas donné la chance de pratiquer ce métier. Au lieu de me croiser les bras, j’ai ouvert un restaurant en 2011 à Sakolabada. Mais je ne pouvais pas me contenter de ce seul travail pour ma famille. J’ai acheté un moto-taxi, j’ai appris à le conduire et j’ai commencé à faire le transport de bagages dans les zones d’orpaillages. Ceux qui font de l’orpaillage ont besoin de transporter leurs pierres auprès du moulin pour extraire de l’or. Je me chargeais de transporter ces pierres aux moulins. Je transportais également leurs matériels entre la ville de Kéniéba et les zones d’orpaillage, sur leurs lieux de travail. De même, je transportais également de l’eau à vendre aux clients quand il y a une pénurie d’eau sur les lieux.
En 2015, j’ai pu ouvrir une boutique de vente de pièces détachées de motos dans le village de Sakolabada. J’ai alors arrêté avec le transport pour me contenter de cette boutique de pièces détachées. Comme les clients savent que je m’y connais un peu aux moto-taxis, ils viennent commander chez moi à chaque fois qu’ils en ont besoin. Alors, je viens acheter les commandes à Bamako, je charge ainsi les pièces détachées que j’achète également à Bamako et je le conduis à Kéniéba ou à Sakolabada. Même s’il n’y a pas de commande, parfois, je viens en acheter pour aller le garer à la boutique pour les clients. C’est comme ça que j’ai commencé ce commerce de moto-taxi.
FD: Sometimes, things happen themselves. I am a trained nurse, but God has not given me the chance to practice this occupation. Instead of crossing my arms, I opened a restaurant in 2011 in Sakolabada. But I couldn't make do for my family with only this job. I bought a motorbike taxi, I learned to drive it, and I started to transport baggage in the gold panning areas. Those who do gold panning need to transport their stones to the mill to extract the gold. I took care of transporting these stones to the mill. I also transported their materials between the city of Kéniéba and the gold panning areas, in their workplaces. Likewise, I also transported water to sell to clients when there was a shortage of water in those places.  In 2015, I was able to open a store to sell replacement parts for motorbikes in the village of Sakolabada. I then stopped with transportation to focus on this replacement parts store. As the clients know that I am familiar with motorbike taxis, they come order from me every time they need parts. Then I go buy the orders in Bamako and I drive them to Kéniéba or to Sakolabada. Even if there are no orders, sometimes, I go buy a motorbike to park it at the store for the clients. That is how I started in the motorbike taxi business.
GV:  How much does a motorbike taxi cost in Bamako and how much can you make in profit after the sale in Sakolabada or Kéniéba?
FD: ça dépend de la montée et de la baisse du prix sur le marché. Je peux par exemple acheter une moto à 1 180 000 FCFA à Bamako et la livrer aux clients à 1 230 000 FCFA. Le carburant pour aller de Bamako à Kéniéba me coûte 25 000 FCFA. Ce qui est important dans tout ça, c’est le fait que dans le moto-taxi, je transporte les nouvelles pièces détachées que j’achète pour ma boutique. Ainsi, je ne paie pas de frais de transport ni pour moi même ni pour le moto-taxi ni pour les pièces détachées aux chauffeurs de car. Je ne vise pas tout le bénéfice directement sur la vente du moto-taxi, mais le fait aussi de ne pas payer tous ces frais de transport, constitue pour moi un bénéfice à gagner si on sait que par car, les frais de transport d’une personne de Bamako à Kéniéba c’est 6 000 à 7 000 FCFA, 50 000 FCFA pour le moto-taxi et entre 30 000 à 35 000 FCFA pour les pièces détachées que j’achète pour la boutique.
FD: It depends on the rise and fall of the price on the market. For example, I can buy a motorbike for 1,180,000 FCFA (about $2,000 USD) in Bamako and deliver it to the clients for 1,230,000 FCFA (about $2,100 USD). The fuel to go from Bamako to Kéniéba costs me 25,000 FCFA. What is important in all that is that I transport new replacement parts that I buy for my store in the motorbike. Thus, I don't pay shipping fees to car drivers, not for myself, nor for a motorbike taxi, nor for replacement parts. I don't get all the profit directly from the sale of the motorbike taxi, but also from the fact that I don't pay all these shipping fees, which constitutes for me a profit in itself if one knows that, by car, transportation fees for a person from Bamako to Kéniéba are 6,000 to 7,000 FCFA, 50,000 FCFA for a motorbike taxi, and between 30,000 and 35,000 FCFA for the replacement parts that I buy for the store.
GV: Fatoumata, managing a family and practicing this occupation is not an easy thing to do…
FD: Je n’ai encore rencontré de difficultés insurmontables. Je fais ce travail avec le consentement de mon mari et il me soutient beaucoup. Parfois, on travaille ensemble. Lui, il travaille dans la mine, mais quand moi je viens à Bamako pour les achats, c’est lui qui tient la boutique. Pour les travaux domestiques, mon mari et moi, nous gérons ensemble de sorte que chacun puisse avoir le temps de s’épanouir dans son travail. J’ai également engagé une fille que je paie chaque mois. Elle nous aide dans les travaux domestiques et on s’entend très bien avec elle. Alors à trois, nous menons convenablement cette vie de commerce et de travaux domestiques.
FD: I have never encountered insurmountable difficulties. I do this work with the consent of my husband and he supports me very much. Sometimes, we work together. Him, he works in the mines, but when I go to Bamako for purchases, he runs the store. For domestic work, my husband and I manage together in a way that each of us has time to prosper in our work. I have also hired a girl that I pay each month. She helps in domestic work and we get along very well with her. So the three of us lead a respectable life of commerce and domestic work.
GV: What happens with the other motorbike taxi owners in Kéniéba?
FD:
Je m’entends bien avec les autres commerçants. Chacun gagne sa chance quotidiennement. La seule différence c’est que les motos que je roule de Bamako à Kéniéba sont bien rodées à l’arrivée et se trouvent en bon état. Les clients préfèrent ces motos à celles transportées dans les camions qui parfois, se déforment à l’arrivée à cause des charges qu’on met là-dessus dans les camions.
FD: I get along well with the other owners. Everyone has their chance every day. The only difference is that the motorbikes that I drive from Bamako to Kéniéba are well run and arrive in good condition. The clients prefer these motorbikes to those transported in trucks which sometimes are deformed on arrival because of the loads that they put in the trucks.
GV: How much do people appreciate what you do?
FD:
Les gens aiment beaucoup ce que je fais. Tout le monde m’encourage dans ce travail. Je profite pour remercier les populations de Sakolabada et Kéniéba pour leur encouragement. Les hommes et les femmes me soutiennent beaucoup, même si certaines femmes trouvent que ce que je fais n’est pas un travail conforme à une femme et c’est d’ailleurs pour cette raison que je suis surnommée « Katakataninbolila Fatim » (Fatim, la conductrice de Katakanin, comme on aime appeler le moto-taxi en bambara).
FD: People like what I do very much. Everyone encourages me in this work. I do my best to thank the populations of Sakolabada and Kéniéba for their encouragement. The men and women support me a lot, even if certain women think that what I do is not acceptable work for a woman, and incidentally it is for this reason that I have been nicknamed ‘Katakataninbolila Fatim’ (Fatim, the driver of Katakanin, as people like to call motorbike taxis in bambara).
GV: Does this nickname cause you any problems?
FD: Pas du tout! C’est d’ailleurs un plaisir pour moi que d’être surnommée comme ça! ça désigne mon travail, ça signifie que je suis connue dans mon travail, donc que je l’aime et que je le fais peut-être bien. Et puis, il n’est pas dit que tout le monde partage nécessairement ma pensée, mes ambitions.
FD: Not at all! It is a pleasure for me to be named that! It shows my work, it means that I am known in my work, that I like it and I do it well. And also, it is not said that everyone necessarily must share my thoughts, my ambitions.
GV: In this work, what can you share with us as a memory?
FD: Un jour, ma sœur a remarqué que j'étais en retard et m’a appelé au téléphone pour prendre de mes nouvelles. Je me suis garée pour décrocher le téléphone et je lui ai dit que j’ étais presque arrivée et que j'étais en moto (c'était ma premiere fois au volant de la moto). Etonnée, elle a informé les femmes et les jeunes du village. Ils se sont alors tous regroupés pour venir m’accueillir à l’entrée de la ville à pied, en moto, et en voiture avec des tam-tams. Cela a été une grande surprise pour moi. Je reste reconnaissante à toute la population de Kéniéba pour ce geste de reconnaissance qui fut un grand honneur et une grande joie pour moi.
FD: One day, my sister noticed that I was late and called me on the phone to ask what I was doing. I parked in order to pick up the phone and told her that I was about to arrive and that I was on a motorbike (this was my first time at the wheel of a motorbike). Stunned, she told the women and children of the village. Then they all got together to come greet me at the entrance to the village on foot, on motorbikes, and in cars with tam-tams. That was a huge surprise for me. I am still grateful to the entire population of Kéniéba for this gesture of recognition which was a great honor and source of joy for me.
GV: We live in a society in which tradition says that certain tasks are reserved for men. In your work, do you claim to be a woman doing work normally reserved for men?
FD: Mon idée n’est pas du tout de me comparer aux hommes en faisant ce travail. Je le fais par passion, je le fait par ce que je l’aime, je fais ce travail parce que j’y gagne ma vie. En le faisant, je transmets un message et ce message n’est autre que de montrer aux femmes et aux jeunes que l’heure n’est plus le temps de s’asseoir, que personne ne doit plus croiser les bras, qu’on cesse de faire le choix entre les métiers avec l’idée qu’on a un diplôme et qu’on doit forcement travailler dans un bureau. C’est ce message que je transmets et je me vois comme un exemple dans ce message que je transmets à tous. Quant à l’idée de l’égalité entre les hommes et les femmes, je ne maîtrise pas toutes les subtilités , mais pour moi ce qui compte, surtout dans un foyer entre la femme et son mari, c’est la compréhension, l’entente et la complémentarité. Quand un homme et sa femme s’entendent bien, c’est tout le bonheur du foyer et c’est cela, cette égalité qu’on cherche!
FD: My goal is not to compare myself to men in doing this work at all. I do it out of passion, I do it because I love it, I do this work because it is how I make my living. In doing it, I promote a message and this message is none other than to show to women and young people that it is no longer the time to sit down, nobody has to cross their arms, that we no longer have to choose between occupations with the idea that one has a diploma and must therefore work in an office. It is this message that I promote and I see myself as an example of this message I send to everyone. As for the idea of equality between men and women, I have not mastered all the subtleties, but for me what counts, especially in the home between the wife and her husband, is comprehension, understanding, and complementing qualities. When a man and his wife get along well, all is happiness in the home, and it is that equality that we look for.
GV: What difficulties have you encountered since you started transporting motorbike taxis from Bamako to Kayes?
FD: dans ce métier, je ne peux pas parler de difficultés majeures, mais c’est fatiguant de rouler en moto-taxi de Bamako à Kéniéba (400km). Parfois, la moto tombe également en panne. Quand ces genres de pannes arrivent en cours de route, je répare la moto moi-même: je peux coller le pneu ou changer le disque. j’ai tous les matériels pour ces genres de pannes avec moi.
FD: In this occupation, I can't speak of major difficulties, but it is tiring to drive a motorbike taxi from Bamako to Kéniéba (400km). Sometimes, the motorbike also breaks down. When these types of things happen along the way, I repair the motorbike myself: I can patch the tire or change the brakes. I have all the materials for these types of repairs with me.
GV: Final words?
FD: je vous remercie pour cette interview. Dans ce métier, je ne me vois pas en héros, mais en exemple. je me vois comme une source d’inspiration pour les femmes et les jeunes.  Ils comprendront    j'èspere qu'à travers ce que je fais, que le temps de se considérer comme supérieur ou inférieur vis à vis d'un métier est terminé. Il suffit juste d’aimer ce que l'on fait et de se battre car la réussite est au bout de l’effort.
FD: I thank you for this interview. In this unique line of work, I don't see myself as a hero, but as an example. I see myself as a source of inspiration for women and young people. They will understand I hope, through what I do, that the time to consider oneself superior or inferior regarding a job is over. It is okay just to love what you do and fight for it because success comes as a result of effort.

