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Israeli Activist Chooses Jail Over Military Service to Protest the Occupation · Global Voices
Romy Haber

“There is no justification for ruling over others. There is no moral occupation.” Mattan Helman in a screenshot from “Morality and Conscience Face Every Law” published on YouTube by SocialTV.
Mattan Helman, 20 years old, refuses to serve in the Israeli military, even though doing so means he is breaking the country's law.
Helman is an activist from HaOgen in central Israel, approximately 26 kilometers north-west of Tel Aviv. He was assigned to the Nahal Brigrade, one of the Israel Defence Forces’ (IDF) main infantries operating in the occupied Palestinian territories, but believes joining up would legitimise Israel's “immoral” control over the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and Gaza.
At the time of writing, Helman was serving his second sentence, of 20 days, in Military Prison 6, since the 18 of December, 2017.
Helman spoke about his decision in a recent interview with the Israeli activist group SocialTV, which was shared by other well-known groups such as Jewish Voice for Peace.
Israel took over the territories during the 1967 Israeli-Arab war, referred to in Arabic as ‘النكسة’ (An-Naksah, “the setback”), and 50 years later continues to not only occupy them, but expand its claims on the land — to the condemnation of the international community.
In 2004, for example, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the United Nations’ primary judicial branch, ruled that a wall built by Israel in and around the West Bank was illegal as it crossed Palestinian territory, warning that the wall “could become tantamount to an annexation of Palestinian land, and impeded the Palestinian right to self-rule”.
The following is a graphic entitled “Palestine Shrinking, Expanding Israel” by the data visualization group Visualizing Palestine showing “the military, legal and financial tools that have been utilised in the gradual transformation of historic Palestine into ‘Greater’ Israel, mapping the extent of the territory now defined as Israeli ‘state land’, on which Palestinians — even those holding Israeli citizenship — are now largely excluded from living.”
In the interview, Helman said he knew he would be jailed for his decision, but was willing to accept it:
I know that refusal is breaking the law, but opposite to every law is morality, conscience and limitations.
There has been much social injustice in the past that was legal. The holocaust in Europe, apartheid in South Africa and slavery in the United States were all cases of legal injustice.
Conscientious objection to military draft is recognised under international law. As the Quacker United Nations office explained in a January 2015 report:
Both the Human Rights Committee and the UN Human Rights Council have recognised the right of conscientious objection to military service as part of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion enshrined in Article 18 of both the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
However, those who conscientiously object to serving in the military in Israel risk prison.
Helman said he made his decision a long time ago. In the ninth grade he researched the topic, and asked himself three questions:
What are we doing there, what does it do to our society, and how does it affect me?
When he told his parents, he explained, they initially took it very hard but ended up understanding and supporting him.
Helman argued that “a law requiring enlistment in an army that oppresses an entire people is not a moral law and I do not feel compelled to obey it.”
While he does not oppose the need for an army, he says that it “should be used solely for defense” and “an army that occupies an entire people group is not defense. Occupation is not defense.”
Finally, as for why Helman didn't join the army and try to change policies from within, he explained that it was impossible:
True there are those who are in the army that disagree with the policy of occupation, but they still contribute to it and are part of it.
Helman's choice found some support among Israelis. When he went to the recruiting office and declared his refusal to enlist, a number of Israeli activists stood by him, blindfolded, holding signs that say “Stop closing your eyes to the crimes of the occupation”.
At the protest, one activist, Omri Baranes, said:
From minute to minute, I understand how resisting the draft and going to prison is important and relevant today. We live in a fascist and racist state, full of incitement. Although we are a little group, we are strong.
Baranes was herself imprisoned at the age of 18 for refusing to serve in the IDF, along with Tair Kaminer, several times. As of June 2016, Kaminer Tair Kaminer had served 170 days in military prison when her fifth term ended, before receiving a sixth sentence.
They are not the only conscientious objectors to refuse to join the army. In 2003, there was an estimated 1,100 IDF soldiers “declaring they will not serve in Israel's occupied territories”.
The first “Refuseniks”, as they are called, seem to have appeared in 1982, in response to Israel's invasion of Lebanon. At the time, 168 people refused to serve as they felt, in the words of Israeli group Yesh Gvul, that the invasion was “an act of naked and futile aggression.”
In its list of 2017 Refuseniks, Israel Social TV mentioned what's called the ‘seniors letter 2017′, signed by over 60 draft refusers in a video featuring interviews with some of them.
To give two more examples, among many:
In 2016 Tamar Alon, 18, and Tamar Ze’evi, 19, were arrested and imprisoned by army authorities because they didn’t accept to serve in the occupied territories. Alon said:
I believe that the ways of war, violence and oppression will not allow us to maintain a democratic state and be a free people in our land.
Atalya Ben-Abba, a 19 year-old from Jerusalem, made the decision listing her “objection to serving in the army is grounded in reasons of conscience”, adding:
In order to bring security to all people in Israel and Palestine we need to end the occupation.
Further away, War Resister’s International, a global pacifist and antimilitarist network with over 90 affiliated groups in 40 countries, sent a letter to the Israeli Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman” asking him to reconsider Helman’s case.

author: Romy Haber


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Amman’s Yellow Taxis Compete for Passengers After the Arrival of Uber and Careem · Global Voices
Maram Alkayed

Taxi driver picking up a passenger in Amman, Jordan. Photo by Monther Hammad. Used with permission.
In Amman, Jordan's capital, approximately 11,400 yellow taxi cabs serve more than 3.5 million residents. The majority of Amman's residents use cabs every day, placing high demands on taxi drivers who fall short on customer satisfaction.
Complaints have included manipulating the meter, swearing and cursing, refusing certain destinations, and smoking in the car. That's why many Amman residents were relieved when private companies like Uber and Careem arrived in Amman at the beginning of 2016.
Amman resident Aseel Odeh told Global Voices (GV):
I live in Jabal Al-Hussein, which is a pretty crowded place. I quit my last job because it was 30 minutes away and no one would agree to drive me back home.
When they did agree to drive her home, they often charged exorbitant prices. But Odeh didn't have many transportation options. Hazem Zureiqat, a transport consult, reports that Amman only has 350 big buses serving the entire capital and its poor public transportation system only accounts for 5% of everyday transportation needs.
Moreover, the gas prices are relatively high compared with neighboring countries, with prices reaching $3.44 USD per litre in Jordan, while it is only .24 USD per litre in neighboring Saudi Arabia.
Amman residents like Yacoub Lambaz prefer companies like Careem and Uber over yellow taxi cabs:
Careem is a company, and every driver is an employee who follows rules and regulations and is confronted by the company in case the driver breaks said rules. This makes me feel safer knowing that if the driver commits an unauthorized act, he will be questioned, and I will receive compensation.
In culturally conservative Jordan, mobile application features like “track my ride”  reassure families that female members will feel safer. A woman's sole mode of transport was through a family member until the introduction of Uber and Careem apps.
Amman resident Aisha Azzam tells GV:
Careem makes me feel safe because the drivers respect us and make us feel comfortable, and they do not complain if there is traffic on the way.
Suzan, a mother of five, says:
I’m the worrying kind, so I never used to let my kids go anywhere unless I personally drove them there, but with Careem, I let them go anywhere, as long as they share their ride route with me via whatsapp.
Heyam, an Uber fan, asserts:
Uber is much safer at night.
Careem promised to create 10,000 jobs in the country between 2016 and 2018. However, until December 2017, Jordanian law forbade private cars from providing transportation services, rendering Careem and Uber illegal.
The government decided to tax rather than ban these services, but bigger complications came in the form of a massive backlash from yellow taxi drivers who reported an 80% decline in their business since the arrival of Uber and Careem.
Yellow taxi drivers took action in the form of several protests over a couple of months, repeatedly directing complaints to the government for not taking action to defend them.
The protests started on November 2016 when, as Uber and Careem started to gain more popularity, taxi cab drivers decided to gather and voice their complaints publicly.
This, in turn, led the government to adopt new measures such as impounding Uber and Careem cars, fining their drivers, taking down their apps, and even dedicating a whole unit in the Traffic Police to hunting them down.
There were protests throughout 2017 as well, and they escalated from being a way of demonstrating dissatisfaction with the situation to some even threatening to burn their taxis.
There were protests held in January, April, July, August, September, and November of 2017.
This did not play well with Careem and Uber enthusiasts, who had gotten used to smoke-free and safe cars.
Amman resident Farah Mohammed tells GV:
When both the Uber and Careem apps were taken down for a couple of days, I went insane. I couldn’t go anywhere. There would be yellow taxi cabs right outside my house, but I still wouldn’t get into them. I let my dad drive me around until the apps were back up.
The fact that these apps are technically illegal did not stop anyone from riding with Careem or Uber, especially in harsh weather conditions.
Lambaz explains:
I used Careem even when it was illegal, and once, a taxi driver ratted us out to a police officer. The driver and I managed to squeeze out of that situation. I gave him a 5 star rating for the action pack ride!
Eventually, the government allowed Careem to apply for a license, but only on the condition that it would add a yellow taxi service to its app. Careem agreed to the condition given that the new taxi drivers would undergo training to comply by company standards. The legalization process started on August 2017 and was finalized on December 2017.
Another protest was held in response to the approval.
Yellow taxi drivers still thought that there was unfair competition because Careem only agreed to take in 5,000 yellow cabs, leaving the rest out to dry.
Abu Mahmoud, a 55 year old cab driver explains:
I worked as a taxi driver for most of my life, and saved up in the hope to buy my own taxi someday. When I finally did spend my whole life savings to buy a cab, we are no longer needed! I cannot work, as no one uses us yellow taxi cabs anymore, and no one wants to buy the taxi, since it is no longer a lucrative business.
Abu Al-Abed, who has been working as a taxi driver for 13 years alongside Abu Mahmoud chimes in:
I have to pay 25 Jordanian Dinars (35 USD) to the man I rent the taxi from, of late, I have to pay most of that from my own money, as I do not even make it to 15 Jordanian Dinars (21 USD) on most days.
Yellow cab drivers’ laments have been met with little sympathy from many Jordanians.
Amman resident Mariam says:
Taxis were constantly charging us more for certain places, making unnecessary small talk, and sometimes asking inappropriate questions. I will never go back to using them after I have started using Uber.
The Transport Services and Taxi Owners Union did not make an official statement on the government’s decision, as they are waiting for a copy of the regulations to make a comment.
For Yellow taxi drivers, the struggle for passengers is real. Once Jordan's only private transportation option, they are totally overwhelmed by new competition.
Speaking to Al Monitor, Zureiqat pointed out that the root problem is the government's failure to provide a good public transport system:
The reasons why these services are successful here is because the government has failed to provide a decent public transport system.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Maram Alkayed


