text:
Chat bot lets Russians detained at protests request legal assistance · Global Voices
Christopher Moldes

“Pension to the living!”: Russians protest against an unpopular pension reform. Photo by Andrew.Filin via Wikimedia Commons (CC 1.0)
When Russians took to the streets to protest proposed pension reforms on September 9, an estimated 1200 people were arrested in 38 cities. Police officers could be seen beating protesters in several instances caught on camera.
September 9 was also election day for regional legislatures and the Moscow mayoralty, which may partially explain the extreme, heavy-handed actions of law enforcement during the protests.
Throughout the protests and in the days that followed, the Russian non-government organization OVD-Info was gathering and disseminating information on arrests and police brutality. The group also provided legal assistance, with the help of 24-hour phone hotline — and an automated chat bot.
About OVD-Info
Named for the Russian acronym for “law enforcement agencies” (OVD), OVD-Info works to gather information on all forms of politically-motivated arrests and prosecutions. OVD-Info describes its mission and activities as follows:
ОВД-Инфо — независимый правозащитный медиа-проект про политические преследования в России.  С помощью горячей линии мы собираем информацию о задержаниях на публичных акциях и других случаях политпрессинга, публикуем новости и координируем юридическую помощь задержанным…Это может быть консультация по телефону, выезд адвоката в ОВД, помощь в российских судах обеих инстанций или, наконец, подача жалобы в Европейский суд по правам человека…Мы не поддерживаем какую-либо конкретную политическую силу и защищаем людей вне зависимости от их и наших политических пристрастий.
OVD-Info is an independent human rights advocacy media project on political repression in Russia. With the help of a hotline, we collect information about arrests at public actions and other forms of political repression, and publish news and coordinate legal assistance for detainees…. This could be telephone consultations, sending a lawyer to law enforcement agencies, helping out in Russian courts at trial and during appeals, or finally, submitting a complaint to the European Court of Human Rights…We don’t support any specific political tendency and defend people regardless of their (or our) political views.
The mobile messaging app Telegram is extremely popular in Russia, so OVD-Info decided to use this tool as another way to help protesters defend their rights. In addition to a relatively secure private messaging feature, Telegram allows users to follow publicly accessible “channels” relevant to their interests, which can be anything from politics to humor and pornography. Users can also develop bots that can interact with other users in channels, or on an individual basis.
Recently, OVD-Info developed a special Telegram bot that allows users to voluntarily report their arrests and any other interaction with law enforcement. Upon contacting the bot, a user is prompted to share their name and telephone number and an encrypted chat is launched.
Once an arrest is reported, OVD-Info will try to follow what is happening with the user. Through the bot, users can also get advice on what to do after being arrested, and which legal statutes to cite when speaking with law enforcement officers. It also can be used to send a message to the OVD-Info team, should the need arise.
While it may be difficult to imagine being able to access your phone while or after being arrested, not all of the arrests during the recent protests were as brutal or dramatic as some of the beatings seen on video. In some cases, the police simply arrived in buses asked protesters to climb aboard. Some people were able to take selfies and videos while on the buses. Taking and sharing selfies from the back of a police van has become a symbol of honor among protesters.
Screenshot of OVD-Info-Bot with several automated messaging options, from “I’ve been released” to “They’re beating / threatening me”.
Are these communications entirely secure? It's hard to say. Although Telegram boasts of encrypted messaging ensuring only the sender and intended recipient can read a message, technologists and activists have raised concerns about the quality of Telegram's encryption standards and other security features.
If correspondences between protesters and OVD-Info were ever compromised, it could expose activists to further state surveillance and repression. Telegram also recently updated its privacy policy to allow for the sharing of user information with authorities during terrorism cases, a rule that could easily be exploited by Russian authorities, who have been known to abuse the application of laws concerning extremist and terrorist activity in connection with posts on social media.
Although Telegram has not proven to be the most secure messaging app on the market, it is the most popular mobile app in Russia that offers encrypted features at this level, making it a strong choice for an NGO seeking to support thousands of protesters in action.
In an interview with Global Voices, Boris Beilinson, OVD-Info’s in-house programmer and developer, shed some light on the bot’s functionality and how it was used this past Sunday, September 9.
Boris Beilinson (BB): No, the bot was released before protests on June 12, 2017 [anti-corruption protests that took place across Russia].
BB: We didn’t stop using any of the old methods of communication, including the main one, the hotline. But we wanted to lessen the burden on the hotline, because during days of big protests, it’s hard to deal with a large number of calls, so chat is more convenient then. Now a large part of our internet communications are happening with the bot, and the hotline got a bit of a break. We liked this not just from a technical standpoint, but also because from our point of view, Telegram is the most secure method of communication we use. We trust it and believe that through the bot, we can talk about things that are better left unsaid by telephone.
BB: As of now, 16,002 people contacted the bot, of which 8,185 left their contact information and gained access to its primary functions.
BB: Not a big number, 184 (the great majority of them started talking to the bot that day to report their arrest).
BB: Considering the effort that went into its creation, it’s definitely a success. One indicator of success are the growing pains: it got tough to manage the flow of messages the old way so we have to develop special administrative functions. Of course, we also want to develop other functions for the user. Particularly, instructions for defense at court will be added soon; unfortunately, repression of protestors doesn’t end at arrests in our country.

author: Christopher Moldes


text:
Nepalese citizens fight against impunity with the “Rage Against Rape” campaign · Global Voices
Palash Ranjan Sanyal

A protest rally was held in solidarity with #JusticeForNirmala campaign at Maitighar Mandala, Kathmandu, Nepal. Image by Sanjib Chaudhary, used wth permission.
Following the gruesome rape and killing of 13-year-old Nirmala Panta in southwest Nepal in late July 2018, shocked Nepalese citizens have launched the #RageAgainstRape campaign, sparking nation-wide conversations about violence against women in Nepal.
अन्याय र अत्याचारले सिमा नाघ्यो, हामी सडकमा आउन बाध्य भयौं । देशैभरी प्रदर्शन होस्, पोखरा चुप बसोस् । यो त मिल्ने कुरै भएन । आज पोखराले गर्जेर न्यायको पक्षमा बोल्यो । यो एक्यवद्धताले नयाँ आशा दिएको छ । जनता जागेको बेला मात्र हुन्छ बृहद भेला ।#JusticeForNirmala #RageAgainstRape pic.twitter.com/Z3LIe0fKNP
— दोस्रो दर्जाकी Mira Dhakal (@dhakalmira) September 15, 2018
Injustice and oppression exceeded the limit, we were forced to come on the road. While there is a countrywide protest and [the city of] Pokhara remains silent, it cannot happen. Today Pokhara spoke in favor of justice. This solidarity has given new hope. People have risen up together.
Nirmala had reportedly traveled to a friend’s house in the town of Kanchanpur to study but never arrived and was later found dead in a sugarcane field. A 41-year-old convicted criminal was accused of the crime, and two women whose home Nirmala had visited earlier that evening were also held for questioning.
The police concluded that the primary male suspect was “mentally unstable,” infuriating local individuals and civil society groups who accused authorities of an attempted cover-up.
In Nepal, three cases of rape are reported on a daily basis. The police recently released data revealing 1,480 rape cases reported in Nepal in 2017, almost double the numbers in 2016. The number is suspected to be even higher due to the fact that many incidents go unreported.
If the data does not scare you, make you angry then what would? #Security #RageAgainstRape https://t.co/SXzWHW5ycE
— Hima (हिमा) (@himabista) August 8, 2018
Activists took to the streets in the capital city of Kathmandu to express their rage against acts of rape along with dissent against the state for not taking sufficient measures to bring the perpetrators to justice. During protests in late August 2018, one protester was killed and many were hurt as police used force to control the crowds.
Coordinated, ongoing protests persist nationwide:
Updated ???? pic.twitter.com/9ZMrpVkHV3
— दोस्रो दर्जाकी LUNA (@luni_ba) September 14, 2018
There is citizen gathering for #justiceforNirmala nationwide. Please be present at your nearest one.
Throughout the year, activists and civil society groups have accused the government of not taking adequate measures to curb violent crime against women and protests have swept the country calling for the arrest of all perpetrators of rape:
Everyday there’s new reported rape case!This shows  #Rape happens everyday!The reporting has increased which is good but the rape numbers has not gone down! Why? The age of victims makes you numb! #JusticeforNirmala #JusticeForAllRapeVictims #RageAgainstRape
— Hima (हिमा) (@himabista) August 29, 2018
In patriarchal South Asia, women's safety and security has been an urgent concern, especially following a shocking gang-rape and killing in Delhi, India that sparked massive protests. In neighbouring Nepal, where the culture of impunity is no different, citizens have been outraged.
There are several reasons why a victim of rape would hesitate to report it in Nepal. In a cultural climate where rape victims are often blamed, it takes immense courage. Victims face complicated legal loopholes as obstacles to justice — often, police investigations drag on too long and DNA testing results are delayed or manipulated.
At the beginning of 2018, when Nepalese men suspected of another horrific gang rape were released, activists cited a failed judicial system that disregards rape cases even when perpetrators have been identified.
#JusticeForNirmala #RageAgainstRape pic.twitter.com/E7eLwEQhL2
— #RageAgainstRape (@RiseAgainstRape) September 11, 2018
Happening Now #RageAgainstRape pic.twitter.com/VayIKnKk0f
— #RageAgainstRape (@RiseAgainstRape) March 8, 2018
Today we are visually representing our voices against #Rape ~ we are recording our #RageAgainstRape #StopJustifyingRape #Joinus to raise voice against rape! #DigitalActivism pic.twitter.com/PAR5Vw8PjL
— #RageAgainstRape (@RiseAgainstRape) May 8, 2018
Amidst pressure, the Nepalese government has issued new codes strengthening laws related to gender-based violence, including longer 25-year jail sentences for rape. If the victim is a minor, disabled or elderly, the accused can receive a life sentence.
But implementing this law remains doubtful due to cultural norms and high levels of corruption that allow criminals to slip through the cracks.
When the stalwarts of 'law and evidence' deliberately erases the 'evidence' and the truth finding committees neither have 'trust' nor the 'commitment' or 'confidence', my only hope is her coming back to point her finger at the murderer #rageagainstrape #protectourdaughters
— Amit Dhungel (@twitamittwit) September 14, 2018
Throughout the protests, some activists have focused specifically on justice reforms in honor of victims who continue to suffer in silence.
If the whole nation has to come to street to provide justice in a heinous crime, what is happening to girls who are suffering in silence? Are we always going to play reactionary politics or improve our justice system?#JusticeForNirmala#RageAgainstRape
— Arjun Pandey (@App4ndey) September 17, 2018