author: Boukary Konaté


text:
Russia’s Children’s Rights Commissioner Is Stepping Down, But We’ll Remember Him for These 7 Things · Global Voices
Yulia Savitskaya

Russia's outgoing Children's Rights Commissioner Pavel Astakhov. And a banana. Photo edited by Kevin Rothrock.
Pavel Astakhov, Russia's children's rights commissioner and a man of many talents, is finally stepping down. Astakhov's resume is quite something: he's written crime novels, hosted TV shows, and worked as a defense attorney, with clients that include former Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov and his wife, Yelena Baturina, Russia's former culture minister, Mikhail Shvydkoi, the conductor and musician Vladimir Spivakov, and dozens of other celebrities and public figures.
And it's safe to say that Astakhov is a celebrity himself, though his claims to fame are owed generally to a history of public scandals and gaffes. RuNet Echo reviews the seven most memorable moments of his career, as we part with Russia's longtime children's rights commissioner.
1) The Courtroom Poet
Back in 2000, when Astakhov was the founder of a legal firm in Moscow, he decided to read one of his own poems aloud in a courtroom. This was before the days of Facebook and other modern social networks, but the nascent Russian Internet took notice. Astakhov was defending Edmond Pope, the American convicted of smuggling military equipment out of Russia, and later pardoned by Vladimir Putin. You can still read some of what Astakhov recited in court, and it's pretty bad.
Но нет у кодекса души пока.
Но есть душа у вас, я точно знаю.
Богаты русские душою, честно веря,
Взирать в глаза творца,
Прощать готовы не раз, не два.
Так, может быть, довольно
Невинно осужденных и распятых?
The code of laws does not have a soul yet,
But you do have a soul, I know that.
Russian have wide-open hearts, and sincere faith,
And ready to behold the Creator,
And ready to forgive not once, not even twice.
So maybe it’s enough with
Wrongfully convicted, crucified?
Astakhov himself has described the poem as a “cry of his soul,” saying it was inspired by either a moment of enlightenment or confusion (though he isn't sure which).
2) The TV Judge
For eight years, from 2004 until 2012, Astakhov routinely appeared on Russian television as a judge for the country's very first court show, “Justice Time” (Час суда). The show was poorly staged, but Astakhov took his role very seriously, scolding the show's participants for bad behavior, telling them to spit out their chewing gum and remove their sunglasses, for instance. Fans praised Astakhov's good looks and personal charisma, but hard-hearted Internet users generally preferred to mock him and the show as cheap entertainment.
3) A Modern-Day Mercutio
In 2005, Astakhov defended Khabib Patakhonov, a 19-year-old illegal immigrant from Uzbekistan, who impregnated Valya Isayeva, an 11-year-old girl from a poor neighborhood in Moscow. With Astakhov's help, Patakhonov escaped prison and was let off with a mere suspended sentence. The Russian mass media depicted Astakhov as the savior of a modern Romeo and Juliet, claiming in reports that the girl tricked Patakhonov, her neighbor, into drinking alcohol, before “seducing” him. After the trial, Patakhonov gained Russian citizenship and married Isayeva as soon as she turned fourteen. Astakhov came under fire from both feminists and Russian nationalists, but the controversy didn't stop him from being appointed to serve as Russia's children's rights commissioner four years later.
4) Full Support for the Ban on US Adoptions
In 2013, Astakhov supported Russia's infamous “Dima Yakovlev law,” which forbids American citizens from adopting Russian children. When asked about his position on the legislation, Astakhov went a step further than the law, saying he opposes all foreign adoptions, though he feels American foster parents are the absolute worst.
5) Inaction When Faced With Forced Marriage
In 2015, Astakhov neglected to intervene in a scandal in Chechnya, where 17-year-old Louise Goylabiyeva was being married to Nazhud Guchigov, an already-married police captain in his 50s (and apparently a personal friend of Chechen ruler Ramzan Kadyrov). Several independent media outlets reported that the marriage was forced on Goylabiyeva, but Astakhov, Russia's children's rights commissioner, made it clear that the case didn't interest him. Justifying his inaction, he awkwardly explained to the public that “early marriages” are more necessary in some areas of Russia, because local women “are already shrivelled by the age of 27, and look about 50 to us [in Moscow].” Astakhov later admitted that his phrasing wasn't ideal, but afterwards on Twitter he still referred to 27 years as “the age of shriveling” for women.
6) The Twitter Idiot
Just a few months after Goylabiyeva's controversial marriage, Astakhov polled his Twitter followers about whether they view chaining schoolchildren to their desks as an acceptable pedagogical tool. Astakhov later said he doesn't support the practice, but the Twitter survey gained viral attention online, and many interpreted it as a passive endorsement of the unorthodox teaching method.
7) The Worst Icebreaker Ever
Earlier this summer, in 2016, Astakhov finally landed in a scandal he couldn't live down. Meeting with survivors from a deadly boating accident in Karelia that claimed the lives of 14 children, Astakhov began with the now-infamous opening question, “So how was the swim?” The insensitive remark sparked enormous public outrage, fueling a Change.org petition calling for Astakhov's resignation that attracted more than 155,000 signatures. In the end, Astakhov actually did agree to step down. On July 1, he confirmed rumors that he is submitting a letter of resignation to President Putin. On July 4, the Kremlin confirmed that Astakhov is stepping down.

author: Yulia Savitskaya


text:
A Muslim Chaplain Explains What It’s Like to Be American Today · Global Voices
Sahar Habib Ghazi