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Cancer Center in Syria’s Besieged East Ghouta Struggles to Survive · Global Voices
Firas Al-Abdullah

Recent photo of the Dar Al-Rahma Center for Cancer in Eastern Ghouta. Photo taken by the media officer of the center and republished with permission.
Qasem Al-Hallak was shocked when, at the age of 13, a doctor revealed that a little wart in his neck contained cancer cells.
“I thought it [was] only an inflammation,” he told Global Voices.
Al-Hallak resides in Hazrama, Syria, a town in the opposition-held territory of Eastern Ghouta, about 10 kilometers from Damascus, where nearly 350,000 inhabitants have been besieged by government forces for the last four years.
Al-Hallak is not the only one in this area who has to endure cancer.
Dr. Wisam Muhammed, 35, a cancer specialist and the manager of Rahmah Center for Curing Cancer, the only center specialized in tumors’ treatment in Eastern Ghouta, told Global Voices that their patients deserve treatment as Syrian citizens but because they were born in Ghouta, the siege prevents them from receiving adequate care.
Overall, 80% of Dr. Muhammed patients are children and women—people who are largely ignored in Syria’s war and political disputes.
“They are victims of the Syrian crisis and of their illness,” Dr. Muhammed said.
Recent photo of the Dar Al-Rahma Center for Cancer in Eastern Ghouta. Photo taken by the media officer of the center and republished with permission.
Rahmeh Center for Curing Cancer was established in 2013. Dr. Muhammed said that they keep an eye on previously diagnosed patients in addition to studying new cases and providing medical analysis for chemical curing processes. They have 1,228 patients, 665 of whom receive some form of treatment despite a lack of medication.
Dr. Muhammed explains:
It’s the biggest disaster we face, and 60 of those who are being treated must be evacuated now. We can save the others if medications allowed to get inside.
Nowadays, the center is the last resort because there are no alternative solutions. A patient who needs a chemical dose may not be able to receive it, and the center takes in patients from all the cities of Eastern Ghouta.
In 2014, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent, a humanitarian organization based in Damascus, evacuated some patients through the Wafedeen crossing, a military checkpoint where aid, goods, and food passed through, and the only current entry point into and out of Eastern Ghouta.
They were sent to special hospitals in Damascus, where the chances of curing them are higher.
Many others also evacuated from tunnels before the government discovered them. Opposition forces started digging tunnels in 2015 to smuggle in food, goods, medication and other necessities.
There were three main tunnels connecting Eastern Ghouta with the Eastern neighborhoods of Damascus such as Barzeh, Qaboon and Teshreen during the truce with the government that lasted until May of 2016, when the truce broke. After that, government forces attacked the neighborhoods and took control over them, leading rebels to close the tunnels by blowing them up.
Eastern Ghouta has been besieged by Syrian government forces since the middle of October of 2013. There are three main opposition forces located in Eastern Ghouta: Jay Al-Islam, which controls the north of the territory, while Faylaq Al-Rahman and Ahrar-Al Sham control both the middle and southern parts.
Map of Eastern Ghouta dating to four days ago. Provided by the author.
Since the beginning of the center’s work, 325 of 665 patients have been cured while 130 have died. The last 27 death cases are a result of the siege, the according to the center. Thirteen have run out of medicine, 41 others are monitored and 54 more patients are being studied in the center.
“We make medical analysis and give medication to patients free of charge,” said Dr. Muhammed, who added that medication needs to be carefully distributed due to low supplies.
[At] the [beginning] of 2017, the siege [tightened] … so the huge number of patients leads to drain treatment and [a shortage] of many medications. Now what we have in our hands serves only 3% of patients.
Recent photo of the Dar Al-Rahma Center for Cancer in Eastern Ghouta. Photo taken by the media officer of the center and republished with permission.
Al-Hallak registered three years ago in Rahmeh Center, which is about 7 kilometers from his home. His skin has been darkened by the many hours of walking under the sun with his father and the distance is just one of many difficulties he faces.
Every week he commutes to the center by foot with his father for chemical treatment and medication to avoid high prices of transportation for chemical treatment and medication. Since he started taking chemical medication, his body has weakened, and due to the food shortage brought on by the siege, he feels it is impossible to gain the strength back. He takes chemical doses every 15 days along with a daily painkiller and anti-inflammatory medicine.
Muhammed Al-Hallak, Al-Hallak's father, a 43-year-old worker in free trade, thought he was going to lose his son by “the no-treatment disease,” as he describes it. Muhammed Al-Hallak and his wife agreed at first not to tell their son too many details about his illness to protect his feelings. Later on, however, they couldn’t hide it anymore and had to kindly tell him about it, choosing to deal with it as the ‘common flu’ to avoid fear.
Muhammed told Global Voices:
The main problem that makes difficulties is the siege.
Now 15, Al-Hallak's cancer-ridden body doesn't resemble his age due to the disease and treatment. A lack of medication continues to create health problems for him. His father is currently out of work and has six sons to support. A single packet of anti-inflammation medicine can cost 1,500 Syrian pounds ($3 USD).
Due to the dire conditions in Eastern Ghouta, Muhammed hopes to receive more financial support from the only center in the region that specializes in curing many cases like his son's.
Yaser Al-Shami, the administrative officer of Damascus Countryside Specialist Hospital, the only centre in the region that specializes in curing cases like Qasem’s, stated that his center is unable to pursue all levels of treatment, and post-surgery and radial therapy materials do not exist at all.
Recent photo of the Dar Al-Rahma Center for Cancer in Eastern Ghouta. Photo taken by the media officer of the center and republished with permission.
Al-Shami demanded the government open crossings for patients from Eastern Ghouta and apply all the terms of the de-escalation agreement established on September 15, 2017 between Turkey, Russia, and Iran in the sixth round of the ‘Astana Peace Talks’ for Syria. The agreement also calls for a reduction in violence in Syria and opening trade crossings. Al-Shami said that honoring the agreement can save those suffering in Ghouta.
Al-Shami explains:
“There [used to be an] ability to treat cancer cases by chemical doses and other required materials, but nowadays, there is not much medicine, so the circumstances are not suitable for the patients at all. They could be helped by [receiving] medication in Eastern Ghouta, in addition to having humanitarian crossings open for food and evacuations.

author: Firas Al-Abdullah


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Caught in Conflict, Internet Users in Yemen Face Blocking, Shutdowns and Slow Speed · Global Voices
Basheer Alsamawi

An airstrike in the Yemeni capital Sana'a on 11 May 2015. Photo by Ibrahem Qasim (CC BY-SA 2.0)
When she learned that violent clashes had broken out between Houthi rebels and forces loyal to Yemen's former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, a young woman named Amal tried to call home. She was outside of the country, at university, but knew the violence had occurred near her family's home in the capital, Sana'a.
She tried to reach her family using various mobile messaging apps, and was surprised when she did not hear back from them or see them connected on Facebook. She began to fear the worst until she successfully reached them on the phone by the end of the day.
Amal's experience, and many others like it, give a glimpse of how harmful internet service disruptions can be amid an armed conflict.
Nearly three years ago, Yemen plunged into an armed conflict, with Houthi rebels fighting to seize power from the internationally-recognized government of President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, who is is supported by a Saudi-led coalition. Forces loyal to former president Ali Abdullah Saleh (who was removed from power following street protests in 2011) had fought against the Houthis, until Saleh changed his position and called for dialogue with Saudi Arabia. On 4 December, 2017, the Houthis killed Saleh.
Some days after the clashes between the Houthis and forces loyal to Saleh ended, internet users were caught off guard by a 30-minute internet shutdown, on 7 December between 10:30pm and 11:00pm local time.
Internet in #Yemen suffered multiple national outages in past hour as civil war shows no signs of cessation. YemenNet (AS30873) completely offline for ~30 minutes. pic.twitter.com/8wVRHQj77R
— InternetIntelligence (@InternetIntel) December 7, 2017
Internet service was later restored, but at the same time Facebook (one of the most popular sites in Yemen, according to the web traffic data and analytics service Alexa), Twitter and the instant messaging applications WhatsApp, IMO and Telegram (which was previously blocked in 2016 before access to it was restored in early 2017) were blocked. Websites of news organizations affiliated with former president Saleh and the political party he founded, the General People's Congress, were also blocked.
These blockages occurred at the hands of the Houthis, who hold control of the capital, Sana'a, and have taken control of the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology. The Ministry controls Yemen's DNS servers and the country's sole internet service provider, YemenNet.
Six days later, on 13 December, YemenNet lifted the ban on social media platforms and messaging apps, though internet speed continued to be significantly slower than normal.
Yemen already has the lowest internet speed in the world according to Akamai, a US-based content delivery network and cloud services provider. Akamai's fourth quarter report for 2016 concluded that “despite posting an 85% quarterly increase to 1.3 Mbps [megabytes per second], Yemen remained the qualifying country with the lowest average connection.”
In July 2016, the United Nations Human Rights Council adopted a historic resolution condemning internet shutdowns as a violation of human rights. In a state of war, internet and communication platform outages can put basic rights at even greater risk.
“The availability of internet access during armed conflicts is more important than in normal circumstances,” Fahmi Al-Baheth, president of the Yemeni chapter of the Internet Society (ISOC), said. He continued:
During armed conflicts, people use the internet to learn about the situation surrounding them, stay updated about the latest developments in relation to their security situation, communicate with others and check on them or to request assistance and urgent media care.
According to a test conducted on 18 December using the internet speed testing service Fast.com, Yemen's internet was operating at a download speed of 130 kilobytes per second (0.13 megabytes per second). This is ten times slower than its average speed, which is already slow. Intentionally slowing internet speed is among the measures employed by regimes to repress the digital rights of users.
Al-Baheth added that ending YemenNet's monopoly over the provision of internet services would be one solution to address the current issues related to internet access in Yemen.
A report from the Beirut internet rights group SMEX elaborated further on the situation:
Before Thursday's shutdown, the Houthis had also been throttling, or intentionally slowing, internet speeds across the country, according to several online sources who complained that the internet has been particularly slow. Walid al-Saqaf, co-founder and chairman ISOC-Yemen, told SMEX that YemenNet regularly throttles the internet and that this practice continued during these two disruptions.
“Slow speed interferes with the effective use of the internet to communicate: for example, when a user needs to invest fifteen minutes or sometimes even more of his/her time to send a basic email with attachments, or when it becomes impossible to use YouTube to disseminate news,” said Amr Mostafa, program coordinator at the Yemeni Organization for Development and Technology Exchange. “Such tasks become a privilege, unavailable to most internet users in Yemen.”
Recently, Yemeni internet users have been trying to find internet circumvention tools to bypass censorship. Some are using virtual private networks (VPNs) to communicate and exchange news with their families and friends inside and outside Yemen, even though these tools can sometimes slow down their internet speed. A number of users started using the secure messaging app Signal, since it was not among the blocked apps.
Users who wish to identify or report on censorship of specific platforms or websites can use OONI, a free software project and app powered by Tor “which aims to empower decentralized efforts in increasing transparency of internet censorship around the world.”
Yemeni authorities have a long history of violations against freedom of expression and opinion, and the right to access information. Such violations date back to the rule of former president Saleh, when the government started blocking websites affiliated with the opposition from 2005 until 2011. In 2012 the ban on all websites was lifted. However, with the start of the latest war in 2015, the Houthis who control the capital, where DNS servers are located, blocked access to several Yemeni and regional news websites that oppose their policies. In May 2016, they blocked Telegram and Instagram for several months, and in October of the same year WhatsApp was blocked for several days.
The internet was first made available for public use in Yemen in 1996 through YemenNet, a company affiliated with the (Houthi-controlled) Ministry of Telecommunication and Information Technology, which is still the only service provider in the country. According to the Public Telecommunication Corporation (the government-owned company which manages the fixed-line and mobile networks), there were 4.2 million internet users in Yemen by the end of 2015. According to Internet Live Stats, that number increased to reach 6,773,228 users in June 2016, that is 24.7% of the population.
Currently, the internationally-recognized Hadi government, which is based in the Governorate of Aden, is seeking to separate the areas it controls by establishing DNS servers in Aden and connecting the province through an international submarine cable. If successful, this measure could end the Houthis’ monopoly over the telecommunication sector. This may result in an end to censorship and increased internet speeds in the areas under the control of Hadi's government, unless it also chooses to practice censorship and surveillance, and to slow down the internet.