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Palash Ranjan Sanyal


text:
As Colombia’s peace process falters, scores of social activists are being killed · Global Voices
Kati Hinman

Screenshot of the video “No están solos” (You're not alone) with images of the protests in Colombia in defense of social activists. Video and images shared by Contagio Radio, a Colombian local independent radio station devoted to human rights.
Colombia, one of the most dangerous nations for human rights activists, has attempted to halt its 50-year armed conflict through a complex peace process that began in 2012. As this peace process falters, social activists including local community leaders, land defenders, gender and sexuality rights protectors, teachers and journalists are being targeted and killed at an alarming rate, and the numbers continue to rise.
Recently-elected president Ivan Duque’s government is slow to respond to these killings and sometimes denies the systematic nature of the violence, making it difficult to track and monitor these cases.
In a special report by the newspaper El Tiempo, a map of the killings reveals vulnerable areas where the armed conflict has been most active. The non-governmental organization Indepaz (“Institute of Peace and Development”) calculates that in 2018 alone, around 124 social activists have been killed, and approximately 300 social activists have been killed since the peace agreements began in 2012.
Colombia’s deeply-rooted land rights conflict stems from the country's extremely unequal land distribution. The evolving and ongoing violence is the direct result of complications from poorly implemented peace agreements that were partly designed to protect land rights.
The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the main rebel group, has agreed to demobilize and surrender arms, but this has left a power vacuum in which some members who abandoned FARC still remain active in the conflict. Perhaps some are motivated by economic interests while others refuse to accept the uncertainties of civilian life. In fact, a number of ex-FARC members have been targeted and killed as they try to reintegrate into society. Other illegal armed groups, notably the Gaitanista Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AGC), are attempting to gain territorial control in the regions that were FARC strongholds.
Some civil society groups are certain that corporate entities may be behind the attacks, not just illegal armed groups. President Duque’s plans to further develop an extractive economy leaves social activists fearing for their safety as larger international corporations take a vested interest in contested lands.
In December 2017, leaders from Bajo Atrato, a northern Colombian region hardest hit by the violence, visited Congress with their faces covered with white masks after two of their leaders were killed while defending their land from palm oil and banana farming investors:
Somos familiares de líderes asesinados en la región y todos estamos amenazados de muerte por una estrategia determinada por empresarios que han sido señalados en diferentes instancias judiciales y por empresarios que han sido denunciados. ¿Hasta cuándo y cuántos más?
We're the families of the leaders who have been killed in the region. We've all been threatened with death as a strategy put together by corporations that have already been charged by different legal institutions and business people who have already been denounced. How much longer [will this go on] and how many more [will die]?
La Pulla, an opinion-focused Youtube channel, produced  “I've just heard about it” (Me acabo de enterar) to explain the context of these killings using some characteristically dark humor. They describe the murdered social activists as people who “demanded a few basic little things: land to farm, schools, medical centers, potable water, roads…Oh! And peace…”
The presenter continues:
Estas personas son la piedra en el zapato para los intereses de los grupos armados, que son el control sobre el territorio, la minería ilegal y las rutas del narcotráfico.Y esto no tiene pocas consecuencias: cuando matan a un líder social están matando las posibilidades de cambio de una comunidad, porque los proyectos que dirigía quedan en el aire y a la gente le da miedo continuarlos. Muchas veces se van por miedo a que les pase lo mismo o porque ya están amenazados. El mensaje se entiende. Así eliminan cualquier oposición y todo sigue como estaba, los jodidos más jodidos y los señores de la guerra, dueños de todo. Esto pasa frente a nuestros ojos, mientras el gobierno nos lanza pañitos de agua tibia e incluso se atreve a sugerir que algunas de esas víctimas son criminales.
These people are the thorn in the flesh for the armed groups’ interests: the control of the land, illegal mining and drug trafficking routes. These have a lot of consequences; when they kill a social activist they're killing the possibilities of change in that community, because the projects that this person was in charge of are abandoned and people are scared to continue. Often times people leave town, in fear of having the same fate, or because they've been threatened already. The message is well understood. That way, any opposition is eliminated and everything remains untouched. The ones who are screwed, are even more screwed, and the warlords remain the owners of everything. All of this is happening before our eyes, while the government comes up with just band-aid solutions and even dare to suggest that some of the victims are criminals.
Father Alberto Franco, from the Inter-Church Commission of Peace and Justice (Comisión Intereclesial de Justicia y Paz), also worries about these new uncertainties, saying that President Duque:
… representa al grupo que históricamente se ha opuesto al proceso de paz, a la restitución de las tierras […] a que la democracia colombiana se modernice.
represents a group that has historically opposed peace processes, land restitution and the modernization of Colombian democracy.
In July 2018, thousands of Colombian citizens took to the streets to show solidarity with social activists and human rights defenders, recognizing the need to protest loudly against extrajudicial killings.
Most of their activities, petitions, documentaries, and news can be followed through #NosEstánMatando (#They'reKillingUs) and #NoEstánSolos (“You'reNotAlone), trending hashtags devoted to denouncing the killings and telling the stories of victims to keep their memory and hard work alive.

author: Kati Hinman


text:
Fifty years after the Mexican Movement of 1968, students continue their march against violence and impunity · Global Voices
Giovanna Salazar

Left: a 2018 student-organized anniversary demonstration honoring Mexico City’s “March of Silence.” Right: a student march on Mexico City's main plaza,1968. Photographs by “Cel·lí” (Public Domain) and “ProtoplasmaKid” (published under Creative Commons license: Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International) respectively.
Massive student demonstrations against violence have swept through Mexico City during the month of September 2018. Today's students face similar issues to those who marched fifty years ago with the Mexican Movement of 1968, a series of protests and demonstrations demanding an end to state-sanctioned violence.
Today, the struggle to stop the violence continues as 30,000 university students including those from National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), Mexico's largest public university gathered on September 6, 2018, for a massive demonstration:
¡HISTÓRICO!
Miles y miles de estudiantes de la UNAM, IPN, UAM, UACM, ENAH, UPN, normales (entre varias otras) llegaron a CU con una consigna:
¡Fuera porros de la UNAM!
¡Fuera porros de las Universidades!
¡Que vivan los estudiantes!#FueraPorrosUNAM #NoMasPorrosEnLaUNAM @lhan55 pic.twitter.com/WxS4Ibm8wp
— Cooperativas Tlalpan (@HechoenTlalpan) 6 de septiembre de 2018
HISTORICAL!
Thousands and thousands of students from UNAM, IPN, UAM, UACM, ENAH, UPN, regular students (among many others) came to CU with a demand:
Porros out of UNAM!
Porros out of universities!
Long live the students! #FueraPorrosUNAM #NoMasPorrosEnLaUNAM @lhan55 pic.twitter.com/WxS4Ibm8wp
This protest was organized in response to events three days prior when shock groups, also known as “porros”, allegedly attacked students within the College of Sciences and Humanities. The students were peacefully calling for more faculty hires as well as justice for the murder of CCH Oriente student Miranda Mendoza, who was killed in late August 2018.
Protestors’ general demands include increased security within the dozens of UNAM's faculties, schools, centers, and research institutions. They also demand the expulsion of porro groups who allegedly receive political or economic bonuses in exchange for violently attacking student demonstrations and destabilizing university life.
Today's demonstrations symbolically mark the 50th anniversary of the Mexican Movement of 1968 whose similar demands included the release of political prisoners, the resignation of the ruling party, and expansion of political liberties as well as democratic changes in efforts to eradicate authoritarianism.
At the time, the government viewed these protests as an attempted coup d'état by communist groups and a threat to national security and responded with aggression and force.
Several marches, sit-ins, demonstrations, and protests ensued in 1968 including the “March of Silence” on September 13, 1968, during which protesters covered their mouths with white bandannas to protest the government's silence about the Movement along with their use of brutal force against students in prior marches that year.
On October 2, 1968, over 10,000 students organized a peaceful march in the Tlatelolco area of Mexico City but their gathering was violently repressed by the Mexican government. Over 300 people were killed and the tragedy is remembered today as “The Massacre of Tlatelolco.”
Today, as the anniversaries of these historical events approach, students felt a solidarity with history and decided to replicate the March of Silence on its anniversary date, September 13, 2018, to honor the people who marched on these same streets for similar causes.
Fifty years later, marches, memorials, and photographs contrasting protests of past and present have been shared through social media with hashtags such as #MarchaDelSilencio and #A50Del68:
#FotoHistórica
Asambleas Generales en Ciudad Universitaria.
Arriba a la izquierda en 1968, a la derecha 2014, y abajo mitin hoy 2018.
¡Arriba lxs estudiantes¡ #UNAMSinViolencia #FueraPorrosUNAM pic.twitter.com/04fJVBzcgh
— Veka García (@La_Tinisima) 6 de septiembre de 2018
#FotoHistórica
General Assemblies in University City.
Top left in 1968, right 2014, and below the rally today in 2018.
Student power!  #UNAMSinViolencia #FueraPorrosUNAM pic.twitter.com/04fJVBzcgh
Animal Político has published a series of chronicles from 1968, released on the same dates as historical marches. Other journalists like Leopoldo Gómez have taken a closer look at the student movement of yesterday and today:
La protesta ya no es por la represión, sino por la incompetencia del gobierno. En el 68 se luchó contra los excesos del gobierno; ahora se exige más, un buen gobierno. A 50 años subsiste un reclamo común: el fin de la impunidad. En 1968, la del propio gobierno, y en 2018, la de los criminales a los que el gobierno no les hace frente.
No longer is the protest about repression, but governmental incompetence. In 1968, protestors fought against governmental excesses; now they demand more, they want a good government. Fifty years later the demand is the same: an end to impunity. In 1968, they wanted to end impunity within the government itself, and in 2018, the call is to end impunity for criminals the government secretly conducts business with.
The endemic violence in Mexico, where more than 70 people are murdered daily, is only partial cause for the protests. This year also marks the fourth anniversary of the 43 missing students of Ayotzinapa, who were each remembered:
Frente al Antimonumento de Ayotzinapa, los manifestantes recuerdan a los 43 estudiantes desaparecidos en Iguala #MarchaDelSilencio pic.twitter.com/KthT5sLBMl
— Plumas Atómicas (@plumasatomicas) September 13, 2018
In front of the Ayotzinapa anti-monument, protestors honor the 43 students who disappeared in Iguala #MarchaDelSilencio pic.twitter.com/KthT5sLBMl
Historian Octavio Solís notes the symbolic force of the 1968 protests in which “imagination defeated power”:
“El movimiento estudiantil de 1968 condensó el reclamo de muchos sectores que no habían podido encontrar un cauce. […] A cada acto represivo o intento de control surgía una respuesta imaginativa y contundente […] Sólo dos meses duró el movimiento, pero como bien se dice, hay días, semanas, meses que condensan años […] como la apuesta de aquellos jóvenes por el silencio [durante la marcha de ese mismo nombre], que logró poblar el olvido de dignidad; imagen viva que perdura hasta hoy, después de medio siglo.”
“The student movement of 1968 gathered the demands of several social spheres that had been unable to find a way to speak out. […] To each repressive act or attempt at control, an imaginative and forceful response arose […] The movement only lasted two months, but as it is often repeated, there are days, weeks, and months that can contain whole years in themselves […] Like these young people's bet for silence [during the march of the same name] that poured dignity into oblivion: a living image that lasts till today, a half century later.”

