text:
In the Ruins of Eastern Abkhazia’s ‘Ghost Towns’, Life Goes On · Global Voices
OC Media

Photo by Dmitry Stateynov for OC Media. Used with permission
The following is a version of a partner post written by Dmitri Stateynov that first appeared on the website OC Media.
The post-war recovery has been slow to arrive in eastern Abkhazia, particularly in the district of Tkuarchal. More than 20 years have passed since the Georgian–Abkhaz war officially ended, but its scars still bear a heavy imprint in this part of the republic.
The abandoned villages of upper Tkuarchal District cut striking images. Villages such as Dzhantukha, Akarmara, Pyataya Shakhta, Polyana, and Kharchilava are located in Abkhazia’s coal basin.
During the Soviet period, different ethnic groups lived and worked together in the area; Russians, Greeks, Abkhaz, Georgians, and Armenians. Most of them abandoned their homes during the war. Today, mostly Russians and Abkhaz live here.
Such settlements are known in Abkhazia as ‘ghost towns’. If their pre-war populations topped 10,000, today, only a few hundred people live in them.
This phenomenon is symptomatic in Tkuarchal. As of 2011, the district's entire population was 16,000, having barely risen for over a decade. In 1989, approximately 43,000 people lived in the district.
Photo by Dmitry Stateynov for OC Media. Used with permission.
The emptied five-storey Soviet-era apartment blocks dating back to the early 1960s — Khrushchyovkas — stand as symbols of the region's decline and desolation. The buildings are decaying and it is rare that more than two families inhabit them.
Photo by Dmitry Stateynov for OC Media. Used with permission.
At the entrance to the village of Dzhantukha, I meet a local resident, an elderly man. He starts a conversation that he does not want to finish.
“All of this is the consequence of the war.”
“Can I talk with you?”
“Why talk? Everything is clear anyway.”
Before the war, life in the village was vibrant, with community centres, schools, and kindergartens all serving the community.
Now, cobbled streets host buildings of faded magnificence. The people that once lived in this place, and made their contribution to the Soviet Union's centrally planned economy, have now left.
In one ghost town, Dzhantukha, there are about fifty inhabitants. Some 38 live in Akarmara, with similar numbers in the other villages. Those khrushchyovkas that still contain one or two families are marked out by the laundry drying on their balconies.
Two young girls, both aged seven, peek out from the window of a ruined house. Upon noticing the camera in my hands, they immediately turn away.
‘Our mother forbade us to be photographed’, one of them says.
‘Why?’
‘She forbade it and that is all’.
The girl whispers something to her friend and they abruptly exit the ruined building and disappear.
Most people in the area work for a small Turkish coal mining firm, Tkuarchalugol. Families are also involved in subsistence farming; cattle-breeding, bee-keeping, vegetable-growing. It is hard to make ends meet. In winter, the district administration supplies free candles and bread to the villages.
Photo by Dmitry Stateynov for OC Media. Used with permission.
About ten years ago, an elderly woman named Galina, or as her neighbours call her, Aunt Galya, moved to Dzhantukha from Akarmara. Despite her eldest daughter living in France, Galina does not intend to leave Abkhazia to live with her. “My heart draws me to Abkhazia,” she says.
Galina refuses offers of financial help from her daughter, insisting that she provide for her young grandchildren instead. Galina's monthly pension is the equivalent of just nine dollars.
“If you don’t have a vegetable garden and a house, you can't survive,” she admits.
Aunt Galya says that she and other residents of the village try to meet up regularly and celebrate holidays together.
Photo by Dmitry Stateynov for OC Media. Used with permission.
“A 90-year-old woman lives in this building, as well as a young family, and me. When there are holidays, we visit each other. But we can’t always — everyone is busy with their own affairs.”
As she is talking, a younger neighbour walks out onto the balcony.
“Natasha”, Aunt Galya calls out to her. “They said that we can plant zucchini. I already prepared the ground. I don’t know what will happen, but we will plant zucchini.”
Galya's conversant, Natasha, has lived together with her husband and five children in her house for some time. Natasha was 11-years-old when the war began. Every day she recalls village life before the war.
Despite having relatives living in central Russia, Ossetia, and Georgia — the country Abkhazia broke away from — they have not had the opportunity to leave.
Photo by Dmitry Stateynov for OC Media. Used with permission.
“We recently bought land in (Abkhazia's administrative capital) Sukhumi. We want to build a house there, but this won’t happen any time soon,” she says ruefully.
Natasha receives a child allowance of roughly $9 for each child. Her husband works at the coal pit. The young family has its own farm. Near the house, where the kindergarten Natasha attended as a child once stood, they keep pigs, cows, cocks and hens.
She says that when people started leaving the village after the war, it was scary at first. But the fear disappeared over time.
Photo by Dmitry Stateynov for OC Media. Used with permission.
“We are not afraid of the darkness in the street or the lack of people [any more]. People can get used to anything. Many people think that these buildings were destroyed during the war. In fact, it’s all due to looting. There was no work after the war and everyone lived however they could. Every day I remember what the city was like, and the war.”
As our conversation draws to a close, a young boy runs by. He runs through the window of a ruined building and hides. A ball flies out of the window and another boy chases it. He kicks the ball and it rolls down the hill.
A pack of children are in pursuit of the ball now, all of them shouting. As they run, some of them pick up stones and hurl them at the dilapidated buildings. These ruins are a part of their childhood, which is as carefree as any other. They have never known anything else.
All place names and terminology used in this article are the words of the author alone, and may not necessarily reflect the views of OC Media’s editorial board.

author: OC Media


text:
The Powerful Groups Enabling Sexual Harassment of Paraguayan University Students · Global Voices
Kurtural

The Platform of Feminist University Students (PUF, its Spanish acronym) protest on the day Cristian Kriskovich was sworn in as a member of the Board of Magistracy. Some senators also left the session in protest against the professor. Photo by Rodrigo Centurión from the PUF archive and used with permission from the Kurtural website.
This story is an edited version of a piece originally published by Paraguayan website Kurtural from their series “The Country of Women.”
The professor insisted his student, Belén Whittingslow, meet with him. He suggested she wear a hockey uniform. He said she seemed sexy. When Whittingslow declined to meet up and said she only wanted to be friends, the professor responded: “Offering friendship to someone who asks for love is like giving a peck on the cheek to someone who wants to screw you savagely against the wall.”
The professor, Whittingslow says, is Cristian Kriskovich, a powerful lawyer at the Our Lady of Asuncion Catholic University law school, one of the most prestigious universities in Paraguay, and one where the sexual harassment of female students is an open secret.
Whittingslow reported the harassment when she learned that Kriskovich had told a group of professors they were in a relationship. The district attorney’s office, which took Whittingslow’s testimony and viewed the messages she’d received, saw evidence of sexual harassment. But after several changes of attorneys, the case arrived before Fabián Centurión, who rejected the allegations. Even though Kriskovich had admitted sending messages to Whittingslow, the attorney declined to examine his telephone. For Centurión, the teacher merely “courted and wooed” his student, and there was no crime to investigate.
A day after Centurión dismissed the case, Whittingslow herself was accused of buying grades. “I couldn’t matriculate at another university,” Whittingslow says. “I had to finish my degree outside of Asuncion. It cost me another three years. For a long time I was afraid to go out at night, and to this day I cannot read anything Kriskovich has written. I gained 60 pounds and a valve in my heart prolapsed. I wouldn’t wish this on my worst enemy.”
Now, Kriskovich is demanding $450,000 for damage to his reputation. Whittingslow says that at least three of her classmates who were also expelled after the grade-buying scandal are innocent, but were accused after having refused Kriskovich's advances. “Imagine what it costs to pay lawyers for us. Many of my classmates are from humble families from outside the capital and are here on scholarships; they won’t have the money to go to court,” Whittingslow says. She wants to spare them the distress she experienced for taking a man as powerful as Kriskovich to court.
University students protest against Paraguayan Archbishop Edmundo Valenzuela. The Church representative had said “we should be careful not to make a mountain out of a molehill,” about allegations of sexual assault by a priest in the Paraguayan city of Limpio. Photo by Rodrigo Centurión from the PUF Archive and used with permission from the Kurtural website.
In addition to his teaching, Kriskovich has close ties with the Catholic Church and is an influential lawyer in Paraguay's judiciary. In the case of Belén Whittingslow, the Church closed ranks around Kriskovich. Edmundo Valenzuela — the archbishop of Asunción, the highest authority at the Catholic University of Asunción and a bridge between the university and the Church hierarchy — was one of the first to defend Kriskovich.
Kriskovich also belongs to the Jury for the Indictment of Judges, a group charged with ruling in cases where judges are accused of crimes or poor performance of their duties, and he is a member Paraguay's Board of Magistracy, an institution that chooses judges and public attorneys in the country.
When Kriskovich was sworn in to his position on the Board of Magistracy in early March, 2017, several senators left the room in protest, given Whittingslow's accusations of sexual harassment against Kriskovich. But five days later, the board of the Catholic University of Asuncion reiterated its support for the professor.
“The Church wants a representative in the judicial branch through the Catholic University so that they won’t hear cases against priests, including cases of pedophilia and sexual abuse. That’s why they keep Kriskovich in the university,” says Whittingslow’s lawyer, Juan Martín Barba.
In the Catholic University of Asuncion, harassment of students is an open secret. “Often it's not perceived as violence. It’s become normalized, both for the victims and their persecutors,” says Ana Portillo, who taught a gender seminar at the Catholic University in 2016. “The victims perceive it as part of the powers their professors possess.”
Portillo asked the students in her seminar to record everyday sexist situations that happen at the university. In class every day, her students heard male chauvinistic comments from the professors, sometimes veiled as jokes and insults.
“What do women have in common with grilling meat? Both are bloody, you turn them over and you eat them,” said one epistemology professor. “Today she’s my student, tomorrow she can be my friend and the day after… who knows?” said a philosophy teacher. “Girls, girls,” said a professor in an Introduction to Social Theory class, “stop touching one another. You’re giving me ideas.” The same professor said things such as, “If you’d like to, we could have the class with the lights out,” “I see a pretty butt hobbling around,” and “Have you thought what pretty kids we could have?”
Portillo says there are many barriers that prevent students from recognizing themselves as victims of harassment and reporting it: the notion that it’s the students’ responsibility to stop their professors, fear of damaging their reputation, little support from other students, and even the fact that most of the university authorities are men and could side with the professor being reported.
María Lidia Báez, another student at the Catholic University of Asuncion, futilely filed a report denouncing a professor’s harassment. Despite the widespread impunity at the university, she believes harassment needs to be reported. “If we don’t report it, it’s easier to hide it, and it will go unnoticed,” she says. But Báez admits that she only took the step of reporting the harassment when she was no longer in the class. “It was a huge internal conflict because he’s a renowned professor who does worthy and productive work. I was afraid of being marked, that they would lower my grades or my GPA.”
Students at the Catholic University of Asuncion developed a draft policy for the prevention of, and attention to, cases of gender violence and presented it to university authorities in 2016. They’ve yet get to get a response. Photo by Juanjo Ivaldi. Originally published on the Kurtural website and used with permission.
Of 63 Latin American universities surveyed in 2016 by the media outlet Distintas Latitudes (“Different Latitudes”), only 12 have protocols for handling sexual violence. In another survey conducted by Distintas Latitudes, of 173 students from 14 countries, 67 percent of respondents said they knew of at least one case of sexual harassment at their university.
Faced with the absence of tools for responding to harassment within their university and the lack of response to complaints, the students in Portillo’s 2016 seminar drafted a protocol for prevention and response to cases of gender violence. The protocol was based on norms already in place in universities around the globe, such as the University of the Republic in Uruguay.
The seminar students presented their draft protocol to the chancellor, but they’re still waiting for a response.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Kurtural


text:
After Media Revelations, Jamaicans Ask Why Their Finance Minister Cannot Manage His Phone Bill · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

