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Ukrainian authorities stage journalist’s murder, taking ‘fake news’ to the next level · Global Voices
RuNet Echo

Arkady Babchenko in Tskhinvali, Georgia, in 2008. Photo by anonymous via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 3.0.
The murder of Russian journalist Arkady Babchenko broke on May 29, with multiple media outlets reporting that Babchenko suffered three fatal gunshot wounds in the back at his apartment building in Kyiv.
The news shook the world, prompting leaders in media and government to express outrage and condolences to his wife and daughter — until it was revealed, just a day later, that the murder was a fake.
At press conference on May 30, Ukrainian officials brought out Babchenko, clearly alive and well, to the shock of all those around him. Officials explained with pride that the incident was staged by the SBU, Ukraine's domestic intelligence agency, as a part of a special operation to stymie an alleged plot to assassinate Babchenko and 30 other Russian political emigres in Ukraine and other countries.
BREAKING: BABCHENKO LIVES. This is unbelievable. Arkady Babchenko lives! I’m at his apartment now and his neighbors are crying talking about him while the security service of Ukraine parades him in front of tv cameras. pic.twitter.com/6NPw6ss4c8
— Christopher Miller (@ChristopherJM) 30 мая 2018 г.
A veteran war reporter and a fierce critic of Vladimir Putin's policies, Babchenko fled Russia in 2017 after a controversial post on Facebook where he refused to mourn the victims of a fatal plane crash. It made him a target of a propaganda campaign on Russian state media and provoked numerous threats on his life.
According to the head of SBU, Vasyl Gritsak, the murder of Babchenko was ordered by the Russian security services, who had recruited a Ukrainian army veteran through a local subcontractor. The price for the execution of the murder was reported to be $40,000.
The plan was allegedly foiled after the veteran contracted to assassinate decided to cooperate with Ukrainian law enforcement and is now as a witness in the trial. In order to convince the conspirators behind Babchenko's assassination of its success, SBU faked a photograph of the ‘dead’ journalist, complete with a pool of pig blood, as Babchenko himself revealed during the press conference.
pic.twitter.com/RNoR3kiTwo
— Сводки Новороссии (@myrevolutionrus) 29 мая 2018 г.
Ukraine's security services were so visibly triumphant during the press conference that some journalists covering Ukraine found it disconcerting:
Surely, the Security Service knew this was an unusual and shocking operation with a worthy aim. A solemn, serious press conference without victory laps, score settling or gloating would have cost nothing and gone a long way to make it appear legitimate. (5/8)
— Matthew Kupfer (@Matthew_Kupfer) 31 мая 2018 г.
Other journalists were caught red-faced after sharing heartfelt obituaries and breaking what seemed a genuinely tragic news story at the time:
By lying to the media, Babchenko and the Ukrainian authorities have made fools of everyone who reported yesterday’s “murder.” I apologize to all my followers for circulating what turns out to be total baloney. The lesson here is to distrust reports from Ukraine.
— Kevin Rothrock (@KevinRothrock) 30 мая 2018 г.
Associated Press reporter Nataliya Vasilyeva raised concern about the implications of the stunt pulled by Babchenko and SBU on the credibility of the media in general:
There's a long list of the the things every journalist gets thrown in the face by people incl: you lie, you distort what people say, you're irresponsible. Now people are going to tell me: and you guys also fake your own deaths! Who knows if (the journalist killed) is really dead?
— Nataliya Vasilyeva (@NatVasilyevaAP) 30 мая 2018 г.
The incident deeply undermines the credibility of Ukrainian officials and journalists. And in a region where “fake news” and disinformation already run rampant, the prospect of actual events being faked or distorted sets the bar even higher for journalists seeking to report the truth.
Similar concerns were raised by media freedom advocates. Harlem Desir, the Representative on Freedom of the Media for the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, criticized Ukrainian authorities’ decision:
Relieved that Arkadiy #Babchenko is alive! I deplore the decision to spread false information on the life of a journalist. It is the duty of the state to provide correct information to the public.
— OSCE media freedom (@OSCE_RFoM) May 30, 2018
The Committee for the Protection of Journalists had a similar message:
What is known is that the Ukrainian government has damaged its own credibility. And given the SBU is an intelligence agency, which engages in deception, obfuscation, and propaganda, determining the truth will be very difficult.
After miraculously coming back to life, Babchenko wrote on Twitter that he was “tired” of dying:
Хрен там. Не дождуться. Я обещал умереть в девяносто шесть лет, станцевав на могиле Путина и сделав селфи на Абрамсе на Тверской – я постараюсь это сделать.
Видимо планида такая, воскресать каждые четыре года.
Господи, как же умирать-то надоело (с).
Доброе утро.
— Старшина Запаса (@StarshinaZapasa) 30 мая 2018 г.
Screw them. I won't give them the satisfaction. I made a promise to die at the age of 96, after dancing on Putin's grave and taking a selfie on an Abrams tank on Tverskaya street [Moscow's central thoroughfare] — and I'll do my best to accomplish it. It must be my fate: coming back from the dead every four years. My god, dying is so tiresome. Good morning.
The investigation into Russia's alleged plot to assassinate Arkady Babchenko is pending.


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Argentinians are mocking the president’s penny-pinching advice for citizens with higher utility bills · Global Voices
Romina Navarro

“If you don't have gas or electricity, I can teach you how to make a fire. You just take a stick and rub your hands together. -President of the Nation” Meme widely shared on Twitter under the hashtag #MacriTips by user @MarceRoulier
Since May 27, Argentinian Twitter users have flooded the web with jokes and memes in response to President Mauricio Macri’s recent suggestions on how Argentinians struggling with an increase in electricity and gas bills can make ends meet.
Macri's “advice” came during a speech to the nation in which he justified his decision to maintain the hiked prices for the capital and surrounding areas — the most densely populated regions of Argentina — where people could see bills increase 58% for gas and 67% for electricity.
He said Argentinians could use LED light bulbs, limit their use of gas-powered stove tops, and even take shorter showers to save money. These suggestions will go beyond his speech and will be included in an awareness campaign, according to the president.
Macri’s recommendations unleashed a creative wave of jokes, making the hashtag #MacriTips a trending topic on Argentina’s Twitter.
“si cada uno junta todos los cachitos de jabón que van sobrando y los pega entre sí, se puede ahorrar hasta un jabón por mes” #MacriTips pic.twitter.com/ggo3I0yD4Q
— hopeful monster (@alesitoide) May 28, 2018
“If everyone gathers the leftover bits of soap and pastes them together, you can save up to a  soap per month” #MacriTips
El papel higiénico se puede usar de los dos lados #MacriTips
— Vladimir Putazo ✘ (@soyCMok) May 28, 2018
You could use both sides of the toilet paper #MacriTips
Podes comprar un hueso para caldo entre 3 vecinos y sortear el orden de uso. #MacriTips
— Bestiario (@Bestiario123) May 28, 2018
You and three neighbors can buy a bone to make broth and then take turns using it. #MacriTips
#MacriTips#Machirulopic.twitter.com/hHtC77V8Pv
— Turko Ryan ✌ (@turco_ryan) May 29, 2018
Image: If you turn your underwear inside out you can wear it for one extra week. Please save!
Si pasas por un McDonald's usá el baño y llévate servilletas. Te ahorras la descarga del inodoro en casa y comprar Carilinas. #MacriTipspic.twitter.com/i0FZQsiyYq
— Mariano Saleh (@duroms) May 28, 2018
If you pass by a McDonald’s, go to the bathroom and take some napkins home with you. You can save on having to flush at home and having to buy Carilinas [a popular brand of bathroom tissue].
#MacriTips si mientras te bañas aprovechas y lavas las verduras para la ensalada, no solo ahorras tiempo sino también agua. pic.twitter.com/2LUoWwleZ3
— Deselby (@deselby_) May 28, 2018
#MacriTips if you wash salad veggies while you shower you not only save time, but also water.
Con un charmander se podrá ahorrar hasta un 37% de gas #MacriTipspic.twitter.com/uwIztj3Omk
— Tomás (@saiyajindelsur) May 28, 2018
With a charmander you can save up to 37% in gas! #MacriTips
It is important to note that for nearly 20 years Argentinians have been paying prices for basic goods and services that are much lower than their actual value, thanks to a system of subsidies.
In January 2016, shortly after taking over the presidency, Macri made official the first increase in electricity bills after suspending the subsidies, but maintained certain services for free for families in need. Other increases came in public transport and natural gas, and electricity and gas bills were hiked yet again in December 2017.
As a response, in March 2018, the representatives of the opposition parties presented a bill to bring down the prices of electricity, water and natural gas to where they were in November 2017. The draft law also proposes a ban on any new price increases for a year and any interruption of services for lack of payment.
President Macri said the bill would be “hurtful” and that it would “make us believe that there’s a magic solution, that we can just bring all rates back down.”
In the end, the bill was approved by the Senate, but vetoed by the president.
Meanwhile, Argentinians continue to make jokes and share memes, a distraction from the inevitable anxiety for the future state of their household budget.
Si cambiás los libros tradicionales por libros en braile no necesitás la luz para leer de noche. #MacriTips
— lisandroarbilla (@LisandroArbilla) May 29, 2018
If you swap regular books for braille you won't need light to read in the dark.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Romina Navarro


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Netizen Report: Uganda’s ‘WhatsApp tax’ and SIM card regulations will make it harder to stay connected · Global Voices
Netizen Report Team