author: Basheer Alsamawi


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Growing Popular Opposition Continues to Put Pressure on Ethiopia’s Ruling Party · Global Voices
Endalkachew Chala

Campaign billboard for the EPRDF next to TPLF 35th anniversary billboard. EPRDF billboard says “electing EPRDF means ensuring the continuation of development and the renaissance of the country” TPLF billboard says “we will repeat our past victories”. Photo from 2010 by Uduak Amimo via BBC World Service. CC BY 2.0
Over the last six months, an ongoing protest movement in Ethiopia has triggered a power struggle within the country's longtime governing coalition, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front’s (EPRDF), posing an unprecedented challenge to its 27-year rule.
On December 30, it became apparent just how much the growing opposition has threatened the political status quo when EPRDF addressed the country in a lengthy televised statement aimed at appeasing the three-year-old movement, which has braved deadly crackdowns to demand, among other things, fairer government representation of Ethiopia's ethnic groups
It came after the 36 members of the highest decision-making body of the EPRDF, the executive committee, convened in a heavily guarded secretive meeting that lasted a little over two weeks (from December 12 to 30, 2017).
But if hopes were high the mounting pressure would result in serious political reform, they were dashed with the statement, which offered nothing of the sort.
The EPRDF is a coalition of four ethnic-based parties: the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO), the Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM) and the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF). All four purport to represent Ethiopia’s major ethnic groups, but are closely aligned in ideology, political association, and policy preferences.
The TPLF is the core of the EPRDF coalition, holding absolute power over the last quarter of a century.
For opposition activists, “Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front” is a misleading term because among the four parties it is the TPLF, not the other three parties, that determines whether to bestow power to other members of the coalition, or take it away.
The criticism goes that TPLF uses the coalition to confirm its own ability to keep both the center of the country and the regions under control while the remaining three ethnic parties participate as a “patronage network,” trading the needs of their people for political influence.
The most dominant member of the coalition, TPLF, is a mother party reminiscent of the Soviet Communist Party. TPLF created EPRDF, maintained it through a range of ideological machinations & used the vassals to bolster its legitimacy and squelch opposition from autonomous parties.
— Awol Allo (@awol_allo) January 1, 2018
In terms of representation, Oromos make up 35 percent of the country’s 100 million people, Amharas account for about 30 percent of the population, and the Southern Ethiopian region accounts for 14 percent. While Tigrayans represent only 6 percent of the population, they are among the most high-ranking military officers who control the nation's security.
The power struggle has become plain in the last several months. In October, the speaker of Ethiopian rubber stamp parliament resigned over of the claims of disrespect to Oromo people.
And tensions between OPDO and TPLF – which have simmered for some time – were laid bare when OPDO and later ANDM members of the Ethiopian parliament refused to perform their jobs unless the executive branch of the government offered them an explanation about the ongoing violence against protesters.
Oromo and Amhara MPs boycott parliament as winds of change (#OromoProtests + #AmharaResistance) and a bitter power struggle inside the governing EPRDF coalition reaches #Ethiopia’s (one-time?) rubberstamp legislative body—a new analysis with @AbbaKayo: https://t.co/J5D2cAmvcy pic.twitter.com/sA9TyeRH3t
— Mohammed Ademo (@OPride) December 22, 2017
Some say when OPDO and ANDM members challenge the TPLF, they are driven by considerations of power, rather than ideology.
Nevertheless, it is worth noting that some sections of OPDO and ANDM have also emerged as advocates for political reform within EPRDF that comes on the heels of unprecedented popular protests in their respective regional states: Oromia and Amhara.
2017 was the year of the Oromo People's Democratic Organisation (OPDO). The OPDO was able to shake the puppet label and actually prove to be quite vocal in #Ethiopia‘s political arena. pic.twitter.com/4648ug8bCi
— Zecharias Zelalem (@ZekuZelalem) December 30, 2017
The political elites of the two parties have also started to forge an alliance, a significant development given that the elites from Oromo and the Amhara peoples have long been at opposite ends of the country’s political divide. Tsegaye Ararssa, a diaspora-based academic and opposition political commentator, wrote on his Facebook page:
That nothing has unsettled TPLF in recent years more than the OPDO-ANDM alliance and the gestures of #Oromara solidarity is confirmed in the EPRDF CC Press Release. This is a conclusive evidence that it is the content of this gesture of solidarity, its substance–given real flesh and blood–that will be the undoing of TPLF's hold on power. #Oromara #OromoRevolution
For days, the outcome of EPRDF’s executive committee meeting was awaited in the hope that it would offer a crucial insight into TPLF's willingness to compromise in the face of the popular protests and mounting pressure from two members of the coalition, OPDO and ANDM.
However, the hopes that EPRDF’s executive committee meeting would lead to concrete reform within EPRDF appear premature.
In a statement read on state television and released on Facebook, EPRDF announced a new raft of political actions, including a vow to end corruption, rent seeking, and patronage politics.
It also expressed sorrow for deaths and displacement that have taken place since anti-government unrest began and thanked the Ethiopian defense and security forces for their service (even though they are largely blamed for the violence).
According to human rights groups, at least 1,500 people were killed over the last three years.
The statement also vowed, without specifics, to quash “unprincipled relations” implying the burgeoning alliance between OPDO and ANDM.
Some believe that the statement, allegedly a joint expression from the four members of the coalition, fits neatly into TPLF’s political agenda.
Critics also cite that the delight of TPLF's social media following signal that that the party more than anyone still holds the power.
Mohammed Ademo, a diaspora-based journalist, summarized the statement in his view on Facebook:
Here is a quick reax: Sorry but not sorry; Oromia will be militarized to stop all protests, road blockage and similar activities; Allegations of Tigrayan hegemony unfounded; Thank you to our security forces for wanton killings and for turning a blind eye as hundreds of Oromos were killed and hundreds of thousands of Oromos and Somalis displaced; There will be heightened social media crackdown; OBN and Amhara TV will fall back in line and return to their old platform as agitprops; The budding Oromo and Amhara alliance is a threat to continued Tigrayan dominance over the country and it must be squashed; EPRDF will return to its democratic centralism and revolutionary democracy roots.On the surface, this looks like an embarrassing setback for OPDO. I don’t think there is a positive spin here. TPLFites must be smiling
Even some who were sympathetic to OPDO and ANDM said they doubted that the two parties were ever ready to contend TPLF:
Did OPDO buckle under the weight of 18-days of TPLF cajoling, intimidation, and bluster? If so, the country is headed straight to the abyss. God help our suffering people who will be fixed to pay a heavy price to make TPLF/EPRDF the last dictorship to Rule Ethiopia.
— Hassen Hussein (@AbbaKayo) December 29, 2017
As the country wrestles with its gravest crisis in a generation, the question remains: How will this ever-deepening political crisis end?

author: Endalkachew Chala


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‘Offensive’ Soca Song Gets Boost After Ban From Carnival Contests in Trinidad & Tobago · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