Photo of a BlackBerry by Bill Dickinson; CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.
The temperature in Jamaica's capital city of Kingston has “tun up” in more ways than one recently. It has been a stressful week in Jamaican politics — and Finance Minister Audley Shaw has been feeling the heat. It's all to do with phone bills.
Television Jamaica and its sister radio station broke the news that Shaw had racked up a phone bill of over J$8 million (approximately US$63,000) in one year (February 2016 to March 2017). Media houses obtained details of the phone bills of several government ministers through the Access to Information Act, although not all ministries responded to their request.
Jamaicans responded to the news swiftly on social media and radio talk shows, with a mixture of disbelief, anger, confusion and cynicism:
Finance minister can't manage a #phonebill kmt #audley #TVJAllAngles
— Veronica (@veronica_stobbs) July 13, 2017
Prime Minister Andrew Holness reacted speedily, calling an emergency Cabinet meeting to discuss the matter and ordering an audit of his ministers’ phone bills.
The media and public immediately pointed out that, as the man in charge of Jamaica's finances, it was of particular concern that Shaw was apparently so careless and showed poor judgment. A newspaper editorial emphasised his specific responsibility:
Audley Shaw is the finance minister for Jamaica, a low middle-income developing country, whose per capita GDP is a little over US$5,000 and about a fifth of the population lives below the poverty line. Further, he presides over a fiscal austerity programme aimed at a lasting downward shift in the trajectory of the country's high debt and the stability of the macro-economy. The public's acceptance of, and confidence in, these often painful policies, is helped if they perceive that those who design and enforce them also bear the burden of their implementation.
Civil society activist Carol Narcisse tweeted:
@AudleyShaw not a good recommendation for your Ministerial position if you cannot manage the economics of a phone https://t.co/Gkqci8Gld4
— Carol Narcisse (@CarolNarcisse) July 11, 2017
Another asked the minister (who is quite active on Twitter):
@AudleyShaw Min Shaw how is it possible to justify a phone bill of over $8Million in one financial year? That's the cost of one police post.
— Jeanette Calder (@jayceejm) July 11, 2017
On Facebook, an overseas-based Jamaican had more questions:
So when will Audley Shaw look in the mirror and say to the person looking back at him: ‘You have no credibility to be the finance minister in Miss Mary bruk dung fowl coop much less…?’ I wonder if he owns a mirror or should I Fedex him one? Really? Is there a need to equivocate here?
Roughly translated, the post is telling the minister that he has no credibility to be the finance minister even in something as simple as ‘Miss Mary's broken down chicken coop’, furthermore the country.
The minister himself was contrite:
AUDIO: Minister @AudleyShaw tells @cliffnationwide that he “profoundly regrets” 8mil bill over 1 yr. He says he has paid $2.6m of the sum ? https://t.co/dxRoAzkdnV
— Abka Fitz-Henley (@AbkaFitzHenley) July 11, 2017
He pointed to the high cost of roaming:
1 GIGABYTE of data roaming costs $1 million JMD ($8000USD ) on some networks.. (at $8 USD per megabyte tax inclusive)
— Audley Shaw (@AudleyShaw) July 13, 2017
When I queried the excessive charges, I was told that they were attributable to data roaming charges billed at US$8 per MB ($ 8,000 USD/GB )
— Audley Shaw (@AudleyShaw) July 13, 2017
Columnist Michael Abrahams argued the minister's explanation wasn't enough:
Mr Shaw is a man who has in politics for a long time. He has been Minister of Finance before and has a lot of experience with traveling. By now, Mr Shaw must be fully aware of the fact that roaming, especially data roaming, attracts exorbitant fees, and ought to be cognizant of measures which can be taken to minimize phone bills […]
Eight million dollars can buy a new car. I drive a decent car, and that money could have paid for my car and given me enough change to pay school fees for my youngest child (who will be entering grade one) annually until he completes GSAT [Grade Six Achievement Test (GSAT), Jamaica's national high school entrance test]. In a country where children in some schools are forced to use pit latrines, this is scandalous.
If we truly desire a better Jamaica, we must put aside the partisan nonsense that still persists in our country and call a spade a spade. How can you trust a man to mange the finances of our country when he is so lax in managing his own affairs, especially when their consequences affect our pockets?
Many political supporters and members of the ruling Jamaica Labour Party attempted to mitigate the public relations damage done by suggesting that one can get “caught out” by local telephone companies’ exorbitant roaming fees. One government senator described Shaw as the “victim” of the telecom's company's “reckless business practices”.
Even former Prime Minister Bruce Golding noted in a letter to the editor:
I am in no position to defend Minister Shaw's ‘outrageous’ phone bill since I don't have all the facts, but it would be useful to get a breakdown of the charges.
I had a bad experience last November when, after attending a two-day conference in Beijing, my next monthly bill was over $360,000.
It is important to find out how much of Minister Shaw's bills are attributable to data roaming charges which may not have been due to manual data activities. The fairness of these charges is a moot issue. Interestingly, just last month, the European Union placed a ban on data roaming charges within the EU.
Broadcast journalist Dionne Jackson Miller commented:
Watching JLP supporters turn themselves into pretzels trying to justify Cabinet Ministers high phone bills. Interesting if not surprising.
— Dionne JacksonMiller (@djmillerJA) July 12, 2017
Another Twitter user was upset at the obviously partisan nature of some of the comments:
Good morning to all??
Including those who vex when others speak up/ opined about the wrong committed by their favourite political party???
— Carlene Sinclair (@iamcarlenes) July 12, 2017
But one young politician from the opposition People's National Party saw the humorous side:
I have one question and one question only … Father Jesus why did u call my friend Audley collect ?
— Damion Crawford Jcan (@DamionCrawford) July 12, 2017
The revelations raised serious questions about accountability and transparency. Many questioned the inner workings of the ministry, asking who had approved and paid the stunningly high monthly bills. In the Jamaican political system, the chief civil servant or permanent secretary (in the case of this ministry, the financial secretary) is responsible for the financial state of each government department.
Dr. Marcia Forbes, herself a former permanent secretary, questioned:
So while I do not absolve Minister Shaw, neither do I absolve the Permanent Sect/Financial Secretary for this phone bill ‘train wreck’
— Dr. Marcia Forbes (@marciaforbes) July 13, 2017
Susan Goffe tweeted while watching a television current affairs programme devoted to the issue:
Who in the Ministry of Finance signed off on a $4 million phone bill payment for one month? asks Claude Robinson. @djmillerJA #TVJAllAngles pic.twitter.com/VFpdfMHKHy
— Susan Goffe (@suezeecue) July 13, 2017
Entrepreneur Latoya West-Blackwood shared:
We cannot afford to waste not even red money in Jamaica right now. Let's fix it quickly and move along making sure it nuh happen again.
— L.A. West-Blackwood (@garveygirl) July 11, 2017
“Red money” is how Jamaicans refer to small change.
Another tweeted:
The issue is the internal checks and balances that should be put in place so that after it happens one month, it's never repeated.
— BigBlackBarry (@BigBlackBarry) July 11, 2017
Now the minister is facing even more pressure after reports that he negotiated a discount with the telephone company. One journalist tweeted:
This is a very serious issue especially given that Shaw's many duties include setting tax policies to which service provider is subject
— Jovan Johnson (@jovanthony) July 13, 2017
An aggrieved tweeter (one of many) observed:
I wonder if my telecoms provider can give me a discount like #Audley on this month's phone bill. #underprivelegedJamaican
— Antonia. A. Thompson (@t0n1thompson) July 14, 2017
The scandal comes just three years after Arnaldo Brown, a former junior minister in the previous People's National Party administration, was hauled over the coals for a phone bill of J$1 million (a little under US$8,000).
And on the other side of the Caribbean, Trinidadians also had a sense of “deja vu”. One tweeted:
Not just #TrinidadandTobago! #Jamaica PM Orders Audit of Ministers’ Cellphone Expenses After Hefty Phone Bill https://t.co/c1783dhnle
— Maria Rivas-McMillan (@Panyol) July 12, 2017

author: Emma Lewis


text:
Ethiopian Musicians Charged With Terrorism for ‘Inciting’ Song Lyrics · Global Voices
Endalkachew Chala

Screenshot from one of Seena's viral Afan Oromo ‘resistance songs’ from the group's YouTube channel.
Seven producers and performers of a popular YouTube music video were charged in Ethiopia in late June with terrorism for producing ‘inciting’ audio-visual materials and ‘uploading them on YouTube’.
The group members were arrested in December 2016 and were held in detention without charges until last month.
Among those facing charges is Seenaa Solomon, a young female singer who critics say is a rising music talent to watch. The other detainees include the well-known songwriter, singer and music entrepreneur Elias Kiflu, two vocalists Gemechis Abera and Oliyad Bekele, and three dancers, Ifa Gemechu, Tamiru Keneni and Moebol Misganu.
This marked the second arrest for dancer Moebol Misganu, who in 2014 was arrested in connection with the students protest in Ethiopia’s largest region, Oromia. He was released in 2016.
Since December 2016, Seenaa and her colleagues have been held in Maekelawi— a prison notorious for its torture practices, recounted by past prisoners. Shortly after their arrest, online activist and diaspora satellite television director Jawar Mohamed wrote:
The regime has intensified its war on Oromo artists. Almost all singers are either in jail, forced to flee or had gone underground. Studios have been closed and their properties confiscated. Seena Solomon and Elias Kiflu, the duo known for their powerfully dramatized resistance songs are the latest victims.
The contentious political environment in which these arrests have occurred has grown out of the Ethiopian government's plan to expand Addis Ababa, the country's capital. In 2014, the ruling EPRDF party announced plans to expand the capital into adjacent farm lands of Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region that is primarily home to the country's largest ethnic group, the Oromo.
When the plan led to wide-scale protests and a violent government crackdown, Afan Oromo (the region's language) musicians began to rise as a visible — and audible — source of inspiration for the opposition movement. Seenaa Solomon's group produced music videos in Afan Oromo during student protests that rocked the country from 2014-2016, creating something akin to a soundtrack for the movement.
In their coverage of the group members’ arrests, state-run Fana Broadcasting Corporation reported that Seenaa and her colleagues were producing music videos, poems and interviews with government critics in collaboration with a diaspora political organization based in Australia.
According to their charge sheet, their audiovisual materials were “inciting” and “complimentary” of the student protesters and others who demonstrated between 2014 and 2016.
They are not the first musicians to face such repression. In January 2016, Hawi Tezera, another Oromo singer who comforted and inspired protesters through her songs, was imprisoned. In February 2017, Teferi Mekonen, an Oromo singer who asserted Oromo cultural identity and challenge the legitimacy of Ethiopia’s ruling party in his songs, was arrested. Hawi was later released, but Teferi's fate remains unknown.
As the visibility of political singers has risen, Ethiopian authorities have intensified their crack down on musicians whom they perceive sympathize with opposition. But this has not necessarily made the musicians less visible or less popular. Resistance music continues to flourish on YouTube. Despite the fact that its performers are in jail, the YouTube channel for Seenaa Solomon's group maintains an impressive tally of more than 3,525,996 views.