A Muslim man praying in front of the White House in Washington DC. Photo taken in April 2013 by Flickr user Elvert Barnes. CC 2.0.
On the eve of Independence Day in the United States, Khalid Latif, the executive director and chaplain for the Islamic Center at New York University (NYU), shared an emotional note and Facebook Live video explaining what it is like to be a Muslim in America.
His video, which has been viewed more than 161,000 times already, comes at a time when Islamophobic political rhetoric is at its peak, hate crimes against Muslim Americans are increasing, and surveillance of Muslim communities and places of worship is the norm.
This morning, I woke up to images and stories outlining numerous hate crimes taken place against Muslims in cities throughout the United States just in the last 10 hours. Two Muslim teenagers assaulted in Brooklyn New York outside of a mosque while the assailant called them “terrorist,” a Muslim doctor ambushed and shot in Houston Texas by three men as he went for morning prayers, and another Muslim beaten in Fort Pierce Florida right outside of an Islamic Center there. These are just the stories reported and that took place less than a day ago. That's in addition to so many more reported over the last weeks and months, and so many more that just aren't reported.
If you see something, say something has to mean something different to us today. If you see bigotry, say something. If you see hatred, say something. If you see racism, say something. You and I have to be the change that this world needs.
[…]
More likely than not we won't see an outcry against these actions by political leaders of any kind. There will be a continued utilization of Islam as a political football by those who have no real interest in anything other than their own self-interest. Letting hate prevail seemingly didn’t work as a solution to stopping hate, but seemingly that isn't an issue.
Khalid Latif's popularity goes well beyond the NYU community: his Facebook page has 122,042 likes and he has a significant following across the globe. He regularly speaks on race issues and shows solidarity with other marginalized communities in the US.
If you think my anger and frustration is only because that there were Muslims who were attacked, then you don't get it. I feel for these people because they are people. I feel for these people as I feel for Orlando. I feel for these people as I feel for Baltimore, Ferguson and Chicago. I feel for these people as I feel for Turkey, Bangladesh, Iraq and Syria. I feel for these people as I feel for anyone who finds themselves in any type of affliction or conflict. We have seen minorities of all backgrounds get vilified more and more and things have gotten to a point where assaults and even death doesn't bring about a recognition of their value as humans. We have seen shooting after shooting take place in this country, increasing directly along with our country's legislators unwillingness to speak about gun control. My anger and frustration stems from the fact that with every act of hatred and our failed responses to it, indifference is becoming more alive and in the process our shared humanity is dying.
Latif's Facebook profile picture. Photo credit: Priya Chandra.
Latif was the first Muslim chaplain or imam to be appointed at NYU. Two years later, in 2007, New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg nominated him to become the youngest chaplain in history of the New York City Police Department. He was only 24 at the time.
I am a Muslim. I work as the University Chaplain for New York University. I serve as a Chaplain for the New York City Police Department and am given the rank of inspector. I have traveled on behalf of the State Department, met with the heads of homeland security, senior white house officials and even President Obama himself, shared stages with the likes of Pope Francis and the Dalai lama. I am still one of the many Muslims in this country who have been detained, profiled, and surveilled. My home has been visited by the FBI on numerous occasions where I have been told that I am being watched because I am too good to be true. As much as I am seen as antidote, I am first still seen as a poison for no other reason that I choose to practice the faith that I do. That is not ok. But I still believe that we can and will be better.
Healing requires admitting we are sick. You and I are a bigger part of the cure than we might realize. On the eve of our Independence Day, we as a nation have a choice to make. At a time when we are still debating whether Black Lives Matter or not, candidates for the highest offices of our land make statements that indicate they speak for and to only a select group of Americans. We can no longer let our perspectives of each other be fueled through a media machine that seeks to sensationalize and bombard readers and viewers with narrative that serves to only segment and antagonize even further. The amplification of extreme voices has to be drowned out by our coming together. The ignorance of ISIS or the Republican right can no longer be the basis of how we function in diverse societies. We must learn the reality of struggles faced by those around us by actually being with them, as opposed to simply through the biased images that are cast in front of us every day. We do not have to be women to stand up women's rights, black to stand up for black rights, or Muslim to stand up for Muslim rights. An attack on any of us is an attack on all of us. I said it before and I'll say it again, if you see something, say something has to mean something different to us today. If you see bigotry, say something. If you see hatred, say something. If you see racism, say something. You and I have to be the change that this world needs. We cannot adopt a bitterness or passivity that lets people who have no interest other than their own self-interest succeed. We cannot lose hope – tomorrow will be better than today so long as you do our part. Our coming together of today is only meaningful if we continue to come together tomorrow. Let us be the reason that people have continued hope in this world, and never the reason people dread it.

author: Sahar Habib Ghazi


text:
A New Mexican Organization Is Trying to Put an End to Corruption · Global Voices
J. Tadeo