Telco ad on a van in Kampala, Uganda. Photo by futureatlas.com via Flickr (CC BY 2.0)
The Ugandan government approved a new tax law that will apply levies to a range of goods and services, including mobile money accounts and social media services such as Facebook and WhatsApp.
When policymakers first proposed the so-called “WhatsApp tax”, supporters — among them President Yoweri Museveni — argued that it would help to reduce “gossip” on social media. It was also popular among local telecom providers, who do not directly benefit from the use of foreign-based “over-the-top” services such as WhatsApp.
In an interview, Ugandan blogger and Global Voices author Pru Nyamishana told BuzzFeed:
one of the two biggest challenges that we face in internet governance is access. This tax is locking people out….we also believe it is a deliberate move to censor Ugandans and cut down on dissenting voices.
Citing a recent rise in murders and kidnappings, the Ugandan government has also ended a two-month freeze on SIM card sales and ordered telecom companies to register all new mobile SIM cards with the National Biometrics Data Center. It has banned the sale of scratchable recharge cards as well.
Authorities say violent criminals communicate using unregistered SIM cards in order to plan the attacks without being traced.
While the ban on SIM card sales has been lifted, new regulations will now require Ugandans to provide vendors with their national identification cards so that their personal data can be verified on electronic card readers at the time of purchase. Under the new law, which goes into effect July 1, customers will also be made to use mobile money accounts in order to recharge their SIM cards.
In a press statement, the Uganda Consumer Protection Association said SIM card regulatory measures would not reduce the crime rate. Writing about the new tax law, Juliet Nanfuka of the Collaboration on International ICT Policy in East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) called it “the latest in a series of government actions that threaten citizens’ access to the internet.”
Taken together, these new policies will make it more costly for Ugandans — especially those living in poverty — to communicate and perform everyday tasks using their mobile devices.
After police shot and killed 13 civilians at a public demonstration in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, fixed and mobile internet networks were shut down in three districts at the order of local government authorities. The demonstrators were protesting the expansion of a copper plant that they say is polluting the air and water in their district and putting their health at risk. Videos of police acting violently or cruelly toward protesters have been circulating on social media, leaving many skeptical of the government’s motivations for cutting off internet access.
According to the Software Freedom Law Center of New Delhi, there have been 55 regional internet shutdowns in India so far in 2018.
Officials in the southern Pacific island state of Papua New Guinea will impose a one-month-long ban on Facebook, in what they say is an effort to better understand the platform as a catalyst for the spread of false information.
In an interview with The Guardian, digital media scholar and Global Voices author Aim Sinpeng expressed concern about the ban, but also noted that it would have less impact there than in other parts of the world, given the country’s low proportion of internet users. Papua New Guinea has a population of just over eight million and an internet penetration rate of only 12 percent.
Emirati human rights advocate Ahmed Mansoor was sentenced to ten years in prison by an Abu Dhabi appeals court for allegedly spreading “hatred and sectarianism” and publishing “false information” on social media. He was also issued a one million dirham fine (roughly USD $272,000) for “insulting the status and prestige of the UAE.”
Mansoor, who has been held in detention since March 2017, is among a handful of vocal human rights advocates in the Gulf country and received the 2015 Martin Ennals Award for Human Rights Defenders. He was also jailed in 2011, after he campaigned for democratic reforms in UAE and signed a pro-democracy petition. From this time until his most recent arrest, he faced harassment and surveillance both online and off.
Amazon.com has developed its own facial recognition software, Rekognition, a product the company says can perform “real-time face recognition across tens of millions of faces, and detection of up to 100 faces in challenging crowded photos.”
Through a Freedom of Information Act request, attorneys at the American Civil Liberties Union obtained and released emails proving that Amazon has been selling the software to local governments in the US states of Arizona, California and Oregon and that the company had trained and consulted with government officials under a non-disclosure agreement initiated by Amazon.
The organization also co-wrote a coalition letter to Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos, demanding that Amazon “stop powering a government surveillance infrastructure that poses a grave threat to customers and communities across the country.” The Council on American-Islamic Relations, the Electronic Frontier Foundation and Human Rights Watch were among signatories.
Afef Abrougui, Ellery Roberts Biddle, Nwachukwu Egbunike, Mohamed ElGohary, Rohith Jyothish, Rezwan Islam, Inji Pennu, James Propa and Sarah Myers West contributed to this report.

author: Netizen Report Team


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Videos allege Indian media houses promised to favor Hindu nationalism in exchange for cash · Global Voices
Vishal Yashoda Manve

Operation 136 Logo. Via Cobrapost. Fair use.
A viral series of videos on social media show that Indian media houses may be accepting large sums of money in exchange for flattering coverage of the ruling party and Hindu nationalist ideology.
With a few exceptions, Indian mainstream media outlets have become notoriously gentle in their journalistic treatment of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. So when the New Delhi High Court attempted to block news site CobraPost from publishing a cache of videos showing evidence of collusion between government and media last week, it caught people's attention.
A small media outlet known for taking risks and sometimes employing unorthodox tactics, CobraPost nevertheless went ahead and released the videos on social media.
CobraPost made the videos in a “sting” operation in which one of its journalists posed as a wealthy religious man from a monastery. He approached various mainstream media houses proposing to pay large sums of money before the elections of 2019, to ensure Modi's BJP wins the vote. Most of the publications agreed to join the crusade. Others said they were already on the job.
Some of the videos show prominent executives in media houses agreeing on camera to promote Hindutva ideology (the preferred form of Hindu nationalism of the BJP party) and describing how editorial content could be tailored through strategic public relations, all in exchange for large sums of money in the run-up to the 2019 general elections.
The videos also allege that many news organisations including Benett and Coleman Ltd (publisher of Times of India, Mirror tabloids, Economic Times, et al) had become part of a broader campaign to normalize Hindutva ideology and to polarize the country in an effort to shore up political support for the ruling party.
This campaign has coincided with numerous lynchings of Muslim men, attacks on Dalits (groups historically treated as an underclass in India's caste system) and protests against Muslims offering prayers on Fridays.
Journalist Meghnad commented on the revelations:
It's incredible how many media professionals in the #CobraPost sting were bragging about supporting and belonging to the Hindutva ideology.
How easily they said, “Yeah we're already subtly doing what you are telling us to do! So what's new? More money for this? Oh awesome!”
— Meghnad (@Memeghnad) May 26, 2018
CobraPost used no other secondary sources to confirm that these media houses were accepting money for promoting pro-government content. But it is almost open knowledge in India that the practice takes place.
Alongside the ethical questions raised by CobraPost's methods, the videos immediately cast doubt on the editorial integrity of news organisations covering the Modi administration in India's highly polarised political environment.
Elephant in the room on #MediaForSale sting- In India. absence of institutional press freedom means Media Owners call Editorial Shots. No healthy separation – like lets say in the U.S Where Jeff Bezos cannot tell Washington Post what to run or not.
— barkha dutt (@BDUTT) May 26, 2018
In a press release quoted by Scroll, CobraPost stated how India's leading publications are willing to “not only cause communal disharmony among the citizens but also turn the electoral outcome in favor of a particular party – and all in return for cash.”
The report has come to light amid a rapid rise of “fake news” websites in India that seem intended to promote religious and communal tension.
Indian regional daily Dainik Bhaskar moved the Delhi High Court to seek an injunction against CobraPost, but the publication stood firm and published its findings.
Major publications including the Times of India, HT Media, India Today, the Zee group, and TV18 have been named in the stinging sensation as well. But since the release of the videos, most of these outlets have stayed mum and avoided reporting on the video revelations.
Politician Yogendra Yadav questioned the coverage of CobraPost in Indian newspapers or lack thereof:
I googled “Cobrapost Operation 136″ and could not find a single mainstream print media report on it. Have I missed something?
Here's my #CobraChallenge: please post a clipping from any newspaper in any language that reports this mother of all news on Indian media.#MediaForSale
— Yogendra Yadav (@_YogendraYadav) May 26, 2018
Indian singer Vishal Dadlani questioned the news coverage and BJP's involvement:
Hey, @timesofindia ! Shouldn't this page be carrying news of the @Cobrapost sting and the #Sterlite Murders?
Hey, @BJP4India , could you verify if this ad was paid for by your party funds? Or did tax-paying citizens of India foot the bill?
Hey, India! Wake up!!! pic.twitter.com/Ygyyzw1eGf
— VISHAL DADLANI (@VishalDadlani) May 26, 2018
On May 31, six days after the videos went public, India Today media group filed a legal notice demanding that CobraPost remove the videos implicating India Today and claiming that their content was manipulated. A subsequent article on the Times of India website described the videos as “a case of doctoring of content and falsification, as no media organisations named in it agreed to any illegal or immoral activity and no contracts were signed.”
YouTube vlogger Dhruv Rathee retorted to trolls questioning CobraPost's journalism and ethics:
Cobrapost journalist Pushp Sharma has been a winner of a very reputable “International Press Institute Award” in 2011 for excellence in journalism
Meanwhile, Is there any journalist in @TimesNow who has received any kind of international appreciation for their journalism? ?
— Dhruv Rathee (@dhruv_rathee) May 27, 2018
Several media personalities and senior journalists also expressed their views on the sting and about editorial integrity.
Prominent media personality Raju Narisetti offered insight on how this affects India's media credibility in the long run:
That bodies like Editors Guild and Press Council, the supposed self-regulators of India's media–and many of its powerful members are implicated–stay mostly silent is testimony to the fig-leaf of self regulation of media.
— Raju Narisetti (@raju) May 26, 2018
Indian TV anchor and journalist Rajdeep Sardesai meanwhile questioned the investigations for painting the entire country's media as compromised:
In my 3 and a half years at India Today, not once has the channel silenced my voice or told me what to say and that, in today’s times, says a lot. Equal space is given to every voice. Proof of pudding is always in eating. https://t.co/0NcpmFwmEb
— Rajdeep Sardesai (@sardesairajdeep) May 26, 2018
Journalist Sagarika Ghosh followed Rajdeep's lead and said publications she had worked for had never pressured her to cover government agencies in a flattering light.
Bit unfair to say EVERYONE in mainstream media is up for sale/sold or prostrate before the Hindutva nationalist government. At @timesofindia I at least have never faced any interference in my writings, reports, or social media profile or my views on @ETNOWlive or @ndtv https://t.co/NzOJBfUwZu
— Sagarika Ghose (@sagarikaghose) May 26, 2018
Independent researcher Akshaya Mukul demanded that India's Editors Guild step in and take action against erring publishing platforms:
It is high time Editors Guild of India should speak out. Conspiracy of silence won’t work. Media’s credibility is at an all time low https://t.co/UYIlLMpEaE
— Akshaya Mukul (@Akshayamukul) May 26, 2018
Novelist Manu Joseph poked fun at the incident:
It does break my heart to say this but Open Magazine should have got suspicious the moment Cobrapost reporter offered Rs 3 crore to plug Hindutva. 1) You don't have to offer Open any money anymore to plug Hindutva. 2) In any case no one offers Rs 3 crore to Open for anything.
— Manu Joseph (@manujosephsan) May 25, 2018
Marathi journalist Wagle Nikhil underscored the need for independent media to counter the polarising narrative:
.@cobrapost has told us what we already knew, but ignored conveniently : Most of the media houses are corrupt and can go to any length to make money. But what is the solution? Independent media, yes, but can it survive without enough revenue?
— nikhil wagle (@waglenikhil) May 26, 2018
The incident also highlights the degree to which a healthy media environment requires independent streams of funding. Without this, media outlets are often left with little choice but to compromise their coverage at the behest of their benefactors.

author: Vishal Yashoda Manve


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Who are China’s political prisoners? A human rights assessment, 29 years after Tiananmen · Global Voices
Guest Contributor