Screenshot of soca performer “Massive” Gosein taken from the YouTube video for his song “Rowlee Mudda Count”.
With the new year upon them, Trinbagonians are now into the annual Carnival season, which is never without controversy. Two years ago, one Carnival band's portrayal was accused of trivialising the trauma of slavery. In 2017, a popular fete put patrons through a five-step process to buy tickets, which struck some as elitist and discriminatory; the issue of livestreaming and copyright infringement also emerged as a contentious topic.
This year, the hot potato is a soca song called “Rowlee Mudda Count”. “Rowlee” refers to the country's prime minister, Dr. Keith Rowley, and “Mudder [Mother] Count” is a pun on the female genitalia.
Produced and performed by soca artiste Nermal “Massive” Gosein, the song — while lyrically unremarkable — came to wide public attention when the promoters of the national soca (and its Indian-influenced derivative, chutney soca) contest announced that they would ban him from performing it on their Carnival stages because they found it offensive.
Suddenly, people who never even heard of the song were logging on to YouTube to see what all the fuss was about.
The fuss, as it turned out, was about way more than a dirty word aimed at the prime minister, and a debate soon ensued about racism, sexism and censorship in soca and calypso music.
The musical genre has a long history as a wellspring of strong social and political commentary, with artists using clever satire and double entendre to poke fun, criticise or call out wrongdoing. Trinidad and Tobago's politics have just as long a history of tribalism; the two major political parties are mostly split along ethic lines, with the Indo-Trinbagonian segment of the population largely supporting the United National Congress (UNC) and Afro-Trinbagonians aligning themselves with the People's National Movement (PNM), the party currently in government.
Because “Massive” Gosein is of Indian descent, many netizens assumed his ethnicity was linked to his political affiliation and deemed his criticism of the prime minister unsurprising; however, they were disappointed in the delivery. Facebook user Patricia Worrell said:
Well, I listened to it. What caught my attention was when I heard he was defending it on the grounds that ‘Indian people have had enough’ so I thought there’d probably be all kinds of witty social commentary in response. Poor fella! He eh make! [meaning “He didn't succeed!”] It’s not worth comment, really. Just – perhaps Listerine for his mouth? Pity. Some response to calypsoes that are clearly anti-Indian is necessary. But he doesn’t seem to have the right weapons for a battle of wits against the perpetrators of racism in calypso.
Gosein justified his composition by making the point that songs like Rootsman's “Oma Account Big” (which took jabs at the wife of former prime minister and UNC leader Basdeo Panday), Crazy's regular flirtations with foul language (“Paul, Yuh Mudda Come” and “For Quriousity”), and some divisive calypsoes by performers like Cro Cro and Sugar Aloes, had not been banned.
While some netizens agreed, others just weren't buying it, calling the song “racist garbage, wrapped in the culture war” — a response that may very well have been provoked by the video accompanying the song, which featured a woman in blackface.
The chairperson of the PNM Women's League, Camille Robinson-Regis, soon came out and said that the song was degrading to women and that the video was a racist depiction of the prime minister's mother.
The political satire website Wired868 wasted no time in arguing that the song was “as empty and as meaningless as the criticism it has provoked” and that it represented a missed opportunity to meaningful commentary:
Had Rowley’s mother, for instance, counted the number of non-functioning national stadia in the country, even as the government looks to begin construction of a new one in Diego Martin, well, Massive might have been on to something.
If Rowley’s mother was counting the number of people murdered—a statistic as troublesome under this government as it was under the People’s Partnership—Massive’s offering might be worth a listen. […]
Instead, Massive starts and ends with an obscene, frustrated yelp that he impotently dresses up with a quizzical tale of Rowley’s mother falling victim to praedial larceny. And then he has the gall to demand the protection of artistic license. […]
The image of a woman in ‘blackface’ playing Rowley’s mother in Massive’s video further highlights the utter emptiness—moral and otherwise—of this offering. When even [notably pro-Indian] Sat Maharaj can’t defend you, there really isn’t much more to be said, is there?
Maharaj, the secretary general of the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha, the country's most high-profile Hindu organisation, told a local newspaper that he objects to offensive songs and speech, but “if we intend to start pulling songs, then we have to start pulling some of the songs that went before, all the songs. I have no problems with calypsonians or chutney singers making political pronouncements in their songs, but when it crosses the line of good behaviour, of obscenity, then I raise objection and I also raise objection to people who conveniently are offended.”
Wired868 made some astute observations about the big picture:
Calypso and soca music are not inherently racist or sexist. But let’s be honest, for far too long, a racist and sexist fringe has found safe, comfortable lodgings there. […]
There is much that we have to talk about in Trinidad and Tobago as regards race, sex, class and even State-sponsored censorship […]
But it’s hard to get started without political fanatics jumping in to fog up the conversation.
Meanwhile, blogger BC Pires suggested that although the Gosein's message was not well constructed, surely he had the right to say it:
In the so-called Land of Calypso, where, in poetry, dead calypsonians decompose but compose still, a mediocre ribald song has been raised to treason, in the eyes of the field slaves who have taken over the Great House. […]
Does any office really need to be protected, at the expense of free speech, from a poorly-made, poor-taste joke?
Pires found it ironic that the dignity of an office could be lowered by toilet humour when the prime minister himself recently threatened “to put on his ‘shit-kicker’ boots for another Member of Parliament”, suggested that women — like golf courses — needed daily “grooming”, and was in a heated row with the country's president over which of them was being dishonest.
On a separate public thread, one commenter, Kian, who was not a fan of the song, answered his question:
NO one is denying Massive’s right to perform in any way he can. […]
Calypsonians are a needed commodity in our culture. The are the only ones who says what is on our minds and put it in song and melody. We sing their songs in our lonely moments, we praise them when they hit our at our enemies, we lament the thoughts they express when we are compromised and we sing their melodies when we think of the quality of life they sing about in their songs. […]
I do not want the calypsonian to be edited, censored or banned […] but they must be mindful that not just because they have a license, they can say whatever they want or do whatever they want; they have an obligation to those who buy their products. Those products will either catapult them into stardom or make them an objectionable quality to the art they profess to represent.
Regardless of netizens’ opinions about the song, there is no doubt that the controversy has increased public awareness of it, as is usually the case when content is censored.

author: Janine Mendes-Franco


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The People of Iran Are Raising Their Voices: Scenes from the Protests · Global Voices
Hamid Yazdan Panah

The last century has witnessed countless examples of the struggle and sacrifice of ordinary Iranian people, fighting for everything from the nationalization of the oil industry to women's suffrage, to overthrowing a monarchy. Yet at each turn these heroic struggles have been suppressed, co-opted, or re-branded to suit a particular discourse or narrative. A simple example is the amazing diversity of secular, radical, and feminist forces involved in the 1979 revolution in Iran, who have nevertheless been obscured by the enduring image of this event as a seizure of control by reactionary mullahs.
Protesters overturn a police vehicle on Tehran's Valiasr street. [Photo taken from amateur video filmed in Iran and shared by Voice of America]
There are many complexities underlying the new wave of protests currently taking place in the country, which are being framed simplistically by some so-called “Iran experts” as an instance of the actions and passion of ordinary citizens being used to serve specific political interests and ends. This includes the growing frustration with corruption and entrenchment of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), the branch of the Iranian armed forces formed after the 1979 revolution, in the economy. It is also important to understand the political infighting plaguing the regime, as well as the long-standing pressures and contradictions that have resulted in this outburst.
Yet the reality of Iran is right before us in its purest form, in need of no explanation by talking heads. These protests are about freedom, opportunity and democracy—ideals both universal and self-explanatory.
In order to let the people of Iran speak for themselves, I have attempted to highlight a few poignant images, slogans and actions that offer a glimpse into what is happening in Iran right now. I leave it up to readers to draw their own conclusions.
Two interesting comment threads on reddit here and here.
In the video below, a young woman narrates the scene at Tehran University as the IRGC and security forces arrive at the campus, noting that many students have been beaten and some been arrested and taken away. Despite the physical assaults, she notes that “…the students have remained standing and are continuing to shout their slogans.”
In another video from Tehran (see below), protesters chant “death to dictators” while fighting off tear gas.
In the video below, a man in Behshar films as he comments on the treatment of Iranian citizens by police. The man narrates the brutal arrest and tasing of what appears to be an unarmed protester. “Look at what they do to people in this society. Look, look. They shocked him over nothing.” As he continues filming, people in the crowd begins to shout “let him go”, while others begin to walk towards the police. The video ends with the man saying, “it’s now come down to ordinary people having to fight back.”
In Kashan, protestors chant “Independence, Freedom, and an Iranian republic”, a reformulation of the refrain from the 1979 revolution, “Independence, Freedom, and an Islamic Republic.”
Below, a large crowd gathers in Shiraz chanting for fellow citizens to join their protest.
It is interesting to note that while some have claimed that protests in Iran are part of a movement for reform headed by the so-called moderate President Hassan Rouhani, the current protests appear to have transcended factional infighting. In this video from Hamadan, protesters are heard chanting, “clergyman have some shame, free our society”, followed by “Death to Rouhani!”, indicating a disdain for the clergy and the Islamic republic as a whole.
In this clip, a man is heard saying, “this is the 50,000 person protest in Ahvaz”.
The clip below shows a man throwing stones at security forces in Ahvaz while chanting “Death to Khamanei!”—words that could carry a death sentence in Iran.
The video below from Mashad show fires burning, and screams from the crowd seem to indicate a clash with security forces.
In Lorestan, protesters are seen dragging a bloodied body through a crowd while chanting “I will kill he who killed my brother” and “Death to Khamanei!”
In a film attributed to Bandar Abbas, protesters set fire to a billboard with the image of the Supreme Leader Khamanei. An act of rage and defiance that goes beyond the price of eggs or the desire for political reform.
In the video below from Mashhad, a police vehicle appears to have been flipped over and set on fire by protesters.
While in Zanjan, protesters surround fleeing security forces and pelt them with objects as they attempt to escape.
In Kermanshah, a group of security forces are seen fleeing a large crowd of angry protesters.
In Rasht, people  stage a non-violent sit-in in the face of oncoming security forces on motorcycles. The protestors chant, “We will die, we will die, we will take back Iran”.
A microcosm of Iranian society features in this videotaken from a taxicab reportedly in Tehran. On the driver passengers witness security forces beating protesters, with a female passenger remarking that people are unhappy and shouting to ask the security forces why they are beating the protesters. The driver, apparently perturbed by her tone, tells her to let it go and  to stop talking or he will kick her out of the car. The female passenger, ever defiant, demands to be let off. As the driver lets her out he grumbles about not wanting his car to be damaged, as we witness more confrontations through the taxi's windshield.
It is clear that in this struggle there are those who are no longer willing to stand by and witness injustice quietly. We should listen to their words and take their actions for what they are—the brave defiance of a country ready for change.