Logo of Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity. Used with permission.
Mexico is a country mired in the dark depths of corruption. In the 2015 Corruption Perceptions Index from the NGO Transparency International, Mexico ranked 95 out of 167, alongside Armenia, Mali and the Philippines. Not surprisingly, Mexican lawmakers earlier this year watered down a package of reforms meant to promote transparency.
With a political class reticent to change the rules, who seem to be more interested in maintaining a status quo that benefits them, who can we trust to forge a better future? Perhaps civil organizations who are separate from the country's particracy.
With this in mind, we spoke with the co-founders of Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity, sociologist and researcher María Amparo Casar and lawyer and social activist Claudio X. González, to understand their perspective on the corruption crisis and their plans to combat it.
Below is an extract from an interview with María Amparo Casar.
Global Voices (GV): What is the magnitude of the corruption problem in Mexico? How serious is it and what are some of the consequences?
María Amparo Casar (MAC): La corrupción es un problema crítico por la extensión del fenómeno, la frecuencia con que ocurre y las consecuencias que acarrea. A nivel nacional la población considera que las prácticas de corrupción son frecuentes o muy frecuentes y que el nivel de la corrupción actual comparado con el de los últimos años ha aumentado considerablemente. La corrupción ha ido escalando entre las inquietudes de la población hasta que hoy en día la mayoría de las encuestas la sitúan entre los problemas que más preocupan a los mexicanos.
María Amparo Casar (MAC): Corruption is a major problem because of how widespread the phenomenon is, how frequently it occurs and the consequences it carries. On a national level, people think that corruption is frequent or very frequent and that the current level of corruption has increased considerably over the last years. Worries about corruption have been on the rise among the general population and nowadays surveys show that it is the one of biggest concerns for Mexicans.
The organization based part of these observations on their study of Mexico's press. In recent times, numerous cases have caught the attention of print media.
MAC: Una de las mediciones que permite estudiar la frecuencia de actos de corrupción en México es el análisis de prensa. El aumento de menciones de corrupción en la prensa es impresionante: de 502 notas periodísticas y 27 titulares de periódicos que mencionaban la palabra en 1996 se pasó a 29,505 notas y 2,587 titulares en 2014. Este notable crecimiento no indica necesariamente el incremento de la corrupción en México. La transición democrática que vivió́ el país en el último tercio del siglo XX trajo aparejada mayor libertad de prensa y, a partir de 2002, un considerable incremento en el acceso a la información pública. Es posible que los actos de corrupción se hayan mantenido en niveles semejantes al pasado pero que dadas la mayor libertad, el mayor número y pluralidad de medios (sobre todo en la prensa y redes sociales), los recursos dedicados a la investigación periodística independiente y el interés de exhibirlos por parte de los medios de comunicación, el conocimiento de los mismos y la conciencia generalizada sobre este problema haya crecido exponencialmente.
En México, el problema de la corrupción se considera como de carácter sistémico, dicho de otra manera, que permea a casi la totalidad del cuerpo político, económico y social. En otras democracias que han avanzado en el control de la corrupción, ésta se presenta como una excepción o como un problema que se concentra sólo en algunos sectores o instituciones.
MAC: One of the methods that allows the frequency of corrupt acts to be studied is a press analysis. The rise in references to corruption in the press is striking: From 502 reports and 27 newspaper headlines which mentioned the word in 1996 to 29,505 reports and 2,587 headlines in 2014. This sizable increase doesn't necessarily indicate corruption is on the rise in Mexico. The democratic transition which the country went through in the last part of the 20th century brought with it greater freedom for the press and, since 2002, a considerable rise in access to public information. It's possible that corruption levels have remained the same as compared to the past, only that more freedom, a greater number and variety of media sources (above all in the press and social media sites), more resources dedicated to independent journalistic research and interest on the part of media outlets to publish, have lead to the exponential growth in knowledge and general awareness about this issue. The corruption problem is considered a systemic issue in Mexico. In other words, it permeates almost the entirety of the political, economic and social sphere. In other democracies, where there have been advances in controlling corruption, it is only an exception to the rule or a problem which is concentrated in a few sectors or institutions.
The cost of this problem is also very high.
MAC: La corrupción tiene altos costos sociales, económicos y políticos. En el ámbito económico, la corrupción da como resultado menor competencia, pérdida de competitividad y productividad, disminución de la inversión, menor tasa de eficiencia en la recaudación y el desvío del gasto público hacia fines privados.
MAC: Corruption has high social, economic and political costs. In the economic sphere corruption lowers the ability to compete, resulting in a loss of competitiveness and productivity, loss of investment, lower rates of earning efficiency and the diversion of public money towards private purposes.
In addition, Amparo Casar mentioned other consequences of corruption that also contribute to the seriousness of the situation:
MAC: En el espacio social, [la corrupción] contribuye a la desigualdad en el ingreso, promueve el clientelismo, disminuye la equidad de oportunidades y provoca el desvío de recursos dedicados a los programas sociales; erosiona la confianza entre individuos y el tejido social. Adicionalmente, profundiza la desigualdad en el acceso a la justicia e incentiva la violencia.
MAC: In the social arena, [corruption] contributes to income inequality, promotes cronyism, diminishes equal opportunities and provokes the diversion of funds dedicated to social programs. This erodes trust between individuals and the social fabric. Additionally, it deepens inequality in terms of access to justice and promotes violence.
Full logo for the organization. Image used with permission.
GV: What is Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity trying to do to deal with this problem?
MAC: Nos hemos propuesto generar las condiciones normativas, institucionales y culturales necesarias para que los ciudadanos, funcionarios públicos y el sector privado eviten, rechacen y denuncien la corrupción, en todas sus formas. Por ello, Mexicanos contra la Corrupción y la Impunidad se compromete a:
Esto implica una acción integral, no sólo para denunciar, sino para exigir sanciones y proponer acciones ante actos de corrupción, que involucren y empoderen a los ciudadanos.
MAC: We have proposed the creation of necessary institutional and cultural regulatory conditions so that citizens, public servants and the private sector avoid, reject and report corruption, in all of its forms. Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity therefore commits itself to:
This means integrated action, not only to report [corruption], but also to demand sanctions and propose actions meant to deal with corrupt acts. This will involve and empower the people.
GV: How to you plan on involving citizens? What response do you expect to receive?
MAC: Queremos ser el referente en el tema de corrupción e impunidad y difundiremos reportajes, trabajos de investigación aplicada y litigio estratégico que desarrolle la organización.
Además, buscaremos brindar espacio a información de distintas fuentes, que refleje la pluralidad de las voces que se pronuncian sobre el tema en el país.
El objetivo es crear una comunidad interesada en su entorno y cómo contribuir a combatir la corrupción.
MAC: We want to be an example for the corruption and impunity issue. We are disseminating reports, research and strategic litigation which the organization is working on.
We are also creating space for information from different sources which reflect the variety of voices that are talking about this issue in our country.
The objective is to create a community that is interested in their surroundings and to contribute ways to battle corruption.
Amparo Casar pointed to social networking sites, in particular, as a way to reach out:
MAC: A través de Twitter nuestro público es más especializado; provienen de la academia y de medios de comunicación, quienes a su vez poseen un público muy enfocado en esos sectores, por lo que buscamos colocar temas en la agenda prioritarios en la lucha contra la corrupción.
En Facebook el público es más doméstico y variado. Aglutina ciudadanos “de a pie” principalmente, quienes acostumbran informarse a través de las redes sociales, y en esta red buscamos generar un debate entre la ciudadanía y especialistas.
MAC: Through our Twitter account we reach a more specialized public; people from academia and media outlets, people who in turn have a very specialized public focused in those sectors. For this reason we post pressing agenda issues about the fight against corruption.
On Facebook our public is less specialized and more varied. It is mostly made of up of ordinary citizens who are used to keeping themselves informed with social networks; on this site we try to generate a debate between citizens and specialists.
GV: Could you point to a country where corruption has decreased as a result of citizen participation, as an example for Mexico to follow?
MAC: México no está condenado a ser un país caracterizado por la corrupción y la impunidad. En esta transformación, el compromiso de los ciudadanos y la presión de la sociedad civil son esenciales: ningún país que haya sido exitoso en reducir significativamente la corrupción lo ha hecho sin que la sociedad desempeñe un papel protagónico en ese esfuerzo.
Sólo desde la sociedad civil puede surgir la acción coordinada necesaria para romper las redes de complicidad que sostienen a la corrupción. Además, es en la sociedad en donde los valores, actitudes y conductas se pueden transformar para establecer nuevos patrones de socialización, en los que la ilegalidad no tenga cabida.
Se requiere el compromiso y la acción de todos los integrantes de la sociedad –ciudadanos, gobierno y sector privado– sobre una base normativa legítima y eficaz y al amparo de un sistema de justicia capaz de hacer valer la ley de manera irrestricta. La sociedad necesita posicionar un frente común que, de manera permanente, rechace y denuncie la ilegalidad, que exhiba a quienes se corrompen y que renuncie a ser un eslabón más en la cadena.
Existen varios países en donde la presión ciudadana ha obligado a cambios institucionales para combatir la corrupción. Recientemente, el Primer Ministro de Islandia presentó su renuncia después de que más de 10 mil ciudadanos se manifestaran exigiendo respuestas sobre su vinculación con el escándalo denominado Panama Papers. En democracias consolidadas, la pérdida de credibilidad y legitimidad es suficiente para que los políticos rindan cuentas a los ciudadanos, con acciones que pueden llegar, incluso, a la renuncia, sin que haya un juicio político o investigaciones formales de por medio. Ese es el tipo de relación entre ciudadanos y gobierno al que debemos aspirar.
MAC: Mexico is not condemned to be a country defined by corruption and impunity. In this transformation, citizen commitment and pressure from civil society is crucial. No country has been able to successfully reduce corruption in a significant way without society taking a lead role in the effort.
It is only from civil society that the coordinated action needed to break these networks of complicity that support corruption can come about. It is also from within society that values, attitudes and conduct can transform to establish new social patterns where illegal activities have no place.
This requires commitment and action on all levels of society – citizens, government and the private sector – built on a legitimate and effective normative foundation and the protection of a judicial system capable of enforcing the law without exception. Society needs to come together in a common front which permanently rejects and reports illegal activities, exposes corrupt individuals and refuses to be another cog in the wheel.
There are a number of countries where citizen pressure has forced institutional change and combated corruption. Recently, the prime minister of Iceland gave his resignation after more than 10,000 citizens protested and demanded answers regarding his connection to the Panama Papers scandal. In strong democracies, the loss of credibility and legitimacy is enough for politicians to be held accountable by citizens, even leading to resignation without the need of impeachment or formal investigations. This is the type of citizen-government relationship that we aspire to.
María Amparo Casar. Photo used with permission.
María Amparo Casar is the executive president of Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity. She is editorialist for the newspaper Excélsior and she has also worked as anti-corruption director for the Mexican Institute of Competitiveness. You can follow her on her Twitter account @AmparoCasar.

author: J. Tadeo


text:
European Memes, the Hilarious Antidote to the Shock and Uncertainty of Brexit · Global Voices
Anastasia Denisova