“Police attention: No distributing any unhealthy thoughts or objects.” A trilingual (Tibetan – Chinese – English) sign above the entrance to a small café in Nyalam Town, Tibet, 1993. By John Hill. CC BY-SA 3.0.
Written by Pong Lai
The 29th anniversary of the bloody suppression of the Tiananmen Square demonstrations is approaching. On June 4, 1989, Chinese army forces repeatedly opened fire on a student-led movement demanding freedom of expression and political reform away from corruption and single-party rule.
At the time, the Chinese Red Cross estimated that 2,700 civilians were killed, but other sources point to a much higher toll. A confidential US government document, revealed in 2014, reported that a Chinese internal assessment estimated that 10,454 civilians had died. Recently, a different report written by the then-British ambassador to China was declassified; it quotes a source from China's State Council who said that the minimum estimation of civilians killed is 10,000.
Authorities also arrested hundreds of people in connection with the Tiananmen Square protests. But these were not the first prisoners of conscience to enter Chinese jails — and they were not the last. On the anniversary of the crackdown, many remember those who have been put in prison for expressing their beliefs.
There is no official record of how many political prisoners there are in China — the Chinese government has denied that it has any.
However, the Political Prisoner Database of the United States’ Congressional-Executive Commission on China (CECC), which has tracked cases in China since 1981, provides important details about the situation. A cross-reading of this data with mainland Chinese political history in the past three decades can also help us to develop a clearer picture of the state of human rights in China.
The CECC defines political prisoner as:
an individual detained for exercising his or her human rights under international law, such as peaceful assembly, freedom of religion, freedom of association, free expression, including the freedom to advocate peaceful social or political change, and to criticize government policy or government officials.
The database has 9,116 cases of political prisoners in mainland China from 1981 through 2018. However, the commission only began keeping records in 1987, thus the actual number of cases may be higher than their records show.
Most prisoners in the database have been released, but more than 1,000 were believed to be behind bars as of 2017.
Taking a look at their profiles, there were more male than female prisoners (see Figure 1).
Figure 1. Gender distribution of political prisoners in China from 1981 to 2017. Data used in graph from the Political Prisoner Database of the United States’ Congressional-Executive Commission on China.
Nearly half of those behind bars (4,012) were Tibetans. With a population of just six million Tibetans in China, where the total population is more than 1 billion, the number of detained Tibetans is disproportionately high.
Only about half of the records include information on a prisoner's age at the time of their detention. Of the available data, the youngest political prisoner was just 6 years old at the moment of detention, while the oldest was 84. Around 65% were detained between the ages of 20 and 45 years old (Figure 2).
Figure 2. Age of political prisoners in China from 1981 to 2017 at the moment of detention. Data used in graph from the Political Prisoner Database of the United States’ Congressional-Executive Commission on China.
Figure 3 shows the number of political prisoners detained by year, and the events to which their detentions corresponded. We can see several significant peaks.
Figure 3. Number of political prisoners in China detained by year, with important historical moments annotated. Colors correspond to the most powerful figure in China at the time: red for Deng; orange for Jiang; green for Hu; and blue for Xi. Data used in graph from the Political Prisoner Database of the United States’ Congressional-Executive Commission on China.
The first peak occurred in 1989 during Deng Xiaoping‘s era (represented in red) and corresponds with the Tiananmen Square crackdown on June 4, 1989.
The second and third peaks in 1993 and 1995 are mainly related to rising repression of political dissent in Tibet, which is home to an independence movement. Figure 4 shows that from 1987 on, the number of Tibetans detained began to increase.
Forty-four pro-independence demonstrations were reported in Tibet in 1993, and about 400 Tibetans were imprisoned. In 1994, about 19 demonstrations took place in Tibet, and the number of Tibetan political prisoners increased to 628. Based on a senior Chinese justice ministry official's report in January 1995, 200 out of 800 detained Tibetans had been found guilty of “counter-revolutionary crimes.”
Figure 4. Political prisoners in China by ethnicity. Data used in graph from the Political Prisoner Database of the United States’ Congressional-Executive Commission on China.
The Dalai Lama, who lives in exile, is considered the political and spiritual leader of Tibet. In 1995, he recognized the 11th incarnation of the Panchen Lama, one of the most important figures in Tibetan Buddhism. However, the government-sanctioned search committee chose another person from their own list, and the Chinese government took Gedhun Ghoekyi Nyima, who was recognized by Dalai Lama as the Panchen Lama, into “protective custody.” Hundreds of monks and nuns were arrested and detained because they did not recognize the Panchen Lama chosen by Beijing.
The fourth peak occurred in 2008, when China was preparing to host the country's first Olympics. A large number of protests occurred in that year, especially in Tibet (see Figure 4). Tibetans used the moment in the international spotlight to demonstrate against Chinese economic policies and development that had brought on inflation, environmental pollution and land seizures in the region. Beijing's tightening of ideological control in Tibet, in which the education system taught Tibetans to denounce the Dalai Lama and pledge loyalty to the China government, was also a point of contention.
In response to the unrest, China clamped down. Based on China's Supreme People's Court annual work report for 2009, the number of cases involving charges of “endangering state security” rose to around 760 in 2009, compared with just 460 in 2008. The CECC database shows the total number of political prisoners in 2008 and 2009 as being 1,220.
Figure 5. The principal issue driving detentions of political prisoners in China. Data used in graph from the Political Prisoner Database of the United States’ Congressional-Executive Commission on China.
The peak from 1999 to 2002 is due mainly to the crackdown on religious group Falun Gong (see “FG” in Figure 5) and political parties.
The Chinese government began repressing the public practice of Falun Gong in the mid-1990s. In 1999, about 10,000 Falun Gong practitioners gathered near the central government compound in Beijing demanding legal recognition. The protest resulted in the arrest of at least 111 members, according to a report from Human Rights Watch.
In 1998, a group of democracy activists attempted to register a new political party named Democracy Party of China. Active members were then either arrested or exiled.
The rise in the number of political prisoners between 2009 and 2010 might be related to the Charter 08 movement launched by Liu Xiaobo, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, and signed by hundreds of public intellectuals demanding political reform and a guarantee of human rights.
We can also see an increased number of detentions in 2014 and 2015, which might be related to Hong Kong's pro-democracy Umbrella Movement and the July 9 crackdown of human right lawyers in 2015 (see the blue in Figure 3). During the Umbrella Movement, more than 200 citizens in mainland China were reported to be arrested for expressing support for this movement. And on July 9, 2015, about 300 human rights lawyers and activists were arrested and interrogated.
The database is said to underestimate the number of political prisoners because some are not detained in a prison cell, but at their own house or in secret “black jail” without trial.
Xiaodan Wang's father is a practitioner of Falun Gong, and he had been in prison for 15 years. Wang said in a statement to a CECC hearing about her father's condition:
When he finally made it home it was to video surveillance and neighborhood watch programs. Police regularly visited and on “sensitive days” he was advised to stay home and out of sight. By no means had he truly returned to a normal life.
Similar “neighborhood watch programs” have been applied to well-known persecuted activists like Hu Jia.
For decades, Chinese authorities have detained people for their pursuit of human rights like freedom expression and freedom of religion. They are Tibetan monks, they are Falung Gong practitioners, they are students, they are lawyers, and they are survivors of the Tiananmen Square massacre. Their courage and vision for a better society brought them to jail. But they won't be forgotten.

author: Guest Contributor


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Anishinaabe artist creates Turtle Island emoji to celebrate National Indigenous History Month in Canada · Global Voices
Eduardo Avila

A still from a GIF showing which hashtags unlock the Turtle Island emoji, designed by Chief Lady Bird. Via Twitter Canada.
Canadian Twitter users are able to use a specially designed emoji throughout the month of June to commemorate National Indigenous History Month. Created by Anishinaabe artist Chief Lady Bird, the emoji depicts a turtle, tree, and sun representing “Turtle Island,” which is the English name of the continent of North America as translated from a number of native languages.
Chief Lady Bird shared her thinking behind the design in a series of tweets. She said she first made sure to crowdsource ideas from other First Nations members on Twitter because of the challenges of finding imagery that encompasses the diversity of communities across the country.
Before I began creating the emoji, I wanted to ensure that some level of community consultation happened. As this design is meant to represent my community, I didn’t want to speak on behalf of anyone. Moreover, I wanted to bring a collective vision to life.
— Chief Lady Bird ? (@chiefladybird) June 1, 2018
Though there were some tight time constraints, I took to Twitter, Instagram and Facebook to gather suggestions for the emoji design! Based on the information I received, I created an official poll on Twitter with the four most popular options.
— Chief Lady Bird ? (@chiefladybird) June 1, 2018
Its important to note that I don’t believe that one symbol can represent the vastness of Indigenous people. Every nation, every language group, every clan, every individual indigenous person has a distinct story & it would be unfair to ever imply that we fall under one category.
— Chief Lady Bird ? (@chiefladybird) June 1, 2018
The final decision to create the Turtle Island emoji came from the official twitter poll (1,727 votes- 50% for turtle island) as well as the fact that turtle island is a decolonial view of the continent that we all belong to. pic.twitter.com/7dFEk8QU9a
— Chief Lady Bird ? (@chiefladybird) June 1, 2018
The emoji also pays homage to our reciprocal relationship with Mother Earth, as well as the Anishinaabe creation story in which a muskrat sacrifices herself to swim into the depths and bring up dirt to put onto the turtle’s back, to provide life and sustenance for all of creation
— Chief Lady Bird ? (@chiefladybird) June 1, 2018
As an Anishinaabe artist, I am careful not to appropriate from other nations, as I recognize how sacred all of our imagery and stories are. I am very vocal about cultural appropriation and like to walk my talk.
— Chief Lady Bird ? (@chiefladybird) June 1, 2018
There has been a lot of great dialogue throughout the design process, which I am so so grateful for. One of the main concerns was that the options in my poll did not reflect the inuit- and they didn’t. But I would never feel right about using symbolism that I don’t understand.
— Chief Lady Bird ? (@chiefladybird) June 1, 2018
The emoji can be “unlocked” by using the related hashtags #IndigenousHistoryMonth, #IndigenousPeoplesDay, #FirstNations, #Metis, #Métis, and #Inuit. It's the result of a partnership with Twitter Canada, one that Chief Lady Bird sees as a starting point for future collaborations:
For instance: this year the design was created by an Anishinaabe artist (I’m honoured and so excited! This is so surreal!) and next year it could be an Inuit artist and the year after i could be a Haudenosaunee artist and then Métis and then Mi’kmaq etc etc
— Chief Lady Bird ? (@chiefladybird) June 1, 2018
There is potential for this project to bloom into something larger that can acknowledge the intersections of Indigeneity, and I am excited to see where it goes!
— Chief Lady Bird ? (@chiefladybird) June 1, 2018
Chi miigwech to everyone for your continued support! But more importantly thank you for your honesty. For holding people accountable. For advocating for culturally accurate representation. This work is important and can’t be done alone. #NativeTwitter is awesome ❤
— Chief Lady Bird ? (@chiefladybird) June 1, 2018

author: Eduardo Avila


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As fuel prices in India hit a four-year high, an outraged public demands tax relief · Global Voices
Devika Sakhadeo