author: Hamid Yazdan Panah


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Will We Ever See the End of Information Control in Azerbaijan? · Global Voices
Arzu Geybullayeva

Police in Azerbaijan detain a young man. Photo by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, reused with permission.
At a meeting of NATO allies in Brussels in November 2017, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev highlighted the importance of free speech and internet freedom.
A summary published on the official presidential website paraphrased Aliyev's remarks as follows:
“Highlighting democratic development issues, President Ilham Aliyev said the free internet, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and other freedoms are ensured in Azerbaijan.”
This and other similar assertions have elicited raised eyebrows from many Azerbaijani journalists. Aliyev's words are a far cry from his actions over the past five years.
Between 2013 and 2015, a cascade of regulatory changes and arbitrary legal threats put Azerbaijan's once-vibrant civil society of journalists, activists, and youth organizations in the line of fire. Many were arrested, on bogus charges. Others left the country, out of fear of persecution.
As a result, much of the remaining conversation around democracy, rights and freedoms shifted to the online world. But each year, it becomes ever-more clear that there is not much tolerance for online dissent either.
The latest example came on December 1, 2017, when parliamentarians introduced and adopted a new set of amendments that will hold individuals, officials and legal entities responsible — and subject them to fines — for online dissemination of “banned” information.
If an internet information resource is entered into the List of Information Resources that Have Posted Information Banned from Distribution, it should immediately restrict access to any such information that it contains. Otherwise, the host and internet providers will face fines in the amounts of 1,500-2,000 AZN for officials and 2,000-2,500 AZN for legal entities.
Officials have not indicated how websites that support reader comments or user posts (such as Facebook or YouTube) will comply with these rules, if and when their users post content that falls under the ban
The ban covers a class of content known as “prohibited information,” which was established by a May 2017 court order authorizing the government to censor websites with specific types of content.
As per the court order, “prohibited information” can include the following categories:
The public prosecutor's office claimed online resources were blocked for posing a threat — but when we took a closer look at the content shared on these websites, we found that they did not match the criteria for “prohibited information.”
Several of the websites that were blocked primarily featured stories on government corruption, rising suicide rates in Azerbaijan, poor economic and social living conditions, and independent news coverage of local protests. Three news websites and two satellite TV channels were swiftly blocked inside the country. And since then, more than a dozen online resources providing independent news and information have been blocked.
All this begs the question: For whom is this “prohibited information” most threatening?
Indeed, these legal reforms threaten everyone but the ruling elite of Azerbaijan. This is a classic trait of Aliyev's regime. In the years since he took the presidential throne from his father, Ilham Aliyev has only made the lives of his countrymen more miserable.
It seems that legal reforms in Azerbaijan are never proposed purely out of the goodwill of Azerbaijani parliament members. Although their primary purpose is to serve the public, we as Azerbaijani citizens do not even know for sure whether they were legitimately elected to public office.
And so it was not surprising to see the second wave of legal amendments that were introduced and approved by the Azerbaijani parliament with the end of 2017 approaching. The lawmakers approved amendments to Azerbaijan's Code of Administrative Offenses, introducing high monetary penalties against owners of the internet information resources or domains for distributing prohibited information (deemed so by the authorities) or failing to prevent dissemination of such information.  December 15, Azerbaijan's National Parliament approved amendments to the bill on armed forces, prohibiting journalists from seeking certain types of information about military activity.
Organizations and platforms that have been held back by this recent wave of regulatory measures are now increasingly reliant on their Facebook pages and YouTube accounts to keep their voices present online. Many have built mirror websites where they continue covering critical stories and news from Azerbaijan.
Azadliq Radio, the Azerbaijani service for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty updates its readers and viewers at the end of their daily news wrap up, providing an updated URL for their platform. Meydan TV relies on a mobile app.
Describing the fall of free Internet in Azerbaijan, civic activist Ali Novruzov wrote on his blog:
What made the matter worse was that our even hypothetical Internet freedom was not guaranteed in the law books. Loose provisions of the laws were leading to occasional blocking of websites. Aside from some satirical blogs and Iranian-sponsored religious propaganda websites, even Imgur, an innocent photo-sharing platform fell a victim for a short time. However, blocking of websites was an exceptional measure back then. Despite being an arbitrary measure, the government was resorting to it only in selected circumstances.
[…]
With oil prices plummeting and economic situation getting worse on daily basis, it was evident that the government was no longer inclined to tolerate any dissent whether it was online or offline. The days of the hypothetical free Internet were also numbered.
[…]
While curbing basic rights and freedoms, going after activists, are a rule of thumb when it comes to persecution of active members of Azerbaijan's civil society, polishing of existing laws seem to have made things far easier for the ruling government especially when it needs to answer in front of the international rights watchdogs and institutions. First it is none of their business leaders like to say, even when a pinch of criticism is steered their way, and secondly, we have laws, according to which the authorities lawfully abide by.
These recent legal amendments, as well as the on-going show of power between authorities and Azerbaijan's crippled civil society, indicate that President Ilham Aliyev's talking points about free expression and the internet are just words. In Azerbaijan, free and open the internet is not.

author: Arzu Geybullayeva


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Ancient Pond Reconstruction in Kathmandu Stirs Preservation Protests · Global Voices
Sanjib Chaudhary

Rani Pokhari pond before the 2015 earthquake. Image by Flickr user Anup Adhikari. CC BY-NC 2.0
Ponds in the Kathmandu Valley and the southern plains of Nepal have always been an integral part of culture and tradition. While some ponds have been preserved well in the valley, others have been encroached upon by modern construction or have disappeared completely due to negligence by authorities.
Rani Pokhari, ‘the Queen’s Pond,’ with historic Balgopaleswor Temple in the center, has been drained off to allow for the temple's reconstruction. Authorities decided to renovate the pond as a whole after the temple was partially damaged by the disastrous earthquake of 2015.
Now, activists and locals of Kathmandu Valley have come together to save this ancient pond in the heart of Kathmandu:
केही वर्षमा हामीले रानीपोखरीको यो हविगत बनायौं। एउटै स्थानबाट खिचेको दुई फोटो। #बाँदरको_हातमा_नरिवल। pic.twitter.com/9TLKxSDbMy
— Brazesh Khanal (@brazeshk) October 21, 2017
In few years’ time, we did this to Rani Pokhari. Two photos taken from the same point.
Rani Pokhari, a 17th-century heritage site, is believed to have been built by King Pratap Malla in 1670 AD to console Queen Anantapriya who was saddened by the death of her youngest son.
The Balgopaleswor Temple in the center of the pond opens up to the public once a year when people with no siblings visit the temple during Bhai Tika, the ‘festival of brothers and sisters,’ on the final day of the Tihar festival, a five-day Hindu festival of lights. The pond is also open to the public for the Hindu festival Chhath.
View of Rani Pokhari, 1919 pic.twitter.com/TQKKSGvTaf
— Nepal In Pix (@NepalInPix) December 7, 2017
pic.twitter.com/EGUWZ4NhA0
— Old photos of Nepal (@oldphotosNepal) January 10, 2017
That Rani Pokhari. Old is Gold: Rani Pokhari before 1990's (Bikram Era) earthquake
Known for its beauty and historical significance, the pond is surrounded by Ghantaghar (the clock tower) and Trichandra College, Nepal’s first campus in the east, and Durbar High School, Nepal’s first high school in the west. On the southern bank lies a statue of King Pratap Malla and his two sons riding an elephant. Temples dedicated to Hindu gods and goddesses stand at all four corners.
The reconstruction of the pond has been a bone of contention between the government's Department of Archaeology, local people and the Kathmandu Metropolitan City (KMC) looking after the task. Construction work on the temple was halted when activists protested against the use of concrete materials by the contractor.
The row resurfaced after the contractor started building a concrete wall around the pond:
The KMC says it wants to “beautify and modernise” Rani Pokhari, complete with a son et lumière fountain, a park and coffee shop. This violates Nepal’s Ancient Monument Preservation Act which says historic sites over 100 years old have to be preserved in their original form.”
— Sipora gurung (@GurungSipora) December 23, 2017
साढे तीन सय वर्ष देखि रानिपोखरीमा पानी अडेको नै थियो जुन बेला पढेका इन्जिनियर थिएनन । तर अहिले पुनर्निर्माणको नाममा रानीपोखरीको चिरफार गरेपछि आधुनिक इन्जिनियरिङलाइ रानिपोखरीमा पानी अड्याउन महाभारत भएको छ । लाजको पसारो । pic.twitter.com/SsNpGaF6V2
— Bhuwan Thapa (@nepalibabuu) December 20, 2017
Rani Pokhari held water for 350 years although there were no engineers at that time. But it has been a gargantuan task to hold water in Rani Pokhari today for modern engineering after the mayhem in Rani Pokhari in the name of reconstruction. Height of shamelessness.
Sanjit Bhakta Pradhananga wrote in The Kathmandu Post:
Built over a natural aquifer, Rani Pokhari’s tightly-packed topsoil made it ‘waterproof,’ its submerged wells perpetually recharged its water levels, while subterranean canals diverted water to stone spouts like the Teen Dhara and the Bhota Hiti. Never in the 350 odd years thereafter did the pond once dry up or need substantial restoring.
A ‘hiti’ is a complex with one or more stone spouts fed by rainwater collected in aquifers. Ponds were built nearby so as to recharge the aquifers and maintain the water flow even in the dry season. The canal systems supplied water to the ponds, hitis, and farms for everyday use and irrigation purposes.
Clearly many people are concerned with ongoing reconstruction of Rani Pokhari esp use of concrete.. but we have a Mayor who doesn't seem to care.. i don't want reconstruction that may damage our heritage sites.. some places are better left untouched
— Sulav Karki ?? (@SulavKarki) December 26, 2017
After the brouhaha over reconstruction, the work was halted in 2016 and a committee has been formed to advise the government on restoring the pond to its original form.
As the row continues to delay the reconstruction of Rani Pokhari, anthropologist David Gellner says the controversy can serve as a case study in the handling of significant cultural heritage in Kathmandu.