Brexit, in gastronomic terms. A popular meme that made the rounds in the wake of the UK's EU referendum.
Soon after the results of Brexit referendum in the UK came out, the Internet was buzzing with grief-filled tweets, gloomy analytical pieces, and moans and groans of disappointed “Remain” supporters, as well as with cheerful exclamation marks and red-top “Independence Day” covers promoted by “Leave” campaigners. In the 23 June poll, 51.9% of voters in the UK said they wanted to leave the European Union, while 48.1% voted to stay.
The proliferation of memes on the referendum results was a good sign for me. I'm a doctoral researcher at the University of Westminster, and in my research I have found that people use political memes in two sorts of situations: when things have so wrong that the only coping technique is sarcasm and humour; and when things are not great but fixable, and the act of sharing viral pictures assists reconciliation and boosts optimism. I reckoned that the post-Brexit memes were an example of the second case.
Memes are the fast-food media of the digital generation: they condense complex issues into an amusing yet meaningful combination of picture and text. In the meme pictured at the top of this article, for example, the juxtaposition of European delicacies with the stereotypical British baked beans doesn't add analytical depth to the discussion of the referendum results. Yet it boils the argument down to materiality: bon appetit, Brexiters, this is what's left on your tables now.
I was particularly interested in the memes continental Europeans shared on Twitter. Although EU citizens are legally allowed to reside in the UK, those who do live there were not allowed to vote (unless they had a British passport). Of course, neither were EU citizens elsewhere in Europe, though the decision would ultimately affect them as well. European memes featured an intriguing interplay of national stereotypes about Britain, counter-references to the local politics of European member states, fury at the Brits, and offered a snapshot of the pan-European migrant rhetoric—a tremendously hot topic nowadays.
“Adopt a Brit”, a spoof campaign started by a Romanian newspaper, offered “Remainians” the chance to become Romanians and thus stay in the EU, complete with a suggested design for the Remainian ID card.
A spoof identity card for “Remainians” who wish to become Romanians and stay in the EU.
Western media outlets including CNN reported the story, while on Twitter a mix of users endorsed the idea, including Brits who shared the suggestion among their multi-national groups of followers.
Importantly, this campaign followed months of negative depictions of Romanian migrants in the UK tabloids. An Internet meme with a viral pun therefore became a small act of digital revenge against that coverage.
If you're a #UK #Remainian you can be adopted by a #Romanian here https://t.co/UevyPurOT3 #Brexit
— Adrian Bolboaca (@adibolb) June 28, 2016
@TheWhoCat We're willing to start a Romanian/Remainian family
— Chris Terry (@CJTerry) June 27, 2016
I’M A ROMANIAN. I WANT TO ADOPT A REMAINIAN. #Brexit https://t.co/SaY39qTacF
— Sébastien. (@unisseb) June 27, 2016
Other European users picked up on the narrative of migration. In one photo circulated on Twitter, a poster on the facade of the Palacio Cibeles in Madrid, Spain was digitally manipulated to read “British Refugees Welcome” instead of “Refugees Welcome”, adding a layer of solidarity to the Brexit results.
Nueva pancarta en Cibeles #Brexit
— Camilo (@camiloenmadrid) June 24, 2016
New poster in Cibeles #Brexit
Instead of blaming the UK voters, these users emphasised—with a touch of soft humour—that Brits were still welcome in their country.
Some Italian and Portuguese meme makers linked Brexit to the British royal family, although neither Queen Elizabeth II nor any other Windsor had revealed their views on the campaign leading up to the vote.
Several Italians blamed Her Majesty for letting the referendum happen in the first place. The meme below presents the UK-EU relationship as a friendship or romance that has come to an end.
This Italian meme reads: “Come on, EU, let us go for a coffee.”
The image below quotes a well-known tagline from “Gomorra“, an Italian TV series about the Neapolitan mafia: “We will regain what is ours”.
This Italian meme reads: “We will regain what is ours.” The badge on the Queen’s coat reads, “Raised on bread and ignorance.” Via Twitter user @@goddessofnight_
This meme correlates with another popular joke implying that the Queen had personal motivations for supporting the “Leave” campaign. “They say you are too old to go out,” it goes, “but you are Queen Elizabeth, and to show them who is in charge you make the whole country get out”.
“They say you are too old to go out, but you are Queen Elizabeth, and to show them who is in charge you make the whole country get out”. Via Twitter user @Policrom0.
Globally popular Prince William, Duchess of Cambridge Catherine and their children also made appearances. This meme, for instance, offers the English royals back-handed congratulations on their newly gained “migrant” status in the EU.
The British royal family. The caption says, “Shitty non-EU migrants.”
Portuguese Twitter users, accordingly, reminded Her Majesty's great-grandson to reconsider the company he keeps in the sandbox:
George, I don't want to see you playing with Pièrre, Müller and Miguel. Do you hear me? #Brexit
— André L. Souza (@andrelesouza) June 24, 2016
Another meme marries the debates on migration and the EU refugee crisis, highlighting the flexibility of the notion of “unwanted migrants”.
This meme reads: “Non-EU migrants yesterday. Non-EU migrants today.”
Any collection of European memes would be incomplete without mention of football. Users tied England’s defeat by Iceland in a 2016 European Championship match to Brexit:
El Brexit, versión Eurocopa. Increíble Islandia. pic.twitter.com/x8km2jBNNA
— Marcelito Araujo (@ElAraujodelTW)
Brexit, Euro Cup version. Incredible, Iceland.
Iceland 👏👏👏 #ENG wanted to be out of Europe really so much… #Brexit #ENGISL #EURO2016 pic.twitter.com/jRlhSMHD42
— Nazife (Natalia) (@Kelebek_Effect)
The Spaniards and French also expressed their fury at the Brexit results by reminding Brits that the prices of holidays, wine and groceries from European countries would rise. They also highlighted the less than ideal behavior of British citizens who visit the beaches of France and Spain.
En mi barrio… que se levantan inspirados.#FelizViernes #Brexit
— Myriam Imedio (@myriamimedio) June 24, 2016
Tweet: In my neighborhood… people are waking up inspired. #HappyFriday #Brexit
Image: “Brits, it seems good to me that you are leaving the EU, but the drunks & cops should leave Benidorm as well, assholes!!!”
Primeras imágenes de la crisis humanitaria provocada por el #Brexit…
— Alejandro de Diego (@alex_miber) June 24, 2016
“First images of the humanitarian crisis provoked by #Brexit…”
A meme imagining other types of exits from the EU.
A considerable number of memes speculated that other European nations could follow the Brexit lead. For instance, French social media users seized the opportunity to express their discontent with the EU and suggest a “Frexit”.
“When will a Frexit happen?”
But then came the Greeks, who warned against making rushed, irreversible decisions, a comment on their own domestic politics. However self-critical the meme below may seem, it nonetheless skillfully sums up the crisis faced by the EU.
Angela Merkel: “BREXIT! In the end England said NO.”
Wolfgang Schäuble: “And the worst thing is that they don’t have Tsipras to change it.”
Tsipras is, of course, Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras. In July 2015, he urged the Greek population to vote against austerity measures suggested by the EU as a way to deal with the country's troubled economy. Greeks listened, and the referendum resulted in 61% voting “No” to the European plan. Tsipras then changed his mind and signed the unpopular deal with the EU just a week after the referendum. The meme shown above pokes fun at governments’ flexible attitude to the people's will when the latter doesn't accommodate political leaders’ plans.
Last but not least, in a sweet—in fact, buttery and sugary—campaign, several groups of volunteers sought to comfort people in the UK and in France by offering free pastries.
Before the referendum, #operationcroissant activists from France distributed freshly baked croissants to passersby around King's Cross in London. After British authorities banned distribution of the goodies, citing hygienic concerns, activists instead gave out postcards written by French citizens to their neighbours across the English Channel.
More postcards from French people asking us to #remain #operationcroissant pic.twitter.com/BYC5DnsIwb
— Rhiannon L Cosslett (@rhiannonlucyc) June 22, 2016
From France with Love: the brilliant #operationcroissant
🇫🇷❤🇬🇧https://t.co/gAgXT03VXo via @TimeOutLondon pic.twitter.com/US1DW5xEbC
— Anna-Line Massot (@AL_Massot) June 22, 2016
After the vote in support of Brexit, the British #operationscone unfolded in response to the French kindness. Enthusiasts rushed to St Pancras in London to offer free scones and cheering postcards to French passengers arriving in London by the Eurostar railway service, which crosses the English Channel by undersea tunnel. The act of sharing a typical English treat with Europeans added warmth and good spirit to the digital interactions.
This is #OperationScone! Londoners are handing out scones to French @Eurostar arrivals to share that they #LoveEU pic.twitter.com/3UMzv344PK
— Imogen Roy (@imogenroy) June 25, 2016
Dear Europeans, you're marvellous. Truly spiffing. I'd be proud to share a scone with you anytime ❤ #operationscone pic.twitter.com/Fga1tUFhVp
— Aimee Eckert (@aimee_e27) June 22, 2016
One of the most reassuring outcomes of the Twitter research on European memes related to Brexit was the ambiguity of authorship and sharing. In the flow of Internet memes it was challenging to distinguish migrants from non-migrants and Brits and non-Brits. Proof that whatever happens next regarding Brexit, one still does not need to present a UK passport or proof of EU membership to fully embrace the pleasures and foibles of the digital space in all its multilingual, multinational, multi-allegorical glory.

author: Anastasia Denisova


text:
Goodbye to Abbas Kiarostami, a Filmmaking Legend Whose Vision ‘Transversed His Persian Roots’ · Global Voices
Mahsa Alimardani