Image by paulbr75 via Pixabay. Creative Commons. Used with Permission.
Ordinary Indians filling up their tanks at petrol pumps on June 4, 2018, were shocked once again by the increased price of fuel. In some states, prices hit as high as 85 Indian Rupees-INR per liter ($1.27 United States Dollar-USD) for petrol and 74 INR per liter ($1.10 USD) for diesel, at least 10 INR higher than usual. Since February 2018, fuel prices have steadily increased, leaving citizens scrambling to cover everyday expenses and triggering waves of outrage on social media.
India's oil price is the fourth highest among the top 10 crude-oil consuming nations. The nation sources about 80 percent of its oil needs from abroad as the third largest importer of crude oil, leaving the nation's oil market threatened by stronger global crude oil prices. In metropolitan areas, petrol and diesel prices used to average around 75 INR per liter ($1.12 USD) and 65 INR per liter ($0.97 USD) respectively, but in recent months prices have increased daily.
By the second half of May 2018, citizens witnessed a spike not just in fuel but also Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG), commonly distributed in cylinders. The LPG cylinder price also shot up to 48 INR ($0.72 USD) for non-subsidized cylinders compared to 2.34 INR ($0.035 USD) for subsidized ones.
In April 2018, the Petroleum Ministry met with the General Secretary of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) to discuss the increased oil prices:
Min. @dpradhanbjp met with Secretary General OPEC @OPECnews, Mr. Mohammad Sanusi Barkindo. Deliberated upon issues of output cuts by #OPEC resulting in high volatility & increased oil prices and it’s effect it has on a price sensitive country like India. #IEF16 pic.twitter.com/BUKNdnG9j9
— Petroleum Ministry (@PetroleumMin) April 10, 2018
Petroleum ministers maintain that OPEC has been charging Asian buyers an export premium, claims which OPEC denies. India relies on OPEC member countries to import 86 percent of its crude oil, 75 percent natural gas and 95 percent LPG. In addition to fuel price hikes, India asserts that this premium causes an increase in public transportation prices as well as vegetables and fruits, school fees, and bus and courier charges, among others.
OPEC alone can't shoulder the blame for fuel price hikes. Petrol products are a major source of tax income for central and state governments and petroleum product taxes are levied at two levels. The government gathers an excise tax and every state levies a Value Added Tax (VAT) on the fuel sold. The excise fee is an indirect tax while VAT varies depending on the value of the product or service at each stage of production or distribution.
The fuel price includes the state VAT, the central excise tax, plus the dealer's price and commission. According to Firstpost, the central government in India charges 19.5 INR ($0.30 USD) in petrol excise taxes and 15.3 INR ($0.23 USD) on diesel. The earnings from an excise tax would reduce by about 10,725 crore INR ($1599 hundred thousand USD) if the central government decides to deduct even 1 INR from the excise duty on fuel. Taxes currently levied on the dealer's price often amount to the dealer's price itself, leaving no room for profit.
When the centralized Goods and Service Tax (GST) was introduced in July 2017 the VAT became nearly obsolete and citizens suggested the GST include petroleum products. However, just as the central government earns revenue from the excise fee, fuel is one of the biggest revenue earners for state governments, making it difficult for them to agree to give up the VAT on fuel to be included in GST.
For example, the state of Kerala dropped fuel prices by 1 INR but now expects to lose 500 crore INR (over 2 million USD) as per the statement by Kerala's Finance Minister Thomas Isaac. Minister of Finance, Arun Jaitley has agreed to include it in the GST, provided he can acquire consensus from all the states.
In addition to public outrage on social media since February 2018, opposition parties have launched ‘Twitter morchas’ (from the Hindi word ‘rally’ or ‘protest’). They are also speaking out on various news channels and conducting rallies in multiple cities. In response, the central government reported a supposed reduction in fuel prices by 60 paisa (100 paisa = 1 rupee) as reported on the Indian Oil Corporation website.
However, it turned out to be a glitch in the system with the actual reduction being only 1 paisa. Further outrage on social media led the government to reduce fuel prices by another 7 paisa, and after four consecutive days of decreasing prices, the government finally reduced the price by 9 paisa. As of June 4 2018, the prices were reduced by 15 paisa for petrol and 14 paisa for diesel.
Twitter user MumbaiCongress demanded a tax cut on fuels:
Last #TweetMorcha was a huge success against unprecedented Bank Charges
Today our fight is against atrocious #FuelPriceHike Current Govt. & its policies does not let the nation thrive & we will not keep quiet about it. Use #CutFuelTaxes Tag PM @narendramodi & CM @Dev_Fadnavispic.twitter.com/fzwdLHxWpb
— MumbaiCongress (@INCMumbai) June 2, 2018
Another Twitter user predicted:
#FuelPriceHike The petrol bird is coming home to roost & lay it's egg! pic.twitter.com/NeUzQmImU7
— Prashant Bhushan (@pbhushan1) May 25, 2018
Indian celebrity Farhan Akhtar took to social media to poke fun at the high taxes on fuel:
₹84 per litre mubarak to you and your loved ones.
Actual cost I believe is ₹31, based on info i could find online (do correct me if I’m wrong, happy to learn) .. the rest are central & state taxes, cess & commissions. Just so you know that the price can be brought down.
— Farhan Akhtar (@FarOutAkhtar) May 23, 2018
And celebrity Akash Banerjee joked:
Breaking News!
As frustration over #FuelPriceHike mounts…fights are breaking out at Petrol pumps ???? pic.twitter.com/gAROUNnPRR
— Akash Banerjee (@akashbanerjee) May 26, 2018
Others shared satire and cartoons:
Drinking and driving should be less of a problem now. After all how many will be able to afford alcohol and petrol on the same day ? #PetrolPriceHike
— Harsh Goenka (@hvgoenka) May 27, 2018
The fuel burden! @mail_today cartoon #FuelPriceHike#Onepaisapic.twitter.com/R5HyvxbBO3
— Satish Acharya (@satishacharya) June 2, 2018
This is not the first time India has experienced a fuel price hike. In 2013 and 2014, fuel prices rose and in many cities, it hit 80 INR per liter ($1.20 USD) for petrol. For that fiscal year, the central government, under the direction of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, approved an increase in the excise tax to boost revenue and strengthen the Indian Rupee. The decision was not favored by those who blamed Modi and the central government for fuel hike woes.
As 2019 elections approach, political parties are in full swing to utilize current affairs for their benefit. Since 2014, the Indian National Congress party has opposed fuel hikes and are currently organizing farmers to protest the fuel hikes before the elections.
Meanwhile, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) continues to work on the issue. According to one report, the BJP plans to ask the state-owned Oil and Gas National Corporation (ONGC) to bear a fuel subsidy, which would result in a price reduction while lessening the possible revenue gap left if the excise fee gets reduced.

author: Devika Sakhadeo


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Romanian government considering following Trump’s move and relocating its embassy in Israel to Jerusalem · Global Voices
Aveen Karim