author: Sanjib Chaudhary


text:
Did a Wiener Dog That Suffered for Science Really Go Home With Russia’s Deputy Prime Minister? · Global Voices
Christopher Moldes

Copyright: Max Pixel // CC0 Public Domain
In the video below, which may be disturbing to some viewers, a man in a lab coat holds a black and tan dachshund in his arms. Another man wearing a suit and tie explains:
We use a liquid that is heavily saturated with oxygen. We now submerge the animal into the experimental liquid.
And with that, the dog is dunked headfirst into a tank filled with liquid and left there for about a minute, squirming desperately.
All this was part of a demonstration put on in late December 2017 for the visiting Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić by the Russian deputy prime minister and head of the defense industry, Dmitry Rogozin.
Its goal was to showcase the latest developments in “liquid breathing”, wherein oxygen-enriched liquid is shown to allow those submerged (voluntarily or otherwise) to breathe and take in oxygen normally.
The dachshund was eventually taken out of the breathable liquid and held vertically upside-down afterwards, shaking and coughing, with the liquid visibly streaming out of its nose and mouth (watch the video above at your own peril.)
The video immediately drew the ire of Russians and international commenters alike, with presidential hopeful Alexey Navalny adding his two cents on his weekly livestreamed show:
Несчастная такса, естественно, думала — что ж такое, я только что сидела на ручках, видела каких-то важных людей — и вдруг меня топят, эти люди меня пытаются убить, и сейчас я умру. И такса решила умереть, и начала глотать этот воздух, вернее, эту воду. Но она была обогащена кислородом, поэтому такса не сдохла, её вытащили, её рвало на глазах у всех… Ну да, мы, конечно, не лицемерные люди, мы отдаем себе отчет, что есть опыты на животных. Но ведь не проводят опыты на таксах! Есть животные, на которых опыты проводят — крысы, например. Я сегодня думал, что скажу в эфире: “опыты на таксах не проводят”, загуглил — “опыты на таксах”, а гугл мне в ужасе выдал — возможно, вы имели в виду “опыты на крысах”.
The poor dachshund certainly thought: Jesus Christ, what is this, I was just sitting in someone’s arms in front of some really important people and all of a sudden, they’re drowning me, these people are trying to murder me, I'm going to die. And so the dachshund was ready to die, she started gulping this air, or this water. But the water was enriched with oxygen, so the dachshund didn't die, they pulled her out and she started throwing up this water in front of everyone… Well, of course, we are not hypocrites, we understand that some experiments involve animals. But they don't use dachshund as guinea pigs! There are certain animals you use to that end — rats, for example. As I was preparing for this show, I googled “animal testing on dachshunds”, and the horror-struck Google responded: “Did you mean animal testing on rats?”
Deputy Prime Minister Rogozin’s aide refused to comment on the matter, though the outcry must have gotten to Rogozin himself, because on New Year’s Eve, he posted a picture with his wife, their dog, and the newly adopted dachshund, purportedly the very same one from the video:
Дмитрий, Татьяна, Николас и Пончо Рогозины поздравляют вас, друзья, с наступающим Новым Годом! Пусть жизнь в Новом 2018 году вас не кусает, не гавкает на вас, а лишь только ободряюще хвостом виляет! pic.twitter.com/OQWZrcGqxA
— Дмитрий Рогозин (@Rogozin) 31 декабря 2017 г.
Dmitry, Tatyana, Nikolas and Poncho Rogozin wish you, friends, a Happy New Year! May 2018 not bite or bark at you, but only wag its encouraging tail!
Nikolas is the name of the dachshund subjected to the experiment and then adopted by Rogozin. Russian state TV media went out of their way to highlight the dog's heroism, its good health and defiant spirits, and how it helped advance important scientific breakthroughs such as improving the survival chances of seamen trapped in sunken submarines.
The above PR antics, however, did little to quench the increasingly morbid rumors. Russian internet sleuths were all over the dog’s first public appearances since the unsettling demonstration. Drawing upon this photo and stills from the video shot at the demonstration, one user came to the conclusion that we were looking at an entirely different dog:
Рогозин и компания утопили собаку, нашли другую таксу и впаривают подмену. Настоящая мертва. pic.twitter.com/PVED5x4lAS
— Rig Sec (@Rigsector) 2 января 2018 г.
Rogozin and company drowned a dog, found a different dachshund, and are now trotting out an imposter. The real one is dead.
The tweet, which quickly went viral, probably derives its conclusions from a remark made on New Year's Day by Anton Krasovsky, a Russian journalist, on Echo of Moscow, an opposition radio network:
Кстати, эта такса умерла, через четыре дня, после того, как ее притопил человек с образованием журфака Рогозин, который сейчас управляет всей военной индустрией в России.
And, by the way, the dachshund died four days after being drowned by Rogozin, a journalism school graduate who today happens to be running the entire Russia's defense industry.
Other Twitter users attempted to explain the probable cause of death in a more scientific way:
К сожалению оригинальная такса уже мертва – отёк лёгких после перфторуглерода у млекопитающих развивается в течение 6-8 часов. Собственно поэтому разработки и были остановлены.
— Рассадник Оптимизма (@Dor_Perforator) 2 января 2018 г.
Unfortunately, the original dachshund is already dead. Mammals develop pulmonary edema about 6-8 hours after exposure to fluorocarbons [oxygen-enriched liquid]. That’s actually why these research projects were discontinued.
TJournal, a Russian internet news site, carried out its own investigation and came to the conclusion that, on the basis of a second post-experiment photo, this actually was the same dachshund, seemingly alive and well in Rogozin's arms.
If you were outraged by the video, take heart. Regardless of whether Rogozin did indeed adopt the dachshund, it would seem he got his comeuppance, albeit retroactively. Earlier in December 2017, before the breathable liquid demonstration, Russia launched a rocket from its new (but already mired in numerous corruption controversies) Vostochny Cosmodrome, a spaceport in the country's Far East.
As part of his portfolio as head of the defense industry, Rogozin is ultimately responsible for Russia’s space program. Unfortunately for him and the projects he oversees, human programmers input the wrong launch coordinates, and after a successful delivery into space, lost contact with the satellite that was on board.

author: Christopher Moldes


text:
Iranian Technicians Have Been Ordered to Disrupt International Web Traffic Amid Protests · Global Voices
Center for Human Rights in Iran