author: Giovanna Salazar


text:
Free speech advocates say Bangladesh’s new Digital Security Act is ‘ripe for abuse’ · Global Voices
Zara Rahman

In February 2018, journalists demonstrated their opposition to the new law using the hashtag #IamASpy, referring to  the law's provision of espionage charges against those who handle classified state documents. Screenshot from Facebook.
On September 19, the Digital Security Act 2018 was passed by the parliament in Bangladesh, with just 11 lawmakers opposing the bill, despite widespread opposition from journalists and human rights advocates.
Intended as a replacement for Bangladesh's ICT Act, the Digital Security Act criminalizes various types of online speech, ranging from defamatory messages to speech that “injures religious values or sentiments.” It also authorises lengthy prison sentences for using the internet to create public unrest, and for “gathering, sending or preserving” classified government documents using a digital device.
With the next general election approaching in the coming months, some speculate that the law is intended to stifle criticism of the ruling party and the spread of disinformation online. The Act was introduced as part of the government's “Digital Bangladesh” agenda – a framework for bringing the country's services, government, private sector and citizens into the 21st century with technology.
The Bangladeshi The Editors’ Council, made up of editors from numerous Bengali news outlets, said they consider the Act to be “against the freedom guaranteed by the constitution, media freedom and freedom of speech.” International media and human rights groups, including Human Rights Watch, have also condemned the law.
In response to critiques, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has suggested that there is nothing for journalists to worry about. “Journalism is surely not for increasing conflict, or for tarnishing the image of the country,” she said in a speech before parliament.
The Act also calls for establishing digital forensics labs and a Digital Security Agency, alongside a national computer emergency response team and an 11-member Digital Security Council.
The Right To Information Forum, a coalition of 45 organisations in Bangladesh, also expressed “deep concern” about the passage of Digital Security Act 2018 by the Parliament. In a press statement, the coalition wrote:
[The Act is] clearly inconsistent with the fundamental constitutional rights to freedom of speech and expression as per Article 39 of the Constitution and, therefore, undermines democracy and human rights, which are among the fundamental principles of state policy.
Specifically, the group expressed concern about provisions within the Digital Security Act which “create an impediment” for citizens to acquire information from the government. This would sit in contrast to the Right to Information Act, which was passed in 2009 to improve transparency and accountability in government by allowing citizens to file formal requests for government documents and data.
The new legislation also brings in historic elements, invoking the colonial-era Official Secrets Act. This trend can also be seen in neighbouring Myanmar, where two Reuters journalists were sentenced to seven years in jail in early September, under their colonial-era Official Secrets Act.
Posts, Telecommunications and IT Minister Mustafa Jabbar had previously announced that the new Digital Security Act would replace Section 57 of the previous Information and Communication Technology Act 2006, which had also been  criticised by rights activists  and journalists for the way it was used to target and punish journalists. Most recently, photographer and journalist Shahidul Alam was charged under Section 57 after posting extensive coverage of student protests in Dhaka and giving an interview to Al-Jazeera about the protests. He remains in prison after more than two months.
But the final text of the Digital Security Act expands and reinforces this section, instead of repealing it as promised. And despite Jabbar’s  assurances in May 2018 that “necessary amendments so the freedom of the press does not get hampered”, the Act passed without any major reforms.
Internationally, the passing of the act was met with condemnation. Human Rights Watch Asia Director Brad Adams said:
The new Digital Security Act is a tool ripe for abuse and a clear violation of the country’s obligations under international law to protect free speech. With at least five provisions criminalizing vaguely defined types of speech, the law is a license for wide-ranging suppression of critical voices.”
On social media, people expressed their concern:
The Digital Security Act, which replaces the much-criticised Information and Communication Technology Act (ICT), retains the most problematic provisions of that law and adds more provisions criminalising peaceful speech, @hrw said yesterday.#DigitalSecurityAct #Bangladesh pic.twitter.com/0B3HKVwWWz
— Mosrur Zunaid (@MosrurZunaid) September 25, 2018
#Bangladesh‘s new Digital Security Act, passed today by the parliament unanimously through voice votes, criminalises dissent, threatens #FreedomOfExpression and media freedom. Shocking!
https://t.co/5YixdeuMUi via @dailystarnews
— Saad Hammadi (@saadhammadi) September 19, 2018
The Editors’ Council will stage a human chain protest against the Act on September 29, in front of the National Press Club.
‘According to the Digital Security Law, I am a Spy': Bangladeshi Journalists Defend Their Right to Investigate, February 2018
Bangladesh's ICT Act Paved the Way for Hundreds Lawsuits Over Online Speech, July 2017
Bangladesh Shuts Down the Internet, Then Orders Blocking of 35 News Websites, August 2016
Bangladesh Keeps Blocking Social Media, Threatens New Surveillance Tactics, December 2015
Critics Fear Bangladesh's New Media Monitoring Policy Will Stifle Free Expression, august 2015
Bangladesh's ICT Act Stoops to New Lows, September 2013

author: Zara Rahman


text:
Indian football is fighting a losing battle to keep its fans · Global Voices
Rohith Jyothish

A banner featuring the Argentinian football squad during the last FIFA world cup. Love from fans in Kerala. Image by author.
India, seven-time winners of the South Asian Football Federation (SAFF) Cup and defending champions for six consecutive years, tasted a bitter defeat in this year's edition of the cup that has cast more doubts over the sport's future in the country.
India lost in the final game of the tournament to the unfancied Maldives at the Bangabandhu stadium in Dhaka, Bangladesh on September 15.
A youthful Indian team had been fully expected to bring the trophy home. The Maldives had failed to win a single group stage match and only reached the knockout rounds thanks to a coin toss against Sri Lanka.
The SAFF Cup defeat comes on the heels of a few disappointing decisions by Indian sports authorities.
The Indian Olympic Association (IOA) chose not to send men and women's football teams to the Asian Games in Jakarta, Indonesia in 2018 because, the association's chief said, both teams would be “also rans” and damage India's overall standing in the medal table.
The All India Football Federation (AIFF) called the decision “myopic” and said it had denied Indian football an opportunity to develop itself.
India's progress in the world's most popular sport will be under the microscope again in the Asian Football Confederation's (AFC) Asian Cup, which takes place next year in the UAE.
Since its inception in 1988, it has been the most prestigious quadrennial football competition in Asia. India last qualified for it in 2011 but was eventually knocked out after losing all three matches in Qatar that year.
However, pundits have been talking up the team's chances of progression this year after India was placed in a relatively weak group with hosts Bahrain and Thailand.
Prior to the SAFF Cup, India toured in Australia. Many say the national men's team's notable rise in the FIFA world rankings over the last three years is due to facing easy opponents. Others argue that India's qualification to AFC Asian Cup 2019 would not have been possible without an increase in the number of teams playing in the tournament from 16 to 24. India hosted the U-17 World Cup last year, but the youth side failed to win a game in the tournament.
Private-sector leagues like Indian Super League (ISL) established in 2011 and the Indian Women's League in 2016 have changed the domestic football landscape, but many feel that these leagues have come at a cost.
The AIFF has been accused of favoring the ISL over India's premier domestic football competition, the I-League (formerly, National Football League).
In 2017, the fixture-list for the ISL season went out in August while fixtures for the I-League have been delayed, forcing sponsors for I-League teams to back out in the face of uncertainty.
Waiting for I-League schedule be like ⌚?? pic.twitter.com/u5zAMJbwk6
— Gokulam Kerala FC (@GokulamKeralaFC) September 17, 2018
We won't hear date and time of fixtures until it's too late for clubs to get good sponsors.
— Chiranjit Ojha (@ChiranjitOjha) September 22, 2018
The fact that some ISL teams are owned by famous Indian cricket players offers an indication of the relative standing of the two sports in India. The Indian channel ‘Star Sports 3′ theoretically dedicated to football often shows more cricket matches than football games. This has frustrated Indian football fans.
Star Sports 3 – Apni Football ka Apna channel. Channel dedicated to all things football. #FanBannaPadega
Promise what you can deliver Star Sports! pic.twitter.com/0QmgpwrX7J
— Hemang (@SirSchweini) September 21, 2018
But the channel may simply be responding to low public interest. In June this year the Indian men's team captain and all-time highest goal scorer, Sunil Chhetri, took to social media to ask for more public support for Indian football after the AIFF-organised Intercontinental Cup club tournament held in Mumbai drew miserly crowds.
This is nothing but a small plea from me to you. Take out a little time and give me a listen. pic.twitter.com/fcOA3qPH8i
— Sunil Chhetri (@chetrisunil11) June 2, 2018
The media campaign “#FannBannaPadega”, meaning “now you have to be a fan”, is an attempt to make football fandom more glamorous. But some say this media driven agenda has come at the expense of a real, grassroots fan culture.
Not agree with the campaign #FanBannaPadega as if you think that why cricket is like a religion in India then you must know what they did in 1983.First they proved themselves then fans joined cricket automatically.I think you got my point.
— Hardik Sharma (@17hardikSharma) September 21, 2018
In 2001, the English Premier League was broadcast live in India for the first time. Since then, support for English teams has boomed, mostly among urban, middle-class men, who create fan clubs to cheer on these and other European teams.
In the southern state of Kerala, where Indian football has strong roots, there are also a number of fan clubs dedicated to European teams.
But there are still a few fixtures in the Indian football calendar that get the blood pumping. One is the Kolkata Derby pitting Mohun Bagan against East Bengal, which consistently draws one of the highest crowds of all domestic football games.
Five of us (I'm behind the camera) here at the hostel are relying on a shitty stream to watch the #KolkataDerby while there are two guys watching Cardiff v Arsenal. I never thought I'd experience more audience for #IndianFootball when there's a PL game on. @Rish_Bhat pic.twitter.com/IDEjde2ECo
— Manasi Pathak (@ThatUnitedLady) September 2, 2018

author: Rohith Jyothish


text:
Do Macedonians want their country to join NATO and the EU? A historic referendum will decide · Global Voices
Marko Angelov