A photo of Abbas Kiarostami shared by Hossein Setareh on Facebook made out of 1,000 frames from the 1987 Kiarostami film “Where is the Friend's Home?.” Image republished with permission.
News trickled out of a Paris hospital on the evening of 4 July that Iranian cinematic auteur Abbas Kiarostami lost his battle against cancer at the age of 76.
Kiarostami had been admitted to Tehran's Arad Hospital in mid-June, where he had undergone an operation to remedy his severe gastrointestinal cancer. On 27 June his family decided he should seek further medical treatment in Paris, and he was flown out through an air ambulance by his associated production company.
The tributes and mourning that followed word of his death went well beyond Iran's borders, as the filmmaker was a legend both within his own country and abroad for his artistry.
On social media, members of Iranian cinema such as the actress Taraneh Alidoosti viewed Kiarostami's passing as a loss for the industry and the country as a whole:
What a dark moment for Iran, and his many enthusiasts around the globe; we all lost a great man today. #Kiarostami
— Taraneh Alidoosti (@t_alidoosti) July 4, 2016
French-Swiss director Jean-Luc Godard once canonized Kiarostami's role in cinema by stating, “Films begins with DW Griffith and ends with Abbas Kiarostami.” Martin Scorsese would go on to say, “Kiarostami represents the highest level of artistry in cinema.”
Kiarostami himself reacted to this praise (which we can now read with tragic hindsight), saying, “This admiration is perhaps more appropriate after I am dead.”
Kiarostami was the first and only Iranian to win the prestigious Palme d'Or, the highest prize awarded at the Cannes Film Festival, for 1997's “Taste of Cherry,” in addition to a host of other (primarily European) honours and awards.
In Iran, his films were often received with unease and censorship by authorities. Prior to the Islamic Revolution of 1979, he was censored for displaying images of women in hijab; after the revolution, it was his films that displayed women without the hijab that prevented them from national distribution. Despite the limitations, and unlike a number of his peers, Kiarostami was one of the few artists and filmmakers who did not leave Iran following the revolution.
In a 2005 interview with the Guardian, Kiarostami would explain:
The government has decided not to show any of my films for the past 10 years. I think they don't understand my films and so prevent them being shown just in case there is a message they don't want to get out. They tend to support films that are stylistically very different from mine – melodramas.
Despite these differences, Kiarostami still maintained much respect and admiration amongst officials. Iran's Minister of Health, Hassan Ghazizadeh Hashemi was amongst the last visitors to tend to Kiarostami's bedside while in the hospital in Tehran.
We talked to some Kiarostami fans and asked them to share some of their favourite scenes and moments from the filmmaker's canon of work.
Sahand Sahebdivani, an Iranian-Dutch storyteller, chose a scene from the 1990 docufiction, “Close-Up.” He explained why the scene touches him so:
This scene is when a man who might not be completely mentally sound meets a famous director. The director asks him what he's done and he says “on the outside seems I've defrauded a family,” to which Kiarostami asks, “but what about the inside?” He responds “the inside (inner truth) is that I was simply a fan of cinema.” In our prison system [in Iran] we need “party bazi” (or some kind of nepotism), so someone who can help us to get a more lenient sentence. But when the director asks this man what he can do for him, he never asks “tell the judge not to be harsh”. He simply (or absurdly) asks the director to make a film about his suffering. While all the time the camera man locks on his intense gaze. Everything tells us this man is unstable, but he's us. We're trapped in a system we can't get out of, and instead of asking our filmmakers (currently deemed higher than our poets and writers) to release us we tell them simply to show our suffering and show the difference between the inner and outer reality. Heartbreaking really.
Sadaf, an Iranian Kiarostami fan in Tehran, shared her favourite scene from “Taste of Cherry,” and explained:
Apart from my favourites, I can share something else with you. I met him three years ago in a small gathering. He said, “I want people to relate to my movies, that's why my camera lens is usually at eye level. I want you to experience the characters. Feel them and feel as though you are having a dialogue and conversation with them.” And that is what you feel, truly, when you watch his movies. You relate. The stories are real. Some of them we deal with on a daily basis. I will always have much respect for him and his work because he was real.
Arash Azizi, an Iranian journalist based in Berlin, highlighted the opening credits of the French-Japanese drama “Like Someone in Love“:
At the height of his mastery, the poet-filmmaker of the villages of Gilan moonlighted in Tokyo and told us a story backgrounded by the magical jazz of Ella Fitzgerald. For me, it was realisation of a dream I didn't know I had — and this is why I fell in love with Kia's “Like Someone In Love”. He proved that his poetic vision transversed its Persian roots and it could give life to stories beyond. Alas it was to be his last feature.
Italian journalist Roberto Pizzato described his first time discovering the simplicity, yet genius filmmaking behind Kiarostami's “Taste of Cherry“:
I hadn’t watched any of his movies till a couple of years ago. At that time I was working for an independent cinema production company and a colleague brought a DVD to the office: it was Taste of Cherry, plus some interviews and a couple of his early short movies in black and white. When I think of that film, I am still moved by the enormity of the talent behind it: storytelling with a universal message in such a minimalistic way is a gift only geniuses have. Kiarostami transformed a movie on suicide into a hymn on life just by telling us to enjoy the beauty of the smallest things. As if a man who enjoys these things, regardless where they live and what they have been through, would have to live till he could enjoy them again.
Thomas Erdbrink, a Dutch journalist living in Iran, shared his admiration for the scenes of the 2008 film “Shirin“:
One of my favourites is ‘Shirin’ where actresses from before and after the revolution listen to the famous Iranian love story of Farhad and Shirin. Kiarostami shows us their reactions. Lovely film.
Choosing his favourite scene from “Close Up,” Iranian-Canadian creative director Takin Aghdashloo tells us:
My favourite scene is from Close Up where Sabzian meets the family he defrauded by pretending to be a famous film director. Kiarostami recreates the true story of the fraud using all the actual people involved but this time as actors, playing themselves. In this scene, Sabzian's true identity has been exposed to the family but they forgive and welcome him to their home. Kiarostami's masterpiece is a true intervention in reality, showing the therapeutic and unifying power of cinema.
On a scene between a mother and son from the 2002 docufiction, “Ten,” Sarvenaz, an Iranian-American fan explained:
The ability to bring out such raw and real emotion between a mother and son. One of my favorite scenes. Rest in peace.
An Italian photo-journalist who has spent time photographing Iran, Nicola Zolin explained the inspiration he received from the 1997 award-winning “Taste of Cherry“:
What inspires me most was especially his movie “Taste of Cherry” which expressed the way Kiarostami was able to give voice to the voiceless I would say, or those parts of society which are never really heard from. This movie with the character who is driving who wants to kill himself, driving to the south of Tehran and meeting the most random people, and the depth of the dialogue drives you completely inside the sense of existence, and that to me is what Kiarostami was able to do, how to show the sense of existence through the peculiarity of the Iranian people, their dreams, preoccupations and their visions of the world, and this for me was also very inspiring to get to know this culture [Iranian] that I've been exploring and studying, which I admired, and he was the first vehicle for me to get to know it, and learn to love it and get to know the depth of it.

author: Mahsa Alimardani


text:
#IAmNotAfraidToSayIt: Ukrainian Social Media Users Break the Silence on Sexual Violence · Global Voices
Tanya Lokot

Image from The Noun Project. Edited by Tetyana Lokot.
A new hashtag is trending in the Ukrainian segment of Facebook: #ЯНеБоюсьСказати (#IAmNotAfraidToSayIt). On the hashtag, Internet users have been sharing their stories and experiences of sexual harassment, sexual violence, and domestic violence.
The hashtag—and the ensuing flashmob—was started by activist and journalist Nastya Melnychenko, who published a post explaining her desire to speak out on Facebook on July 5.
In her post, Melnychenko says she feels the need to talk about her very personal experiences of sexual violence because it's important for women who have faced such violence to speak about it and make it “visible.”
Я хочу, аби сьогодні говорили ми, жінки. Аби ми говорили про насильство, яке пережила більшість з нас. Я хочу, аби ми не оправдувалися “я йшла у спортивках серед дня, а мене все одно схопили”. Бо нам не треба оправдуватися. Ми не винні, винен ЗАВЖДИ насильник.
Я не боюсь говорити. І я не почуваюся винною.
I want us, women, to talk today. To talk about the violence that most of us have lived through. I want us to stop making excuses and saying “I was wearing gym clothes during the day, and still got pawed.” We don't need to make excuses. We're not to blame, those who violate us are ALWAYS to blame.
I am not afraid to speak out. And I do not feel guilty.
Melnychenko recounts several instances of sexual harassment and violence throughout her life, from the time she was a child of 6 and harassed by a distant male relative, to the time she was already an adult and an ex-boyfriend threatened to post a sex video of them made earlier online as revenge for the breakup.
Melnychenko's post and her call to share their stories resulted in multiple other Facebook users in Ukraine using the hashtag to post about their own experiences of sexual violence.
Some have replied in the comments to her post, while others posted separately. The initial post has been shared over 60 times and has over a hundred comments: some of them praising Melnychenko's bravery, others critical of her exposure, and some outright abusive.
Women have shared stories of being violated by strangers or friends; of indecent exposure by teachers, neighbors or relatives; of classmates harassing them; of colleagues and bosses who pressured them into sex; and dozens of other cases.
One user commented on how appalling it was to see the scale of the issue once the Facebook posts and comments started popping up.
Від цих історій волосся стає дибки і думаєш, яке щастя, що нічого такого не сталося з тобою. А потім починаєш пригадувати того сусідського хлопчика, який намагався переконати тебе зняти трусики, і того голого незнайомця в парку, і того іншого голого в сквері, і всі оті обмацування в метро, і ту смішну поїздку в потязі, коли п'яний сусід по купе серед ночі пробував на тебе залізти…
#яНеБоюсьСказати, але мені моторошно від того, наскільки повсякденним є такий досвід і скільки ще є таких нерозказаних історій.
These stories make you break out in goosebumps and you hair stand on end, and you think, how great that nothing like that has ever happened to me. And then you recall the neighborhood boy who tried to get you to take your panties off, and the naked stranger in the park, and another naked dude in another park, and all those pawing you on the subway, and the weird train ride when your drunk compartment neighbor tried to mount you in the middle of the night…
#IAmNotAfraidToSayIt, but it makes me nauseous how common and routine this kind of experience is and how many of these stories remain untold.
Nastya Melnychenko later edited her post to add that men were also welcome to share their stories. Ukrainian artist Eliash Strongowski responded to the call and recounted his own childhood experiences.
Коли у старших класах я волонтерив на телефоні довіри, таки х історій були десятки щодня. З крутішим ґрадусом – реґулярне зґвалтування батьком чи вітчимом, чи навіть студентом на практиці в школі, дехто і про аборти від такого розповідав; історії про “по кругу” в дитячих таборах, з або без вихователем; публічне приниження за відмову – з публічним же безкарним рукоприкладством. І все це з вимогою мовчати під страхом смерти. У мене кров стигла, а для них то була буденність.
When I worked the crisis phone helpline as a high school student, there were dozens of these stories every day. The worst would include being raped by a father or stepfather, or a college student interning at a school, some even mentioned getting abortions after this; stories about being “passed around” in summer camps, with or without the camp councelor's involvement; public humiliation for refusal to succumb—with public violence without consequence. And all of this with a promise to keep silent under threat of death. My blood would run cold, and for these people this was everyday life.
Strongowski also noted that peer pressure and social upbringing factored into why he himself had engaged in harassment as a teen, despite having experienced unwanted sexual advances before.
Що значить що нас так виховують. Дівчат – із комплексом жертви, хлопців – із комплексом насильника. Збоченців і хворих вистачає, але першопричина – у нас суспільство під це заточене.
Тому я фемініст. Тому мені не байдуже і тому про це треба говорити – голосно і без страху.
It means we are brought up this way. Girls to have a victim complex, and boys to have a rapist complex. There are plenty of perverts and sick people, but the primary reason is that our society is honed to do this.
This is why I am a feminist. This is why I care and why we should talk about it—loudly and without fear.
Ukrainian Facebook users have already published dozens of posts with the hashtag, supporting the campaign and sharing their stories or reacting to others’. Civic activists with Campaign Against Discrimination said in a Facebook post that talking about these very personal issues (usually seen as taboo in Ukrainian society) is an important first step towards changing the status quo.
Говорити про дискримінацію, несправедливість, насильство – це перший крок до змін. Коли ми говоримо про такі речі, інші розуміють, що вони не самі, що треба захищати свої права і що жодна людина не має зазнавати утисків. Підритмуємо #яНеБоюсьСказати
Speaking about discrimination, injustice, violence is the first step toward change. When we speak about these things, others understand that they are not alone, that they must protect their rights, and that no person should face such discrimination. We support #IAmNotAfraifToSayIt