author: Endalkachew Chala


text:
For Syrian Refugees Living in Jordan, Journalism Offers Hope and Opportunity to Rebuild Their Homeland · Global Voices
Aman Madan

Jbeily enjoys her evening as she discusses her journey from Syria to Jordan. Photo taken by the author.
Her face glistens in the sharp white light attached to the house’s chipping white wall. The heat of early July makes the particles of sweat clearly distinguishable on her forehead. Despite a barrage of insects which painlessly both occupy and besiege her personal space, she seems relaxed, poised, but more than anything else, sure of herself. She’s had five years to develop a resiliency toward occupation and besiegement, so insects don’t affect her the way they used to.
Zein Jbeily is a Syrian refugee from Aleppo who fled her home country of Syria in 2012. For the last five years, Jbeily has been a citizen activist, choosing to fight for the rights of her people through nonviolent action and a commitment to the pen.
“The weapon, too, historically has not proved to be the best solution. Nonviolence is the greatest weapon in the reach of humanity, it is stronger than the most powerful weapon of destruction,” she tells Global Voices. In Syria, Jebily contends, “the bullets are fired not on an enemy but on your neighbor and perhaps your brother.”
Jbeily has taken her passion for nonviolent action and has launched her own war, using writing and investigative reporting as opposed to missiles and bullets to improve the livelihoods of Syrians residing in Jordan.
However, Jbeily has not always been a writer. “In Syria, I did not work,” she says as she talks about her life as a stay at home mother. During the revolution, however, her visceral disdain for the Assad regime—a disdain many Syrians in Jordan share—made journalism and documenting atrocities committed by regime forces an almost natural reaction.
“In Syria, I was filming demonstrations and sending them to television stations,” Jbeily claims. Jbeily also adds that during the revolution she provided medicine to those in besieged parts of Aleppo.
She recalls her journey from Aleppo to Damascus and then eventually over Syria’s southern border with Jordan, “There was a lot of stress when I arrived. I was in shock,” she says. From 2012 to 2016, Jbeily bounced from job to job, each one involving writing about refugees or the Syrian revolution, which by this point, involved Russia, Iran, the United States, and several Gulf states.
In 2016, Jbeily found refuge at Amman’s Radio al Balad (Radio of the Country), specifically in their flagship program Syrians Between Us. In 2012, the Amman based radio station, in partnership with the Public Affairs department of the US embassy in Jordan, launched Syrians Between Us, the first project of its kind, which trained Syrian refugees as citizen journalists who would focus on refugees in Jordan.
The best part, according to many in the program, was that for each story, they were paid approximately 100 dollars—a modest sum for many but a generous payment for those who found themselves both nationless and homeless in a span of months. Jbeily was not the first to participate, but she was one of the last. In 2016, the program lost its funding and was suspended indefinitely .
According to Etaf Roudan, a journalist at Community Media Network, Syrians Between Us had trained nearly 60 ordinary Syrians as citizen journalists in the time that the program was still active.
Since its inception, Syrians Between Us has shined a critical light on issues affecting refugees in Jordan: deep-rooted corruption in refugee camps, the lack of educational access that refugees endure, and the often systemic exploitation that Syrian families fall victim to.
“People are the experts on their own lives. We thought why not give a chance to Syrians to talk about their own,” Daoud Kuttab, contributor at Al-Monitor and one of the founders of the program told Global Voices. “We noticed a sharp increase in hate speech against Syrian refugees, especially on some of the radio stations. For us, it was Syrians by Syrians about Syrians,” he went on to say.
Ali smiles at the camera in Amman's Zaharan neighborhood. Photo taken by the author.
Sa’id al-Haj Ali has also worked with Syrians Between Us, but unlike his counterpart, he hailed from Syria’s southernmost city of Daraa and began writing for Syrians Between Us in 2014.
Like many Syrians, Ali moved to Irbid—a small city approximately 90 miles north of Amman. According to UNHCR, nearly 150,000 registered Syrian refugees reside in Irbid city making it one of the largest host cities in Jordan.
Ali, however, was no journalist. A student of Arabic literature at Damascus University, the prospect of a successful revolution mobilized Ali’s revolutionary side. “I used to photograph and publicize opposition [to Assad],” he said to Global Voices. Eventually, Ali found himself in and out of prison cells, and by extension, on the run.
“I came to Jordan because I was scared of arrest and in search for safety. And because the continuing threats from the Assad regime to me and my family, Jordan was the only option for me.”
Ali viewed his work for Syrians Between Us as an essential voice for those who no longer possessed one. “There was no media in Jordan to talk about the problems, issues, and stories of the Syrians—problems in their daily lives about food, aid, treatment, and education,” he said.
Syrians Between Us is over for now, but the lives of approximately 60 Syrians as journalists are not. Today, both Ali and Jbeily work full time as journalists, and that does not seem to be changing anytime soon.
Certainly Ali and Jbeily dream of returning to Syria—Ali in fact wants to start a radio program in his country, but returning looks increasingly unlikely. In the last year, the Assad regime along with its Iranian and Russian allies have reasserted control over the vast majority of the country, leading many to believe that Assad is here to stay.
According to Kuttab, an “indirect goal of us was that once Syria becomes free and democratic that they [Syria] will need a cadre of professionally trained journalists and they can come work in their own country.”
While today that may seem unachievable, both Ali and Jbeily will keep writing, but also dreaming—dreaming of a Syria that once was and that one day, in large part due to their work, can be.
This coverage has been made possible by the Pulitzer Center for Crisis Reporting, for which Aman is a student fellow.

author: Aman Madan


text:
Papua New Guinea Court Issues Gag Order Against Blogger Critical of Electoral Commissioner · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

A voting center in Papua New Guinea. Flickr photo by the Commonwealth Secretariat (CC BY-NC 2.0)
A Papua New Guinea court has issued a gag order against Martyn Namorong, a prominent political blogger and activist accused of defaming Patilias Gamato, the country’s Electoral Commissioner.
Gamato recently sued Namorong after Namorong compared him to a ‘fruit’ (tomato) on social media. When Namorong learned about the court order, he posted this image on Twitter:
Dear all
Since I have been restrained by the courts I will be tweeting this image daily until such time I am allowed to tweet freely #DAY1 pic.twitter.com/aVh8rCI5hZ
— MARTYN NAMORONG (@MartynNamorong) July 12, 2017
He added that he also needs a lawyer:
Just heard I am being taken to court.
Need a pro bono lawyer. #PNG #FreedomOfSpeech #Freedom pic.twitter.com/uIuxhfgBuV
— MARTYN NAMORONG (@MartynNamorong) July 12, 2017
Before the gag order came down, Namorong had written critically about Gamato's role in overseeing the last general election held June 24-July 8, 2017.
But Namorong is not the only one critical of Gamato. News reports mentioned complaints of alleged irregularities in the recent election such as discrepancies in voter rolls, inadequate support for polling staff, and inefficient counting of results.
Even members of the Papua New Guinea Election Advisory Committee tendered their resignation due to the failure of the Election Commission to adequately address the mounting discrepancies.
Former Prime Minister Sir Mekere Morauta believes the resignation of the Election Advisory Committee has ‘sent a loud and clear signal that the conduct of the election had been high jacked’ and called for the resignation of Gamato:
All honest and concerned Papua New Guineans value their decision, but lament the causes of it. It is a very sad day for Papua New Guinea, and sends shivers of fright about the future of democracy in our country. The utter chaos of this election is deliberately organized. It is rigged.
Morauta also defended Namorong and accused Gamato of being thin-skinned. He advised the election officer to concentrate on more important issues like fixing the problems of the electoral system.
But Gamato insisted that despite “few incidents,” the election process has been “progressing well.”
So far the election is progressing well despite a few incidents reported in some parts of the country. I am confident to deliver this election successfully.
The counting is expected to be finalized on July 23 or 24. Namorong's next court hearing is scheduled on July 25.
It’s not clear why Gamato chose to single out Namorong in filing the defamation case. Whatever his intentions, the case put a greater spotlight on the numerous weaknesses of the general elections system.
Namorong has vowed to continue posting a gagged image of himself on social media while the gag order remains in effect.

author: Mong Palatino


text:
The Unusual, Sometimes Mysterious Bookmarks Found in Used Books in Japan · Global Voices
Airi Sugihara

A used bookstore in Fukui, Japan. Photo by Nevin Thompson.
Have you ever bought a book at a secondhand bookstore and found something unexpected left inside that the previous owner used as bookmark?
If you have, you are not alone. Unusual bookmarks left in used books seems to be a global phenomenon, and a blog post written by someone with the Naver Matomer username of “Outstanding Individual Talent In 28 Seconds” (28秒に一人の逸材さん) catalogs what some of these bookmarks look like in Japan.
Many of the bookmarks, before being shared on Twitter as photographs, were found in titles purchased at Book Off, a nationwide chain of used bookstores in Japan.
ブックオフでようやく巡り会えた乙一の｢夏と花火と私の死体｣、帰りの電車で読み終わった。この頃から淡々と恐ろしい事書いてるしオチも相変わらずうわぁ…ってなるキツさだったんだけど、一番怖かったのは最後のページに挟まってた落書きだった。 pic.twitter.com/zhSra89C0l
— 水玉星人伊藤 (@meijimilchi) July 5, 2014
I finished reading Otsuichi's book “Summer, Fireworks, and My Dead Body”, a book I finally found in Book Off, on the train ride home. The author described some very graphic things indifferently, and the ending made me gape out of goriness, but the scariest thing was the doodle that was between the last pages.
Other bookmarks showcased in the Naver Matome blog post are cryptic and sometimes unsettling.
中古本に謎の記号が書かれた紙が挟まってた…。まじめに怖い。 pic.twitter.com/xbx9bcUGxD
— はるひと (@haru_hito) June 23, 2014
There was a paper in my second-hand book with a mysterious code on it… I'm seriously scared.
古本買ったら挟まってた 狂気を感じる pic.twitter.com/mxF9YjqV6r
— niՏhi Ꮶ (@cyberp072) October 3, 2014
(The doodle features cryptic, nonsensical Japanese)
Tweet: I bought a book and can feel the madness contained within.
Some are more whimsical:
古本にブロマイド挟まってた… pic.twitter.com/ac7agWdKzp
— нацко надя ёда (@natsukoyoda) January 26, 2015
There was a small portrait picture in my second-hand book…
While others are very creative:
古本に挟まってた手作り(スーパーのチラシを切り抜いた)しおりがかっこいい。 pic.twitter.com/AiAcOotz7q
— 小銭 (@_kozeni) March 4, 2015
This handmade (a cutout of a supermarket ad) bookmark in my second-hand book is so cool.
There are bookmarks that seem to somehow match the book they were found in:
やべぇ、BOOKOFFで買った
ドグラ・マグラに挟まってたが
こんなサンリオの栞に
丁寧に難読漢字をルビ振って書きつつ、ドグラ・マグラ読む女の子が居ることに
自分、興奮を隠せません！！
古本って良いね！！ pic.twitter.com/83OyDSqahU
— fudao (@kou294) May 9, 2014
Holy crap, this copy of Dogra Magra I bought at Book Off has something in it. There's a Hello Kitty (Sanrio) bookmark. And on the bookmark are hard-to-read characters with little pronunciation guides written next to them. As someone who reads the (surrealist detective novels) of Yumeno Kyusaku, I cannot hide my excitement! Used books are awesome!
Sometimes there are unexpected rewards to be found at Book Off:
ブックオフで買ってきた108円均一本に4千円挟まってた。 しかし、なぜに新札と旧札？ まぁ 得した。 pic.twitter.com/azOefbWK1S
— DSW (@Delusion_SW) January 25, 2015
So I bought a book at Book Off for 108 yen (about US$1) and there was 4,000 yen (about US$40) inside it. But why was it both the old and the new 1,000-yen bills? Whatever, I came out ahead.
Or even hints at the life of the previous owner of the book.
ブックオフで買った漫画に挟まってた
1995年3月19日に撮られた写真。 pic.twitter.com/XwgOjhw3k6
— まーさ(24)→カノンChildren (@tchitchiman) November 10, 2013
This was in some manga I bought at Book Off. The photos were taken on March 19, 1995.
More odd bookmarks can be found in the Naver Matome blog post.