Memorial for the victims in Gaza held outside the Palestinian embassy. Picture by the Facebook page Romania Palestine Solidarity, used with permission.
The Romanian government is considering following Trump’s controversial move to relocate the United States (US) embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, affecting Romania’s proclaimed neutral role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The move of the Romanian embassy is yet another episode in the conflict between the government led by Social Democratic Party (PSD) and President Iohannis.
The initiative to move the Romanian embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, has divided the country into two different camps: those who want to follow the European Union’s (EU) stance of maintaining the international consensus on Jerusalem (a city whose Eastern side is considered Israeli-occupied Palestinian territory) and those who want to follow US policy.
US President Donald Trump set a precedent when he moved the US embassy to Jerusalem on 14 May, recognising the disputed city as the capital of Israel. This resulted in numerous negative reactions across the Middle East and beyond.
The day marked Israel’s 70th anniversary as well as 70 years since the expulsion of over 700,000 Palestinians from their land, known as the Nakba (catastrophe) in Arabic. It notably saw the brutal repression by the Israeli state of a grassroots protest organized in Gaza to commemorate the Nakba, killing over 60 Palestinians.
Romanian Prime Minister, Viorica Dăncilă and her Israeli counterpart, Benjamin Netanyahu. Photo by Romanian Government, Fair Use.
Romania was one of the four EU member states to accept the invitation to participate in the inaugural ceremony lead by Ivanka Trump and Jared Kushner, in contrast to the other 24 EU countries that declined.
Romania, together with Hungary and the Czech Republic, had previously blocked the EU from publishing a statement aimed at demonstrating a united front against the US move. An Austrian envoy was also sent to the inauguration of the US embassy. The Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs declared the proposed EU statement, which called for the status of Jerusalem to be resolved through peace negotiations, “unbalanced”.
Meanwhile, the Romanian-Palestinian Solidarity group told Global Voices that they had not received authorisation to organise protests in the capital. Authorisation for protests is given by the office of the mayor of Bucharest, a position which is held by Gabriela Firea, a member of Social Democratic Party (PSD) and a former journalist.
However, Romanian solidarity has been demonstrated outside the Palestinian embassy where a memorial for the victims in Gaza was arranged.
With regard to the embassy move, the position of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs rejects that of the EU and reflects the government’s stance. The government is ruled by the PSD and acts as the opposition to centre-right President Klaus Iohannis.
Iohannis has made it clear that he is against moving the Romanian embassy to Jerusalem because it would change Romania’s position as a neutral broker to an active participant in the conflict. This rift over the embassy highlights the divisions which exist in domestic politics as well as the miscommunication and mistrust that exists between the government and the Presidency.
In April, social democrat leader Liviu Dragnea announced a secret memorandum deciding to move the embassy to Jerusalem without consulting the President. The announcement was followed by a visit to Israel by Dragnea and Prime Minister Viorica Dăncilă.
Video: Romanian PM Viorica Dăncilă, Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu and Romania Minister of Foreign Affairs Teodor Meleșcanu arriving in Israel.
President Iohannis claimed the memorandum went against the Romanian constitution and legislation which gives the President the power to make decisions on foreign affairs and international law. He also stated that Dragnea and Dăncilă did not have a mandate to visit Israel on such matters and called for Prime Minister Dăncilă’s resignation.
A statement from the Presidential Administration read that the President is responsible for the major decisions regarding international politics.
The attendance of Romanian officials without a mandate at the inauguration of the US embassy had swift repercussions at home. The leader of the National Liberal Party, Ludovic Orban filed a criminal complaint against Dăncilă, accusing her of high treason. Dragnea claimed the complaint can be labelled institutional antisemitism.
The Palestinian ambassador, Fuad Kolaly was called back home, disturbing the calm diplomatic relationship between Bucharest and Ramallah. Ambassador Kolaly declared that Romania has historically played a balanced role in the peace negotiations between Israel and Palestine, and its intention to relocate the embassy goes against international law as well as UN Security Council resolutions.
A statement released by the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in which the government’s support of the two state solution was reinforced, asked where the capitals of the two states would be. This references the fact that supporters of a two-state solution hope to have a future Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital.
In conversation with the Romanian press, the Ambassador said Palestine does not want to break away from Romania due to the fact that around 3,500 Palestinians live in the country. He also added that he feels encouraged by the fact that the decision ultimately lies in the hands of the President.
It is unclear what reasons are behind the decision to relocate the embassy and what the social democrats would gain from it. Many critics were quick to call Dragnea out for seeking a closer relationship with Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu who is facing accusations of corruption in Israel.
Romania is itself notorious for corruption and has been struggling to recover from post-communist trauma since the regime lead by Nicolae Ceaușescu was overthrown in 1989. Since it joined the EU in 2007, many have argued that the country has been on the right track towards tackling corruption, despite the fact that it has also been undermined from within the political system.
Dragnea has been convicted of electoral fraud, abuse of public office and forgery. The National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA) has opened an investigation into alleged fraud committed by him with EU funds. RISE Project, a Romanian investigative journalism organisation revealed that Dragnea was being investigated in Brazil for money laundering, an accusation the social democrat leader dismissed as false.
Dragnea lead PSD to victory in the 2016 parliamentary elections and has since appointed puppet Prime Ministers to act on his behalf as his convictions do not allow him to fulfill the role himself. The Prime Minister has changed three times since 2017 and the position is currently held by Viorica Dăncilă, the first woman in Romanian history to hold the position.
Dăncilă, who grew in rank under Drangea’s protection, has been criticized for being under-qualified for this role, despite her time as a member of the European Parliament. The President has also accused her of receiving orders from her party.
In January 2017, Romania erupted into the largest protests since the anti-communist revolution of 1989. Over 500,000 people protested against ordinance bills passed by the Ministry of Justice which proposed to amend the Penal Code and Penal Procedure in order to pardon certain crimes, particularly those related to the abuse of power. Opponents to the ordinance accused its creators of trying to decriminalise corruption by the government and claimed it was an attempt by people, like Dragnea, to escape criminal prosecution.
The protests were criticised both by the PSD and by television channels serving as PSD’s main propaganda platform. Anchors claimed the protesters had been paid by the American-Hungarian Jewish philanthropist George Soros and that the protests were a conspiracy by “the deep state.” (Editor's note: Global Voices is a grantee of the Open Society Foundations, part of the Soros network.)
This is similar to the anti-Soros rhetoric found in nearby countries, notably in Hungary under the rule of Viktor Orbán. Hungarian ruling national conservative and right-wing populist party Fidesz follows a similar pattern, feeding off the rise of the far right and its rhetoric which mixes antisemitism, when Soros is concerned, and Islamophobia, in regard to the refugees.
This type of rhetoric is often shifting and inconsistent, and depends on the evaluation of what type of hate speech would provide most support with the electorate at a given moment. Therefore, many European populists, while expressing antisemitism at home, also exalt Israel as an example of how a state should deal with Muslims, and support its role in the Middle East. Stoking xenophobia against refugees (presented as Muslim menace) has been a major element of populist rise across the continent, from Poland to Macedonia to Slovenia.
Dragnea's visit to Israel has raised suspicions that his party attempts to distance Romania from the EU, which has issued warnings about corruption and disregard of EU regulations. Natenyahu's support would seemingly bring Dragnea closer to the US right-wing establishment behind President Trump's administration, providing powerful allies. This movement is similar to euro-skeptic governments like Hungary's Fidesz and Austria's ÖVP-FPÖ alliance, which had been trying to gain support from the US conservatives also.
While the controversies over the possible move of the Romanian embassy in Tel Aviv is yet another episode in the domestic conflict between the PSD-ALDE-led government and President Iohannis, it now affects Romania’s proclaimed neutral role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
At a debate in Bucharest on the embassy move on 17 May, Haaretz's Gideon Levy warned Romania against assuming such a big role by recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital. The audience and moderator regurgitated pro-Israeli government rhetoric by constantly mentioning Hamas and Palestinian “terrorism” against Israel, completely disregarding the brutalities of Israeli occupation of Palestinian territory and discriminatory policies which have been likened to apartheid.
Mixing xenophobia and taking sides in the Israel-Palestine conflict exploits the fear of Muslim refugees among many Romanians, enabling the government to take such a big and controversial step.

author: Aveen Karim


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With elections fast approaching in Mexico, what is at stake for citizens? · Global Voices
J. Tadeo

Mexico’s national flag at half-mast in a sign of mourning. Main square of Mexico City. Photo by the author, used with permission.
This is the first in a four-part series on Mexico and upcoming elections.
On 1 July 2018, Mexicans will go to the polls in what is seen as the biggest election in the country’s history. However, both national and international attention is focused on the presidency.
The graphic below shows the number of posts up for election – over 3,220. Of these, 629 are at the federal level, including 500 federal deputies (in yellow), 128 senators (dark blue), and the presidency.
Information obtained from www.ine.mx. Graphic by J. Tadeo for Global Voices.
For over 70 years of the last century, presidents from the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) have ruled Mexico in what Peruvian writer and intellectual Mario Vargas Llosa once termed a “perfect dictatorship”. In the 2000s, Mexicans left the one-party rule behind and opened the way for Vicente Fox, a candidate from the Partido Acción Nacional (PAN). Six years later, Felipe Calderón was elected, also under the PAN party.
Calderón’s term is widely remembered for his declaration of war on organized crime which marked the beginning of a conflict between armed groups, police, and the Mexican armed forces. One of the many authors who has discussed this topic is Jacobo Dayán. In a 2017 piece for the outlet Aristegui Noticias, Dayán wrote:
Desde el inicio de la presencia militar a gran escala para combatir al crimen organizado, el entonces presidente Felipe Calderón lo llamó guerra. En efecto, al parecer estaba en lo correcto, no se trata de una lucha contra el crimen sino un conflicto armado interno.
Since the start of the large-scale military presence to combat organized crime, the then-president Felipe Calderón called it a war. In effect, it seems he was correct, this is not a fight against crime but an internal armed conflict.
In 2012, the PRI retook control of the government with Enrique Peña Nieto as president. Peña Nieto decided to continue the war launched by his predecessor. His term has been heavily marked by the violent consequences of the armed conflict. Among these was the forced disappearance and subsequent execution of 43 teaching students in Ayotzinapa – a case for which no one has yet been sentenced.
Speaking to independent outlet SinEmbargo about the Ayotzinapa case, the executive director of Amnesty International in Mexico said:
A tres años, seguimos buscando a nuestros desaparecidos entre los escombros de instituciones corruptas y el crimen del olvido, en donde la voluntad política real de las autoridades nunca se ha hecho presente (…) la mentira histórica de este caso marcará el sexenio de Peña Nieto (2012-2018), pero nosotros en solidaridad con sus padres y madres los seguiremos contando, los seguiremos buscando, luchando para que salga a la luz la verdad y se tenga acceso a la justicia.
After three years, we are still searching for our disappeared ones among the wreckage of corrupt institutions and the crime of forgetting, where the real political will of the authorities has never been present (…) the historic lie of this case will mark the term of Peña Nieto (2012-2018), but in solidarity with [the students’] parents we will continue speaking about them, we will continue searching for them, fighting to bring the truth to light and for access to justice.
Enrique Peña Nieto and his cabinet have been accused by the public and civil society organizations of various cases of corruption, the majority of which have gone unpunished. This includes the Odebrecht scandal, which saw politicians across Latin America having to account for their involvement and, in some cases, face criminal prosecution. However, in Mexico, the episode has been marked by a lack of legal consequences and opaque investigations.
Peña Nieto's term also has been marked by a series of controversial constitutional reforms, particularly in education, energy, and transparency in accessing public information.
Alongside the traditional parties’ candidates, citizens will now be able to vote for “independent” candidates who were not formally backed by any national political party.
The candidates are attempting to win support in a country where 200,000 people have lost their lives to violence in the past twelve years, with a precarious level of press freedom, an unknown number of forced disappearances, and hundreds of thousands of displaced people. It is a race to gain the confidence of people suffering from the existing armed conflict and frustrated by the corruption and impunity in circles of power.
At the same time, Mexico’s elections resonate at a regional level, from north to south. They are part of a series of elections across the region marked by significant political changes and big swings from left to right, from traditional parties to new political groups, or of the continuation of established orders and policies with very low popular legitimacy.
In the next part of the series, we will discuss each one of the candidates: Ricardo Anaya, José A. Meade, Andrés M. López, Jaime Rodríguez “El Bronco” and Margarita Zavala, who is also the wife of former president Calderón.
We will also look at the polls seeking to measure the electorate’s opinion, but we will not stop there. Stay tuned.

author: J. Tadeo


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A social entrepreneur with ‘a pebble of an idea’ is taking on the Goliath of Jamaica’s plastic pollution · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