author: Tanya Lokot


text:
Kazakhstan’s Capital Has a Million Residents? Probably Not. · Global Voices
Akhal-Tech Collective

Astana. A million strong? Wikipedia image.
Numbers and landmarks are important to ex-Soviet Kazakhstan's 75-year-old dictator Nursultan Nazarbayev.
Take his uncompetitive re-election to the post of president in March last year in which he claimed a record landslide with 97.7% of the vote and a record turnout of 95.1%.
If that election was going to be his last — which some predicted at the time but no-one can say for sure — it had to be his best.
This week Nazarbayev has been playing the numbers game again, boldly claiming that the republic's capital Astana — a city he transformed from a provincial town to an uber-modern steppe hub with the help of significant oil revenues — has reached a million people.
Speaking on July 4, two days before Astana Day and in the 25th year of Kazakhstan's independence, the veteran autocrat said:
Хочу с большой радостью объявить, что сегодня родился миллионный житель Астаны. В семье Мухамедьяровых, она – воспитатель, он – электромонтер. Теперь Астана – город с миллионным жителем. Поздравляю вас!
It is with great pleasure that I announce that the one millionth resident of Astana was born today. The baby was born into the Mukhamedyarov family. [The mother] is a day carer and [the father] is an electrician. Now Astana is a city with a million inhabitants. Congratulations!
While it is always nice to have a dose of good news in the midst of a growing economic crisis, Nazarbayev's claim is contestable.
According to the country's national statistics agency, Astana had 862,750 people at the beginning of the year. By May it had 876,000. Residents of the city habitually put the population in the 800-900,000 range.
The discrepancy between official data and the data of the authoritarian country's top-ranking official was met with an immediate quip from popular Twitter user Rinat Balgabaeyev:
В Астане прямо перед праздником родился миллионный житель! Теперь осталось родить младенцев с 800-тысячного по 999 999
— Ринат Балгабаев (@Rinat_Balgabaev) July 4, 2016
Right before a national holiday, Astana has given birth to it's millionth resident! Now we just need to give birth to all the babies starting from the 800,000th and ending with the 999,999th!
And another one:
По другому взглянул на Исекешева. Еркек. Пришел, сразу рождаемость повысил.
— Ринат Балгабаев (@Rinat_Balgabaev) July 4, 2016
I am looking at [our new Mayor] with new eyes. Ever since he took up his post, fertility has boomed!
And a third:
В столице семьи даже детей планируют в рамках реализации “Программы развития города Астаны на 2016-2020 годы”
— Ринат Балгабаев (@Rinat_Balgabaev) July 4, 2016
In the capital it seems that even children are planned as part of the [state] program “Development of Astana 2016-2020″.
Astana, the second coldest capital in the world after the capital of Mongolia, does have a rapidly growing population, but as another Twitter user pointed out, a part of it lives in transit between there and the more inhabitable former capital of Almaty, which has over 1.5 million people.
At any rate, even allowing for a margin of error in the statisticians’ modelling, it is unlikely that over 100,000 people made the move to Astana in the last two months and far too convenient that the millionth resident was born just before the city celebrates itself.
For more than a quarter of a century now, Nazarbayev has been Kazakhstan's voice of authority, but as he approaches 76, his public appearances have taken on a surreal hue, with statements that suggest a politician out of touch with the lives his citizens are leading.
Visibly obsessed with a legacy that has been threatened by low oil prices and economic stagnation in neighbouring Russia, it seems possible that the president himself is no longer capable of separating fact from fiction.
The rest of the country, meanwhile, must do its best to keep up.
@Rinat_Balgabaev президент сказал, что это миллионный. Президент не ошибается.
— Talgat Kairgeldinov (@Takentiy) July 4, 2016
The president says a million. And the president never makes mistakes.

author: Akhal-Tech Collective


text:
Swastikas and Porn or: How Russian Cops Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Internet Crackdown · Global Voices
Kevin Rothrock

“The War Room” scene from the 1964 classic “Dr. Strangelove or: How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb.” Image edited by Kevin Rothrock.
When the news website MediaZona reported in January 2016 that Russian police pad their solved-crime statistics by targeting young men who share pornography on social networks, it seemed like the quintessence of how Russia’s onerous new Internet regulations misallocate the country’s law-enforcement resources. But now this problem has a new perfect example, and it has to do with the Web’s other favorite obsession: Nazis.
Last month, a court in the Rostov region convicted a police officer of abusing his authority and forging evidence. According to his trial, Detective D. Eliseev reached out to a local man named A. Minaev on January 16, 2015, asking him to find someone in town who would agree to publish a swastika on their Vkontakte page, on the promise that the punishment would be the absolute minimum fine. (It’s unclear what monetary reward Eliseev offered in exchange.) Minaev had some experience in this sort of thing, having been fined twice the year before for sharing “extremist content” online, including images of swastikas.
Three days later, Eliseev asked Minaev to come to his office, where the detective told him that police were preparing to charge him with publishing a video online that allegedly violated Russia’s laws against extremism. Eliseev warned him that he would be jailed for at least 15 days, unless he accepted a strange deal: post another swastika online and accept a fine of 1,000 rubles ($15), which Eliseev promised to pay himself. When Minaev agreed, the detective took the man’s laptop, loaded his Vkontakte page, published a picture of a swastika, and then handed back the computer. Afterwards, Eliseev wrote up a police report and took a statement from Minaev, drafting the documents with the next day’s date.
Unbeknownst to the detective, however, Minaev recorded the whole exchange with a hidden microphone. A few days later, Minaev went to the district attorney’s office, which he learned wasn’t building any case against him. Prosecutors then convinced him to file charges against Detective Eliseev, and a new criminal investigation was underway.
Eliseev wasn’t out of tricks, though, and he soon persuaded Minaev to drop the charges, with the help of a little financial incentive. He even gave Minaev another microphone, asking him to record his next conversation with the prosecutors. Finishing this comedy of errors, Minaev then told the prosecutors about the microphone from Eliseev, and the district attorney outfitted him with yet another recording device (now the third one in Minaev’s arsenal), which he used to tape one last conversation with the detective.
According to the judge, Eliseev wanted to advance his career and win bonus pay by faking “time-consuming inspection work.” Nevertheless, he remains a free man. On June 17, 2016, a Rostov regional court sentenced Eliseev to two years and three months of probation, then granting him amnesty on the spot.
The human rights agency Sova, which tracks different kinds of hate crimes, says Detective Eliseev’s approach to policing extremism is typical in Russia. “Law enforcement officials on the ground are interested primarily in improving their quantitative measures,” the group writes.

author: Kevin Rothrock


text:
After Florida Court Verdict, Latin America Remembers Executed Musician Victor Jara · Global Voices
Gabriela García Calderón Orbe