author: Airi Sugihara


text:
Inspired by Ukraine, Venezuelan Protesters Create Shields With Their Own Symbols · Global Voices
Laura Vidal

Screenshot from the YouTube video by an user from the “Dólar Today” opposition media.
A recurring scene of the unrest happening in Venezuela is protesters protecting themselves with homemade shields painted with varying symbols and messages.
Even in the US city of Miami, someone placed one of these shields on the statue of Simón Bolívar, the national hero of Venezuela, as an artistic statement of protest.
The inspiration for the shields came from the 2014 Euromaidan movement in Ukraine, as told in the “Winter of Fire” documentary by the Russian director Evgeny Afineevsky. According to the Argentine journalist Viridiana Ramírez, the documentary has recently been screened in different public spaces in Caracas.
Online news channel Vivo Play reported on these shields and interviewed semiotics professor Humberto Valdivieso to understand their messages. Valdivieso described two types of shields: a “face” shield that shows the ideals that protesters stand for and a “mirror” shield that presents images of protesters’ opponents. The shields also carry religious symbols, which means that they're supposed to protect those using them not only with the material they're made of but also through divine protection. There are symbols specific to Venezuelan culture as well as symbols that are more transcendental:
…En las manifestaciones ocurridas en Venezuela desde el 1º de abril se han hecho presentes lo que [Valdivieso] califica como “escudos rostro” y “escudos espejo”. Los escudos rostro son aquellos ideales por los cuales los manifestantes luchan y es la representación del individuo que lo sujeta y del grupo al que defiende como una especie de máscara. Estos son los escudos que tienen mensajes lingüísticos como “democracia” “resistencia” y “libertad” “justicia” y “paz”. También lo son los que tienen las imágenes de la Constitución, la cruz de los templarios, a Simón Bolívar, imágenes religiosas, la bandera de Venezuela tradicional [con siete estrellas y no ocho como fuera dispuesto por el ex-presidente Hugo Chávez] y el negro como señal de luto.
… The shields that [Valdivieso] describes as “face shields” and “mirror shields” have been used in the demonstrations that have taken place in Venezuela since April 1. The shield represents both the individual holding it and the group that it’s defending. These are the shields with linguistic messages like “democracy”, “resistance” and “freedom”, “justice” and “peace”. So are those shields that have images of the Constitution, the Templars’ Cross, Simón Bolívar, religious images, the traditional Venezuelan flag [with seven stars and not eight, as mandated by former President Hugo Chávez] and black as a sign of mourning.
And he continued:
The “mirror shields” are those that intend to reflect back the image of the opponent in order to neutralize it. These are the shields with the images of President Nicolas Maduro, Deputy Diosdado Cabello, Minister Vladimir Padrino López, among other representatives of the government [and] that are usually presented as satire and accompanied by offensive messages.
The images of these shields have also been widely shared on social media. On Instagram, graphic journalists and professional photographers such as Issac Paniza, Rafael Hernández Marcano and Jairo Gudino have shared high-impact images that allow for a close-up view of the shields’ symbols.
As mentioned before, some shields display images of religious protection which are present in the Venezuelan Catholic traditions, such as invocations of the Virgin Mary and the image of Jesus Christ, as seen in the center of the following photo. To the left in the image in the tweet below, the Divine Shepherd is represented, and to the right is the Virgin of Coromoto, patroness of Venezuela:
#Foto mezclan religión y resistencia en #Venezuela con escudos pintados con imágenes de virgenes y Jesús. pic.twitter.com/egoirrtYO9
— Carabobo es Noticia (@CboEsNoticia) June 1, 2017
Photo mixing religion and resistance in #Venezuela on the shields painted with images of the Virgins and Jesus.
Other invocations of the Virgin Mary seen in this tweet show other Virgins, patrons of other Venezuelan states:
Los escudos donados a la resistencia hoy.#Venezuela #15May #escudos pic.twitter.com/XuStEQbx9y
— gentenegra (@gentenegra1) May 15, 2017
The shields donated to the resistance today. #Venezuela #15May #shields
Other photos show the “mirror shields” with images of the main representatives of the national government:
¡BUENÍSIMOS! Los nuevos escudos de la Resistencia con los que tendrán pesadillas los GNB – Resistencia Venezuela – https://t.co/fPdbrk65tf
— BethCruz (@betbleu) May 29, 2017
VERY GOOD! The new shields of the Resistance which will give nightmares to the GNB [Guardia Nacional Bolivariana, the Bolivarian National Guard of Venezuela] – Resistance Venezuela
Detrás de los escudos de la resistencia: Así se defienden los jóvenes protestantes en Venezuela (VIDEO) https://t.co/Sb8gRFQwOP pic.twitter.com/Qx6UUW6mFB
— SuNoticiero (@SuNoticiero) May 14, 2017
Behind the shields of resistance: This is how young protesters defend themselves in Venezuela (VIDEO)
Estos son los escudos con los que se protege “La Resistencia” de la salvaje represión de la policía de Maduro #Venezuela#6JULpic.twitter.com/fXUFC8MGHh
— PanAm Post Español (@PanAmPost_es) July 6, 2017
These are the shields which protect “The Resistance” from the brutal repression by the police of Maduro
Beyond the symbolism of the images on the front of the shields, a video shared by YouTube user Andrés Gerlotti shows how the protest is seen from behind the shields:

author: Laura Vidal


text:
Netizen Report: Colombian Court Demands Password to Journalist’s Facebook Account · Global Voices
Advox

Photo by Flickr user zeevveez. CC BY 2.0
Colombian investigative journalist William Solano is being prosecuted for slander after writing multiple articles for independent news site DCERCA on administrative corruption in his home municipality of Buga. Solano has also received personal threats in response to his work.
In the journalist’s ongoing trial, the local district attorney has sought access to Solano’s communications in order to identify key sources in his reporting, who until now have remained anonymous.
In late June, a judge Buga authorized the district attorney to search Solano’s Facebook account. The prosecutor is now demanding the journalist’s account password.
The Foundation for Press Freedom in Colombia says the order violates constitutional protections for the anonymity of journalists’ sources and has filed an action seeking to protect Solano from the search.
Civil liberties advocates at Bogotá’s Fundación Karisma also have spoken out firmly against the search authorization, calling it a violation of rights to press freedom and privacy, and noting that entering the journalist’s Facebook account will give authorities access to far more information than is needed for the case itself:
…en el caso de William Solano se autorizó a la fiscal a acceder no solo a la información relacionada con el caso….sino que además se autorizó conocer todo tipo de información relacionada con otros artículos escritos por el periodista (que también están protegidos por la reserva de la fuente) y a información personal y familiar (que nada tienen que ver con el caso y que debe quedar por fuera de las manos del Estado).
…in the case of William Solano, the district attorney was authorized to access not only information related to the case itself….but also to access any type of information related to other articles written by the journalist (these could also affect protected sources) along with personal and family information (which has nothing to do with the case and should stay out of the hands of the state.)
They also pointed to the fact that Facebook’s structure offers no tools for distinguishing between messages and posts that are — and are not — relevant to the case, without reading their contents and thus potentially breaching Solano’s privacy.
A state government in the Kashmir area has suspended mobile internet services and broadband internet speeds in anticipation of unrest during the lead up to the first anniversary of the July 8, 2016 death of Burhan Wani, a popular young commander of a militant group in the region.
Eight of Turkey's most respected human rights defenders were arrested last week, along with two information technology trainers from Sweden and Germany. All 10 of those arrested are still in police custody but have not been charged with any crime. The group had gathered for digital security and information management workshop in Istanbul on July 5 when police raided the workshop, detained the participants, and confiscated electronic equipment including computers and mobile phones. Authorities announced on July 11 that all 10 people will remain in detention for at least seven more days.
Bahraini human rights leader Nabeel Rajab was sentenced to two years in prison in absentia for speaking to journalists. Rajab, the president of the Bahrain Center for Human Rights, was unable to attend court because he has been hospitalized since April. He has spent most of the last year in solitary confinement while awaiting sentencing on allegations of tweeting against torture in Bahraini prisons, and is facing up to 15 years in prison. Rajab’s lawyers said of the news:
Being in hospital is a valid excuse under Bahraini law and his trial should be postponed till he can attend the court sessions, however; the judge decides to proceed with the trial and decided to issue the judgement on 10 July 2017 without hearing Nabeel’s defense, in total violation of [Bahraini law].
New research indicates that surveillance spyware made by the Israeli company NSO group was used to monitor a team of international experts appointed to investigate the forced disappearance of 43 students who vanished almost three years ago after clashing with the police. The research comes from the University of Toronto’s Citizen Lab, as part of a series of reports by multiple NGOs on the misuse of surveillance technology purchased by the Mexican government.
The news adds an international dimension to the surveillance campaign: the team received diplomatic immunity, making it unlikely that a federal judge would have even been allowed to sign off on a warrant granting legal authority for the spying, even if they were asked to do so. As the government continues to deny responsibility for the espionage, opposition lawmakers and international officials are beginning to call for an independent inquiry into the scandal.
An anonymous group called “Je Suis Maidan” is using the controversial identification software FindFace to name and shame people who attended a rally last month in support of Russian opposition politician and blogger Alexey Navalny. The software enables users to match photographs to profile pages on the Russian competitor to Facebook, Vkontakte. FindFace was developed by a Russian advertiser named Maxim Perlin, and has been used to identify women in hidden-camera, non-consensual pornography videos and to coordinate a cyberbullying campaigns against adult film actresses. It requires people to pay to opt out of its network.
In response to online videos showing demonstrations by far-right groups targeting ethnic Korean residents, the mayor of the Japanese city of Osaka wants to loosen the Japan’s internet privacy laws to help the local government identify the videos’ makers.
Distributing “fake news” in the Philippines could land you in jail for up to five years, if a new bill filed by a senator passes. The bill criminalizes the “malicious distribution of fake news”, defined as “those which either intend to cause panic, division, chaos, violence, and hate, or those which exhibit a propaganda to blacken or discredit one’s reputation”. The bill has been criticized by media experts for its overly broad definitions, and could be used for censorship.
Ellery Roberts Biddle, Inji Pennu, Zara Rahman, Elizabeth Rivera, Nevin Thompson, Laura Vidal and Sarah Myers West contributed to this report.

