text:
Russia’s Citizen Journalists: Mercenary Mudslingers or Intrepid Investigators? · Global Voices
Kevin Rothrock

Image edited by Kevin Rothrock.
Three bloggers have spent the past two months twiddling their thumbs in a pretrial detention center in Samara (about 650 miles southeast of Moscow). Dmitri Begun, Natalia Umyarova, and Oleg Ivanets stand accused of trying to extort 3 million rubles (about $42,000) from Sergei Shatilo, a local businessman, in exchange for promising not to report certain incriminating information about Shatilo’s operations. Since the three were arrested on October 30, their story of muckraking and blackmail has come to threaten the future of investigative blogging, as well as the tenure of Samara oblast Governor Nikolai Merkushkin.
Before he was arrested for allegedly trying to blackmail Sergei Shatilo, blogger Oleg Ivanets was busy leaking tax inspection documents apparently showing how Shatilo failed to pay any taxes in 2011 and 2012, fleecing the state of roughly 225 million rubles ($3.2 million). In September, investigators opened a tax case against Shatilo (albeit for just a fraction of the unpaid taxes Ivanets uncovered), but the charges were dismissed a day later.
Ivanets also blogged about how Shatilo monopolized local procurement contracts for healthcare projects with the help of local Health Minister Gennady Gridasov, who allegedly intimidated the region’s doctors into endorsing Shatilo’s companies. In December 2014, for example, Shatilo allegedly got Governor Merkushkin to endorse new spending on a cardiological center. According to Ivanets, 2.5 million rubles (roughly $35,000) were allocated to buying new medical equipment, but Shatilo’s company spent just 500,000 rubles ($7,000) and pocketed the difference. Apparently, Shatilo regularly overcharged the state for medical equipment and operating supplies, exploiting his monopoly on various procurement deals.
In early November, Samara city councilman Mikhail Matveyev hurried to Ivanets’ defense, calling on the public to flood the police with appeals to investigate the alleged criminal activity exposed on Ivanets’ blog. According to police, the public never took up the cause, but Matveyev has carried on where Ivanets left off, publishing leaked documents apparently showing how Merkushkin’s government signed a contract with Shatilo’s company that promises to pay the latter 27.5 billion rubles ($388 million) in state investment over the next decade for the construction and operation of that same cardiological center.
Matveyev, who warns his readers that he cannot verify the source or veracity of the information, speculates that this money owed to Shatilo will inevitably be rerouted from funding now earmarked for public clinics. Matveyev also argues, according to the leaked memorandum, Shatilo’s company can break its contract with the government and repurpose the real estate, if the government ever misses a payment.
This story would be the tragic, if familiar, tale of a plucky netizen being crushed by a tyrant in the Russian boondocks, were it not for Dmitri Begun, whom Katerina Gerasimova (the Samara head of Alexey Navalny’s unregistered political party) describes as “an odious figure” and Governor Merkushkin’s erstwhile hired gun. For reasons that are still unclear, Begun joined Ivanets’ muckraking efforts earlier this year, when the latter started publishing leaked tax audit documents.
Dmitri Begun is an accomplished political analyst and consultant, specializing in so-called “black PR” and “kompromat” (mudslinging). He gained popularity as a blogger for an aggressive mix of political commentary, gossip, and profanity-laced observations about the city’s roads from behind the wheel of his car. The moment he was arrested, Begun confessed to extorting Shatilo and started cooperating with police. He told the authorities that he first met Merkushkin in 2012, who allegedly complained about unflattering coverage at Samara.ru, where Begun worked at the time.
Natalia Umyarova (left) with her illicit cash. Dmitri Begun's loot (right) is removed from an envelope in his car and laid out for cameras. Image: YouTube
Later that year, Merkushkin’s team supposedly hired Begun to cultivate support for the governor on social media. Begun says he was earning 300,000 rubles ($4,200), with payments coming the third week of every month from a factory registered in Novoulyanovsk. Begun’s other responsibilities allegedly included blocking unfriendly content from appearing in the local media, and suppressing negative reports about Mordovia, where Merkushkin was previously in charge.
Most scandalously, Begun says he was given an enemies list with at least 100 names, including national figures and many individuals close to Vladimir Putin’s inner circle, such as Rosneft CEO Igor Sechin, Kremlin first deputy chief of staff Vyacheslav Volodin, Rusnano chairman Anatoly Chubais, and others. Merkushkin’s instructions regarding the enemies list were apparently quite nuanced. For example, Begun says he was told to avoid harsh criticisms of several individuals on the list (such as Volodin and Sechin), but not to “leave them alone” entirely.
Sometimes, Begun failed to heed his instructions—including one instance when he was compelled to delete a blog post about Sechin that had been based on phony reports about comments Sechin supposedly made about Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov.
Though several local officials in Samara are standing by Merkushkin, dismissing Begun’s allegations as the ramblings of a liar and a dishonest citizen journalist, there are signs that police are taking his testimony seriously. According to the newspaper Kommersant, investigators have already questioned more than 20 individuals in connection with Begun’s confession and documents seized off his computers.
Some people on this list, such as former Samara Mayor Dmitry Azarov and Duma deputy Alexander Khinstein, have said publicly that the Bloggers Affair in Samara has yielded evidence of a coordinated effort to sully their political reputations.
In what is perhaps the most damning evidence against Merkushkin, Vladimir Putin canceled at the last minute a trip to Samara in early December, citing weather concerns, though the airport was operating normally. The news website Znak.com cites two anonymous sources claiming that three different federal police branches—the Attorney General, the Investigative Committee, and the Federal Security Service—have launched full-scale audits of Merkushkin’s government, in response to Begun’s confession.
Begun, Umyarova, and Ivanets all stand to lose a great deal, facing charges that carry a maximum 15-year prison sentence. Merkushkin and his entourage could lose millions of dollars in corrupt contracts, not to mention their jobs and perhaps their freedom, as well, if investigators uncover a plot that reaches far enough into the Kremlin’s ruling elite.
There could be broader consequences, too. Immediately after interrogating Begun about his work with Merkushkin, Samara’s police chief issued a warning that seemed to be addressed to bloggers everywhere:
Я хочу предупредить всех: каждый должен понимать, что нужно делать свое дело профессионально, а не быть проходимцами в журналистском сообществе. Хотя я подозреваемых журналистами не считаю. Но если уж ты решил посвятить свою жизнь блогосфере, то делай это порядочно и честно. И выдавай истинную информацию, понимая, кому и о чем ты пишешь.
I want to warn everyone: you all need to understand that it’s necessary to do your jobs professionally, and not be imposters in the journalist community. Although I don’t consider these suspects [Begun, Umyarova, and Ivanets] to be journalists. But if you’ve decided to dedicate your life to the blogosphere, then do it honorably and honestly. Share true information, understanding whom you’re addressing and what you’re writing about.
Whatever happens in Samara, it’s safe to say that bloggers have become vitally important to manufacturing and demolishing political reputations in Russia. Over the past several years, with this in mind, the state has instituted new regulations on social media. As bloggers like Oleg Ivanets and anti-corruption activist Alexey Navalny prove themselves to be effective platforms for spreading leaked and revelatory documents, lawmakers and police are likely to redouble their efforts to reign in these intrepid “imposters.”