Scheed Cole's son sitting on a 360 Recycle bench. Cole founded the social enterprise in an effort to think differently, help people in need and tackle environmental issues. Photo by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
The theme for the 2018 World Environment Day (June 5) is #BeatPlasticPollution and discussions have stepped up in Jamaica over waste management — especially how best to tackle its tide of plastic.
Senator Matthew Samuda, who filed a parliamentary motion in 2017 for a ban on plastic bags and styrofoam, promised action in February 2018, but no anti-plastic measures have come to pass. Samuda tweeted recently from a Kingston Harbour beach:
Imagine we cleaned this beach on April 21st, all it took was one rain and look at it, WORSE than before. We are flirting with Disaster. There can be NO Blue economy if we continue to manage our Solid Waste this way. Urgent Action must be taken now. pic.twitter.com/9P6c3mBEza
— Matthew Samuda (@matthewsamuda) May 8, 2018
Regardless of the outcome of government deliberations, the private sector including groups like Recycling Partners of Jamaica been moving ahead with cleanups and recycling efforts.
Founder and CEO of 360 Recycle, Scheed Cole, working on a model. Photo by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
In particular, one young social entrepreneur has come up with a creative way of repurposing and reusing plastics. Scheed Cole and the company he founded, 360 Recycle, employs approximately 20 young people from the surrounding community, and together they build innovative playgrounds, sculptures, water features, plant pots, construction materials and more, all from plastic bottles and styrofoam. The company is also building a diorama for the Natural History Museum of Jamaica's new exhibition hall.
Global Voices recently visited 360 Recycle‘s workshop in inner-city Kingston and spoke to Cole. He was busy sculpting a small model while his wife Keisha (also the company's administrator) kept an eye on the work in the yard outside, as well as on their children, who were on a school break. As the sound of hammering and tapping floated through the window, Cole talked about his vision.
Global Voices (GV): What motivates you?
Scheed Cole (SC): I am very drawn to people in need, and how I can play a part to help them. That's where the empathy comes from. That is one of the main reasons I made 360 Recycle into a social enterprise. I am a lover of science, and I am a lover of materials, as a sculptor. A lot of the material I used was recycled. I turned to plastics while looking for lighter materials. It became then intentional to tackle the environmental issues. I started to use more recyclables and that is how 360 Recycle came to life. It became the core of the business.
A worker from the Rousseau Road/Lyndhurst community making a bowl. Photo by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
GV: Do you see yourself as a creative or as a manufacturer?
SC: We are both [Cole and his wife] trained teachers. I spent some years teaching visual arts in inner city schools. I wanted to be a scientist, but there's a lot of science in art. I do mostly applied arts — the use of industrial sciences merged with fine arts.
A playground that was under construction in Rose Town, Kingston, a few years ago, using 360 Recycle products. Photo by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
GV: Creatively, then, what inspired you?
SC: From the moment I became self-aware — age four — I was aware of myself drawing. I took waste and found objects such as copper wires, plastic bottles, corks…making robots and laser guns and cars, even attaching electronic parts to them, while I was still in primary school. I wasn't focused on school. I had attention deficit disorder and I was dyslexic. My stepmother was a secretary, and loved word games — like that wicked game, Scrabble! But it was, ‘Scheed will have to learn a trade; he isn't good at academics.’ I went on to St. Andrew Technical High School. It was upstream from that point. I think schools teach the kids academics too early — they don't become creative, but geared to pass exams. I realised that something that was a hobby became something that could support me financially. My art teacher, Marlon Jones, was very instrumental. He entered me in competitions. I won prizes in a United Nations anti-pollution global competition in 1992. I went to the Jamaica Pegasus Hotel for the awards ceremony. I got to dress up in a blazer. I was celebrated at the school. I walked with my head held high.
I left high school with seven subjects, studying on a hungry belly. I did some construction work to pay my school fees. I worked for six months as an unpaid intern at a graphics agency, then I went to teachers’ college.
A sign at the 360 Recycle workshop that reads, “Transforming the environment, transforming lives”. Photo by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
GV: What to you is the importance of recycling and environmental conservation?
SC: It's about being aware and ‘awake’ — becoming sensitive to environmental impacts. The thing is, we are detached from nature; we are no longer a part of the ecosystem. It's a national problem. We need to bring people back to a love and respect for nature. Respecting the trees, respecting the rivers, respecting the seas. We have detached from it because we have placed more emphasis on academics. We have short-changed ourselves.
It is the sensitivity of humanity that we have lost. We have put the arts on the periphery. But these are the things that make us feel. What happens if we lose the trees, the birds, the insects? They are nationals of Jamaica as well — the butterflies, the crocodiles, are Jamaican nationals. One thing with nature is it kicks back all the time. Human beings are the ones who cannot recover quickly.
360 Recycle is saying, ‘Put the environment first. Put aside greed.’ We [Jamaicans] are trying to compete, not realising what our true resources are. Those resources are ‘wood and water’ — the foundation — but still, we are chasing after the dream of First World countries. We have become so blind and so desensitised.
Flower pots made by 360 Recycle from plastic bottles. Photo by Emma lewis, used with permission.
GV: What is your view on Jamaica's waste management problem?
SC: There is no waste. Waste is created by lazy people. People think the only way to deal with styrofoam and plastic is to ban it. There is no mental discipline to find a use for a raw material that was really created by the earth, not man [fossil fuel]. So how can we reduce its use, keep it ‘in the loop’, create a zero-waste environment? We can find a purpose in everything. But modern society is fast. The quickest thing to do, rather than put it back in the cycle, is to use it once and take it straight to the dump.
The landfill may never have to exist. Nature reuses everything; it is a constant cycle. Transporting your waste to another country is not natural either. For 360 Recycle, we ask why can't we reuse our waste here? We are proof of this. We can reutilise all the waste in Jamaica. We just need to build our capacity.
Banning plastic is not going to help deal with the ‘nastiness’ of our people; their attitude. They are going to throw away something else. It's so short-sighted. We need to resolve the overall relationship of our people to our environment — and not just one element. People will still be throwing garbage out of their cars onto the street. People will still be dumping things into the rivers. If we really mean business, we have to come up with a solution to the whole problem, not just one aspect.
Why don't we spend our money on more units to collect recyclables and establish a sorting system, and incentivise people to do so?
A close-up of the inside of an elephant sculpture, made by 360 Recycle out of styrofoam. Photo by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
GV: What do you see as 360 Recycle's role?
SC: The thing is, 360 Recycle is not a government initiative, although it is seen as a solution to a national problem if it were scaled up to a national level — but the government is not taking it up. We have collaborated with others in the past. If we could only look at it as not ‘my thing’, but as something that works — and put all our efforts behind it. If it is a good idea, let's rally behind it together. Unity is strength.
More decorative plant pots made by 360 Recycle. Photo by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
GV: How do you see 360 Recycle — and Jamaica — in 10 years’ time?
SC: I see us making Jamaica a zero-waste country — at least between 80% and 100% zero waste — with every raw material, whether organic or man-made, repurposed and brought back into the cycle. We see 360 Recycle developing products that will be utilised globally. Like Sweden, we would run out of waste here in Jamaica. Sweden was a government initiative, but we can make this a private sector effort and move past the naysayers.
We are David. We have a pebble of an idea, and it is making a big impact. The Goliath is the improper waste disposal; the lack of waste management systems that are not working; the lack of awareness among our people; the lack of initiative. We are taking on that giant head-on, and we are not backing down.
This is bigger than me. It's for my generation; generations to come. As long as the earth exists.

author: Emma Lewis


text:
Boycott against Argentinian musician in France sparks debate on cultural appropriation · Global Voices
Sandra Abd'Allah-Alvarez Ramírez