author: Advox


text:
15 Movies That Speak to the Complex Relationship Between Taiwan and Japan · Global Voices
I-fan Lin

A screenshot from the 2014 film “Riding the Breeze.”
At various points in history, Taiwan has been a colony of Holland (1624-1662), Spain (1626-1642), the Qing dynasty of China (1683-1895) and Japan (1895-1945).
Like all colonizers, Japan squeezed resources from Taiwan. However, Japanese colonialism also sped up modernization of the island, with infrastructure development and the implementation of education and government administration systems.
Thus, when the Kuomintang (KMT) government of the Republic of China fled to Taiwan in 1949 after they lost to communist forces in the Chinese Civil War and brutally established power there with martial law (1949-1987), a sense of nostalgia about the Japanese colonial rule took root, even though the military government under KMT told Taiwanese that they should hate Japan because of their colonization of Taiwan and their invasion of China.
During the Korean War in the early 1950s, the two countries collaborated to provide supplies for the US army. This collaboration continued until Japan established formal diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China and severed official ties with Republic of China on Taiwan in 1972 (due to the One-China Policy).
Since the end of martial law in Taiwan in 1987 and Japan's Emperor Showa passed away in 1989, there have been more and more cultural and civic exchanges between Taiwan and Japan over their pre-war and war-time memories, and the complicated relationship has become the subject of various treatments, fiction and non-fiction alike. The following films, by Taiwanese and Japanese directors, listed in chronological order not only address the delicate, complex and often times repressed sentiments about the Japanese colonial rule in Taiwan, they also redefine the ties between Taiwanese and Japanese past and present.
Both movies were directed by Taiwanese director Toon Wang.
‘Strawman’ is a satire about some poor Taiwanese farmers in the last days of Japanese rule finding an unexploded bomb dropped by US military aircraft.
‘Hill of No Return’ is a tragic love story, set in 1920s when Taiwan was still Japan’s colony. It centers on poor Taiwanese miners who died in a gold mine in northern Taiwan.
This documentary, directed by Taiwanese director Liang-Ying Guo, chronicles the story of Taiwanese child laborers, called ‘shonenko’ in Japanese, who helped the construction of fighter planes in Japan’s naval arsenals in Koza, Kanagawa.
It inspired many discussions, and even led some young Taiwanese to discover that their grandfathers had been shonenko when they talked about the film with them.
Inspired by Ming-Liang Tsai's movies, Atsuko Sakai, who is also a Japanese journalist, visited Taiwan in 1998. She was surprised to find Japanese-speaking senior Taiwanese and started to study the history of Japan's colonization of Taiwan. The first two of the trilogy record the life stories of the generation who lived under colonial Japanese rule.
This blockbuster movie by Taiwanese director Te-Sheng Wei is about a Japanese teacher who fell in love with a Taiwanese woman, but was forced to return to Japan from Taiwan after WWII. He wrote her seven love letters, but they were not sent. After he passed away 60 years later, his daughter found the letters and decided to send them to Taiwan to the woman's old address, Cape No. 7.
This movie ignited furious debate in Taiwan because some people claimed that it showed too much attachment towards Japan. It was eventually censored in mainland China, while a famous Japanese writer, Shuichi Yoshida, was inspired by the film and wrote the novel ‘Ru’, about the construction of the high-speed rail system in Taiwan assisted by a Japanese company. The book was published in 2012.
Unlike director Wei's first movie, the two movies in this series are about the Musha Rebellion — in 1930, the Seediq indigenous group in the Musha area attacked the ruling Japanese in response to the oppression by Japanese authorities. Although the Japanese army regained control over these areas after fierce fighting, including dropping mustard gas bombs, the incident forced them to change their policies toward Taiwanese aboriginal people.
This movie, by Taiwanese director Umin Boya, is based on the true story of a Taiwanese high school baseball team, which won second place in the Japanese High School Baseball Championship during Japan’s colonization of Taiwan. The team was unique for the time because they had Han Taiwanese, aboriginal Taiwanese, and Japanese students, and provided relief for the underlying ethnic conflicts in a sensitive political period.
This film, by Japanese director Koji Hagiuda, is a road-trip movie about a middle-aged Japanese woman and a young Taiwanese girl who cycle together in Taiwan.
‘Riding the Breeze’ reflects the tourism between these countries, which has developed quickly in recent years: In 2016, about 1.9 million Japanese tourists went to Taiwan, and about 4.3 million Taiwanese tourists went to Japan.
Based on a true story, the movie by Japanese director Akihisa Yachida is about a Taiwanese woman and a Japanese man who meet online and eventually get married. It reflects a growing trend of interactions between these two countries happening on an individual level.
“Wansei” refers to Japanese who were born in Taiwan under Japanese colonial rule. The documentary film, by Taiwanese director Liang-Yin Kuo and Japanese director Shuhei Fujita, is about a famous Wansei painter Tetsumi Tateishi.
Taiwanese director Yin-Yu Huang's documentary, on the other hand, tells the stories of Taiwanese who were encouraged to move to Okinawa during Japan’s colonization but could not return to Taiwan after WWII. They had became stateless for decades.
This film by Taiwanese director Ya-Li Huang is about a poetry society that emerged in the 1930s who used poetic expressions to subvert colonial cultural domination and transform literature in Taiwan.

author: I-fan Lin


text:
Jamaican Dancehall Star’s Instagram ‘Diss’ of Cultural Icon Sparks War of Words · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

Screenshot of Ishawna and Miss Lou, taken from a DriveBy TV YouTube video discussing the controversy.
Out with the old, in with the new? A popular singer's alleged “diss” of a beloved cultural icon shows that, in Jamaica at least, things are rarely so simple.
Like many Jamaican dancehall entertainers, Ishawna Smith is no shrinking violet. She wears fashionable, often revealing outfits, and is well known for her raunchy lyrics. One newspaper article aptly described her philosophy as “devil may care”.
Ishawna recently gained some notoriety — and humorous applause, especially among women — for her song “Equal Rights”. The song celebrated the once taboo subject of oral sex, and offered an insight into Ishawna's taste for challenging convention.
However, her most recent publicity stunt appears to have backfired big time, drawing a negative reaction from Jamaicans across the generational divide.
Posting a photo of herself on Instagram, Ishawna wrote: “Mi nuh dress inna tablecloth like Miss Lou #RipMissLou”, (I don't dress in a tablecloth like Miss Lou):
Mi nuh dress inna tablecloth like Miss Lou #RipMissLou
A post shared by ISHAWNA (@mslegendary) on
“Miss Lou” is the popular name for Louise Bennett-Coverley (1919 – 2006), a poet, folklorist, writer, and educator. Her witty poetry and sharp social commentary was couched in humour and expressed in Jamaican patwa.
She was the first Jamaican to truly encompass the feelings of Jamaicans in their own language, and has influenced many writers and poets. In short, she holds a special place in Jamaicans’ hearts.
Ishawna's “tablecloth” jibe refers to the Jamaican “bandana” or madras cloth, which was introduced by the British from India during the 18th century.
It was often worn by Jamaican working women from around the 1940s onwards, and was gradually adopted as national dress by the time the country became independent in 1962.
It is closely associated with Jamaica Festival, which takes place during the time of the Independence national holiday. In 2015 it was officially reintroduced to the annual celebrations in a different way — as a fashion statement — making it more relevant to younger Jamaicans.
With Independence Day (August 6) just a few weeks away, was Ishawna attempting to raise serious questions about national dress, or just generate controversy?
Ishawna clearly likes to stir the pot.
— Abigail Rowe (@abeenthere) July 14, 2017
this is definately Ishawna year…2 controversies in 6 mths. superstar status on the horizon??
— Maddy (@3rdirebel) July 14, 2017
Sigh Ishawna, we don't insult other women's choice of dress though they differ from ours: Feminism 101 https://t.co/8ZIJSo3gD4
— last pie standing (@mashereeamor) July 14, 2017
I feel like this discussion sparked by Ishawna's comment will morph into what aspects of culture/history we should/shouldn't celebrate.
— Shadow (@Queen_and_Stars) July 14, 2017
One of the sharpest responses to Ishawna's comment came from influential media icon Fae Ellington, who tweeted:
I have several #Bandana outfits that I wear at ANYTIME of the year to any event or church. Wore one 2 wks ago to collect an award. #MissLou pic.twitter.com/JcnJnwM3kE
— Fae A. Ellington (@FaeEllington) July 13, 2017
She then tweeted yet more of her bandana outfits:
Mad unu wid mi nuff-nuff #Bandana outfits. Four of nuff more.#Dignity#Distinction#Jamaican #MissLou pic.twitter.com/fyWrmfFaDh
— Fae A. Ellington (@FaeEllington) July 14, 2017
I'm crazy, you know, with my many #Bandana outfits. Here are four [out of] many more.
Much of the criticism of Ishawna took the form of a protest in defence of Miss Lou's status as untouchable cultural heritage:
Wah this mi a hear bout sey Ishawna diss the Rt. Hon. Dr. Louise Simone Bennett-Coverley, OM, OJ, MBE aka Miss Lou? ?
— Kgn 6 Area Leader (@marlonmusique) July 13, 2017
One radio talk show host even suggested Ishawna issue a public apology.
He pointed out:
I really don’t believe you fully understand the iconic significance, importance and history of Ms Lou…cause if you did you wouldn’t make that post with her name. Additionally, and importantly, the attire you referred to as ‘table cloth’ is the official national costume of Jamaica, deliberately designed to not only represent folk Jamaica, but also encompasses our story from colonial oppression to liberation. And that’s why Ms Lou always wore that costume in her performances.
But was Ishawna disrespecting Miss Lou herself, or simply criticising the bandana's colonial associations? And did Ishawna understand that Miss Lou actually wore this cloth in an ironic nod to ongoing colonial mentality in Jamaica?
Writer Kei Miller, made the valid point that the irreverent Miss Lou herself might not have given a hoot about Ishawna's comments:
Miss Lou said: we must know how to laugh at ourselves. God knows, if Miss Lou did read Ishawna's comment, she would have laughed!!!
— Kei Miller (@keimiller) July 14, 2017
There were, however, suggestions that Ishawna herself might be more strongly influenced by foreign culture than by her own; although Kingston-born, the star spent her formative years living in New York:
If u dont see anything wrong with Ishawna's statement, that means you've spent too many hours infront of a tv learning about another culture pic.twitter.com/kyAZ4atreg
— RealRenk (@RealRenk) July 14, 2017
But another outspoken singer, Tanya Stephens, leapt to the beleaguered star's defence. Posting on her own Instagram page, she suggested Ishawna's critics had a less-than-perfect knowledge of their own culture:
Jamaicans really need to stop mandating their self imposed limitations.
A post shared by Tanya Stephens (@tanyastephensofficial) on
Culture wars in Jamaica? Don't get caught in the crossfire.