author: Kevin Rothrock


text:
The Bridge From Russia to Crimea Doesn’t Exist Yet, But It Already Has an Instagram Account · Global Voices
Tanya Lokot

Most the cat will help occupy your time #WaitingfortheBridge from Russia to annexed Crimea. Image from @cat_the_most on Instagram.
If you were ever at a loss as to what your social media strategy should include when you're slowly building a very expensive bridge to illegally annexed territory, the answer is: cats.
The so-called “Crimean Bridge” is an ambitious construction project launched by Russia shortly after its annexation of the Crimean peninsula from Ukraine in the spring of 2014. Because Russia currently has no land connection to Crimea, the bridge, stretching from the Kuban region of Russia to the shores of Crimea, would be a strategic transportation artery, allowing Russia to carry supplies, construction materials, goods, and people to the peninsula and back.
Russian President Vladimir Putin raised the idea of the bridge across the Kerch straight back in March of 2014, and later Prime-Minister Dmitry Medvedev assigned the “Stroygazmontazh” construction company, owned by Putin ally, oligarch Arkady Rotenberg, as the main contractor for the bridge development project.
Although initially the planning and construction costs for the bridge were projected to be around 50 billion rubles ($709 million), more recent estimates by state companies involved in the project put the figure at close to 300 billion rubles ($4.25 billion).
Russian authorities say they want to complete the bridge by December 2018, but many experts are skeptical about the project's feasibility, pointing to huge expenses and geological challenges.
Although the 19-kilometer-long bridge is nowhere near complete, it already has a strong Internet presence and—what's more important—a cat-based social media strategy.
The splash page of the Crimean Bridge website. Screenshot from most.life.
Not long ago the bridge got an official website, most.life, where users can learn about the construction project's history and progress, and see photos and videos related to the endeavor. “The very URL of the website isn't an accident,” claims the project's press service. “The quality of life for people on both sides of the straight directly depends on the bridge.”
The (as yet non-existent) bridge also has accounts on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, VKontakte and Odnoklassniki, mostly sharing the same cinematic images of the construction process and the local sights, as well as bits of ephemera related to bridge-making.
Photo of the construction process. Image from the Crimean Bridge VKontakte page.
Our favorite part of the Crimean bridge social media activity is a separate Instagram account of a cat called “Cat the Most” (“мост” is Russian for “bridge”) featuring a feline mascot hanging about the construction site, monitoring the bridge's progress, and dispensing regular wisecracks. Just look at this guy.
Ещё месяц в том же темпе покормят, стану размером с этот грузовик. #cat #cats #catstagram #catsofinstagram #pets #petstagram #gentlecat #cutepetclub #mustache #котыкошки
A photo posted by Кот Моста (@cat_the_most) on
If they keep feeding me like this for another month, I'll be the size of this truck.
Most the cat even has a legend: the beast allegedly appeared on the construction site one day and was taken in by the workers. The cat's Instagram account tries to cater to various audiences, including hipsters.
Пойду-ка поищу барбершоп в Тамани. Успехов мне в этом нелегком деле😺😺😺
A photo posted by Кот Моста (@cat_the_most) on
Gonna go look for a barbershop in Taman. Wish me luck on this difficult quest.
It's clear that the multitude of social media accounts and their activity aim to occupy the popular imagination while the construction of the transport link shuffles along, with no concrete end date in sight. The bridge's official Instagram account has a little over 1,400 followers, and Most the cat brings in another 637 with its playful images and quips. Whoever is behind the project's social media strategy clearly knows their stuff: on the Internet, cats can fill any void, even if it's a bridge-shaped void worth several billion dollars.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Tanya Lokot


text:
This Year on GV Face We Took You to Gaza, Budapest, Beirut, Paris and Beyond · Global Voices
Sahar Habib Ghazi