Tribute to Víctor Jara, September 2013. Image on Flickr by user Marcos G. (CC BY-NC 2.0).
It's been 43 years since Víctor Jara‘s death, but the Chilean musician, songwriter, teacher, theater director, and political activist keeps making news headlines. On June 27, 2016, an US court in the state of Florida found retired Chilean military official Pedro Barrientos liable for killing Víctor Jara. This was the result of a civil suit filed in 2013 by Jara's wife, the British choreographer Joan Turner, and by his daughters, Manuela and Amanda.
The Florida jury also found that Barrientos owes the Jara family $28 million for damages, and he might even face extradition, if federal government decides to send him back to Chile. (Barrientos became US citizen through marriage.)
After Augusto Pinochet led a military coup against President Salvador Allende on September 11, 1973, the new government promptly arrested Jara, torturing him and later executing him at the old Chile Stadium—a venue that has since been renamed after Jara.
In 1990, when Pinochet's dictatorship ended, the National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation established that Víctor Jara died from 44 gunshot wounds on September 16, 1973. His body was discarded outside the stadium and then taken to a morgue without identification. The body was later identified and retrieved by his wife.
Years later, in 2012, Miguel Vázquez Plaza, a judge in the Santiago Appeals Court, started proceedings against the retired military officials Hugo Sánchez Marmonti and Pedro Barrientos Núñez for orchestrating Jara's murder. The judge ordered the international arrest of Barrientos Núñez, who was now living in the United States.
Jara's family reacted with joy, after hearing the Florida court's decision:
Joan, la viuda de Jara, y sus hijas Manuela Bunster y Amanda lloraron de alegría y se abrazaron con sus abogados al conocer la resolución del tribunal, mientras Barrientos recibió la noticia en silencio y con la vista clavada en el piso. La defensa de los familiares de Jara consideró que esta declaración de culpabilidad puede motivar al gobierno de Estados Unidos a agilizar la extradición de Barrientos a Chile.
Joan, Jara's wife, and their daughters, Manuela Bunster and Amanda, wept with joy and hugged each other with their lawyers after hearing the verdict, while Barrientos received the news silently and looked fixedly at the ground. The defense attorneys for Jara's relatives believe this conviction can motivate the US government to speed up Barrientos’ extradition to Chile.
The trial lasted seven days and was conducted by a federal court in Orlando, in the state of Florida.
On July 17, 1973, during his visit to Peru, the television host and master of ceremonies Ernesto García Calderon (the father of this text's author) interviewed Victor Jara. Today, the conversation is available on YouTube. Here is an extract of the interview:
During the interview, Garcia Calderon described Jara's music as the songs of “the agricultural laborers, [and] the factory, mine, sea workers,” adding that his music was also about love and peace. Describing his early years, Jara shared that there was always a guitar lying around at his home, as his mother was a singer and used to perform countryside songs at baptisms, weddings, and funerals.
“We are better individuals because love exists; it's the foundation, it's vital, [and] the essence of the reason of being,” Jara told Garcia Calderon.
Jara said he felt fortunate for having met Violeta Parra, the Chilean songwriter considered to be one of the most important folklore specialists in the Americas, and he even noted that some people mistakenly thought he was her son.

author: Gabriela García Calderón Orbe


text:
An Ivorian Professor Helps a Student Focus on Class by Carrying Her Baby on His Back · Global Voices
Abdoulaye Bah

Honoré Kahi, a professor at Alassane Ouattara University in Bouaké, has become a social media celebrity after strapping the baby of one of his students to his back so that the mother could continue to focus on the class. Source: Site De Rencontre Des Etudiants De L'afrique
The Facebook page Site De Rencontre Des Etudiants De L'afrique (African Students Meeting Place) published a photo on June 29, 2016 showing professor Honoré Kahi giving a class at Alassane Ouattara University in Bouaké about entrepreneurship awareness — with a baby strapped to his back.
This caused a storm on Côte d’Ivoire's social media. Below are his comments when contacted by French television:
C’est assez fréquent que des jeunes filles viennent avec leurs enfants en classe. Mais ce jour-là, le bébé de cette étudiante ne cessait de pleurer. Elle est sortie à trois reprises de la salle pour essayer de le calmer, en vain. Au bout d’une trentaine de minutes, je lui ai dit que c’était un cours très important pour son avenir et que pour moi, il fallait qu’elle soit bien concentrée. Je lui ai donc proposé mon aide.
J’ai donc attaché le bébé dans mon dos. Immédiatement, il s’est tu, bercé par les va-et-vient que je faisais pour continuer mon cours, et s’est même endormi ! J’ai pu continuer mon cours pendant une quarantaine de minutes sans aucun problème. Mon étudiante m’a dit qu’elle était très touchée par ce geste et qu’elle avait été très surprise car il y a généralement une certaine distance entre les étudiants et les professeurs.
Pour tout dire, je suis assez étonné de l’engouement autour de ce geste, car c’était vraiment spontané. Des étudiants ont pris des photos car ça les amusait : dans l’imaginaire collectif, on associe d’habitude ce type de porté du bébé à la “mama” africaine… C’est assez rare de voir un homme, qui plus est un enseignant faire ça. J’ai reçu des coups de fils de gens de France, de Côte d’Ivoire, du Mali qui me disent que l’image leur a fait du bien. Je crois que ce que fait un enseignant, pour créer du lien social avec ses étudiants, est aussi important que le contenu de ses cours.
It's quite common for young women to bring their children to class. But that day, this student's baby would not stop crying. She left the room three times to try to calm him, to no success. After half an hour, I told her that it was a very important class for her future and that, for me, she needed to give it her full attention. So I offered to help.
So, I strapped the child to my back. Immediately, he fell quiet, soothed by my movements back and forth across the room as I continued with my class. He even went to sleep! I was able to continue with my class for nearly three quarters of an hour without any interruption. My student told me that she was very touched by my gesture and that she was surprised because there is generally a certain distance between teachers and students.
I'm frankly surprised that this gesture has received so much attention, because it was really spontaneous. The students took photos because they found it funny: in our collective imagination, we associate carrying a baby on your back in this way with an African ‘Mama'… It's quite rare to see a man do that, let alone a teacher. I've had people from France, Côte d’Ivoire and Mali get in touch to tell me that the pictures have made them smile. I think that what a teacher does to create social links with their students is just as important as the content of their classes.

author: Abdoulaye Bah


text:
Australia Waits on Close Count as Election Backfires on ‘Fizza’ Prime Minister · Global Voices
Kevin Rennie

Malcolm Turnbull visits Indonesia November 2015. Courtesy Flickr user Australian Embassy Jakarta (CC BY 2.0)
Australia and its prime minister, Malcolm Turnbull, may have a long wait to learn the result of the federal election held on 2 July 2016. Turnbull replaced the former prime minister, Tony Abbott, in September 2015 in a Liberal Party coup. His popularity at the time should have made him an easy winner at the next election.
However, the counting on Saturday night was inconclusive with neither the government nor the opposition confirmed as winning a majority of seats in the House of Representatives. The election of several minor party candidates and independents means that there may be a hung parliament, with neither side having a majority. Seventy-six of the 150 seats are needed to govern. The prime minister must have the confidence of the House, where governments are formed based on the Westminster system.
It was Turnbull who called early elections, but that decision seems to have backfired. The situation has caused a resurgence in references on social media to Turnbull as being a “fizza” — comparing him to a big red firecracker that only fizzes, failing to live up to its promise.
Considering Turnbull's form last night & during #ausvotes campaign, whoever came up with Fizza was prescient LMAO! pic.twitter.com/FsfarO380C
— Cranky Pants Noely (@YaThinkN) July 2, 2016
The count of votes has been complicated by a number of factors, some unique to Australia. Firstly, a candidate must gain more than 50% to win a House seat. A preferential system of voting is used, with electors required to give each candidate a vote in order of their preference. These are distributed if necessary until one candidate has an absolute majority (50% + 1 vote). Secondly, voting is compulsory. Electors who cannot get to a polling booth on election day may caste a pre-poll vote or a postal ballot.
The government is hoping that postal votes will favor them in the count of close contests. Not everyone is convinced:
Nothing's gone to plan this election still the LNP expects postal votes to continue favouring them #stilldelusional #ausvotes #auswaits
— Jeff Meyers (@rocket_speaks) July 5, 2016
The Liberal-National coalition ‘is a political alliance of centre-right parties’. Its main opponent is the Australian Labor Party, currently lead by Bill Shorten.
In the days before election day, most political commentators and the mainstream media had predicted a clear win for the Liberal-National parties’ coalition. Turnbull had appealed for stability after the UK's Brexit vote to leave the European Union.
The unexpected results have triggered soul-searching within the Liberal Party and possible moves against Turnbull's leadership. Political journalists such as Eliza Borrello are already quoting anonymous sources about instability within the coalition:
I'm still confused by the definition of stability #auswaits https://t.co/J4wbsA5sQJ
— Dave Cooper (@DCoopes) July 5, 2016
BREAKING from a conservative: If @TurnbullMalcolm does a deal selling us out for himself we can change him @1st party room meeting @abc news
— Eliza Borrello (@ElizaBorrello) July 4, 2016
Turnbull had called a double-dissolution, with all senators up for election rather than the normal half-Senate election. His strategy to get rid of minor parties and independents there also backfired. Anthony Cooke could see the funny side:
BREAKING: New Australian senate poses for first photo. #ausvotes #ausvotes2016 #auspol #bunchofclowns #senatecircus pic.twitter.com/6P4mOrettG
— Anthony Cooke (@warmbloodedfish) July 2, 2016
While #auswaits for the final count and results, some are tired of the leaders after an unusually long eight-week campaign:
Both leaders probably don't need to be seen until there is a result. The nation will cope, I suspect.
— Greg Jericho (@GrogsGamut) July 5, 2016
It will be days, if not weeks. We'll keep you posted.

author: Kevin Rennie