text:
Pop Band’s Music Video Parodies Junta Rule in Thailand · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Screenshot of music video uploaded on YouTube.
A famous pop band in Thailand has released a music video parodying the junta that grabbed power in 2014 and continues to govern the country despite its pledge to restore civilian rule.
The Tattoo Colour band’s new song ‘Dictator Girl’ (Phadet Girl) is about a young man narrating the rules set for him by his girl.
While not explicitly about politics, the music video made indirect reference to the continuing military rule.
The band was praised by fans and other Internet users for its bravery in depicting the country’s situation.
The song’s video immediately went viral. As of this writing, the video uploaded on Facebook has already garnered 1,254 shares and 8,800 likes.
So far, the video is still available on YouTube which is unusual considering that authorities are typically quick in blocking Internet content that ridicules the government.
Last month, even a Charlie Chaplin video clip, ‘The Dictator’ was blocked in Thailand after an activist group encouraged the public to watch it.
The video can be interpreted as a creative and fun introduction to Thai politics, especially the country’s situation under Junta rule. Consider these images in the video that alluded to some of the political issues that have dogged Thailand over the past three years.
Screenshot of music video uploaded on YouTube.
The ‘44 rules by girl’ can be referring to the draconian Section 44 of the Interim Constitution which gave the army chief absolute powers to decide on important national issues.
Screenshot of music video uploaded on YouTube.
The 11th rule: ‘Adjust your Attitude’, is about the infamous ‘attitude-adjustment’ sessions given by the army to journalists, students, scholars, activists, politicians, and others perceived to be critical of the junta.
Screenshot of music video uploaded on YouTube.
The image above reflects the implementation of the Computer Crimes Act whose vague and overbroad provisions are often used by authorities to detain activists and other critics of the state. An army unit was set up to monitor online content and prosecute individuals accused of defaming the monarchy. Thailand enforces a strict Lese Majeste (anti-Royal Insult) law.
Screenshot of music video uploaded on YouTube.
On May 20, 2014, martial law was declared in Thailand. Two days later, the army staged a coup.
Screenshot of music video uploaded on YouTube.
One of the issues hounding the junta is its decision to buy expensive submarines despite security analysts warning the purchase was unnecessary and a waste of taxpayers’ money.
Screenshot of music video uploaded on YouTube.
Even the case of individuals kidnapped and thrown inside a black van before being sent to detention camps was depicted in the video.
Screenshot of music video uploaded on YouTube.
Media continues to face serious restrictions; some journalists have been jailed for allegedly causing “confusion” in society, and Internet users face long prison terms if they insult the monarchy.
Meanwhile, the promotional teaser of the song featured members of the band doing the ‘Hunger Games’ salute which was used by anti-coup activists during protest actions in 2014.


text:
An Indian Woman’s Eco-Friendly Venture Creates Paper Gifts That Grow Into Plants · Global Voices
Rezwan

Miniature Indian paper flags. Image from Flickr by Daniel Incandela. CC BY-NC 2.0
During national day festivities and other occasions, you might see crowds of people waving hundreds or thousands of little flags in celebration. But when the fun is over, those flags are often discarded, littering the ground.
But what if they didn't become trash? What if they contained seeds that with a little care grew into a plant? That's the creative idea of one Indian nature lover with a master's degree in forensic biotechnology — infusing seeds into disposable gifts.
Mansi Shah launched her venture Gift Green a year ago, quitting her day job with a vision to do something good for the environment. She started with creating soil and seeds molded in the form of modaks, or sweet dumplings for the Ganesh festival. Then she created seed-infused rangoli, which are clay art forms used during Diwali festivals.
This prompted her to go forward with new ideas. Shah told the Times of India in an interview that she was inspired by a Japanese custom where seeds are attached at a corner of the daily newspaper and readers are informed about how to plant them. Her father had a printing press and she took his help to implement the idea of placing seeds inside the paper.
Soon her venture was making paper stationery items like cards, bookmarks, wedding invites, diaries, journals and coasters infused with seeds of different plants.
Happy moment! ?? Plantable Indian Flags. Thank you for the appreciation. #giftgreenindia #gifts #republicday ??
A post shared by GiftGreen (@giftgreenindia) on
These items come with instructions on how to plant the gifts. The paper's color corresponds to what plant seeds it contains; for example, red is tomato and green is basil.
Plantable Coasters! YES!  GET READY for our upcoming collection ONLY at #indenvfest Come and meet us for more exciting gifts from 24th to 26th February in Ahmedabad ! See you all there!  #indenvfest  #gogreen #giftgreenindia #giftgreen
A post shared by GiftGreen (@giftgreenindia) on
People are lauding this idea as a good move for the environment. Rajashree Kuttisankaran wrote in a Facebook post:
Just when I thought there couldn't be a perfect gift, Gift Green came along. I hate to gift a bouquet of flowers that'll die soon, or a showpiece that is forgotten in a week. On the other hand, a plant will grow and with good care, be around forever.
Debjyoti Bhattacharyya suggested that others can replicate Shah's idea:
আচ্ছা, বইমেলায় মেলাপ্রাঙ্গণ যারা কাগজের টুকরোয় ছেয়ে দেন, তাঁরা এটা ভাবতে পারেন না?
আচ্ছা আনন্দ, পত্রভারতী, দেবসাহিত্য কুটির, দেজ, মিত্র ও ঘোষ, আপনারা যে প্যাকেটে বই দেন, তা তো দু মিনিট বাদের সবাই ছিঁড়ে ফেলে দেয়! ওর একধারে মানসীর মত কয়েকটা প্রায় অদৃশ্য বীজ আটকে দিলে খুব সমস্যা হবে কি? ভাবুন তো, সে প্যাকেটটা রাস্তার ধারে কোন আস্তাকুঁড়েতে গাছ হয়ে যাচ্ছে।
Those who decorate the book fair with paper festoons, can't they replicate this idea? Publishers like Ananda, Potrvarati, Dev Sahitya Kutir, Dey's, Mitra and Ghosh sell books in thin paper packets which end up in the road or dustbins. If you could infuse a few seeds into those packets will that be so hard? Just think about it, the packets that end up on a street corner or in a dump grow into a plant.
My new friend. ? Thank you @giftgreenindia  #NewFriend #AloeVera #Plant #GiftGreenIndia
A post shared by shivangi joshi (@shivangijoshi) on
Shah's organization is also undertaking some motivational and skill building initiatives like composting and gardening workshops. They want to make available more personalized environment friendly items which will further their mission.

author: Rezwan


text:
Bangladesh’s ICT Act Paved the Way for Hundreds of Lawsuits Over Online Speech · Global Voices
Rezwan