Collage created by author from screen grabs of GV Faces episodes in 2015.
As Houthis took over capital city Sanaa, we took you to Yemen. As trash piled the streets of Beirut, we took you to Lebanon.
We introduced you to Omar Ghraieb, who created the first English-language blog in Gaza. We discussed the politics of language around “terrorism”. We showed you how Europe was welcoming refugees.
This has been a fascinating year on GV Face, our Hangout series where we try to understand the world through relaxed discussions with our on-ground experts — Global Voices community members — usually from the comfort of their homes.
Our topics can be heavy, but our conversations have taken humorous turns over the year, sometimes because a cat meowed or a child wanted their GV parent to get off their computer.
Here are seven episodes from this year.
Featuring: Taisa Sganzerla | L. Finch | Kevin Rothrock | Juan Arellano | Joey Ayoub | Elizabeth
Live from: London | Madrid | New Haven | Lima | San Francisco | Santiago
“I am very uncomfortable with the word terrorism. And it is not that I don’t believe that it exists. It obviously does and the definition of terrorism is more or less straightforward. But it is used so often in such obviously dishonest ways, that it has lost all meaning for me. And it is not that the Paris attacks were not terrorism, they obviously were, they meet every definition of it. There are so many acts that are terrorism, but they will never be called terrorism, because of the political implications of doing so. It is a word that has lost it meaning, if it ever had one specifically.” — Joey Ayoub
Featuring: Lova Rakotomalala | Joey Ayoub | Laura Vidal
Live from: London | Paris | San Francisco
“Since I arrived in Paris I’ve followed the endless discussions on origins, skin colours, backgrounds and religious faiths. Part of my research work is based on—of all subjects—intercultural sensitivity. These conversations are emotional, and therefore uncomfortable. But they’re necessary. And I say this because it seems that dividing the world between “us” and “them” isn’t useful. And it never has been. In fact, the artificial creation of difference is what fuels all of this. And this is how we learn to see “ourselves” and “others”, and this is the lens through which we have studied history and watch the news. “Us” and “them”. “Here” and “far away”. I don’t think we can afford to keep this view of the world anymore.” — Laura Vidal
Featuring: Omar Ghraieb
Live from: Gaza | San Francisco
“Bombs are falling. The house is shaking. And what do I do? I am in the corner holding my mobile, reporting of course, in the dark, reminding myself that I'm going to write about what I like in Gaza. Who are the people here that inspire me? Just to hold on to hope. And sometimes it got to the point where my mobile resembled hope and life.That if it was a very loud airstrike, the house shakes and you move. I would be flying through the corridor. Holding on to my mobile so hard, more than life, because for me at that moment my mobile resembled life and hope. Because I was writing my own hope. I was holding on to life by reminding myself that I am going to survive this. Gaza is going to survive this. We have been through this. Gaza is beautiful.” — Omar Ghraieb
Featuring: Faten Bushehri | Joey Ayoub
Live from: Amsterdam | Beirut
“I’ve been fortunate enough to experience a Lebanon that isn’t tainted by such helplessness. I’ve experienced political happiness, a term broadly defined by the anthropologist David Graeber as the experience of being able to make sense of a situation through a realization of common purpose—a sense that you trust the people around you because you’re all dedicated to solving the same problem.More recently, I experienced it my interactions with طلعت ريحتكم (‘tol3et re7etkom’, meaning ‘You Stink’), a grassroots movement created as a response to the government’s inability to solve the trash crisis.” — Joey Ayoub
Featuring: Marietta Le | Katrin Zinoun | Asteris Masouras | Anne Hemeda
Live from: Budapest | Esin | Leipzig | Thessaloniki | San Francisco
“This whole thing is being painted a lot in mainstream media as an invasion. Of course the conditions are deplorable. Especially in outdoor camps where there is no shade. All these things are true. But also there is this amazing and inspiring humanity flowing out of volunteers and activists. There are people involved for humanitarian reasons primarily and others for political reasons, but all together they are coming together to support hundreds of thousands of people arriving in Europe. Where, states, NGOs and international intergovernmental organizations have failed. The EU has attracted a lot of criticism, and justly I think. Because they are not there, locals are stepping up.” — Asteris Masouras
Featuring: Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur | Fahad Desmukh | Adnan Aamir | Ali Arqam
Live from: Hyderabad | Islamabad | Karachi | Quetta | San Francisco
Nearly 3,000 missing people have been killed and dumped. Twenty-five people who I knew personally have been killed and dumped [in Balochistan]. One was dumped last August, he was a Marri man. And we stayed with his family [when we were on the Long March for Balochistan's Missing People] I walked with Mama Qadeer from Karachi. And when we were in [sic], we stayed with them. One of them was killed. There are dozens whom I know that are missing. I think this is a narrative people should know about. Without knowing this there can be no hope of anybody knowing what is happening there. While we were on the Long March — I was with Mama Qadeer from Jhelum to Islamabad — whoever would dare to put us up for the night, they were harassed by [state security] agencies, ISI, Intelligence Bureau, Military Intelligence. — Mir Talpur
Featuring:  Baraa Shiban | Osama Abdullah | NoonArabia | Amira Al Hussaini
Live from: Sanaa | Manama | San Francisco
“Security is getting worse and worse. Imagine people during the last three years were trying to act civil and trying to avoid carrying weapons. It seems especially in the last five months the Houthis have managed to revive that behaviour where people, most people are carrying guns.” — Osama Abdullah

author: Sahar Habib Ghazi


text:
What Will it Take to End Police Brutality in Armenia? · Global Voices
aggressor