Chocolate Remix at the end of Pride 2017 in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Photo by Nubeamarela, shared under a Creative Commons license (Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International)
Cultural appropriation is quickly becoming a hot topic, especially in the music world. On the one hand, there are those who belong to a culture, who are often cut off from power and commercialisation. On the other hand, there are those who enjoy certain privileges and are permitted to reproduce and benefit from cultural products conceived and created by members of the first group.
Questions arise which add to the complexity of the discussion: Who has the right to use these cultural products legitimately? Is it still appropriation if it is among people belonging to different groups, each oppressed in their own ways?
The most recent debate about cultural appropriation in Latin America is centred around the work of Argentinian Romina Bernardo,  better known as ‘Chocolate Remix’, who has been singing, collaborating, and producing  reggaeton music (a style of music originating in Latin America and the Caribbean). She identifies as a lesbofeminist, as shared in an interview in July 2017.
During her most recent tour of Europe, “La Mutinerie”, the venue in Paris where she was due to perform, cancelled the concert scheduled for the 26th of April after a group of Black French activists complained that she was guilty of cultural appropriation.
Bernardo responded to the complaints by questioning whether these queer trans French activists could legitimately talk about cultural appropriation given their French nationality. The discussion continued with reactions from both sides, including new comments from Bernardo reflecting on the discussion.
However, even though Bernardo would go on to recognise part of the issues that were raised, the debate and the reactions to it created ongoing conversations about oppression and privilege online.
A debate took place instead of a concert, on the same stage where Bernardo had performed. The singer also exchanged with famous Cuban rap artist Odaymar Pasa Kruda, a member of Krudxs Cubensi, who participated in the conversation over the phone.
Pasa Kruda responded to Bernardo's first reaction to the queer trans French activists via Facebook:
Nos silenciaron al decir que estábamos hablando por personas latinas negras y que nosotros, la gente negra cuir y la gente trans eran más privilegiados que ellxs porque somos franceses”. Lo cual es una prueba evidente de que no tienen idea de qué es la apropiación cultural, el colorismo, el racismo y la negrofobia y cómo funciona. ¿Cómo puede una mujer negra o una persona trans ser privilegiada entre cualquier persona en este planeta sobre una base racial?
They silenced us by saying we were talking for black Latin people and that we, as queer black women and trans people were more privileged than them because we are French. This is obvious proof that they have no idea what cultural appropriation, racism, colourism and negrophobia are and how they work. How can a black woman or a trans person be more racially privileged than anyone else in the world?
Bernardo made the following statement on her public Facebook page:
Celebro que las voces de personas negras se [hagan] oír y apoyo definitivamente la lucha antiracista, lo que lamento en profundidad es que aún no se oiga la voz de personas latinas migrantes, también racializadas, que acaba quedando silenciada entre medio del desconocimiento de realidades y subordinada a una lectura que parece plantear un orden jerárquico de opresiones sin tener en cuenta la transversalidad de las mismas. El resultado: dos grupos oprimidos enfrentados desvalorizando sus luchas mutuamente en un espacio blanco francés.
I celebrate that the voices of black people are being heard and I fully support the fight against racism. However, I deeply regret the way in which the voice of Latin migrants, racialised too, are still not being heard, ending up being silenced behind ignorance of reality and suppressed under a lecture on the hierarchy of oppressions, which doesn't take into account their transversality. The result: two oppressed groups facing off and devaluing their shared struggle in a white French space.
This response gave way to discussions and reflections which were shared on social media, to which the singer made another comment, elements of which are still the target of criticism, but which recognise some omissions made in her previous comments both on social media and on the stage.
However, by then the debate had sparked intense discussion on social media — marked, according to Pasa Kruda, by violence:
Durante el debate físico exigido por Romina y sus aduladoras, así como también en los comentarios escritos en los foros en línea se ha desenmascarado el facismo rampante que se arrastra en la comunidad blanca y blanco mestiza latina aún siendo cuir, aún siendo lesbianas, aún siendo emigrantes, aún siendo feministas. Seguimos esperando la declaración de Romina mientras sus fanes nos ofenden con los más dolorosos insultos y ataques racistas.
During the debate started by Romina and those who praise her, and also seen in the comments written on online forums, a widespread facism has been uncovered which creeps about in the white, mixed race and Latin communities, even among queers, lesbians, immigrants, feminists. We are still waiting for Romina's statement, meanwhile her fans are being offensive, hurling painful insults and racist attacks.
In an article called ‘Chocolate Remix: Reggaeton, Cultural Appropriation and Aesthetic Extractivism‘, journalist and rapper Fabian Villegas addresses how other musical genres have gone from being representative to being cultivated by white people.
Los procesos de apropiación cultural son tan viejos como los primeros espirales de producción, circulación y mediatización cultural. Para decirlo a cabalidad no hay posibilidad de que pensemos industria cultural al margen de procesos históricos de apropiación cultural y extractivismo estético. Del rock, al jazz, del jazz al tango, y del tango al flamenco, todos estos, solo por mencionar algunos ejemplos, se han erigido sobre estructuras y prácticas de apropiación, robo, despojo, “desahucio”, invisibilidad de los grupos racializados y de su propia producción y experiencia cultural.
The processes of cultural appropriation are as old as production, circulation and media coverage. The truth is, it would be impossible to see cultural industry as being at the margin of the historic processes of cultural appropriation and aesthetic extractivism. From rock to jazz, from jazz to tango, and from tango to flamenco: all these, just to give a few examples, have been built upon the structures and practices of appropriation, thievery, dispossession, evictions, invisibility of racialised groups and their own cultural production and experience.
Villegas also explains the most complex aspects:
Lo conflictivo también está en que por tu privilegio racial, termines no solo por apropiarte de esa práctica cultural, sino que tu privilegio racial te otorgue la capacidad de resignificar, estetizar, sofisticar y ampliar la incidencia de esa práctica cultural. Y no conforme con eso, estés consciente que es por tu condición de blanco que esas prácticas culturales empiezan a ser asimiladas y aceptadas en el mainstream y en la industria cultural. Atrás de ti había una fila inmensa de músicas y músicos talentosos, pero la industria y el significante colonial los silenció, invisibilizó o relegó al anonimato, porque tu blanquitud hace cómoda, fresca, y cool esa práctica cultural…
The trouble is, because of your racial privilege, you end up not only appropriating that cultural practice, but your racial privilege also gives you the capacity to redefine, aestheticise, sophisticate and share that cultural practice.
Writer Yolanda Arroyo Pizarro, prominent Puerto Rican poet, participated in the debate through her poem ¡Soñé!: Versos contra la apropiación cultural de lo Afro (I dreamed! Verses against the cultural appropriation of the African), published in Afroféminas:
Soñé que en honor al feminismo
y al antirracismo
y al colorismo
quiso honrar el dolor ajeno
y evitar el vejamen discriminatorio
sobre nuestras cuerpas negras
no hacerlo es ser partícipe aún del patriarcado
de la heteronorma
del machismo
del bullying
de continuar pisoteando a otras y otros
I dreamed that in honour of feminism
and of antiracism
and of colourism
I wanted to honour others’ pain
and avoid discriminatory satire
of our black bodies
to not do so is to remain part of the patriarchy
of heteronormativity
of machismo
of bullying
of continuing to stamp on others
In El barrio antiguo (The Old Neighbourhood), Denise Alamillo and Emilie Mourgues from France closely analyse Bernardo's arguments.
En el debate en facebook a Romina se le hicieron varios señalamientos sobre su trabajo, el título de su proyecto artístico “Chocolate remix”, el uso de la frase “Me gustan las Negras” en una canción/video en el que sale una mujer afrolatina exotizada y sexualizada. A esto la artista respondió que no se estaba refiriendo a ‘Las Negras afrodescendientes’ sino que en su país ‘así se les dice a las personas mestizas que son pobres, de clase social baja. Con este argumento me parece se abrió la caja de Pandora y quedó al descubierto el extremo racismo estructural que se encuentra enraizado en la cultura Argentina, en donde se ha normalizado y pareciera ser evidente que Negrx en Argentina es un insulto peyorativo que hay que queerizar y reapropiarselo (hasta siendo blanqux) con orgullo sin siquiera hacer conciencia de lo que se está diciendo, cómo y a quiénes.
Lots of comments have been made to Romina on Facebook about her work, about the title of her ‘Chocolate Remix’ project, about her use of the phrase ‘I love Black women’ in a song/video which features an exoticised and sexualised Afro-Latin woman. Romina responded that she wasn't referring to ‘Black women of African origin’, but that in her country ‘that's how we refer to mixed-race poor people, from low social classes’. Her comment seems to have opened Pandora's box, uncovering the extreme structural racism which is engrained in Argentinean culture, where using ‘black’ as a pejorative insult has become normalised. It needs to be queerised and reappropriated (by white people too) with pride, without paying attention to who's saying what and how and to whom.
Although Bernardo has changed the lyrics of her song Como me gustan a mí (“The way I like them”), lyrics which were fiercely criticised by Afro-feminist activists, she has confirmed that she will continue to use her alias.
The author of this post featured the letter written by the Ile-Iwe/La Escuela group in her personal blog: ‘¡No más Chocolate Remix! ¡El Feminismo Negro importa!’ (“No more Chocolate Remix! Black Feminism Matters!”) which was written in response to Bernardo's letter, although it doesn't focus solely on her. It's signed by activists of African origin from various countries and of various gender identities, sexual orientations, and allies:
Romina Bernardo parece no comprender el , cuando justifica y confirma, diez días después del debate inicial, su intención en continuar utilizándolo. Queremos volver a insistir en que ese alias a las personas negras en general, no importa en qué lugar del planeta.
Romina Bernardo doesn't seem to understand the persistent questioning of her name ‘Chocolate’, as she tries to justify it and confirms, 10 days after the initial debate, her intention to continue using it. We want to insist again that using this alias stigmatises, objectifies, fetishes, retraumatises and oppresses all black people, wherever they may be from.

author: Sandra Abd'Allah-Alvarez Ramírez


text:
Freedom abroad, fear at home: Azerbaijani human rights lawyer detained for 30 days · Global Voices
Arzu Geybullayeva

Emin Aslan with his fiancée, Nura. Photo by Emin Aslan.
For Emin Aslan, going back to his native Azerbaijan after completing his studies in the US meant seeing his friends, and marrying his fiancée.
As a human rights lawyer, he worried that he might be detained once in Azerbaijan. Prior to leaving the country, he had worked with local non-government organizations and had prepared multiple complaints brought before the European Court of Human Rights on behalf of Azerbaijani citizens.
But after answering a few questions from authorities, he crossed the border and passed through customs. There was less to fear. Or so he thought.
Then everything changed. For me, it began with a message on my phone's screen: “Emin Aslan detained”. It took me a minute to process this news about my friend. I had just spoken with Emin's fiancée two days before and we had made plans to see one another in the coming months. How could it be? The news started circulating online just a few minutes later.
Hüquqşünas Emin Aslan bu gün, Bakı şəhərində (@Julidemun) mülki geyimli şəxslər tərəfindən naməlum istiqamətə aparılıb.Hazırda onun harada saxlandığı bilinmir.#Azərbaycan #həbs #hüquqşünas pic.twitter.com/ecO22msmXa
— Gözətçi (@WatchdogAze) June 4, 2018
Lawyer Emin Aslan was taken in an unknown direction by plainclothed men today in Baku. There is no information on his whereabouts.
Azerbaijani lawyer, Emin Aslan reportedly arrested in #Azerbaijan he just returned from his studies in the US
— Şəfican (@shafi_shafiyev) June 4, 2018
For more than twelve hours, Emin Aslan's whereabouts were unknown. Family members called one police station after another, only to be told that police did not know where Emin was being held. But as his friends and allies began to put the pieces together, the answer became clear.
Acclaimed investigative journalist Khadija Ismayilova, who was once a client of Emin's, wrote on Facebook:
Another human rights defender is arrested today.
Emin Aslan is a lawyer. He represented me in several Freedom of İnformation litigations and libel cases when he was one of the lawyers of Media Rights Institute. Three days ago he completed his studies in Syracuse university and came to Azerbaijan.
He is engaged and was planning to marry. Today, he was kidnapped in front of his fiancee, forced to the car and taken in unknown direction. The car, that he was forced to belongs to Mehman Teymurov – officer of Bandotdel – Anti Organized Crime Unit of Interior Ministry – the unit that is notorious for tortures.
Emin Aslan is a human rights defender and he was also mentioned in the famous NGO case which caused arrest of Intigam Aliyev, Anar Mammadli, Rasul Jafarov and myself in 2013-2014. Possible arrest was the reason why he left the country. He thought it might be safe now. No it isn't.
Ismayilova further posted about the car that was seen taking Emin away:
YENİLƏNİB
Emin Aslanı aparan avtomobil (90 XG 017) Teymurov Mehman Vaqif oğluna məxsusdur. Eyni adlı adam Baş Narkotiklərlə Mübarizə İdarəsinin əməkdaşı olub. Sonra bu ad soyadlı şəxs Nardaran işində iştirak edib. Mütəşəkkil Cİnayətkarlığa Qarşı Mübarizə İdarəsinin (Bandotdel) əməliyyatçısı qismində. Emin Aslan bandotdeldədir demək.
https://courts.gov.az/userfi…/files/1%28106%29300%281%29.pdf
The car license plate (number 90 XG 017) that reportedly took Emin Aslan belongs to Mehman Teymurov. The man by the same name worked as an employee of the Department to Combat Drugs. Later, the same name, appeared in Nardaran case as an employee of the Department for Combating Organized Crime [aka Bandotdel]. This means Emin Aslan is kept at “Bandotdel”.
The next day, on June 5, the Department for Combating Organized Crime confirmed it was holding Emin.
Human rights defender Anar Mammadli posted on Facebook:
Vekil Elçin Sadıqova MCQMİ-den (Bandotdel) Emin Aslanın orada olduğunu tesdiq edibler. Ancaq ona Eminle görüş icazesi verilmeyib.
The Department for Combating Organized Crime confirmed with lawyer Elchin Sadigov that Emin Aslan is being held there. However, the lawyer was not allowed to see him.
On June 5, a local court sentenced Emin to 30 days in administrative detention on charges of disobeying the police. The real reasons for his detention are still unknown, leaving his friends and family puzzled.
Although he will remain in police custody for the next 30 days, the sentence of administrative detention (in contrast to pre-trial detention) has left his family with some hope that he will be released thereafter.
Writing on her Facebook, his fiance, Nura, wrote:
Biz indi Eminlә evlilik/viza işlәri ilә mәşğul olmalı idik, amma indi tәcridxana üçün çantasın hazırlayıram. Bu biabırçılıqdı, bu iyrәnclikdi. Bizim hәyatımızdan 30 gün oğurlayıblar vә buna sevinirik.
30 gün nәdir ki, bir göz qırpımında gәlib keçәcәk. Amma yaşadığım stres, mәyusluq hәmişә mәnimlә qalacaq. Amma hәrşeyә baxmayaraq, möhkәmik, başqa yolu yoxdur, onsuz.
Right now, Emin and I were supposed to deal with marriage/visa paperwork but instead I am preparing a bag for him to take with me to the detention center. This is shameful and disgusting. They have stolen 30 days from our lives and yet we are celebrating. What is 30 days anyway, it will pass by in an instance but this stress will always stay with me. Despite everything we are strong, there is no other way.
Emin is a recent graduate of Syracuse University College of Law, in the US, where he completed a LLM degree. After completing his studies, he returned back to his native Azerbaijan on May 30. Four days later, he was abducted.
Prior to leaving for his studies, Emin worked in Tbilisi, Georgia with Human Rights House Tbilisi office. On Facebook, Emin's former colleagues expressed concern about his disappearance and alleged abduction.
Emin Aslan at his graduation from Syracuse University. Photo by Emin Aslan via Meydan TV.
Similarly, the Eastern European Center for Multiparty Democracy issued the following statement:
We have learned today that Mr. Emin Aslan, our former colleague, has been kidnapped in Baku by the unidentified individuals. We are very concerned with his fate in the face of widespread kidnappings and mistreatment of journalists, human rights activists and pro-democracy leaders in Azerbaijan.
While Emin was held incommunicado, his Facebook account — which had been deactivated for months — suddenly became active. His phone also appeared to be in use, even though since his return to Azerbaijan, Emin had not used his phone.
Emin's arrest is one of multiple recent government attempts to persecute the remaining voices of Azerbaijan's civil society. Scores of opposition party members have been rounded up and held on bogus charges. And while many more questions remain unanswered in Emin's case, this illustration by exiled Azerbaijani cartoonist sums it all well.
Lawyer #EminAslan got #kidnapped from the streets of Baku just days after returning from his studies in the US.
“Welcome to #Azerbaijan!” by @Gunduz__Agayev pic.twitter.com/C4FzbEptH8
— Meydan TV English (@MeydanTvEnglish) June 5, 2018