Pro-referendum rally on 16 September 2018 in Skopje. Photo by Andreja Stojkovski via Twitter, used with permission.
On September 30, Macedonians will vote in a referendum to decide whether their country should join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) alliance and the European Union (EU).
The referendum is part of a process that began in 1993, when all political parties in the then newly independent Republic of Macedonia declared joining NATO a key strategic priority. Many believe that membership in the military alliance would help protect Macedonia, located in the volatile Balkans region, from external aggression and civil war. Years later the country made a similar commitment to strive for EU membership.
Admission to both NATO and the EU require the consensus of all existing members, so Macedonia needed first solve bilateral disputes with its neighbors, some of which already belonged the two organizations.
The biggest obstacle was the long-standing naming dispute with Greece, which has hindered Macedonia's development for 27 years. In June 2018, as a precondition for removing the Greek veto on its EU and NATO membership, Macedonia signed an agreement which obliges the country to change its name to the Republic of North Macedonia.
In spite of the agreement, the name change remains a core issue. The September 30 referendum explicitly asks:
‘Are you in favour of EU and NATO membership by accepting the Agreement between the Republic of Macedonia and the Republic of Greece?’
The referendum is not legally binding but rather consultative, and will only be considered valid if a majority of registered voters participate. But failure to reach the required 50 per cent voter turnout would not stop the NATO and EU accession process, which requires further action by parliament.
According to one Twitter user:
30 септември дава можност за конечно помрднуење од status quo-то у кое што смо заглавени и конечно ослободуење од бизарен проблем што не влече надоле скоро 30 године. Затоа ќе #гласам.
— Мутен (@toVornottoV) September 7, 2018
September 30 provides an opportunity to finally move from the status quo which has stymied us, to finally break free from a bizarre problem that has been holding us down for almost 30 years. That's why #IVote.
For other voters, the referendum is both symbolic and cathartic, representing a return “to the right path” after “the lost decade” of democratic backsliding, and many have been holding their breath in anticipation:
Цела држава се неуротизирала, све се остава за „после 30-ти“.
А бе, сендвич да сакаш да купиш, таа на скарата ќе ти каже „немој сеа, ај после 30-ти, да се расчисти“
— mindрluмbеr 3⃣??? (@mindplumber) September 28, 2018
The whole state has become neurotic, everything is left [for] ‘after the 30th’. Even if you want to buy a sandwich, the barbeque lady might say, ‘Not now, let's do it after the 30th, after the situation clears’.
This anxiety may have to do with the boycott campaign being waged by right-wing populist opponents and led by several fringe non-parliamentary parties, including pro-Russian, Euro-skeptic and anti-NATO United Macedonia, which styles itself on Putin's United Russia.
The campaign stokes the fears of ethnic Macedonians by presenting the country's name change as the first step along a slippery slope that will lead to genocide, or ethnocide. The campaign is steeped in disinformation and hate speech, from intentional misinterpretations of the consequences of the agreement with Greece, to claims that the government has given citizenship to Albanians from Kosovo to boost the number of “yes” votes. There have even been suggestions of election fraud, to which one Twitter user replied:
Кога стварно мислиш дека ќе местат гласање излегуваш да гласаш за да им отежнеш, а не седиш дома
— Ленка многу кенка (@RedRadish5) September 23, 2018
When you really think that authorities plan voter fraud, citizens go out and vote to make it harder for them, they don't sit at home.
Meanwhile, the main opposition party VMRO-DPMNE, a member of the conservative European People's Party (EPP), has sat on the fence, neither openly endorsing the boycott campaign nor encouraging its supporters to participate in the referendum and vote against the agreement with Greece, which it considers “a capitulation”.
Other EPP members have accused VMRO-DPMNE of hypocrisy, as high ranking party officials participated personally in the boycott, and the campaign was vigorously promoted by media outlets reputed for being party mouthpieces.
Representatives of the ruling SDSM have also claimed that VMRO-DPMNE had attempted to make a deal, promising to throw its support behind the referendum if its former party leaders on trial for corruption were given an amnesty. The government refused, and the VMRO-DPMNE's indecisive position is largely being interpreted as sign of weakness:
За едно од најважните прашања за Македонија, вмро нема став и повикува секој да гласа по свое убедување.
Очекувам на следните избори, кога ќе сакаат да дојдат на власт, да излезат со истиот став и да не сугерираат за кого да гласаме.
— НиколаСтрез (@NikolaStrez) September 21, 2018
VMRO-DPMNE has no official position on one of the most important issues for Macedonia, and has declared that people should vote according to their own preference. In the next elections, I expect that they will adopt the same position and won't advocate whom to vote for.
On social media the “I boycott” campaign (#бојкотирам) started over the summer, and involved mainly anonymous social media profiles and sock puppets from the VMRO-DPMNE troll army. Observers noticed a high number of new profiles appear in August 2018, suspected to be automated bots originating outside the country. The campaign was also shared via profiles linked to specific individuals, including VMRO-DPMNE’s foreign lobbyists, Macedonian nationalist organizations operating in the diaspora, and Macedonia's president, who gained his position with the party's support.
Around 50 people attended the Boycott campaign rally in Ohrid on 22 September. Photo by GV, CC-BY.
Western sources alleged that Russia was trying to obstruct the consolidation of the NATO and EU process; when asked, Prime Minister Zoran Zaev diplomatically said that the authorities have not found “evidence of direct Russian influence with fake news” regarding the referendum, and that he trusts Macedonia's NATO allies on this matter.
Prior to that statement, however, Zaev was less reserved in pointing to Kremlin-related attempts — including the funding of violent protests by a Greek-Russian oligarch — to obstruct the deal with Greece. Moreover, an independent journalist discovered that back in 2015, a Russian troll farm specialist named Anna Bogacheva had visited Macedonia on business. She has since been named as one of 13 Russian nationals indicted over alleged interference in the 2016 United States election.
The “I Boycott” campaign has also employed tactics used by the American alt-right, including use of the Pepe the Frog meme, which was ridiculed even by VMRO-DPMNE members who couldn't understand how their party's symbol, the mighty lion, was reduced to a frog.
There have been attempts, mostly through cyber-bullying, to intimidate activists and ‘dissenting’ right-wing figures who have said they will take part in the referendum. Former VMRO-DPMNE government minister Nikola Todorov's revelation that he would vote “no” exposed him to particularly vicious harassment on Facebook. But in spite of some of the threats issues, observers don't expect much violence.
Numerous citizens have also expressed their support for both the referendum as the ultimate tool of democracy, and for the government-backed campaign to vote in it:
Скоро три полни децении живееме во пештера а сакаме светот да не знае и прифати.
Од сето тоа светот знае само дека живееме во пештера. #Гласам
— Бени (@Shushmula) September 10, 2018
Almost 3 decades we've been living in a cave, while wanting the world to know about as and to accept us.
Out of all that, the world only knows that we've been living in a cave.
#IVote!
If surveys conducted in the months before the referendum are anything to go by, most Macedonian citizens are ready for change, even if that means swallowing the bitter pill of the name change in exchange for the long-term benefits of NATO and EU membership.

author: Marko Angelov


text:
The Alliance for the Protection of Theatre fights to preserve Albania’s cultural heritage · Global Voices
Alida Karakushi