Police car in Yerevan. Wikipedia image.
After government violence against protesters in Yerevan earlier this year, police brutality joined corruption at the very top of the public agenda in Armenia. Many civic groups and international organisations have been working on the issue for years, with little to show for their efforts.
The demonstration that began in June over a proposed hike in the cost of domestic electricity saw a government response defined by beatings and repeated use of water cannon, earning widespread criticism in the process.
Serj Tankian, the ethnic Armenian lead singer for rock group System of a Down wrote on Facebook at the time:
It seems like the brutal police crackdown with water cannons and beating up people including journalists has predictably brought more people out into the streets of Yerevan today. This was a peaceful sit in. The police had the right to clear it and legally detain people without using undue force.
Even before the ‘Electric Yerevan’ protests, the problem had been discussed several times in Armenia's parliament, with the country establishing a Police Disciplinary Committee, an Action Plan for the National Strategy on Human Rights Protection and the 2012-2016 Legal and Judicial Strategy in recent years.
However, the situation has not changed significantly, with allegations of brutality, torture and ill-treatment during police detentions persisting. A thorough and impartial investigation into the police's handling of Electric Yerevan, meanwhile, seems unlikely.
#SIS:#Police used #violence against #journalists http://t.co/OBDjKyE1mc #Armenia #protest #ElectricYerevan #Yerevan pic.twitter.com/blGLfqBNPU
— MediamaxEnglish (@MediamaxEnglish) July 3, 2015
In 2008-9 the OSCE organised a trial-monitoring project, which demonstrated only 7% of complaints against police were taken up by the country's state prosecutor and considered by courts. Even in those cases the policemen concerned were not punished.
Since then, the statistics make even more depressing reading.
The Civil Society Institute (CSI) and the International Federation for Human Rights recently presented data according to which of 114 criminal cases instituted against police officers in 2013 only two passed into court. Last year, the ratio was 87:1.
The two groups also noted that “detention appears to be the norm rather than the exception” following an arrest.
According to the research courts granted by general jurisdiction 94.4% of motions for detention in 2013, while granting only 22.4% of motions to replace detention with bail.
This indicates unjustified pre-trial detentions are widespread.
Indeed, the problem of police behaviour is closely connected to disfunction in the local judicial system, which strengthens officers’ sense of impunity.
In most cases Armenian courts ignore complaints, testimonies and evidence provided by the defense. Evidence that may have been gathered under duress is accepted without question, while in-trial statements that contradict it are broadly ignored.
#police in #Armenia used different methods to break this young woman while interrogating her illegally for hours:… https://t.co/RIQVqSGAxb
— Lara Aharonian (@Lara_Aha) November 28, 2015
As a semi-democratic state experiencing a range of social and economic pressures, police brutality is helping to fuel a legitimacy crisis for the Armenian government as public trust in authorities plummets.
Thus, there is a motivation for the country's decision-makers to push courts, prosecutors and police to change their approach.
#Armenia #Yerevan #police #brutality #politics #corruption #authoritarianism #electricitycost #rise @yeghig pic.twitter.com/szeK79cdBw
— Taga Torosyan (@aliceinthecity) June 23, 2014
In 2011, a new police educational system came into force.
The reform is supposed to increase police efficiency, with its supporters claiming admission to police academies in the country has become more transparent since its implementation. Others are reserving judgement on the reform for a later date.
Civil society meanwhile has a vital role to play in solving the problem, but is not being allowed to do so.
In 2012 the Police Disciplinary Committee was established including five representatives from NGOs, five police officers and a governmental representative.
CSI was among the NGOs represented in the PDC. But the leading civic group left the committee last year condemning its “formal nature” after evidence of police misconduct it provided was ignored.
This instance is symptomatic of the Armenian state's complacent approach to an urgent problem.
For as long as the government continues to offer only token responses to the growing demand for systemic change, police misconduct is likely to be a source of increasing political insecurity and unrest in Armenia.

author: aggressor


text:
Advox by the Numbers: 2015 in Digital Rights · Global Voices
Ellery Roberts Biddle

author: Ellery Roberts Biddle


text:
Christmas in Japan? Get Ready for Running Trees, Dazzling Lights, and Fried Chicken · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

The Running Christmas Tree in Tokyo. Screencap from Joseph Tame official YouTube channel.
One of the hottest Japan memes over the past month has been photos and videos of Joseph Tame running around Tokyo in his “Wearable Christmas Tree.”
While Tame may not be originally from Japan, his whimsical exploits resonate with a country that has embraced Christmas in its own unique way.
Preparing the Wearable Christmas Tree for another day of Christmas wonder in Tokyo https://t.co/uwv044X9q3 pic.twitter.com/0056ffUTyD
— Joseph Tame (@tamegoeswild) December 19, 2015
For many Japanese people, the month of December marks the start of “illumination“, where public places all over Japan are lit up. Christmas trees often take center stage.
This display in Tokyo's Shiodome is a perfect example.
今年のイルミネーション♡ ・ ・ 音楽に合わせて光ったり、きれいだった！最前列で見れてラッキー(*´ ˘ `*) ・ ・ #カレッタ汐留 #イルミネーション #クリスマスイヴ #汐留 #東京
A photo posted by Asaka Fukuda (@asa0807ka) on
This year's illumination… The lights are synced with music and it's really beautiful! We were so lucky to be a the front of the line to watch the entire show.
The city of Kobe in western Japan is also famous for its December illumination, called the Kobe Luminarie. The tradition began eleven months after the Hanshin Earthquake in 1995 raise raise spirits after Kobe was virtually destroyed.
2015/12/25 * merry xmas to ALL :)  #happyholiday#merrychristmas#1225#神戸#ルミナリエ#2015#カコピク#今日はお家でまったり
A photo posted by Naoe S∞ (@klavier322) on
December 25, 2015: Merry Christmas to all! #kobeluminarie
Elsewhere in Japan's Hanshin region, someone who couldn't make it to Kobe found a magical Christmas experience of their own:
ルミナリエ行けんかった代わりに行ってもらったユニバのツリー！ 乗り物ほとんど乗ってないけどめっちゃ楽しかった(⌒▽⌒) ブッシュドノエル？っていうやつを作ってみたけど、美味しすぎてまた作りたい！ １日お疲れさん笑 pic.twitter.com/nYwrmQPlBU
— たくま（みやしー） (@IHSAYIMnukkat) December 24, 2015
I couldn't get to Kobe to see the lights, so instead I saw the Christmas tree at Universal Studios Japan [in Osaka, which neighbours Kobe]. I didn't go on any rides but it was fun! (⌒▽⌒) I tried making a yule log… and it tasted delicious! I'll try making one again. And that's how I spent my Christmas Eve (lol).
Of course, Christmastime in Japan is about more than just stupendous light displays. Christmas Eve is a popular date night for couples, and baked chicken and a desert of Christmas cake requisite parts of the meal.
今年のイヴは汐留にて♡ビーチェ東京のコース料理最高です✧スカイツリーを見ながらディナーを堪能できました✩ 夜景を見ながらディナーを楽しめるのは最高ですね♥ニョッキと真鯛が絶品でした✧ よかったらデートにご利用ください♡ #汐留#BiCE TOKYO#クリスマス#イヴ#コース#ニョッキ#LOUIS VUITTON
A photo posted by mai (@pokesakana) on
This year I'm spending Christmas Eve in Shiodome, at BiCE Tokyo. The food is really good, and we can look at the Tokyo Sky Tree while eating dinner… it's the best!
Almost every corner of Tokyo is lit up in some way. Here is the view from Roppongi, in “mid-town”, or central Tokyo.
#roppongimidtown #luminarie #ミッドタウン #ルミナリエ #夜景
A photo posted by KyungHun Lee (@leekh929) on
#roppongimidtown #luminarie #midtown #nightscene
Cake plays a key role in how Japan celebrates Christmas. Here are some delicious cakes from the Pierre Hermes shop in Matsuya Ginza, one of Japan's top department stores.
#pierreherme #tokyo #matsuyaginza #ginza #shibatachie #merrychristmaseve #シバタチエ #銀座 #松屋銀座
A photo posted by shibatachie (@mrs.diamond_chie) on
And of course, no Christmas in Japan would be complete without Kentucky Fried Chicken:
地元でXmasパーティ♡ 二子玉のケンタッキー、 サンタさんが2人いたw #ピザハット #友達が店長のお店だった #忙しい日にごめんw pic.twitter.com/pdEIiRX7pR
— 阿川麻美 (@asamiagawa922) December 24, 2015
Merry Christmas from the suburbs! Out here in Futako there are two Santas in front of the Kentuck Fried Chicken outlet!