Iranians gathered in protests in Tehran's Ferdowsi square disperse after police start water jets. Image from Iran Newspaper, shared with the intention to distribute.
The original version of this article first appeared on the website for Center for Human Rights in Iran. This version is published here as part of a content-sharing agreement.
For the first time since the mass protests of 2009, the Islamic Republic of Iran has imposed severe restrictions on internet access, curbing the distribution of images, videos, and reports about the nationwide protests that began on December 28, 2017.
The Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI) has learned that internet access in Iran was severely disrupted on December 30 and at one point completely cut off for half an hour. A day later, Telegram and Instagram, two of the country’s most widely used social media applications, were blocked.
“We have been ordered to interrupt international traffic,” a source at an Iranian internet exchange point (IXP) told CHRI on December 31. The source requested anonymity for security reasons.
An internet exchange point is a physical infrastructure through which internet service providers (ISPs) exchange internet traffic between networks. Without this technology in place, it is difficult for internet users to access websites hosted in other countries.
“Every other international data packet is being bumped off the network, which creates widespread disruption,” said the source.
The source refused to identify the state authority that issued the order. However, on December 31, the semi-official Iranian Labor News Agency (ILNA) quoted a “knowledgeable source” saying that the order to disrupt mobile communications had come from “higher officials in one of the security agencies.”
On December 28, reformist news site Jame Farda reported that the decision was made by the Supreme National Security Council, which is heavily influenced by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who appoints the council’s individual members.
“In response to a question from our IT reporter about the authority behind the recent filtering, Telecommunications Minister [Mohammad Javad] Azari Jahromi said the decision was made by the Supreme National Security Council and is temporary,” said the report.
On January 1, 2018, users who tried to access sites with servers based outside Iran found themselves blocked from going online for 30 minutes. While that restriction has been removed, internet users are still facing extreme difficulties trying to access foreign websites.
Circumvention tools such as virtual private networks (VPNs), which enable users to bypass state filters, are also faltering, with many working for just 10 minutes and then suddenly breaking down.
Tor, a free software that enables users to access the internet anonymously—one of the few foreign sites still accessible by Iranians—reported up to 10,000 direct connections from Iran on January 2, a number well above Iran's average of 6,000 connections.
While connections to foreign websites have ranged from difficult to impossible to reach, domestic traffic on Iran's  National Information Network (NIN) experienced no disruptions.
Iran launched the first phase of its domestic internet in 2016. The NIN, which divides internet traffic into the categories of foreign and domestic, was created to encourage citizens to access state-approved domestic sites by offering lower usage prices and faster speeds.
In a total infringement of the rights of access to information and internet access, the NIN also gives the state the power to interrupt or block access to the worldwide web and direct all traffic to domestic destinations.
Over the past week, users have reported no problems accessing the supreme leader’s official website, www.khamenei.ir, and state-funded news outlets like the Iranian Students News Agency. But users who tried to access websites and apps with servers based outside Iran, like Wikipedia or Instagram, were not so lucky.
On December 30, Iranian Android developer Ali Borhani estimated that the fail rate of international communications from Iran had reached “more than 20-30 percent.”
Another Iranian using the alias Lord Farhad tweeted on December 30, “My internet traffic [Tehran Telecom ADSL] reverts to a fake 8.8.8.8 Google DNS server. Use a free but reliable VPN, even if the speed is terrible… Be careful.”
Iranian tech writer Sonita Sarabpour tweeted on December 31, “Mahmoud Vaezi, [President Hassan] Rouhani’s former telecommunications minister and current chief of staff, had pledged not to cut off the internet because of elections or any other reason. But last night it happened and all the internet operators are saying that it is not their fault.”
When the internet was cut off in 2009 to block people from uploading images of protests against the outcome of that year’s presidential election, few relied on the network for business. This time it has affected the operations and revenues of many online firms.
Some Iranians who were able to access their Twitter accounts this past week posted complaints about the difficulties of getting online.
افتضاح سایت ها بزور باز میشن / بیشتر فیلتر شکن ها از کار افتاده بقیه هم که کار می‌کنه سرعتشون خیلی پایینه/فقط سایت های داخلی با سرعت باز میشن
— Alireza (@ghahrmanerosta) January 1, 2018
It’s terrible. Websites hardly open. Most circumvention tools have stopped functioning and those that work are very slow. Only domestic sites open fast.
“For the past few minutes my connection with [ISP] Asiatech only lets me open domestic sites. I tweeted this with my Irancell account,” tweeted Behrouz Khezry.
واسه منم آسیاتک قطع میشه و بعد فقط سایت های ایرانی رو باز میکنه.بعد چند دقیقه با چک و لگد فقط lantern وصل میشه. سایفون و هات اسپات هم هیچ
— Sahar Masoudi (@SaharMasoudi) January 1, 2018
My Asiatech account also cuts off and only open Iranian sites. After a few kicks and punches, I was only able to connect with Lantern [VPN]. Also, no connections possible with Psiphon or Hotspot [VPNs].
همراه اول و ایرانسل کلا قطعه. adsl پارس آنلاین هم قطع و وصل میشه. یه سری سایتای داخلی رو باز میکنه ولی مثلا گوگل رو هم نمیشه باز کرد. فیلترشکن هم فقط سایفون اونم به سختی وصل شد. تور هم کار نمیکنه
— arghavaaan_a (@arghavaaan_a) January 1, 2018
Hamrahe Aval and Irancell connections are completely cut off. Pars Online’s ADSL service cuts off intermittently. It opens some domestic sites but not Google, for example. The only circumvention tool that barely worked was Psiphon. Tor did not work either.
تا چند لحظه پیش که فیلتر شکنم رو موبایل کار نمیکرد
با اینترنت خونه هم گوگل و یاهو رو باز نمیکرد. دیجی کالا و پارسی جو رو باز میکرد. اینترنت ملی؟
(الان کار میکنه فیلتر شکنم با موبایل)
— Mehran (@mehran_sh) January 1, 2018
Until a few moments ago my circumvention tool was not working on my mobile. Also I could not open sites like Google and Yahoo with my home internet. But I could open Digikala and Parsijoo. Is this the national internet?
The disruption affected people using a number of Iran-based internet service providers, including Irancell,  Sepanta, and Datak.
The Telegram messaging app, which is used by a reported 40 million Iranians and which has refused to base its servers inside Iran, has also been completely blocked since December 31. The company suspended the account of AmadNews, an opposition news site that reportedly encouraged people to use Molotov cocktails in protests. Telegram CEO Pavel Durov said this violated Telegram's rules, though he did not cite specific rules that make this stipulation
However, the latest version of the channel, renamed as Sedaie Mardom [People’s Voice], has received Telegram’s approval and is now online.
I see it as a big win for @telegram. The creators of Amadnews informed us they dismissed the admin who violated our “no violence” rule, promising to comply with our ToS in the future. That’s all we ever wanted to hear from them.
— Pavel Durov (@durov) December 31, 2017
Durov speculated that authorities were blocking access to Telegram because the company publicly refused to shut down Sedaiemardom and “other peacefully protesting channels.”
On January 1, many people in Iran received a message from Twitter asking them to change their passwords. It is not clear what prompted the message.
Nevertheless, many Iranians were unable to reactivate their Twitter accounts after trying to change their passwords because Twitter validates users by sending them a code in a phone text message. However, due to US sanctions, Iran is not listed on Twitter’s phone country code menu, meaning that the app was unable to contact its Iranian users with the verification code.
David Kaye, the UN’s special rapporteur on freedom of opinion and expression, urged Twitter to solve the problem:
is there a way to fix this, @TwitterSupport? seems important for individual access during #IranProtests https://t.co/8HwFMzWtG3
— David Kaye (@davidakaye) January 2, 2018
Since the rise of social media in Iran in 2009, hardliners in government have consistently cracked down on popular apps ahead of elections.
The Rouhani administration has repeatedly called for less governmental control over the internet, which is heavily restricted and censored in Iran but has been silent on the disruption of the internet during the protests of 2017.
In 2009, fewer people in Iran relied on the internet for their business operations, so when the government cut off internet access that year after hundreds of thousands took to the streets to dispute the result of that year’s election, companies weren’t as negatively impacted as they were in December 2017.
Milad Nouri, the founder of TookanTech, a mobile phone app development company, tweeted:
تفاوت اختلال اینترنتی این روزها نسبت به سال‌های گذشته اینه که کسب و کار بسیاری از مردم از جمله صد و پنجاه‌هزار راننده تاکسی در تهران مختل شده.
— Miladᴺᴼᵁᴿᴵ（ツ） (@MilaDnu) December 31, 2017
Compared to previous occasions, this time the interruption in online services has adversely affected the livelihood of many people, including 150,000 taxi drivers in Tehran.
Some 53 percent of Iran’s 80 million people had access to the internet in 2016, according to the UN’s International Telecommunication Union (ITU).
Former ILNA reporter Milad Fadai Asl tweeted:
توسعه اینترنت از مهمترین دلایل رأی من به #روحانی بود، اگر به خاطر مسائل اقتصادی پشیمان نشم، به خاطر کوتاه آمدن رئیس جمهور در مقابل #فیلترینگ حتما از رأیم پشیمان خواهم شد
— Milad Fadai Asl (@miladfadai) December 31, 2017
The development of the internet was one of the most important reasons I voted for Hassan Rouhani. I may not be sorry for voting for him for economic reasons, but I sure am for not preventing the blocking of the internet.
The state-run Islamic Republic Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) service reported on December 31 that the decision to restrict access to Telegram and Instagram had been made “to preserve the peace and security of citizens.”
During a news briefing in Tehran on December 31, Deputy Interior Minister for Political Affairs Esmail Jabbarzadeh said, “When there is a disruption in public order, naturally the government must take temporary measures to limit access to social media.”

author: Center for Human Rights in Iran


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Many Japanese Don’t See the Problem With Blackface on New Year’s Eve TV · Global Voices
Mas Urano