The Albanian National Theatre in Tirana, Albania. Photo courtesy of Aleanca Per Mbrojtjen e Teatrit, photo used with permission.
A fight is on to protect the National Theatre in Albania.
For more than three months, artists, activists, and ordinary citizens have been protesting on a daily basis in the Albanian capital of Tirana in response to the government's decision to demolish the historical monument building. Their plan is to replace it with a more modern building proposed by Danish architect Bjarke Ingels.
This is a public-private partnership whereby the Albanian government will grant land to the Fusha company to further develop and enhance the area.
Protests demanding the president to veto the Special Law. Photo courtesy of Rudi Erebara, used with permission.
To legitimize the partnership, the government proposed a Special Law in February 2018 (nicknamed The Fusha Law by opponents) that favors procurements and contracts like this.
The parliamentary opposition refused the law, claiming it infringes on the Constitution and the 2003 Association Agreement with the European Union (EU) because it breaks free market competition criteria.
The majority of the ruling Socialist Party voted in favor of the law on June 5, 2018, despite all opposing legal arguments.
As news about the planned Special Law erupted, artists and activists created The Alliance for Protection of the Theatre to demonstrate their commitment to saving the historic building.
In the aftermath of the announced law, the Alliance pushed back in defense of the National Theatre. Tirana mayor Erion Veliaj organized three “public hearings” on behalf of the Ministry of Culture to hear the group's grievances. However, observers suggested these hearings seemed orchestrated to create a discord rather than unity.
During the hearings, the director of the Construction Institute, Agron Hysenlliu, claimed that “activity in [the theatre building] must be suspended as it lacks the technical conditions for safety as to the necessary standards,” according to his state agency's assessment. However, this institute never released these assessments to the public, further inciting doubt about the veracity of these claims.
Citizens sign the petition for the protection of the National Theater. Photo courtesy of Rudi Erebara, used with permission.
The Alliance gained momentum as national public figures, historians, academics and journalists joined. The Association of Albanian Architects also made a declaration opposing the demolition of the theatre, stressing the historical and aesthetic value of its Rationalist architecture.
They asked the government:
not to erase the collective memory of the generations, and that any new theatre is welcome but we do not have to destroy the old one.
They also created a petition arguing that the theatre could be repaired and that no official document proves otherwise.
However, some artists in favor of building a new theatre made a declaration of support for the Special Law. This declaration received some fake signatures from those apparently living outside of Albania.
Meanwhile, the state has produced propaganda insisting that the neglected theatre presents a risk to artists who perform there, claiming that the building itself has no cultural value. In fact, they say the building was erected during the fascist period (1939-1943) when it served as a “dopo lavoro” or “working man's club,” further undermining its legacy.
Historians Rubens Shima, Aurel Plasari and others refuted this claim, arguing that its 73 years of history should be preserved and respected with dignity.
“Even the [Communist] dictatorship, did not demolish it,” wrote Plasari.
At 16 million Euros (19 million USD) or less than 1 percent of the state budget, Albania's annual fund for art and culture is the smallest in the region. Members of the Alliance claim that its degradation and lack of funding for a restoration was intentional.
They point to current Prime Minister Edi Rama who has intended to demolish the building since 1998 when he served as Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports. At the time, he closed the theatre but then Prime Minister of Albania, Pandeli Majko, decided against its closure. In 2002, when Rama became mayor of Tirana, he announced a development plan that would demolish the theatre and build towers instead. Back then, artists were more unified and a bipartisan petition demanded preservation of the building.
In 2016, Albania changed a third of its Constitution and implemented judicial reforms that created an institutional vacuum whereby a high number of judges and prosecutors deemed unfit to hold their posts were expelled.
According to the EU, these reforms were considered successful because it weeded out corruption. However, many high positions within the judiciary were left empty, including the Constitutional Court. It is therefore impossible to challenge the Special Law, considered unconstitutional by many, under these circumstances.
Even the Albanian president refused to sign the law and returned it to parliament, but he only has the right to return the law once for further deliberation and could no longer deliberate when the majority voted for the law.
Docomomo International, a watchdog organization striving to modernist monuments, issued the first international call to oppose the theatre's demolition with an open letter urging authorities to preserve the building:
On the context of the extraordinary transformation and innovation period that the city is facing, and since a reconstruction project has been approved for the National Theatre of Albania and adjacent areas, Docomomo foremost concerns rely on the new plans for this cultural center which intent to erase its original integrity. The new, 9,300 square meters contemporary building will be placed in the heart of downtown, right close to the National Opera and the National Art Gallery, replacing the original theatre.
Europa Nostra also sent an open letter to the Albanian government calling the demolition an “alarming decision.”
“I am the Theatre” – a protestor holding a sign in Tirana. Photo courtesy of Rudi Erebara, used with permission.
Despite voluminous pleas from major organizations and institutions, Mayor Veliaj continues to call the theatre a “shack” unworthy of repair.
As the Alliance sent petitions, filed suits and contacted EU headquarters, they also made a public declaration to stress multiple problems with the Special Law.
However, Albania is not yet an EU member. In preparation, they have signed the Stabilization Association Agreement (SAA) with the EU and will enter negotiations in June 2019.
Activists point out that if Albania becomes an EU member, then the Special Law would violate SAA agreements. They insist that the parliamentary majority is infringing the Albanian constitution both through contents of the law and via unconstitutional procedures.
EU officials responded to the Special Law by recognizing that it has no “competence to assess the compliance of the Special Law with the existing Albanian legal framework.” Nevertheless, they encourage the Albanian government “to pursue the compliance with EU public procurement principles and ensure non-discriminatory market access”.
While the EU was one of the key sponsors of Albania's judicial reforms, it does not address the institutional vacuum left as a result.
Actor Neritan Liçaj addressing a message to the Prime Minister. Photo courtesy of Rudi Erebara, used with permission.
While the exact demolition date is unknown, it could be within three months. Some Alliance members say they will block the path of demolition crews with their bodies if necessary.
They see it as the only way left to achieve their collective goal of saving Albania's cultural heritage.
Editor's note: The author of this post is an active member of the Alliance for the Protection of Theatre.

author: Alida Karakushi


text:
Ken ‘Professor’ Philmore, Trinidadian musician who took steel pan music ‘by storm’, dies · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

Ken “Professor” Philmore at Trinidad and Tobago's 2015 Panorama finals, on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of Fonclaire Steel Orchestra. Photo by Maria Nunes, used with permission.
On September 30, 2018, one week after being seriously injured in a car accident, Ken “Professor” Philmore, one of Trinidad and Tobago's foremost steel pan composers and arrangers, passed away.
By all accounts, Philmore had always been fascinated with the country's national instrument, even as a young child. He began playing with pan groups in his early teens, where he earned the moniker “Professor” thanks to his serious-looking spectacles, and quickly developed into an exemplary soloist.
Philmore began arranging with south Trinidad-based steel orchestras like Hatters and Fonclaire in the 1980s, all the while recording and performing as a solo musician. His first album, “Our Heritage”, which came out in 1985, was a seamless blend of classic jazz with a Caribbean interpretation, and flavourful calypso fare.
When, circa 1987, Lord Kitchener, considered the “grand master of calypso”, performed one of his hits, “Pan in A Minor”, featuring Philmore as the soloist, the “Professor” became a household name in Trinidad and Tobago:
His crisp, assertive style of playing proved to have wide appeal: the notes came fast and furious, tempered by a joyful, melodious sweetness that was difficult to replicate. He eventually branched out and began to arrange for other well known steelbands, many of which did very well in the prestigious Panorama competition, always a much anticipated part of the country's annual Carnival celebrations.
One of Philmore's most beloved compositions, which Fonclaire played at the 1990 Panorama finals, was “Pan by Storm”. They eventually placed second:
But Philmore didn't limit his talents to the land of his birth. Knowing that steel pan music had the ability to travel — to the Caribbean diaspora who were longing for a taste of home, and to musical communities well beyond those who were already familiar with the instrument — he performed and arranged abroad as well, winning the New York version of the Panorama competition on six consecutive occasions.
His friendly demeanour and energetic personality helped his star to rise; he would go on to share the stage with many international musicians, including Tina Turner, Tito Puente, Andy Narell, and jazz giants Ella Fitzgerald and Lionel Hampton.
As news of Philmore's death reached social media, the tributes began to pour in. Referencing the title of his most recognised piece, one of the country's most popular choral groups, The Marionettes, said that Philmore took “the world by storm with his music”, while jazz trumpeter Etienne Charles called him “genius personified”.
The superlatives describing Philmore's life and work continued, as university lecturer Rhoda Bharath noted:
This is the equivalent of a Brahms, Bach or Beethoven passing.
This is huge.
This is a loss.
#Philmore
Saxophonist Anthony Woodroffe mused:
Pan fraternity has lost an Icon… the music community in Trinidad and Tobago as a whole has lost a legend. Professor is someone I looked up to because he always played like the music was the most important thing. No egos… just good music. Although he achieved so much he remained grounded and down to earth. Greeted you like you were a brother or a sister. There is much that we can learn from what he represented. I feel for his family and his extended family (those musicians that were fortunate enough to work with him over the years), May you find some solace in the knowledge that he will always be remembered and his contributions to our culture will stand the test of time.
Philmore was undoubtedly integral to the development of steel pan music. In 1989, he was honoured by Pan Trinbago, the country's steel pan association, for being that year's most outstanding musical arranger.
A few months later, the mayor of New York presented Philmore with an award for his contribution to music; his stunning performances at venues like Carnegie Hall, the Apollo Theatre, and Madison Square Garden led to an invitation to accompany the Duke Ellington Orchestra on their North American and European tours from 1989 to 1991.
The “Professor” also appeared at numerous international jazz festivals, including Washington DC and Atlanta in the United States, and St. Croix and Barbados in the Caribbean. In 1990, at Pan Trinbago's “50 Years of Pan” awards ceremony, Philmore received the Allan Gervais South-Central Regional Award for outstanding arrangers.
Photographer Maria Nunes, who chronicles various aspects of Trinidad and Tobago Carnival and snapped pics of Philmore on stage with Fonclaire at the 2015 Panorama competition, intimated that even if pan lovers didn't know the “Professor” personally, they understood him through his vibrant, passionate music, so the loss feels close:
I never got to know Ken ‘Professor’ Philmore but I remember so well when Pan by Storm won the hearts of pan lovers everywhere back in 1990. I share in the sadness felt today in the steelpan and wider music community, not just here, but globally, at his unexpected passing from this life.
‘By storm, cultural extravaganza,
Pan by storm, music to make you feel better.
Take it, take it out to the limit, we moving on to a higher heights, pan by storm.’

author: Janine Mendes-Franco


text:
Operation Leave Home: a new social media trend encourages young Angolans to fly the coop · Global Voices
Simão Hossi