A protestor at Teacher Students Centre (TSC) of Dhaka University, during 2015 social media shutdowns. The poster reads “How many excuses more? Open Viber, Messenger, WhatsApp and Facebook NOW.” Image copyright Zaid Islam. Used with permission.
Over the past four months in Bangladesh, more than twenty journalists have been sued under a controversial law prohibiting digital messages that can “deteriorate” law and order, “prejudice the image of the state or person,” or “hurt religious beliefs.”
Although its authors may have intended for this part of the law to be used sparingly, it is now routinely used to suppress freedom of speech and harass writers, activists, and journalists, often for their comments on social media.
Bangladeshi law enables individuals and private companies to file suit against one another under the law, Section 57 of the 2013 Information and Communication Technology Act. The offenses mentioned above are non-bailable and carry a minimum punishment of seven years (with a maximum of 14 years) and a maximum fine of up to Tk 10 million (USD $123,150).
On June 3, three journalists were sued by a ruling party activist in Habiganj over a report involving local ruling party (Awami League) lawmaker Abdul Majid Khan. On April 29, a private company filed a lawsuit against journalist Ahmed Razu, executive editor of online portal Natunsomay.com, for publishing two reports that allegedly tarnished the image of the company. The law has been used many times against journalists for their comments against the rich and the powerful.
Nearly 700 cases have been filed under the ICT Act since it was amended in 2013. Research by The Daily Star shows that 60% of them were lodged under Section 57. Approximately 319 such cases are currently at trial.
In the most recent publicly reported case, a professor at Dhaka University's Department of Mass Communication and Journalism used the law to sue his colleague, Associate Professor Fahmidul Huq, over a Facebook post. The professor alleged that the post divulged confidential official university information.
Dhaka University teacher sues colleague under section 57 over a facebook post. The country I live in!
https://t.co/sYJotMMFp5 via
— Mubashar Hasan (@mubashardhaka) July 13, 2017
Ahmad Raju, #Bangladesh journalist imprisoned for violating 57 section of ICT act. where is freedom of speech? @amnesty @hrw @AJEnglish pic.twitter.com/h6P2PpR8Jf
— Ali Ahmad Mabrur (@Mabrur00) May 2, 2017
As of July 17, a University spokesperson said that Professor Abul Mansur Ahmed had decided to drop charges against his colleague, Associate Professor Fahmidul Haq. According to the statement, Ahmed took the decision after Haq uploaded another post on Facebook apologising for his previous post.
The law was first introduced in 2006. A 2013 amendment made several updates to the law, among which was an increase of the maximum punishment for certain offenses and make them non-bailable.
Human rights activists and writers have long campaigned to repeal the ICT Act, reasoning that its broad scope has left it vulnerable to misuse by political opponents, enemies, and law enforcement agencies.
Shariful Hasan commented on the lawsuit against Dr. Fahmidul Huq:
অাপনার কা‌ছে অামার প্রশ্ন স্যার মত প্রকাশের স্বাধীনতা, মুক্তবুদ্ধির চর্চা এস‌ব যে বিষয়ের ভি‌ত্তি সেই বিভা‌গের শিক্ষক হ‌য়ে ৫৭ ধারায় সহকর্মীর বিরু‌দ্ধে মামলা কর‌তে অাপনার কী একটুও বিবেকে বাঁধ‌লো না? অ‌াপনার কোন অ‌ভিযোগ থাক‌লে অাপ‌নি কেন বিশ্ব‌বিদ্যালয়ের অাইন অনুযায়ী গে‌লেন না? [..]
স‌ত্যি বল‌ছি, অামি অাস‌লেই হতভম্ব। ক‌য়েক‌দিন অা‌গে সাংবাদিক নাজমু‌লের বিরু‌দ্ধে ৫৭ ধারায় মামলা করায় সাংবাদিকতা বিভা‌গের শিক্ষক-শিক্ষার্থীরা মানবনন্ধন ক‌রে‌ছেন। অামি জা‌নি না অাপনারা এখন কী কর‌বেন।
My question to you sir, as you belong to the department of Dhaka University, the basis of which is freedom of expression and freethinking: “Didn't your conscience hold you back even a bit from suing your colleague from the same department under the controversial section 57 of the ICT Act?”
If you had allegations against him why didn't you follow the rules of the University to file a complaint? [..]
Really, I am dumbfounded. Teachers and students of the department of mass communication and journalism of Dhaka University recently formed a human chain protesting the lawsuit under section 57 against journalist Nazmul. I don't know what you will do now.
Blogger and Activist Abu Mustafiz Hassan wrote on Facebook:
কয়দিন পর স্বামী স্ত্রীর বিরুদ্ধে আর স্ত্রী স্বামীর বিরুদ্ধে ৫৭ ধারায় মামলা করব …সেই পরিস্থিতি দেখার আগেই আসেন… সবাই ফাহমিদুলের পাশে দাঁড়াই
Soon a husband will sue his wife and the wife will sue her husband under the Section 57 of ICT act… Before we reach to this point, please take a stand for Fahmidul Haque.
Activist and filmmaker Reza Ghatak wrote on Facebook:
ঘরে ঘরে অনুভূতির শত্রু তৈরি করার জন্য আইসিটি ৫৭ ধারা খুবই টেকসই অস্ত্র! সরকার বুঝে শুনে একটি কালো-আইন বানিয়ে মানুষের ভেতর এই অবিশ্বাস আমদানি করছেন। এই আইন বাপ-বেটা, ভাই-ভাই, ভাই-বোন, স্বামী-স্ত্রী, আত্মীয়-অনাত্মীয়, জাতি-গোষ্ঠী-সম্প্রদায় সবার ভেতরেই কেবল অবিশ্বাস আর বিভেদ সৃষ্টি করবে। আইসিটি ৫৭ ধারা বাতিল করো! নইলে এই আইন একদিন ঘরে ঘরে শত্রু বানাবে!
The section 57 of the ICT Act is an impactful tool to create enemies whose feelings are hurt somehow. The government has deliberately brought this mistrust among them using this black law. This law will create division and mistrust between father-son, siblings, couples, relatives, friends and across the society. Please repeal the section 57 of the ICT Act. Otherwise, it will create enemies among families.
Many journalists have been holding rallies demanding the controversial ICT law should be repealed.
Journalists protest ;demanding withdrawal of a case against journalist GolamDhruba in section 57 of ICTAct by a Manikganj judge #Bangladesh pic.twitter.com/YZN0hFseP0
— Tehmina Amin (@AminTehmina) June 16, 2017
Activists and lawyer Jatirmoy Barua said in an interview to local news portal Jago News:
তথ্যপ্রযুক্তির ৫৭ ধারাটি সাংবাদিকদের ওপর খড়্গ হয়ে দেখা দিয়েছে। কারণ সাংবাদিকরাই ইন্টারনেট ব্যবহার করে সংবাদ পরিবেশন করছেন বেশি। বই লিখে কোনো কবি-সাহিত্যিক সমালোচনা করলে মামলায় পড়ছেন না। কিন্তু একই বিষয় ইন্টারনেটে প্রকাশ পেলে মামলা খেতে হচ্ছে। [..]
কোনো নিয়ন্ত্রণ নেই। কে কার বিরুদ্ধে মামলা করছে, তার কোনো মাপকাঠি মিলছে না। অনলাইনে কোনো কিছু প্রকাশ পেলে এবং এর সঙ্গে দ্বিমত থাকলেই যে কেউ মামলা ঠুঁকে দিতে পারছেন।
Section 57 of the ICT Act has become a tool to persecute journalists, because many journalists are now using the internet and social media to publish/share the news. Writings full of argument, criticism and disagreement published in books or printed magazines are not being targeted. But the same writings, if shared online are being targeted. [..]
There is no control. It cannot be fathomed who is suing whom. Any statement or expression shared online can be [subject to a lawsuit] if someone else feels their feelings are hurt or they are targeted.
In 2015, Barrister Barua lodged a writ petition against this controversial act in the Supreme Court, which is still waiting for a hearing date.
In May 2017, the Minister of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Anisul Huq publicly pledged to scrap Section 57 from the law. Instead, they said, these issues will be covered under Bangladesh's forthcoming Digital Security Act, which may be introduced as soon as in August 2017.
It remains to be seen how this law will affect online speech, and how the many cases launched under Section 57 will play out.


text:
Censorship After Death: Chinese Netizens Quietly Mourn Nobel Laureate Liu Xiaobo · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

A new art site for #LiuXiaobo in #SydneyUniversity Graffiti Tunnel via @badiucao
The ashes of the late Chinese democracy advocate and literary critic Liu Xiaobo were buried at sea near Dalian city in northeast China on July 15, two days after he died of liver failure.
In interviews with Hong Kong television outlets, Liu’s brother, Liu Xiaoguang, expressed “great thanks and appreciation to the Chinese Communist party” for Liu Xiaobo’s cancer treatment and funeral arrangement.
But Liu Xiaobo's supporters believe that the he was buried at sea to prevent people in China from paying tribute to the Nobel laureate at his grave.
In fact, most of Liu’s friends could not attend the funeral. While his wife, Liu Xia, had appeared on photos of his funeral and sea burial, she has lost touch with her friends.
Liu Xiaobo had been sentenced to 11 years in prison in 2009 for “inciting subversion of state power” for his involvement in Charter 08, a manifesto that called for democratic reforms in China. He won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2010 for his human rights work.
On social media, including Weibo and WeChat, researchers documented a significant increase in censorship after Liu Xiaobo’s death. According to Toronto-based digital rights research group Citizen Lab, discussions of Liu and his work are no longer tolerated.
On Facebook, Hong Kong academic and Citizen Lab researcher Lokman Tsui summarized the group's findings:
For WeChat, before his death, discussion of Liu was allowed as long as it did not touch on certain sensitive topics such as “Charter 08” or his medical care. After his death, any mention of his name in English and Chinese (both simplified and traditional) is enough to get messages blocked. His death is also the first time we see image filtering in one-to-one chat, in addition to image filtering in group chats and WeChat Moments [which is equivalent to Facebook's news feed].
For Sina Weibo, there already was a ban on searches for Liu’s name in English and Chinese (both simplified and traditional). However, after his death, his given name (Xiaobo) alone is enough to trigger censorship, showing increased censorship on the platform and a recognition that his passing is a particularly sensitive event. Nevertheless, there is also evidence suggesting there continues to be genuine user interest in producing and finding Liu-related content using alternative keywords.
For the first time, image-sharing was blocked in one-on-one chat. Left: A Canadian user sends a picture of a politically symbolic chair image to a friend in China. Right: The recipient does not see the chair. Screenshots by Citizen Lab.
The research team believes that censorship is rising due to “the authorities’ fear for the potential of collective action” on the one hand, and as a tactic to “save face or avoid embarrassment” on the other.
Liu Xiaobo’s death is a politically sensitive event for the Chinese Communist Party, as Liu was considered one of the most moderate Chinese dissidents because of his deeply held commitment to non-violent struggle.
He participated in the 1989 Tiananmen Square pro-democracy protests, persuaded the students to retreat when the military troops moved in, and stayed with them until the last moment. Instead of leaving the country, he received a two-year prison sentence and continued to advocate for peaceful political transformation in China.
He returned to prison years later for being one of the authors behind Charter 08. In his most famous speech, which he sought to read at his trial (but was prohibited from doing so), he declared “I have no enemies and no hatred.”
The Chinese Communist Party had kept Liu’s physical condition a secret until late June 2017 when Liu’s lawyer publicly confirmed that he was on medical parole for late-stage liver cancer treatment.
Since then, an international campaign calling for Liu Xiaobo and Liu Xia's freedom picked up momentum.
Lotte Leicht, the European Union director for Human Rights Watch, urged:
Dear @KofiAnnan, fellow #Nobel laureate #LiuXiaobo is dying.
He has one last wish.
Pls help; urge #China‘s Gov to let him & wife #LiuXia go pic.twitter.com/HxEcEormMU
— Lotte Leicht (@LotteLeicht1) July 11, 2017
Former US Ambassador Curtis S. Chin hoped Chinese authorities would try to save face by letting Liu Xiaobo leave China:
Will China become the 1st country since Germany under the Nazis to have a Nobel Peace laureate die in custody? #LiuXiaobo #CarlVonOssietzky pic.twitter.com/dg7y1CLa3p
— ??Curtis S. Chin (@CurtisSChin) July 12, 2017
Chinese authorities were not so moved, and insisted that Liu had the best possible care in China. Chinese Communist Party mouthpiece Global Times claimed, “Today's China is stronger and more confident, and will not yield to Western pressure.”
As Citizen Lab noted in their report, Chinese authorities had repressed public discussion of Liu’s condition through censorship. But they also exercised strict control and manipulated the narrative around this illness and death:
To control the narrative around Liu’s illness, the CPC strictly regulated physical access to him. It denied his request to receive medical treatment overseas, despite repeated calls from NGOs and governments, including from German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who asked Beijing for a “signal of humanity for Liu Xiaobo and his family.” Beijing nevertheless resisted, saying he was already receiving the best possible care in China and citing Liu’s fragile health, disagreeing with the medical opinion of two foreign doctors who visited Liu and who deemed him strong enough to leave the country.
A foreign medical team composed of a German and an American doctor had in fact visited Liu, while the foreign doctors did agree that the treatment was appropriate, they also said that Liu was in condition to travel abroad for medical treatment.
After Liu’s death, information and images released to the public appear to have been very carefully selected. In funeral photos, Liu’s friends were not seen. Liu Xia had to thank the plain clothes security police officers for attending:
A line of plainclothes state security officers standing right across from #LiuXiaobo‘s family at funeral, some tailed journos yesterday pic.twitter.com/GdlD1yKC5v
— Emily Feng (@EmilyZFeng) July 15, 2017
The televised gratitude of Liu Xiaobo's brother, Liu Xiaoguang, for the Chinese Communist Party was another well-staged media event:
really sad to see how #LiuXiaobo‘s eldest brother #LiuXiaoguang to say everything to praise the party & govt & even thanks govt's humanity pic.twitter.com/3j8ZKoVqsS
— Patrick Poon 潘嘉偉 (@patrickpoon) July 15, 2017
Liu Xiaobo’s sea burial has been widely interpreted as an act intended to eliminate his presence and influence in China:
Liu Xiaobo's ashes scattered at sea, presumably to ensure no shrine or place of pilgrimage. Close friends still unable to reach his widow. https://t.co/AcWTgFTEk6
— Katie Stallard (@skystallard) July 15, 2017
Yet, Liu Xiaobo’s friend Zeng Jinyan believes that Liu’s legacy will continue:
“I can foresee that in the future, activists and ordinary people will go to the sea and memorialize Liu Xiaobo.” https://t.co/pV4kMONXTh
— zengjinyan 曾金燕 (@zengjinyan) July 15, 2017
At present, Hong Kong may be the only city in China where citizens can publicly mourn the loss of Liu Xiaobo:
HK protesters turned mourners gather at Beijing's representative office shortly after news of #LiuXiaobo ‘s death broke. Some are crying. pic.twitter.com/MAC05B1N5w
— Venus Wu (@wu_venus) July 13, 2017
On July 15, hundreds attended a candlelight vigil in Hong Kong and also demanded that authorities end house arrest for his wife:
Participants stream out of Chater Gardens at a candlelight vigil for Nobel laureate Liu Xiaobo in Hong Kong pic.twitter.com/Dpa0gydTSL
— Hong Kong Free Press (@HongKongFP) July 15, 2017
These efforts continue online, under the hashtag #FreeLiuXia.