author: Arzu Geybullayeva


text:
What were Global Voices’ readers up to last week? · Global Voices
L. Finch

“Who are you?” Photo by Flickr user Mayr. CC BY 2.0
At Global Voices, our community researches, writes, edits, and translates stories with a mission to support human rights and build bridges of understanding across countries, cultures, and languages.
We don't publish just to grab clicks or follow a news trend. We do, however, like to keep track of the ways in which our hard work has impact around the world.
To that end, one useful metric is how readers respond to our stories and translations. So let's take a look at who our readers were and what caught their attention during the week of May 28-June 3, 2018.
Last week, our stories and translations attracted readers from 206 countries! The top 20 countries represented across all of Global Voices’ sites were:
1. United States
2. Argentina
3. Brazil
4. Japan
5. France
6. Taiwan
7. Mexico
8. Spain
9. Colombia
10. Peru
11. United Arab Emirates
12. Italy
13. Hong Kong
14. Bangladesh
15. Germany
16. United Kingdom
17. India
18. Canada
19. Russia
20. Oman
But that's only a small slice of the diversity of our readership. Let's use the True Random Number Generator from Random.org and take a look at a few other countries on the list:
105. Kyrgyzstan
154. Andorra
26. Tanzania
117. Togo
189. Chad
The English-language site is where the majority of original content is first published at Global Voices. The top five most-read stories of last week were:
1. Macedonians manage to joke about a serious naming dispute with Greece
2. How ‘African’ is Northern Africa?
3. Swiss brewery sparks protests in Nepal for naming new beer with timur flavor after late king
4. Malaysia’s new government urged to implement media reforms
5. Who are China’s political prisoners? A human rights assessment, 29 years after Tiananmen
Lingua is a project that translates Global Voices stories into languages other than English. There are about 30 active Lingua sites. Below is last week's most-read story or translation on each active language site.

author: L. Finch


text:
Amid setbacks by the Temer administration, thousands of indigenous peoples march into Brazil’s capital · Global Voices
350.org

From April 23 to 27, more than three thousand indigenous leaders from all regions of Brazil gathered in the country's capital. Photo: 350.org, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0
This story was reported by Nathália Clark of 350.org, an organization building a global grassroot climate movement, and it is published here as part of a partnership with Global Voices. 350.org participated in the National Indigenous Mobilization in Brazil as a supporter.
The camp smelled like smoke and urucum, a plant used for body painting. A defiant energy pulsed through the crowd. We could hear chants, ritual mantras, and ceremonial crying.
The place resounded with the voices of the more than 3,000 indigenous people from more than 100 different groups from all over Brazil, who gathered for the five-day 2018 National Indigenous Mobilization, held from April 23 to 27 in Brasilia, the Brazilian capital city.
Also known as the ‘Free Land Camp’ (‘Acampamento Terra Livre’, in Portuguese), the sit-in is a yearly event organized by the Articulation of the Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB, in the Portuguese acronym). This year's was its 15th edition.
According to the last Brazilian demographic census, there are 305 indigenous populations in Brazil, speaking 274 different languages. Together, they number almost 897,000 — approximately 0.47% of the country's 200-million-strong population.
Most of them are scattered over thousands of villages, from north to south of the national territory, located in the 715 Indigenous Lands already regularized and formally recognized by the federal government. There are more than 800 cases of indigenous lands awaiting regularization.
The movement has been facing a series of political setbacks, which gave renewed thrust to this year's mobilization.
The Brazilian National Congress, whose majority is currently dominated by supporters of the agribusiness sector, are trying to approve a bill package that would undermine the rights of indigenous peoples guaranteed by Brazil's 1988 Constitution and other international laws, such as Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization.
In the current complex political situation in Brazil, under the controversial administration of president Michel Temer, representatives of the agribusiness sector have gained even greater foothold and managed to also occupy other levels of government.
Only days before the Free Land Camp took place, President Temer yielded to pressure from a ruralist caucus and fired the president of the National Indigenous Foundation (FUNAI), replacing him with someone more agro-friendly.
The government’s reluctance to grant formal recognition of indigenous lands’ boundaries and the criminalization of the movement’s leaders were major points of concern and grievance for those who gathered in Brasilia.
Kretã Kaingang, an indigenous leader from the state of Paraná and coordinator of the indigenous program of 350.org in Brazil, recalled the kind of threats he has faced. “I was imprisoned for a time, accused of crimes that were not proven and I have been prevented by a judge from approaching the land where I was born. For four years I couldn’t step on the place where my umbilical cord is buried,” he said.
In September 2017, Brazil's attorney general issued a legal opinion asserting that only indigenous peoples who were occupying their territory on the day the 1988 Constitution was promulgated should benefit from the recognition of their right to land.
Known as the “time limit” thesis, and sometimes called the “genocide opinion“, it has been endorsed by President Michel Temer. Should it ever become law, it would severely cripple the recognition of new indigenous lands.
The night fell as the indigenous leaders stood in vigil in front of the federal government building. At one point, the crowd raised candles and stopped their activities to listen to a lament sung by one of the indigenous women. It was a mourning ceremony.
On the following day, the Esplanade of Ministries, the main route where all federal government buildings are located, was occupied again by protesters, who marched towards the seat of the National Congress.
With paintings and adornments, dancing and singing war cries, indigenous Kaingang, Guarani, Guarani-Kaiowá, Guarani-Mbya, Xucuru, Pataxó, Munduruku, Awá-Guajá, Guajajara, Marubo, Xerente, Xavante, Kayapó, Tenetehara, Tembé, Tucano, Krahô, Kanela and many others demanded the process of demarcation of their lands be resumed and asked for respect for their rights, as enshrined in the 1988 Constitution.
Indigenous leaders carried banners with messages targeted at the authorities: “Demarcation Now!”, “No fracking in our lands!” and “Guarani resists”. Other signs called out the destruction of territories, rivers and natural resources by giant infrastructure and energy projects.
“We have only one objective here: to resume the process of demarcation of our lands. Many of our relatives could not join us, so we came to represent our communities,” said Kretã Kaingang.
During the demonstration, the street was stained red, symbolizing the blood shed by indigenous people during acts of repression and violence which are considered by many a continuation of the historical genocide perpetrated against them during colonial times.
“‘The trail of ‘blood’ we leave represents the violence and attacks imposed by the state to the original peoples of this country. Several invasions, threats, and assassinations have been occurring in Brazil, in addition to a cruel process of criminalization of our leaders. But despite this problematic conjuncture, we will always resist and fight, as we learned from our ancestral warriors,” said Chief Marcos Xukuru of Pernambuco.
Joênia Wapichana, the first indigenous woman and indigenous lawyer to stand up in the Federal Supreme Court, recalled what is really at play: “The fact that the Executive Branch has an instrument to restrict the right to demarcation puts the lives of all indigenous peoples at risk, whose subsistence depends directly on the land and everything it gives.”
“The demarcation of our lands equals their preservation. We have heard reports from our relatives from all regions about invasions pursued by loggers, prospectors, grabbers and state enterprises. What we want is to ensure the lives of future generations. We fight here not only for us indigenous peoples but for the Brazilian society as a whole,” said Tupã Guarani Mbya, from the Indigenous Land Tenondé Porã, in São Paulo.
For the chief Juarez Munduruku, indigenous peoples are like trees. “There's life in the trees just as there is in us. If you kill them, they die and never come back. If a logger kills a ‘cacique’, a story ends.”
He recalled that in the middle of the Tapajós River, in the Amazon, where his territory is located, there are plans to build 43 big hydroelectric plants, which will dam one of the largest rivers in the country, a sacred place for his people. Two of these projects have already been implemented, and there are plans to also build 30 ports to transfer monoculture soybeans, in addition to mining and illegal logging.