Mario Igoor Diias, a resident of Namibe (Angola), is seen here leaving his mother's home. Photo used with his permission.
Operation Leave Home is a social media trend created by young Angolans to encourage each other to strike out on their own.
In the past few months, hundreds of youth have posted images of themselves packing up and moving out of their parents’ home, an act of defiance and victory for those working toward personal independence.
But most of them can't really leave because they're stuck at home. The movement calls attention to the fact that many young Angolans stay home due to chronic financial crises, with youth unemployment hovering around 56 percent.
Operation Leave Home is trending after the viral meme challenge known as ‘You just killed me swept Angola with youth protesting the negligence of their government to care for basic needs.
On July 21, 2018, hundreds of youth marched in the capital city Luanda against high unemployment, demanding compliance with the promises made by Angolan President João Lourenço to create 500,000 jobs.
Viriato da Cruz, 28, one of the organizers, says he has been unemployed for seven years.
According to a cost of living survey that analyzes the cost of 200 categories including housing and transport, the city of Luanda was ranked one of the most expensive cities in the world for everyday goods.
Fernanda Januário NGuami Maka, a communications student at the Private University of Angola, joined the Operation Leave Home campaign by sharing images of her leaving her parents’ home. Beyond comedic relief, she sees the trend as a form of protest against the current situation in Angola.
Addressing the government, she writes:
Entenda mano (a).
Este tema que muitos apenas o olham pelo lado cómico é uma forma de protestar a situação actual do povo Angolano. Os jovens Angolanos na sua maioria adultos ainda vivem sobre tutela dos Pais motivo pelo qual entenda o verdadeiro sentido do tema “SAI DA CASA DA VELHA”
Tira-me da casa da velha vc que estás a piorar a vida dos jovens na desgraça. Tira-me da casa da Mãe vc que na abundancia só se preocupou com o desvio do erário público.
Tira-me daqui, vc que só está preocupado comigo quando precisas do meu voto. Tira-me da casa da Mãe, vc que não consegue construir escolas mais vive dizendo que estas a combater o analfabetismo.
Me tira daqui porra vc que não cria políticas de emprego + continuas a corres com as zungueiras, vc que aproveita da farda para extorquir os taxistas.
My friend,
This theme that many just look at on the comic side is a way of protesting the current situation of the Angolan people. Young Angolans, for the most part, are still living off of parental responsibility, so that they understand the true meaning of the theme “LEAVING PARENTS’ HOME.”
Get me out of my parents’ home, you're making young peoples’ lives worse off in disgrace. Get me out of the house of my mother.
Get me out of here, you're just worried about me when you need my vote. Get me out of my mother's house, you can not build schools anymore, you're saying that you're fighting against illiteracy.
Get me out of here, you do not create employment policies, you take advantage of the uniform to extort taxi drivers.
Fernanda Januário NGuami Maka participates in the Operation Leave Home campaign. Photo used with her permission.
Tatiana Pinheiro and Ilda Calandula, both students at the Independent University of Angola, told Global Voices that it is not so bad for young people to want to live at home with their parents, citing cultural reasons:
Há questões culturais que estão patentes em algumas grupos étnicos que podem estar na base de muitas famílias não permitirem com que os seus membros festejem longe deles.
Ou seja, há uma raiz familiar e cultural, que pode ser vista a nível da construção de habitações que sirva para toda a família em um só espaço físico, num quintal com maior dimensão para estes serem repartidos em pequenas residências onde todos podem viver.
There are cultural issues which belongs to some ethnic groups that may be the basis of many families not allowing their members to party away from them.
There are family and cultural aspects about the [structure of our] houses which serve the whole family in a single physical space with the larger dimension distributed into smaller homes where everyone can live.
However, Graça Isabella Sebastião, another young woman who joined and supports the movement, wrote on her Facebook page in desperation:
Operação saír da casa da velha: Alguém aí de boa fé pra me acolher, nesse momento estou na rua chorando sem saber onde ir.
Operation leaving the parents’ home: someone to welcome me? At this moment, I am on the street crying without knowing where to go.
With thousands of young Angolans eager to leave their parents’ nest, several Facebook groups with the name Operation Leave Home have been started.

author: Simão Hossi


text:
Brazilian women rise up against leading presidential candidate Jair Bolsonaro · Global Voices
Fernanda Canofre

Protests led by women speak out against presidential candidate Bolsonaro in São Paulo | Image: Rovena Rosa/Agência Brasil, used with permission.
Tensions are rising in Brazil as citizens prepare to vote for president, state governors, state assemblies and the National Congress in elections on October 7, 2018.
Citizens strongly oppose presidential candidate Congressman Jair Bolsonaro, a former military officer currently leading in the polls. Hundreds of thousands of people have taken to the streets in several Brazilian cities on Saturday, September 29, 2018, to say: #NotHim, #NeverHim (#EleNão, #EleNunca, #EleJamais).
According to the latest results from Datafolha Institute, Bolsonaro has 28 percent of projected votes, followed by the Workers’ Party nominee, Fernando Haddad, with 22 percent. However, Bolsonaro has the largest margin of rejection: an estimated 46 percent of Brazilians say they would never vote for him. Among women, who represent more than half of the 147 million voters, it reaches 52 percent.
And women are the loudest voices in the #NotHim movement against Bolsonaro, a candidate who openly espouses misogynist and homophobic rhetoric. The video below shows thousands at national protests across Brazil:
Protests were called in mid-September after Women Against Bolsonaro, an all-female group one-million strong on Facebook, was hacked and attacked. All the administrators were blocked and the group's name was changed to show support for Bolsonaro.
Days prior, Bolsonaro’s vice presidential candidate, former Army General Hamilton Mourão, and Bolsonaro's son, Eduardo, a congressman like his father, spread false rumors claiming the group was “fake” with purchased followers.
Women Against Bolsonaro was receiving at least 10 thousand newcomers every minute, according to UOL news outlet.
Data specialist Fabio Malini, a professor at the Federal University of Espirito Santo, monitored social media engagement around #NotHim on the day of the protests. According to Malini, every 40 seconds, 1,000 tweets containing the hashtags #elenao, #epelavidadasmulheres, #mulherescontrabolsonaro, #elenunca (#nothim, #itsforwomenslives, #womenagainstbolsonaro, #neverhim) were posted.
Malini illustrated the “explosion” of reactions of 270,833 profiles generating 1,011,560 retweets in the graphic below:
Rede Retuítes de msg com as hashtags que formaram o arco interativo do movimento #EleNão. A rede mostra 270.833 perfis gerando 1.011.560 RTs. Uma explosão de influenciadores, criando um rede múltipla, colorida e global. Rede marrom: perfis contrários ao movimento (9% do total). pic.twitter.com/m0nEv73GEr
— Fabio Malini (@fabiomalini) September 30, 2018
The network shows 270,833 profiles generating 1,011,560 RTs. An explosion of influencers, creating a multiple, colorful and global network. Brown netowrk: profiles against the movement (9%)
Demonstrations supporting Bolsonaro were held the following day on Sunday, September 30. In an interview from the hospital, where Bolsonaro has stayed since he was stabbed during a rally at the beginning of September, Bolsonaro promised he “will only accept his victory as per the elections results.”
Bolsonaro is openly outspoken against gender equality and women's rights. In 2014, Bolsonaro suggested he would never rape politician Maria do Rosario “because she was too ugly” and “didn't deserve it.” That same year, talking to a local newspaper, he defended employers by saying they should not be forced to pay equal wages to men and women. In 2016, Bolsonaro voted to impeach Dilma Rousseff, the first female president of Brazil.
Bolsonaro has also made a series of anti-gay statements such as “I wouldn’t be able to love a gay son.”
During the 2018 campaign, he tried to clean up his image by launching a video with his daughter, claiming she “changed his life”. But citizens remember when he referred to her birth as a “weak moment” and protestors held up posters asking: “With how many weakness can you make a revolution?”
esse cartaz tem um impacto enorme, eu fiquei toda arrepiada #ÉPelaVidaDasMulheres pic.twitter.com/wuNOEMS7iu
— lola #elenunca (@theselerction) September 29, 2018
This poster has a huge impact. It gave me chills.
The #NotHim movement has attracted support from a wide spectrum of groups. Brazilian football fans published a series of manifestos including Corinthians Gaviões da Fiel, one of the largest and oldest football clubs, the first to take a stand:
Hoje, com mais de 112 mil associados, entendemos existirem diferentes formas de pensar e posicionar-se numa sociedade democrática. Respeitamos essa pluralidade de ideias, pois ela é a essência da democracia pelo qual nossos fundadores lutaram. Não podemos, portanto, concordar jamais com quem se posiciona justamente contrário aos valores básicos do Estado Democrático de Direito.
Today, with more than 112,000 associates, we understand that there are different ways of thinking and take a stand in a democratic society. We respect the plurality of ideas, since it is the essence of the democracy for which our founders fought for. We cannot, however, ever agree with whoever position themselves against the basic values of a Democratic State of Law.
The movement has also attracted international support from celebrities like Madonna and Cher, with a shout out from the official account of Time’s Up, a global women's advocacy movement:
To our sisters in Brazil: We are all in this together. We see you and hear you. We are with you. #elenão #nothim https://t.co/6WfVSnfpME
— TIME'S UP (@TIMESUPNOW) September 29, 2018
Brazilian Maria Soares, among the thousands who marched in Rio de Janeiro on Saturday, explained her reasons for protesting:
Dona Maria Soares sempre em luta e nos mostrando que a resistência contra a barbárie é coisa para todas as idades! #OMelhorDoRioDeJaneiro #elenão #mulheresnegras #emdefesadavida
Vídeo: @anaflaviahist pic.twitter.com/nXgIRalL6y
— Mídia NINJA (@MidiaNINJA) September 30, 2018
Mrs Maria Soares always fighting and showing us that resistence does not depend on your age!
As ideias dele são ruins para a maioria das pessoas. Só podem votar para o Bolsonaro as pessoas egoístas, as pessoas homofóbicas, as pessoas racistas, as pessoas desumanas. A minha preocupação não é só com Bolsonaro, mas com essas pessoas que vão votar nele. Não sei o que essas pessoas querem do mundo.
His ideas are bad for most people. The only ones who can vote for Bolsonaro are the selfish, the homophobic, the racist, the inhumane people. My biggest concern it's not Bolsonaro himself, but the people who will vote for him. I don’t know what they want for the world.
Anthropologist Rosana Pinheiro-Machado and writer Joanna Burigo examined why #NotHim became something more than a hashtag:
Se nada disso se converter em ganho eleitoral, ainda assim não há motivos para pensar diferente ou manifestar nossa indignação de outra forma. Esta luta – que conta com hashtags e memes, mas não só, pois a estamos carregando com nossos corpos – não é sobre percentuais apenas. É sobre como nós, mulheres, estamos ocupando e reinventando a política.
If none of this reverts to electoral gain, still there aren't any reasons to think different or to find another way of manifesting our indignation. This fight — that includes hashtags, memes, but not only that, since we are also carrying it with our bodies — it's not only for percentages. It's about how we, as women, are occupying and reinventing politics.
Other national protests against the candidate have already been called for October 6, a day before the elections.

author: Fernanda Canofre


text:
In Yemen, war, bad management and climate change are at fault for water shortage · Global Voices
Romy Haber