author: Nevin Thompson


text:
From Hallacas to Horchata, the Tastes of Latin America’s Holiday Season · Global Voices
J. Tadeo

Table of Christmas desserts. Image taken from the Flickr account of Carlos Guevara under licence of Creative Commons (CC BY NC-ND 2.0)
The last month of the calendar for many cultures is December. A month that irrespective of whether a country is located in the northern or southern hemisphere — determining whether it is summer or winter– serves as an excuse to unite families around a table.
But what's on that table depends on where in the world you are. A few days ago we explored romeritos and bacalao a la Vizcaína (Biscayne style cod), two dishes that are traditionally served during the festive season in Mexico. On this occasion, let's go beyond Mexico to find out what is served on the tables of other Latin American countries.
We will begin with Peru. Global Voices contributor Gabriela García Calderón Orbe tells us that in Peru, as in the United States of America, turkey is the traditional food of choice, before going on to explain the presentation of Peruvian dinner table during the holiday season:
Las mesas peruanas en Navidad se visten de manteles rojos y verdes, y encima lucen al absoluto favorito de estas fechas: el pavo al horno. Si bien hay pavo todo el año, es en Navidad cuando se consume más.  Como no todos tienen en casa hornos grandes, las panaderías ofrecen el servicio de horneado el mismo 24 de diciembre.  Esto se acompaña con puré de manzana y ensalada hecha con papa, mayonesa y manzana.
Algunas casas varían la tradición y comen lechón en vez de pavo, pero de lejos, el plato navideño por excelencia es el pavo al horno.
At Christmas, Peruvian dinner tables are draped in red and green tablecloths, and on top sits the outright seasonal favourite: roast turkey. Although turkey is eaten throughout the year, at Christmas time it is consumed more. Because not everyone has a large oven at home, the nation’s bakeries offer the services of their ovens on 24 December. This meal is accompanied by apple sauce and a salad made from potato, mayonnaise and apple. Some houses offer variations on the tradition and eat stuffed roast pork, but by far, the main Christmas dish is roast turkey.
And for something sweet? Gabriela describes what compliments the turkey at a Peruvian Christmas.
El otro rey indiscutible de la Navidad es el panetón, acompañado de chocolate caliente. Es un complemento algo contradictorio, si tenemos en cuenta que en el hemisferio sur el verano empieza en diciembre, pero de todas maneras, mucha gente acompaña su panetón con chocolate caliente en Navidad. Los hay de todo precio y para el gusto de todos, incluso los hay aptos para diabéticos y celíacos.
The other undisputed king of Christmas is Panettone, accompanied by hot chocolate. It’s a slightly contradictory addition, if we take into account that in the southern hemisphere summer begins in December, but anyway, many people accompany their Panettone with hot chocolate. These come in all prices and preferences, even including suitable versions for diabetics and those with coeliac disease.
Lechón (stuffed Colombian roast pork). Photo courtesy of the Global Voices collaborator Laura Schneider
Gabriela referenced stuffed roast pork, which according to Global Voices contributor Laura Schneider in Argentina, is also one of the main culinary features of Argentina. Just like in Peru, the process of oven roasting can be undertaken in a bakery or establishment in possession of a large oven:
En Argentina la comida típica es el lechón que se prepara asado o se suele encargar en las panaderías ya asado para comerlo a la noche frío.  El lechón se acompaña con vitel toné (un platillo de origen italiano, hecho con ternera, que se sirve frío) y ensaladas variadas.  Otros cambian el lechón por el tradicional asado.  Recién a las  00:00 horas (medianoche) se brinda con champagne o sidra, pan dulce, budines y turrones, y por supuesto la llegada de Papá Noel con los regalos que a pesar de ser verano en el hemisferio sur, el pobre Papá Noel se viste como si fuese a nevar y hacer frío.
In Argentina, the typical food eaten is stuffed roast pork which is grilled or usually ordered in the nation’s bakeries already barbecued, ready to eat cold that night. Stuffed roast pork is accompanied with vitel toné (a dish of Italian origin, made with veal, served cold) and a variety of salads. Others swap stuffed roast pork for the traditional barbecued meat. A recent custom is to cheers at midnight with champagne or cider, pastries, puddings and cakes, and of course the arrival of poor Father Christmas with presents, who despite it being summer in the southern hemisphere, is dressed as if it were going to be very cold with snow.
Vitello tonnato. Photo by Diádoco via Wikipedia. CC BY 2.0
In Ecuador, according to Global Voices contributor Gina Yauri, turkey is what is most often prepared, but the side dishes differ, including in Loja — a small city in the southern part of the country.
La gran mayoría de familias cenamos pavo relleno. Éste es acompañado del tradicional arroz navideño y ensalada rusa acompañada de la bebida tradicional de Loja: la horchata, mezcla de diferentes hierbas aromáticas producidas en los campos.
La preparación del pavo relleno es con carne molida, y chancho; el arroz navideño es con pimiento y pasas.  La ensalada rusa es con papa, alverja y zanahoria mezclada con mayonesa. Ya depende gustos lo que se desee cenar en Nochebuena. También lo típico en Loja es cenar pernil al horno.
The large majority of families dine with stuffed turkey. This is accompanied by traditional Christmas rice and Russian salad, along with the traditional drink of Loja: horchata, mixed with different aromatic herbs produced in the fields.
The turkey stuffing is made with minced meat and pork, and the Christmas rice is with peppers and raisins. Russian salad is with potato, peas and carrot mixed with mayonnaise. The flavour of the dinner eaten on Christmas Eve depends on personal preferences. Baked ham is also typically eaten for dinner in Loja.
Ham or pork leg is also an element of Colombian Christmas cuisine, says Global Voices contributor Lully Posada:
Las carnes procesadas como el pernil de cerdo se incluyen en el plato fuerte, se sirve una porción acompañada de arroz, el cual es arreglado de diversas formas.  El cerdo también se come mucho de diferentes maneras de preparación tales como asado, sancocho, fritos o a la lechona.
Processed meats such as pork leg are included in the main dish and served with an accompanying portion of rice, which is arranged in a variety of ways. Pork is also prepared and eaten in many different ways, such as grilled, stewed, fried or in stuffed roast pork.
Lechona (stuffed roast pork). Photo by Tamorlan via Wikipedia. CC BY-SA 3.0
Lully tells us further about the drinks that accompany these delights:
En las celebraciones, las comidas son acompañadas con bebidas alcohólicas como la cerveza, el vino, el aguardiente y el ron.  Sin embargo, hay algunas regiones donde la chicha ―una bebida artesanal a base de maíz― se mezcla también con alcohol.
In the celebrations, food is accompanied by alcoholic drinks like beer, wine, aguardiente (a popular Colombian anise-flavoured liquor derived from sugar cane) and rum. However, there are some regions where la chicha — an artisan drink made from maize — is also mixed with alcohol.
Lastly, Lully explains the kinds of tamales found on Colombian dinner tables:
Los tamales también son bienvenidos en las celebraciones de diciembre.  Pueden ser de cerdo o pollo y están envueltos en una hoja de plátano que la mayoría de veces se sirve junto con arepa o chocolate.
Tamales are also welcomed during the festive celebrations. They can be made from pork or chicken and are wrapped in a plantain leaf, which most of the time is served with arepa or chocolate.
Tamales — served in many Latin American countries, and more characteristically used in Mexico in their celebration of the Catholic feast Candlemas at the start of February each year — are also eaten in Venezuela. As Global Voices author Juan Ernesto Páez-Pumar puts it, it is not only the consumption, but also the preparation of the dish that brings families together:
La hallaca es el emblema culinario de la Navidad venezolana.  Esta suerte de “tamal agrandado” tiene varias versiones sobre su origen, uno de ellos se relaciona con el título que nos precede: de allá y de acá, para significar que es una síntesis de insumos traídos por los europeos y otros autóctonos de América.  La preparación de la hallaca es todo un ritual, que por lo general reúne a familias completas.  Primero por lo laborioso que resulta el proceso de preparación, que comprende varias etapas complejas, desde la adecuación de las hojas de plátano para envolverlas, pasando por la masa hasta lo que para muchos es lo más importante: el guiso o relleno.
La hallaca (Venezuelan tamal) is the culinary emblem of the Venezuelan Christmas. There are various theories about the origin of this sort of large tamal. One of them is related to idea of “from here and from there” (de allá y de acá, in Spanish), meaning that it's a synthesis of products brought by the Europeans and other Native American groups.”. The preparation of la hallaca is a ritual that in general unites all the family together. Firstly due to the laborious process of preparation, comprising of several complex steps, from checking the adequacy of plantain leaves for wrapping, to mixing the dough, until what for many is the most important part: the stew or filling.
Tying the “hallaca”. Photo by Elmer Junio Zambrano via Wikipedia. CC BY-SA 3.0
On the filling of las hallacas, Juan Ernesto says:
Resulta también un alimento muy completo, por lo variopinto de sus ingredientes, que incluye carne de res, gallina, pollo, cerdo, aceitunas, alcaparras, pimentón, pasas y cebolla. El maíz está en su exquisita masa teñida de amarillo por el caldo del onoto.  Desde finales de noviembre, en Venezuela comienza a sentirse ese olor característico y muchos suben a las redes una alegre foto con la leyenda: “La primera del año”, en referencia al estreno del bocado en su menú.
It also turns out to be a very complete food, due to the variation of its ingredients, which includes beef, gallina (older, fattier, yellower form of chicken meat), chicken, pork, olives, capers, paprika, raisins and onion. The maize is in its exquisite dough form, dyed yellow thanks to the annatto broth. In Venezuela, from late November, you start to notice this characteristic smell, leading many to upload photos to social media with the caption: “The first hallaca of the year”, in reference to the snack's premiere on their menu.
In Costa Rica, like in almost all of Mesoamerica, it’s common to eat tamales. Global Voices contributor Alejandra Montiel tells us:
Lo mejor de los tamales y por lo que se les juzga es por el sabor de la masa, que en cada familia varía. El relleno básico lleva arroz, que toma color amarillo porque se cocina en achiote, garbanzos, chile dulce, un bien pedazo de cerdo, encurtido en mostaza y zanahoria”.
The best part of tamales and what it is judged on is the flavour of its dough, which varies in every family. The basic filling is made up of rice that takes a yellow colour due to being cooked in annato oil, chickpeas, sweet peppers and a quality piece of pork, pickled with mustard and carrot.
Like in Venezuela, making tamales is a big party, usually done with family or friends.
For those with a sweet tooth, there is the Christmas cake. It is a variation of a dry cake, with added dried fruits and nuts left to marinate in rum for a long period of time. Alejandra says:
A veces pasa que por la cantidad de licor que le ponen, basta comerse una tajada para empezar a ver lucecitas”, dice Alejandra. “Todo eso se baja con rompope, una bebida de leche y huevo a la que se le agrega licor de contrabando. En Costa Rica hay monopolio del Estado en la producción de licor”.
Sometimes due to the quantity of liquor added, you only need to eat one slice and you start seeing little lights. All this is enjoyed with eggnog, a drink made of milk and egg to which bootleg liquor is added. In Costa Rica there is a state monopoly on the production of liquor.
Readers, tell us what is on your table during these festive days in the comments section below.