author: Oiwan Lam


text:
The Venezuelan People’s Vote of Rebellion · Global Voices
Elizabeth Rivera

In 2009, Venezuelans turned out en masse against a different referendum, one that abolished term limits for the president. Photo by Andrés Azpurua (andresAzp) on Flickr. Used under CC 2.0 license.
After more than one hundred consecutive days of popular protests, Venezuelan opposition and civil society groups organized a ‘plebiscite,’ a popular referendum challenging the official Constitutional Assembly that President Nicolás Maduro has convened for July 30, 2017.
The July 16 referendum posed three questions:
In total, 7,676,894 Venezuelans voted in the referendum, and results showed overwhelming support for the “yes” side.
Any Venezuelan of 18 years of age or older could vote, whether in the electoral register or not, and regardless of current country of residence.
At a press conference, Carlos Ocariz, leader of the opposition plebiscite campaign, commented:
En el extranjero fueron habilitados 667 puntos de votación, distribuidos en 602 ciudades de 100 países.
A total of 667 polling stations have been established abroad, in 602 cities across 100 countries.
He added:
Este proceso va a tener distintos mecanismos de observación, entre ellos la de organizaciones nacionales e internacionales, y de personajes de la política internacional.
This process will have various observation mechanisms, including those of national and international organizations, and international political figures.
Citizens from Saudi Arabia, Chile, Australia, New Zealand, Germany and Oman were among the ones who responded to the call. Below are just some of the thousands of testimonies of Venezuelan voters throughout the world.
#PlebiscitoCalleYResistencia
La #ConsultaPopular ya arrancó en Arabia Saudita. pic.twitter.com/N2EpNgY51K
— La Gaceta Criolla (@LaGacetaCriolla) July 15, 2017
The #PopularConsultation has already started in Saudi Arabia.
Largas filas con miles de venezolanos acuden al puesto de la #ConsultaPopular16J de la calle 125b con Autopista en #Bogotápic.twitter.com/kNEzmERmuf
— Víctor Solano (@Solano) July 16, 2017
Long lines as thousands of Venezuelans head to the polling station for #PopularConsultation16J on the corner of 125b St and the Highway in Bogotá.
#16Jul Así se encuentra Centro de votación en Santiago de Chile para la consulta popular pic.twitter.com/2yCgFhCVwE
— SomosTN ?? (@somostn) July 16, 2017
This is what the voting station for the popular consultation looks like in Santiago de Chile.
.@OAS_official Venezuelans in #Jamaica making history #ConsultaPolular16J#ElPuebloDecide#EstoyConVenezuelapic.twitter.com/edUbFkA1lC
— VladimAr Ramones (@VladimArRamones) July 16, 2017
Desde los lugares más lejanos Chipre, Kenya, Granada, los venezolanos participan en #ConsultaPopular pic.twitter.com/FcGNdBknG5
— MANUEL AVENDANO (@ManuelAvendano) July 16, 2017
From the farthest places, Venezuelans participate in the #PopularConsultation Chipre, Kenya, Granada
Reporting from Düsseldorf, Germany. Voting location was set up in a bar. About 150 voters, all in favour of #sisisi. pic.twitter.com/tc7EDE9JMg
— Koboi K (@Koboi_K) July 16, 2017
En el Vaticano … fiesta electoral ?????????????????? #consultapopular16J#16Jul#Italiapic.twitter.com/vlUp48pIZd
— MariJo Bendito (@GochaSuper) July 16, 2017
In the Vatican … election party
Asi estamos a las 3 pm #ConsultaPopular16J#Barcelona#España@SabrinaMartinR@LuisCarlos@Nakypic.twitter.com/erhDzQuXeZ
— Viviana Salas (@VivianaSalasM) July 16, 2017
This is what it's like [in Barcelona] at 3 pm. #PopularConsultation
El punto de votación para el plebiscito más raro es Yuzhno-Sajalinsk, un pueblo ruso en una isla al norte de Japón en la costa de Siberia. pic.twitter.com/gM59JOgiAW
— Luis Peña Valero (@LuisPenaValero) July 15, 2017
The strangest polling station for the plebiscite is Yuzhno-Sajalinsk, a Russian town in an island to the North of Japan on the Siberian Coast.
In Venezuela, the Mesa de la Unidad Democrática (MUD, Democratic Unity Roundtable) installed 2,030 polling centers, 14,404 voting booths and accredited 42,272 polling officials throughout the country. In addition, they had more than 80,000 volunteers, according to a statement from Carlos Ocariz.
Former presidents from four Latin American countries were in Venezuela to participate as international observers of the process including Colombia's Andrés Pastrana, Mexico's Vicente Fox, Costa Rica's Laura Chinchilla and Miguel Ángel Rodríguez, and Bolivia's Jorge Quiroga.
The president of the National Assembly, Julio Borges, stated that non-government organizations like Transparencia Perú (Transparency Peru), Alianza Cívica de México (Mexico's Civic Alliance) and Participación Ciudadana (Citizen Participation) of Ecuador were also present as observers.
Venezuelans in the country shared images of voters rejoicing in joining this democratic event.
Mi tía abuela ejerciendo su derecho en #Venezuelapic.twitter.com/ExPZPEodIh
— Maria José Morr (@Majomorr) July 16, 2017
My great aunt exercising her right to vote in #Venezuela.
Hoy se vivió en las calles la alegría que hace mucho no sentía el Venezolano.
Y SÍ, SÍ, SÍ Venezuela. Serás la del futuro… pic.twitter.com/FUFVsxR715
— Horacio Siciliano (@hsiciliano) July 17, 2017
Today in the streets Venezuelans experienced a happiness they have not felt in a long time.
And YES, YES, YES Venezuela. You will be the future…
Video subtitles:
For those who are here, yes.
For those who want to return, yes.
For Venezuela, yes.
We will get you back, together.
There are more of us good guys.
In this video, a man explains that he exchanged his clothes with a female friend because she did not want to go to vote in a short dress.
Lo mejor que he visto hoy! Jajajaja
Los venezolanos son únicos pic.twitter.com/HOiAwGH586
— Penélope ? (@ZuleikaMN) July 16, 2017
The best thing I've seen all day! Hahahaha
Venezuelans are unique
Video transcript:
Woman: Why are you looking so beautiful?
Man: Because the girl I was with on my way here said she wasn't going to come and vote because she was wearing a short dress, and I said “I'll swap you that dress, and let's go and vote!” and I gave her my clothes and she gave me the dress.
Woman: With a flag and everything, bravo! Welcome!
Man: For a new Venezuela, for a beautiful Venezuela, for a Venezuela that will go far… like we were before, free! Freedom! That's all I'm going to say today. We're all going to celebrate, it's going to be nothing but a party from now on, there won't be enough beer, there won't be enough aguardiente…
But it wasn't all happiness on this day of civil disobedience. In Catia, Caracas, a traditionally chavista area, voters were surrounded by armed people. Before 4 p.m. Venezuelan Standard Time (VST), militias aligned with Nicolás Maduro's regime shot at voters. A nurse, Xiomara Escot, was killed in the attack, and at least three other women were injured. Journalist Luis Olavarrieta was also kidnapped, and was later found beaten at a medical center. The street where the incident took place emptied out, but some people decided to go to nearby areas to vote in spite of the threats.
Amenazaron de muerte a un pueblo, le disparan a sus hijos, matan gente con escasez.
Y la Venezuela civil responde con vida en las calles. pic.twitter.com/7SaOnX8LE8
— Luis Carlos Díaz (@LuisCarlos) July 16, 2017
They threaten people with death, they shoot at their children, they kill those who have the least. And civic Venezuela responds with life in the streets.
Preliminary results were announced at around midnight, VST.
ÚLTIMA HORA | VIDEO – MUD anuncia resultado oficial de la Consulta Popular:
En Venezuela: 6.492.381
En el Exterior: 693.789
Total: 7.186.170 pic.twitter.com/FDRBNhHwMD
— Alberto Rodríguez (@AlbertoRT51) July 17, 2017
BREAKING NEWS | VIDEO – MUD announces official result of the Popular Consultation:
In Venezuela: 6,492,381
Abroad: 693,789
Total: 7,186,170
Various citizens quickly expressed their congratulations online for the success of the process.
Logramos esto en 2 semanas de organización y con 7 veces menos mesas que en un proceso electoral regular.
Somos demasiado arrechos. pic.twitter.com/oadKyvJppA
— Ricardo Del Bufalo (@RDelBufalo) July 17, 2017
We achieved this with 2 weeks of organization and 7 times fewer booths than in a regular electoral process.
We're on fire.
Regarding the consultative exercise, the digital portal El Chigüire Bipolar reflected in a post called “Country perfectly capable of functioning without dictatorship:”
También se demostró que somos profundamente democráticos, ¿no? Revisa tu Instagram para que veas: estemos donde estemos los venezolanos solo queremos votar. Votar hasta en las condiciones más difíciles. Hasta cuando las elecciones tengamos que organizárnoslas nosotros mismos. Votar y votar, aunque el gobierno nos niegue el derecho.
It also demonstrated that we are deeply democratic, right? Check your Instagram to see: wherever we may be, we Venezuelans just want to vote. To vote, even in the most difficult conditions. Even when we have to organize the elections ourselves. To vote and vote, even if the government denies us the right.
Read more related articles on our Venezuela special coverage.

author: Elizabeth Rivera


text:
Understanding Puerto Rico’s Struggles With Washington Through Satire · Global Voices
Ángel Carrión

Screenshot taken from video.
At a time when almost all the news about Puerto Rico in mainstream media is firmly focussed on the island's fiscal and economic woes, the deluge of negative headlines making the rounds on social media can feel overwhelming.
It is precisely in times like these then, that satire can step in and play a vital role in helping to make sense of the news, or rather, the ways in which the news are often framed.
The Juice Media, a Facebook page which specializes in satire, created a video about what it believes to be the root cause of many of Puerto Rico's troubles and disadvantages: US colonialism.
Widely shared on Facebook, its creators were encouraged to produce the clip after the success of a similar video about Hawai'i in their “Honest Government Advert” series.
The video summarizes some of the ways the US government has historically exploited Puerto Rico, from using it as a bombing practice site for decades, to sterilizing over a third of Puerto Rican women without their knowledge or consent in the mid-twentieth century.
The cheery presenter in the clip begins:
Fortunately, however, few know about the real Puerto Rico, a Territory of the United States since 1898 when we seized it from the Spanish […] who in turn stole it from the Taino […] Which makes Puerto Ricans US citizens—well second-class citizens… [because] despite fighting in every one of our wars they still can’t vote for President and have no representation in Congress. In other words, US citizens who have f*-all say in the laws the US Government makes for them…
The video can be watched in full below:

author: Ángel Carrión