Screenshot of a little girl surrounded by empty containers, taken from a video by Positive Yemen.
Yemen, the stage of one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world, is facing a severe water crisis: 16 million people lack access to clean water in the country, according to UNICEF.
“What is worse than not having the most basic human right, water?” asks Shoushou, a young activist from the capital Sana'a, in a conversation with Global Voices.
Sana’a is among the 10 most water-scarce cities in the world and is at the risk of running dry in a few years. Yemenis use 95 percent less water than the average resident of the United States.
Three years of war undoubtedly affected water sources as reservoirs and pipelines were regularly targeted. In February 2016, there were reports that Saudi planes had bombed and destroyed a reservoir that supplied drinking water for 30,000 Yemenis. This was shortly after a bombing of a major desalination plant in the city of Mokha, also allegedly by the Saudi-led coalition.
However, poor management also helps explain the deteriorating situation. Drilling for limited groundwater has long been the norm for the Yemeni government and it's unlikely that authorities will implement more sustainable strategies as the war rages on.
“I blame the government for not managing and supervising the water crisis. No one cares about the people,” Shoushou tells Global Voices.
While groundwater is drastically depleted, Yemen’s climate seems to be getting drier. In 2009, the UN Food and Agriculture Agency (FAO) forecasted that Yemen could be the first county in the world to exhaust the entirety of its groundwater resources.
Water is already very expensive in the country, with ordinary citizens paying over 30 percent of their income just to have water supplied to their houses. It's the highest rate in the world.
As the crisis deepens, combatants treat the resource as a weapon. Both the Houthi and Saudi-backed forces have repeatedly blocked deliveries of humanitarian aid consisting of food and water, leaving many Yemenis with no choice but to store as much water as they can, most of the time in unsanitary conditions.
Fetching water is also a challenge in Yemen. The responsibility of collecting water, when sources are located far from human settlements, tends to fall upon women and girls. The long journey leaves them exposed to sexual harassment. They are at risk of drowning in open water reservoirs or of suffering miscarriages caused by carrying heavy containers.
Young girls who are unable to carry heavy lifts often have to make more than one trip. The mission can take the whole day, making them miss school.
The inadequate water storage has led to an epidemic of cholera in Yemen, the largest and fastest-spreading epidemic on record. More than 1.1 million suspected cholera cases recorded since April 2017 with over 2,300 associated deaths.
One in 62 Yemenis is suspected of having Cholera. A lot of them are children under the age of seven. Hospitals reportedly receive around 60 to 70 suspected cases each day.
The World Health Organization is warning that a third wave of cholera is possible after two major waves in recent years.
Fortunately, treating Cholera is relatively easy, with a combination of antibiotics and intravenous fluids usually being enough to reverse even severe cases. But treatment must begin shortly after symptoms show up, or else it can be fatal.
Poor access to healthcare poses a challenge to treatment: in 2017, nearly 17 million people in Yemen did not have access to basic health services. Only 45 percent of the country's health facilities are currently operating.
Despite the efforts of international human rights programs like UNICEF and WHO, this scarcity is leaving many Yemenis untreated. The airstrikes in August 2018 did not only kill a dozen Yemenis. It also damaged Al Thawra Hospital in Hudaydah.
Extension of condolences to the people of #Yemen for the attack on Al-Thawra Hospital in #Hudaydah, initial estimates on casualties and injuries are 14 deaths and 30 injuries (these numbers are subject to increase as the situation evolves).
— WHO Yemen (@WHOYemen) August 2, 2018
The hospital averages around 50,000 consultations a month and is a major center for cholera treatment. After the attack, the cholera cases in Hodeidah rose by almost a third.
Project #سقيا_1000 aims to provide free water for those in most need. Launched in November 2017, it aims to fill 1000 tanks of water in the capital Sana'a and its environs. They reached their goal in February 2018. The project currently benefits 6,194 families or 39,789 individuals.
The activists also install new reservoirs and provide periodical cleaning and maintenance to new and existing tanks. So far, they have installed 14 new tanks, while filling 74 and helping maintain 21 existing tanks. The whole project is based on donations from people in Yemen and abroad. It is their only source of funds.
Omar Mohamad, a Yemeni activist involved in the project, told Global Voices:
The project started on social media. We got the support of people from inside and outside Yemen. Their support was the main reason we were able to succeed.  We did not receive support from any political party. Alhamdulillah, we reached our goal in February 2018. After that, the movement turned into a project that regularly ensures reservoirs are filled. In the first half of this year, the project was working perfectly and according to the plan. But recently there’s a lack of support, and the shortage is increasing day by day. Therefore we seek alternative sources from traders or donors to support the project.

author: Romy Haber


text:
Nepal roars with pride to become the first country to double its wild tigers by 2022 · Global Voices
Sanjib Chaudhary

A Bengal tiger stares back in Nepal's Bardia National Park. Image by Sagar Giri. Used with permission.
Conservationists are upbeat about Nepal slated to become the first country to double its wild tiger numbers by 2022. On National Conservation Day, September 23, 2018, Nepal announced that it has 235 tigers living in the wild. In 2009, there were only 121 tigers in Nepal.
Nepal's latest tiger census is now out, and – DRUMROLL – number of Bengal Tigers in #Nepal has increased to 235 – a remarkable 94% increase since 2009! We are proud to have helped protect these endangered cats. It’s good for conservation & for tourism. ?https://t.co/N1S9Ypj33D pic.twitter.com/eyNxlYyxzu
— Chargé d’Affaires Michael C. Gonzales (@USAmbNepal) September 24, 2018
In 2010, at the Tiger Summit in St. Petersburg, Russia, the Government of Nepal along with the governments of India, Russia, Nepal, and Bhutan pledged to double the number of tigers by 2022.
Tigers, revered in Hindu mythology as the mount of Durga, Goddess of Power, have always been a guarded species. As symbols of power and courage, tigers have faced threats due to a declining prey population, poaching, and destruction and degradation of their habitats.
Once, nine tiger species (Bengal, Siberian, Indo-Chinese, South Chinese, Sumatran, Malayan, Caspian, Javan, and Bali) roamed in 13 countries, ranging from Turkey to several nations in Southeast Asia. Out of these, the Caspian, Javan and Bali tigers are already extinct. Nepal is known for its Bengal tigers.
In the early 1900s, around 100,000 tigers roamed in the wild. Today, the estimated tiger population is around 3,900 globally. India boasts 2,226 wild tigers — the highest number in the world.
Tigers are found in Nepal’s Chitwan National Park, Bardia National Park, Banke National Park, Shuklaphanta National Park, and Parsa National Park. Earlier, Nepal’s Chitwan National Park was declared the first park in the world to be accredited by Conservation Assured Tiger Standards (CA|TS) in the year 2015.
Tigers are difficult to track because of their elusive nature. According to noted tiger expert Dr. K. Ullas Karanth, in the 1960s, officials in India, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Russia assumed that just as human fingerprints are unique, paws of a tiger must differ. They thought they could count tigers by counting their tracks, but the method was flawed.
With technological advancements, tigers these days are counted by their unique stripe pattern on their flanks, automatically captured by camera traps placed along tiger trails. The following video reveals how tigers were counted in Nepal, where over 300 field workers spent 16,811 days with 1,643 camera traps and then analyzed tigers’ stripes based on the footage:
However, back in 2016, Dr. Karanth expressed skepticism about the counting method in his article “The Trouble with Tiger Numbers“:
These groups (the WWF and the Global Tiger Forum) aim to increase the number of tigers to 6,000 by 2022. But their tally, based on official estimates, relied on flawed methodologies, including the use of statistically weak extrapolations from tiger photographs and field counts of spoor.
Nepal has led the global tiger conservation movement with recent census results showing increased tiger numbers.
The Government of Nepal, together with conservation partners, has initiated several measures to save these magnificent species. According to the paper “Tiger Conservation Initiatives in Nepal”, Nepal has established the National Tiger Conservation Committee and the South Asia Wildlife Enforcement Network.
Nepal has also signed a memorandum of understanding with China for biodiversity conservation focused on curbing illicit wildlife trade, including tiger parts. Nepal’s declaration of Banke National Park as a protected area has also provided larger territory for the tigers. Estimating the abundance of tigers and its prey base (the availability of food in any given habitat to support a predator) will help assess the effectiveness of conservation interventions and formulate plans for future management.
Additional measures have been crucial for increasing tiger numbers such as training park and protection staff to use real-time SMART (Spatial Monitoring and Reporting Tool) technologies and the formation of community-based anti-poaching operations to enhance patrolling.
Grassland management has also been crucial for conservation. With the construction of wetlands, wild tigers have access to their own water sources, even in the dry season, instead of dipping into water supplies used by humans in the buffer zone. With the construction of fire lines, dug trenches avoid spreading forest fires, protecting wild animals including tigers.
For now, Nepali tiger experts are optimistic about Nepal doubling its tiger numbers by 2022. It just needs 15 more tigers to reach its goal in the next four years!
चार वर्षपछि पाटे बाघको संख्या अढाई सय पुर्याउने सरकारको लक्ष्य पूरा हुने दिशामा नेपाल अग्रसर देखिएको बाघ विज्ञहरूले बताएका छन्। https://t.co/hImcJPBTBB
— BBC News Nepali (@bbcnepali) September 23, 2018
Tiger experts have said that Nepal is on the track to reach its target of increasing the tiger numbers to 250 in four years.

author: Sanjib Chaudhary


text:
This wiki is helping to keep the Balinese language alive in Indonesia · Global Voices
Juliana Harsianti