author: J. Tadeo


text:
Is Christmas Really Banned in Brunei? · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

A propaganda mural showing off the many skills and talents of the Sultan of Brunei. Image and caption from the Flickr page of watchsmart (CC License)
News reports across the world carried a story about Brunei banning Christmas celebrations this year. Are these reports accurate? Well, yes and no.
First, it’s an old issue. Last year, Brunei became the first nation in East Asia to implement Sharia, or Islamic law, at a national level. To comply with the law, the country’s Ministry of Religious Affairs issued a directive regulating the public celebration of Christmas.
While people outside Brunei may be shocked to learn from the news that Christmas is ‘banned’ in the country, but for many Brunei netizens, the real surprise was the delayed reaction of Western media.
Why is the supposed Christmas ‘ban’ only reaching Western media now? #hypedup
— Shiobhan Low (@shiobhanl) December 23, 2015
if brunei has ‘banned’ christmas, then why is it still a national holiday?
— Faiq Airudin (@FaiqAirudin) December 22, 2015
Brunei has a Muslim-majority population. It is a small nation ruled by a sultan who wields absolute political power.
The second issue to clarify is that Brunei did not enforce a total ban of Christmas festivities. Non-Muslim residents and visitors can still celebrate Christmas in their homes, communities, and places of worship. This is emphasized in the press statement of the Ministry of Religious Affairs issued last year:
…believers of other religions that live under the rule of an Islamic country – according to Islam – may practice their religion or celebrate their religious festivities among their community, with the condition that the celebrations are not disclosed or displayed publicly to Muslims.
The measures taken by the Religious Enforcement Division of the Syariah Affairs Department does not ban Christians from celebrating Christmas at their places of worship, within their community and in their homes.
But if headlines about the Christmas ban are misleading or outdated, the same cannot be said about the coverage of certain aspects of the religious regulation. For example, the directive does criminalize the wearing of clothes that resemble Santa Claus:
…in conjunction with Christmas celebrations, Muslim children, teenagers and adults can be seen wearing hats or clothes that resemble Santa Claus. Actions such as these can amount to an offence under Section 207 (1) of the Syariah Penal Code Order, 2013.
A person can end up in jail up to five years if found guilty of violating this law.
Early this month, some imams, or Muslim clerics, reiterated the warning that celebrating Christmas can undermine Islam:
During Christmas celebrations, Muslims following that religion’s acts – such as using their religious symbols like cross, lighting candles, making Christmas trees and singing religious songs, sending Christmas greetings, using signs praising the religion, putting up decorations or creating sounds and doing anything that amounts to respecting their religion – are against Islamic faith.
News about Brunei banning Christmas inspired many netizens around the world to express solidarity through the hashtag #MyTreedom. The directive also bans the placing of Christmas trees in public places.
Remember when the Sultan of Brunei banned public celebrations of Christmas? #MerryChristmas #Brunei #MyTreedom pic.twitter.com/c7AFaxJGce
— MyTreedom (@mytreedom) December 20, 2015
Brunei’s decision to adopt and strictly enforce the Sharia law last year worried several human rights groups since the law features stoning to death for adultery, cutting of limbs for theft, and flogging for violations such as abortion, alcohol consumption, and homosexuality.
Responding to criticisms, Brunei’s Attorney General Datin Hjh Hayati urged the international community to study the positive features of the law:
Instead of focusing on the punishment, we should focus on the evidential process which is extremely difficult and stringent under the syariah criminal law. The punishment acts as a tool and is not the aim of the Syariah criminal law.
In summary, kids both naughty and nice can continue to celebrate Christmas in Brunei, but they better make sure that their Christmas carols, Christmas cards, and Christmas trees are not seen publicly.

author: Mong Palatino


text:
Activist-Journalist Reflects on Meeting the Iranian Ambassador at a New York Holiday Party · Global Voices
Mahsa Alimardani