Iconic comedian Hamada Masatoshi appears in blackface on one of Japan's most-watched New Year's Eve programs. Image taken from YouTube.
A popular comedy television program traditionally watched on New Year’s Eve in Japan has generated controversy after one of the program hosts, an iconic comedian, appeared in blackface.
The show, whose title roughly translates as “Definitely No Laughing: American Police 24 Hours” (絶対に笑ってはいけないアメリカンポリス24時), is a spin-off of a long-running comedy variety series in Japan called “Downtown no Gaki no Tsukai ya Arahende!!”, commonly abbreviated as GakiTsuka.
“Definitely No Laughing” is the second-most watched New Year’s Eve program in Japan, with the percentage of households tuning in for this year's show at 17.3 percent. It has consistently aired in this time slot since 2006, making it a New Year’s Eve classic alongside public broadcaster NHK’s singing competition called “Kohaku Utagassen“.
The show's premise consists of five comedians who try to survive 24 hours without laughing, or else face various penalties and “punishments“. Multiple guests, including famous actors and TV personalities, attempt to make the five comedians laugh by engaging in short, often sophomoric gags (not unlike those that feature on the American MTV show “Jackass”, but with a cast that includes former news anchors and fashion models).
Ten minutes into this year's show, the five main comedians were told to change into an assigned costume to wear throughout the whole program. Four of the comedians donned a stereotypical American sheriff costume, in line with the 2017 program's theme of “American Police”.
The remaining comedian, Hamada Masatoshi, a co-host of the show and a superstar in Japan, emerged from the changing room with his face painted dark brown and his hair in a short Afro style. The intent was to imitate American actor Eddie Murphy’s character in the 1984 film “Beverly Hills Cop”, complete with an identical jacket and facial hair.
Despite the racist implications, Hamada's blackface makeup was met with raucous laughter by the other comedians.
今年の浜田wwwwwwwwwwwwwww #ガキ使#ガキ使 浜田 pic.twitter.com/GiZa7UfkwT
— ぽね0221 (@pokiti0221) December 31, 2017
Check out Hamada this year!
LOLOLOLOLOLOLOLOL
#GakiTsuka #GakiTsuka Hamada
Blackface originated in the minstrel shows of 19th century America. White actors would paint their faces black for comic enactments of black stereotypes, such as the “happy-go-lucky darky on the plantation”. Such performances contributed significantly to the proliferation of racist images and perceptions of blacks in the US, and the practice only died out during the Civil Rights Movement in the mid 20th century.
Minstrel shows in Japan date back to the very beginnings of Japan's relationship with the United States, and were first introduced to the country during a visit by the American Commodore Matthew Perry in 1854. The practice of using blackface in comedy has persisted in Japan since then.
With GakiTsuka's New Year's Eve program, while some viewers found Hamada's blackface routine funny, the incident met with a swift backlash, especially from the English-speaking Twitter users:
Japanese TV is really out here putting people in blackface as a joke. What year are we in again? https://t.co/Ev91ETWA19
— pastel size 44 (@weebprince) December 31, 2017
Is Japan the only country that doesn’t know that Black Face is UNACCEPTABLE and RACIST #racism pic.twitter.com/zoSXded3N0
— MattyO (@labluejp) December 31, 2017
Racism in #Japan. A Japanese famous comedian in blackface and it's air on the TV program. This is DISGUSTING.#ガキ使#Blackface#Racism pic.twitter.com/0Y76y70Stn
— channel__3 (@channel__3) December 31, 2017
Japan-based American journalist Baye McNeil, who frequently writes about the experience of being black in Japan, took to Twitter to tried to explain why blackface could be considered offensive and should not be part of any comedy routine:
Note to japanese performing in #BlackFace: #Blackness is not a punchline nor a prop. Need jokes? Get better writers. Need a black character, get a black actor that speaks Japanese. There are several! But please #StopBlackfaceJapan #日本でブラックフエイス止めて not a good look! pic.twitter.com/lN0E3bWsgY
— Baye McNeil (@Locohama) December 31, 2017
When he attempted to use Facebook to translate the above tweet into Japanese using a Facebook translation tool, McNeil discovered another problem: Facebook's English translation for the Japanese word for “black person” ( 黒人, kokujin) resulted in a deeply discriminatory epithet:
Not sure if this is a “bing” issue or a facebook issue but I’m pretty sure (at least I hope…Japan’s recent #blackface issues notwithstanding) the translation of 黒人 is not this!! pic.twitter.com/F9SVkFpe8a
— Baye McNeil (@Locohama) January 1, 2018
Unfortunately, a majority of Twitter users voiced no displeasure at the use of blackface as a joke. Rather, it was lauded by some as one of the best gags in the whole show.
ガキ使笑う( ´∀`)涙でる(笑) pic.twitter.com/uM8BqXVRCn
— winga(土偶部名ｿﾆｰﾀﾞ) (@mamatouqin) December 31, 2017
Laughing at GakiTsuka ( ´∀`) I’m crying lol
浜田の顔だけで他の仕掛けを凌駕してる
— 小鴉少佐と霧の隅で (@homhomprpr) December 31, 2017
Hamada’s face by itself eclipses the other skits
浜田がツボって笑いとまんねぇwww
— 黄身時雨 (@sigure_ziu) December 31, 2017
I can’t stop laughing over Hamada hahaha
Several Twitter users even started to mock or criticize those calling out the gag as racist, with some framing the issue as politically-correct leftists running amok.
#ガキ使　浜田の紛争が黒人差別というのは昨日サーチして無かったからそれは流石に言われないかと思ってたけど、案の定今日になって出て来たか。「欧米の常識」だから正しいってわけじゃないんだよ。自分は、ネタにして良い属性といけない属性を分けるより、ネタの性質により線引きする方が良いと思う
— まつもむし (@matsmomushi) January 1, 2018
#GakiTsuka Hamada’s dress-up as being racist against blacks didn’t show up when I searched it yesterday, so I thought that it might not be commented on, but it came up as expected today. It isn’t correct just because it’s “Western common sense”. I think that it is better to draw the line depending on the nature of the gag rather than categorizing what act is good and bad.
何でもかんでも差別問題にしようとする事がもはや差別だわ…
浜田がコスプレしたコメディアンのキャラを笑ってるのであり、黒人である事を笑ってるわけじゃないのにさ#ガキ使
— ハルドメルグ近藤 (@jdtjfq) January 1, 2018
Calling everything an issue of discrimination is in itself discrimination…
We’re laughing at the character of the dressed-up comedian Hamada, not that he is black
#GakiTsuka
時事ニュース報道局 : 【何でもサベツ！】ガキ使・笑ってはいけない、浜田のエディー・マーフィーの扮装が黒人差別だとパヨクが騒ぎ立てる https://t.co/1cdg6ybesp
— 時事ニュース報道局 (@jijinewspress) January 1, 2018
Hamada’s Eddy Murphy dress-up is made a fuss of by leftists as being discrimination against blacks
The Japanese television industry had a similar controversy regarding blackface only two years ago, when the popular idol group Momoiro Clover Z put on blackface and dressed up as minstrel show performers for a TV show.
However, there is more and more it was only three months ago when discriminatory depictions of gay men in a televised comedy skit sparked a nationwide discussion on political correctness in comedy. Twitter users were quick to draw similarities between the two incidents and the Gakitsuka blackface.
この件については、ももクロさんのときにいろんな議論がもう出尽くしてる感あるよね→ももクロさん黒塗りブラックフェイス問題、ミュージックフェア放送を直前に控えて – NAVER まとめ https://t.co/7vHd45juvC
— qooxoop (@qooooxoooop) January 1, 2018
Regarding this case, it feels like we’ve gone through this discussion already with Momoiro Clover→Momoiro Clover Blackface Problem, before the Music Fair broadcast
保毛尾田保毛男問題といい、時代錯誤も甚だしい。 https://t.co/p3fgDOoqnl
— at.les (@pruningshare) December 31, 2017
Along with the Homooda Homoo incident (discriminatory depictions of gay men), the anachronism is excessive.
While some Japanese Twitter users complained about comedian Hamada's appearance in blackface, the backlash against actually calling out the blackface as racist seemed to be overwhelming in comparison.
One Twitter user suggested that no harm was intended by the skit, and the real problem is Japanese people still do not understand that blackface is wrong:
私も認識不足でお恥ずかしいが、浜田氏が黒人を差別してる云々ではなく、黒塗りそのものが黒人差別というのが世界常識なのだそう。問題は制作サイドの認識のなさ、ひいては私を含めた日本人の意識の低さである。#ガキ使 浜田
— 杉清満-kiyomitsu sugi- (@sugi_kyomitsu) December 31, 2017
I’m embarrassed for my lack of awareness, but it seems that it’s not an issue of whether Mr. Hamada is discriminating blacks but the fact that blackface in itself racist is a global norm.
The issue lies in the production side’s lack of awareness, as well as the low awareness of the Japanese including myself.

author: Mas Urano


text:
Netizen Report: Iranian Authorities Are Blocking International Web Traffic and Messaging Platforms · Global Voices
Netizen Report Team

Mashhad at night. Photo by Farnaz Ghandi via Flickr (CC BY-SA 4.0)
Amid the powerful wave of public protests that have taken place across Iran over the past week, authorities have taken firm measures to clamp down on communication and information-sharing over platforms like Telegram and Instagram.
On January 2, sources who work at Iran’s internet exchange point told the Center for Human Rights in Iran that the government ordered them to disrupt access to international traffic. This means that international data cannot be accessed at certain periods in Iran.
These and other restrictions have been on the rise since 28 December, when protests broke out in the northeastern city of Mashhad over unemployment, rising food prices, and charges of wrongdoing directed at both reformist and conservative government leaders. The demonstrations spread to smaller towns and major cities by 29 December.
On 31 December, the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting service announced that authorities had “temporarily” suspended Telegram and Instagram “to preserve the peace and security of citizens.” This is a serious move in Iran, where other large-scale platforms like Facebook and Twitter have been blocked since the 2009 Green Movement protests.
The blocking of Telegram has had especially severe consequences, as the mobile messaging app has become ubiquitous among the country’s users. Of the 45 million Iranians who are online, 40 million use Telegram for everything from staying in touch with family and friends, to reading and sharing news, to keeping up on public events—including protests. The effects of this type of censorship are far-reaching. As protests have turned violent in some cities—state media have reported that 21 people have been killed in the clashes—open communication channels become increasingly important to maintaining public safety.
Digital censorship circumvention tools have been faltering as well, due to what appear to be restrictions on their websites. Internet infrastructure companies like Digital Ocean, which hosts circumvention tools such as Lantern, have also experienced disruptions.
Despite these restrictions, Iranians are still using the internet to report and document what they’re experiencing. In a video attributed to Bandar Abbas, protesters set fire to a billboard with the image of Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamanei. Global Voices author and immigration lawyer Hamid Yazdan Panah described this as “an act of rage and defiance that goes beyond the price of eggs or the desire for political reform.”
On December 30, authorities in the Democratic Republic of Congo ordered telecommunications providers to block internet access and SMS messaging ahead of protests that took place in multiple cities on the following day. Demonstrators, many of whom were organized within church groups, are demanding that DRC president Joseph Kabila end his bid to change constitutional term limits on the presidency.
In an attempt to investigate the security of personal data stored within Aadhaar, India’s massive national ID system, reporters at the Tribune of India were able to gain “unrestricted access to details for any of the more than 1 billion Aadhaar numbers created in India thus far,” simply by responding to an advertisement circulated via WhatsApp and paying the anonymous poster 500 rupees (about USD $7.90). India’s Unique Identification Authority (UIDAI) says the Tribune “misreported” the story. Read the Tribune’s response here.
The Federal Cabinet of Pakistan approved an amendment to the country’s 2016 Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act, extending the law to address expressions of blasphemy and pornography on the internet. These will now be categorized as criminal offenses under the law, and could pave the way for criminal charges against anyone who posts social media content that could be interpreted as blasphemous.
On December 13, 2017, the Federal Administrative Court in Leipzig, Germany ruled in favor of a complaint filed by Reporters Without Borders against Germany’s foreign intelligence agency, BND. The decision stipulates that the BND may not store metadata, such as phone numbers and the time and date of a call, for international calls, for the purposes of intelligence analysis. This should have a big impact on BND, which, thanks to a series of documents leaked to Zeit Online in 2015, collects an average of 220 billion pieces of metadata each day.
After reviewing 900 crowdsourced examples of hate speech on Facebook, investigative journalism outlet ProPublica found that nearly two dozen hateful posts were not removed by Facebook, despite users’ efforts to report them. ProPublica also reported that Facebook employs roughly 7500 people to review reports of hate speech, for an estimated 2.2 billion active users around the world. The report explained:
In 22 cases, Facebook said its reviewers had made a mistake. In 19, it defended the rulings. In six cases, Facebook said the content did violate its rules but its reviewers had not actually judged it one way or the other because users had not flagged it correctly, or the author had deleted it. In the other two cases, it said it didn’t have enough information to respond.
The start of 2018 marks the start of full enforcement of Germany’s controversial Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz anti-hate speech law, called the NetzDG for short. Under the law, social media companies must respond to government requests to remove illegal content—including hate speech and so-called “fake news”—within 24 hours of receipt. Companies will have up to seven days to consider the removal of more ambiguous material. Facebook, Twitter and Google/YouTube will be the primary focus for the law’s implementation.
Germany’s criminal code already defines hate speech, so the law does not create new measures or definitions. Instead, it forces companies to police hate speech or face astronomical fines. The law is unprecedented at the global level, and could have game-changing ripple effects worldwide.
Mahsa Alimardani, Ellery Roberts Biddle, Nevin Thompson, Mohamed ElGohary, James Losey, Vishal Manve, Georgia Popplewell, Talal Raza, Juke Carolina Rumuat, and Sarah Myers West contributed to this report.

author: Netizen Report Team