Basa Bali app. Source: Facebook
A crowdsourced, community-based platform is pioneering the use of digital tools to help preserve, promote, and revitalize the Balinese language in Indonesia.
Balinese is one of Indonesia’s 707 languages. Based on the 2011 census, there are almost two million people who speak Balinese in Bali province which has a population of around four million. There are also Balinese speakers in the provinces of in South Sulawesi and West Nusa Tenggara. Indonesia's total population is of 261 million.
Due to government regulations, Balinese language TV programs in Bali are aired for only half hour a day, while schools limit instruction in Balinese to only two hours per week or less. While these regulations are intended to boost the use of Bahasa as a national language, they also make it more difficult to promote the use and development of local languages such as Balinese.
Looking to reverse the declining popularity of Balinese among young people, a group of linguists, anthropologists, and students working within and outside the island of Bali started collaborating in 2011 to keep Balinese strong and sustainable.
The main project is called Basa Bali (Basa means language or speech in Balinese), a multimedia Balinese-English-Indonesian wiki dictionary and encyclopedia. It aims to introduce Balinese in the modern digital world as well as to create free digital language resources.
Alissa Stern, the founder of Basa Bali, told Planet World why they launched the project:
Balinese has about a million speakers; on the other hand, only about a quarter of the population of Bali can still speak it. So it’s in a state of decline, but it still has a solid base, which is why we’re intervening now.
The wiki offers readers a dictionary, a library with resources about Balinese culture, word games, translation materials, and a Balinese version of Google's homepage. The wiki is also available for Android app.
Screenshot of Basa Bali's virtual library page
Stern says that their project “could create that really important link between scholars and community members, which is hard to bridge.” She's described the role of the community when including each new entry in the dictionary:
We have the definitions, and those are entered by a 15-person team of linguists, and another team of about seven or eight Master's or Ph.D. students in linguistics. Then we ask the community to give us sample sentences, using the word in context with the kind of language that they use now, and we have a team of editors translating the sentences into English and Indonesian. People send us photos and videos too, so that users can see and hear people using Balinese in context.
For example, if you search the Balinese translation of the English word earthquake, you will get “linuh” and the results include the word in context.
Screenshot of Basa Bali dictionaryThe results will also feature a short video demonstrating how Balinese use the word “linuh” in speech:
This is what is being said in the video:
Dugas ada rapat unduk penggalian dana menahin banjare, I Made Rai ngusulang apang ngae bazar. Liu anake setuju dugase ento, sakewala ane magae ajak abedik. Buka linuhe ngidupang ibane. Makejang gaene jemaka, uli ngae kartu, kanti nyemak bazzar didiane.
On a meeting about fund raising to renovate the ‘banjar’, I Made Rai suggested to held a food bazzar. Many members agreed to do it, afterwards, only a few helped handling the bazzar. Sounds like an earthquake which happened by nature, Made Rai did all the job from making the coupons to deliver the food by himself.
The team behind Basa Bali is also reaching out to schools, communities, and government offices in order to promote Balinese. Because of their online and offline advocacy, they received the 2018 International Linguapax Award. Below is an excerpt of the text honoring the work of Basa Bali:
…they created interactive multimedia software to teach Balinese in a modern engaging way, they secured a local government mandate for using Balinese on Fridays and carried out many other grassroots efforts to motivate and institutionalise the use of Balinese in both the local and international communities.
Writing for Stanford Social Innovation Review, Stern pointed out that marginalization of local languages “is one of the unfortunate side effects of the Internet age.” But she also added how projects like Basa Bali can counter this:
By reorienting digital tools in service of local languages, technology can instead become an enriching source of linguistic and cultural diversity.

author: Juliana Harsianti


text:
Japan mortgages its future, choosing growth over environment · Global Voices
Jonathan Augustine

Flooding in a subway station in Nara, Japan, as a typhoon approaches in 2014. This year Japan experienced a record-breaking season of typhoons with flooding and destructive storms that battered much of western Japan over the course of three months. PHOTO: James Gochenouer (CC BY 2.0)
This past summer, amidst fears that summer temperatures throughout the country might rise to an unheard of high of 45 degrees, the Japanese prime ministerial race proceeded on its conservative course.
For incumbent Abe Shinzo, the process was necessary to affirm the Liberal Democratic Party's loyalty. He needed to make sure that the allegiances of factions had not shifted as a result of the numerous scandals associated with his inner circle during his second term of office. But apparently, the Moritomo Gakuin scandal, in which the prime minister was believed to have secretly supported the building of an ultra-right-wing school in Osaka created to revive fanatical emperor worship and militaristic education, had lost its sting. And despite the polls and surveys showing that the public suspected the prime minister had compromised his principles in the Moritomo and other scandals, Abe won by a significant margin.
A few days after he secured his victory, Abe published an article in the UK-based Financial Times. Entitled “Join Japan and act now to save our planet”, Abe's piece invited readers to start tackling climate change, even as his administration paradoxically moved ahead to set up hazardous coal-fired power stations.
Hokuriku Denryoku coal-fired power generation station, Tsuruga. Photo by Nevin Thompson.
Both domestically and abroad, the Abe administration has been criticized for its lack of environmental awareness and for its ruthless exploitation of scarce resources. Over the summer, while Abe’s colleagues were addressing each other in politely coded language, the rest of the country was beginning to demand a more effective response to the natural catastrophes that now seem commonplace in Japan. A June earthquake in Osaka that left five dead set the stage for a record-breaking season of typhoons and extreme flooding and destructive storms that battered much of western Japan over the course of three months. Kansai International Airport, the second largest in the country, was knocked out of commission for days due to extensive runway flooding and the collapse of a bridge.
Even in the face of undeniable climate change in Japan, the Abe administration’s agenda is unwaveringly fixed on the 2020 Tokyo Olympics, constitutional reform, and, of course, economic growth. While there is serious criticism about hosting the Olympics in August due to high temperatures and humidity, Abe's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has vowed to maintain the status quo, because changing the timing of the summer games could have adverse economic effects in Japan. This is an ironic position considering that the 1964 Tokyo Olympics took place in October, when Japanese sports festivals (undokai) are traditionally held.
Climate change (kiko hendo) and global warming (ondanka) are familiar words in Japanese, of course, but the causes of temperature rise have not sufficiently been linked to unrestricted economic growth and corporate greed. Two decades ago, Japan presented itself as an eco-conscious nation by proposing the Kyoto Treaty, but as Abe and his neo-conservative clique took over the cabinet the party’s priorities once again shifted toward free trade and less restricted economic growth. Despite the LDP’s vision of “taking Japan back” (Nihon wo torimodosu) to its pre-bubble era level of economic ascendency, the gap between the rich and poor is becoming harder to ignore.
From predictions that malaria and dengue fever will spread quickly once the temperature rises a few more degrees, to the even more devastating thought that the main island of Honshu will become uninhabitable unless the population is cloistered in perpetually air-conditioned buildings, perhaps the most common response in Japan is to maintain a stubborn reticence, or to shrug one’s shoulders and utter the hackneyed phrase shikataganai (there’s nothing to be done).
As in other European and North American countries, many citizens of Japan seem to think that the retired workaholic generation, known as the dankai sedai, achieved an astonishing economic miracle as they rebuilt a country left totally devastated by war. Left unexamined is the reality that this “miracle” resulted in promoting an excessive lifestyle of over-consumption that—as the global population increases ever more and as natural resources are depleted, corrupted or destroyed—is clearly unsustainable. One could speculate that the Japanese militarism of the early Showa period has simply been channeled into fanatical devotion to the principle of economic growth.
How will future generations ultimately judge “Abenomics” that prioritized economic growth at the expense of the natural environment? Will Japanese businesses pay the price for creating ever greater economic inequality while simultaneously demanding more long hours of work of those of both genders, single or married and regardless of familial commitments, in return for minimal salaries? Will the ultimate destruction of numerous animal and plant species in just a few decades be an acceptable price for economic growth?
Even in a nation that clings to the status quo, there are occasional protests. During the Meiji Restoration beginning in the late 1860s, and before and after World War II, there were watershed moments when the public blamed Japanese leaders and economic magnates for nearly destroying the social fabric.
Will there ever come a point at which the younger generation will hit the streets in anger and rail against the hazards of over-consumption?

author: Jonathan Augustine


text:
‘My message is my car’: Afghan innovator challenges youth to make something from nothing · Global Voices
Ezzatullah Mehrdad

Yaser Ahmadzai and his creation. From Yaser Ahmadzai's personal archive. Used with permission.
As a young student growing up in the countryside of Nangarhar province under the control of the Taliban regime in the late 1990s, Yaser Ahmadzai’s sole source of inspiration was a weekly BBC Radio programme themed on innovation.
Ahmadzai’s dream was to create and build something — anything — but back then in Afghanistan, it seemed all but impossible.
Two decades later, Yaser Ahmadzai scraped the dust off his discarded dreams, began collecting old machine parts and set to work making a car with his son.
Emblazoned with the logo “Speed for Peace”, Ahmadzai says he sees the roadworthy vehicle as the start of something much bigger that might inspire the youth of a war-torn country to create things using the world around them
Global Voices sat down with Yaser Ahmadzai in his home in the capital Kabul and chatted innovation centres, working nights and choosing school over the Taliban.
Global Voices: Can you introduce yourself?
Yaser Ahmadzai (YH): I am Yasar Ahmadzai, a peace activist. Also, I sometimes work on technology and develop machines. I did my bachelor degree at the journalism faculty of Kabul University. I earned my Master’s degree in Peacebuilding and Applied Community Change from Future Generations University in the United States.
GV: What made you decide to build this car?
YH: One day, I watched a report on how a Pakistani guy made a small helicopter (out of spare parts). It reminded me of my youth when I was a school student and had lots of ideas to innovate and create. I decided to make a car which could carry four people. I installed everything, from a music player through lights and everything else you need for a car. I had a full-time job so I worked night shifts on the car. It took me a full month to complete. I was thrilled when I finally drove my own car on the roads rather than one made by someone else.
GV: Had you made anything else before?
YH: In 1998-1999, as a school student, I was thinking about how to make things. Cars, sensors, helicopters, and many more ideas. Unfortunately, it was a black time in Afghanistan and I didn’t have enough equipment or the facilities where I could make something. I tried a lot of things; I made a model car and a helicopter. I made something like a sensor-controlled car as well. Although the Taliban regime was controlling the country, I tried to inject ideas of change into my peers of that time. I was thinking of change and hoping that things will be different. My main aim was graduation from school. Most other young people left school to join the Taliban. I stayed in school to chase my dreams.
GV: But isn't post-Taliban Afghanistan still a difficult place for youth to realise their ambitions?
YH: In Afghanistan today, you have enough space and resources to realise your dreams. There is no-one to stop you from studying or making a car in your yard. It’s a free country where dreams come true for many young Afghans. I am one of them. I managed my time: I worked as a full-time employee at a foreign aid organisation and worked at night on my car.
Ahmadzai with his young son, working on his car. From Yaser Ahmadzai's personal archive. Used with permission.
GV: What was your purpose?
YH: Apart from realising my own dream, I wanted to inspire other young Afghans, who have dreams. A large number of young Afghans have ideas to innovate and create. They think about when to start. Just start your work. Do your work with what you have now. It’s time to start.
GV: And what is the bigger goal?
YH: I want to build a centre for innovation, where young Afghans can come together and build things. I have already heard from a young man who plans to work on electric projects. I am even trying to support young people financially from my own limited salary. In addition, I plan to collaborate with the Ministry of Education as a volunteer in order to go to public schools and speak about innovation.
GV: Do you have a message for young Afghans?
YH: My Message is my car: let’s do our best for a better tomorrow. We Afghans just talk, we need to act! Let’s do our part to drive the country. Nobody is going to develop us without us. It’s us who can build this country. Also, I named this car “SPEED FOR PEACE” as a request to the Afghan government, political parties, and international community to speed up the peace process in Afghanistan.

author: Ezzatullah Mehrdad