Dissident journalist Masih Alinejad reflects on attending the same holiday party as the Iranian Ambassador to the United Nations. Photo from Alinejad's Instagram account.
Masih Alinejad, an Iranian journalist now based in New York, is the creator behind the Facebook page that has come to be described as a new social movement for women's rights in Iran. The page is called “My Stealthy Freedom” and features Iranian women shedding their headscarves in public in Iran in protest against the country's mandatory hijab laws. The public clothing framework enforcing hijab under Islamic codes have been part of Iran's laws since the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
This past Christmas day, she left a poignant post on her Instagram account describing her encounter with Iran's Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the U.N., Gholamali Khoshroo, who she bumped into at a holiday party at the residence of the Finnish Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations Kai Sauer.
When she approached the Iranian ambassador, he refused to shake hands or to look her in the eyes. To this, Alinejad posted a reflection on being invited as an exiled dissident Iranian journalist to the same party as the authorities of the Islamic Republic.
عكس ها در اينستاگرام سفير فنلاند در سازمان ملل همسرش برای یک مهمانی پایان سال دعوتم کردند به خانه شان…من و همسرم رفتیم….تا وارد شدیم آقاي خوشرو سفیر ایران و همسرش را دیدیم…همس سفير در حجاب و البته لباسی آراسته. میان سفرای کشورهای مختلف من همین که یک ایرانی دیدم دلم پر کشید. رفتم سراغ شان دست دراز کردم همسر سفیر ( نامش را نمی دانم) با مهربانی و لبخند دست داد* دستم را به سمت آقای خوشرو دراز کردم و گفتم شما لابد دست نمی دهید گفت نه نمی دهم…لبخند زدم و گفتم مهم نیست، من هر جا یک ایرانی می بینم دلم پر می کشد خواستم سلام کنم. آقای سفیر نگاهش را فقط به زمین دوخت و اصلا نه یک کلمه حرف می زد و نه لبخند اما همسرش پر از لبخند بود و مهربانی. با خودم گفتم ببین تفاوت های سیاسی چه بلایی سرمان آورده….آنها مهمانی را خیلی زود ترک کردند و من باز هم با پررویی گفتم سلام برسونید…جوابی نشنیدم. شاید آقای سفیر هم می دانست که سلامم به درد هیچ کسی نمی خورد. به کی سلام برساند به روحانی و ظریف یا به دلواپسانی که می خواهند سر به تن هیچ کدام مان نباشد؟ یا به پدر و مادرم که فکر می کنند دنیای کفر دنیای استکبار بد است و اصلا نمی دانند من همان جایی زندگی می کنم و به همان مهمانی هایی می روم که مسولان خود جمهوری اسلامی هم دعوت می شوند ولی برای آنها خوب است و برای ما بد…..آنها اگر بروند در این مهمانی ها عین وطن دوستی است و ما اگر برويم لابد وطن فروشی؟…. سفیر فنلاند و همسرش پرسیدند سفیر ایران را ديدي؟ گفتم بله دیدم ولی آنها نمی خواهند ما را ببینند گفت لابد نگران اکستریمیست ها یعنی همان دلواپسان هستند ….. سفیر فنلاند و همسرش در مورد کمپین آزادی های یواشکی هم می دانستند و تبريك گفتند و می دانستند که شصت درصد دانشگاه های ایرانرا زنان تشکیل می دهند….به آنها گفتم که ایران یک روزی چنان می درخشد که سفیر ایران بدون ترس و با افتخار با زنان و خبرنگاران ایرانی حتي فارغ از اختلافات سياسي دست می دهد و از اینکه در یک قاب عکس با آنها بنشیند نمی هراسد و نگران نمی شود…..
A photo posted by Masih Alinejad (@masih.alinejad) on
In the post, Alinejad posed with the host of the holiday party, the Finnish ambassador, and reflected in the caption with the following:
عكس ها در اينستاگرام سفير فنلاند در سازمان ملل همسرش برای یک مهمانی پایان سال دعوتم کردند به خانه شان…من و همسرم رفتیم….تا وارد شدیم آقاي خوشرو سفیر ایران و همسرش را دیدیم…همس سفير در حجاب و البته لباسی آراسته. میان سفرای کشورهای مختلف من همین که یک ایرانی دیدم دلم پر کشید. رفتم سراغ شان دست دراز کردم همسر سفیر ( نامش را نمی دانم) با مهربانی و لبخند دست داد* دستم را به سمت آقای خوشرو دراز کردم و گفتم شما لابد دست نمی دهید گفت نه نمی دهم…لبخند زدم و گفتم مهم نیست، من هر جا یک ایرانی می بینم دلم پر می کشد خواستم سلام کنم. آقای سفیر نگاهش را فقط به زمین دوخت و اصلا نه یک کلمه حرف می زد و نه لبخند اما همسرش پر از لبخند بود و مهربانی. با خودم گفتم ببین تفاوت های سیاسی چه بلایی سرمان آورده….آنها مهمانی را خیلی زود ترک کردند و من باز هم با پررویی گفتم سلام برسونید…جوابی نشنیدم. شاید آقای سفیر هم می دانست که سلامم به درد هیچ کسی نمی خورد. به کی سلام برساند به روحانی و ظریف یا به دلواپسانی که می خواهند سر به تن هیچ کدام مان نباشد؟ یا به پدر و مادرم که فکر می کنند دنیای کفر دنیای استکبار بد است و اصلا نمی دانند من همان جایی زندگی می کنم و به همان مهمانی هایی می روم که مسولان خود جمهوری اسلامی هم دعوت می شوند ولی برای آنها خوب است و برای ما بد…..آنها اگر بروند در این مهمانی ها عین وطن دوستی است و ما اگر برويم لابد وطن فروشی؟…. سفیر فنلاند و همسرش پرسیدند سفیر ایران را ديدي؟ گفتم بله دیدم ولی آنها نمی خواهند ما را ببینند گفت لابد نگران اکستریمیست ها یعنی همان دلواپسان هستند ….. سفیر فنلاند و همسرش در مورد کمپین آزادی های یواشکی هم می دانستند و تبريك گفتند و می دانستند که شصت درصد دانشگاه های ایرانرا زنان تشکیل می دهند….به آنها گفتم که ایران یک روزی چنان می درخشد که سفیر ایران بدون ترس و با افتخار با زنان و خبرنگاران ایرانی حتي فارغ از اختلافات سياسي دست می دهد و از اینکه در یک قاب عکس با آنها بنشیند نمی هراسد و نگران نمی شود…..
The Finnish ambassador to the United Nations and his partner invited me to a end-of-the-year party at their home. My husband and I attended and as soon as we entered I spotted Khoshroo, the Iranian ambassador, and his spouse. His wife was wearing a hijab and a very fashionable dress. When I saw my fellow countrymen in the midst of all these diplomats from various countries, I was thrilled. I approached them and extended my hand, his wife (whose name I don't know) shook my hand with warmth and a smile. I then extended my hand towards Mr. Khoshroo and said, ‘You probably will not shake my hand’. He replied, ‘No, I won't’. I smiled and said it was not important, wherever I see an Iranian I am always thrilled so I just wanted to say hello. Mr. Ambassador only looked to the floor without making eye contact and did not even speak a word and never smiled, but his wife was full of smiles and warmth. I said to myself, look at what troubles these political differences have brought upon us. They left the party very early and again with my persistence to interact, I told them, ‘Send my regards!’ I didn't hear a response. Maybe Mr. Ambassador knew that my regards would be of no use to anyone. To who would he send my regards? Rouhani and Zarif or the hardliners who wish people like me never existed? Or to my mother and father who think the world of infidels is one of arrogance and bad faith. They do not know that I am living in that infidel world while attending the same parties that the Islamic Republic's own authorities are being invited to. Apparently it is OK for them, but for me it is a sin. If they go to these parties, they are being nationalists, but if we go we are betraying our nation? The Finnish ambassador and his wife asked if I had seen the Iranian ambassador. I told them I saw them, but they did not want to see me. They told me they are likely concerned about the extremists, or those hardliners back home. The Finnish ambassador and his wife also knew about the “My Stealthy Freedom Campaign” and they congratulated me and knew that 60% of the university students in Iran were female. To them I said Iran will one day shine in a way that the Iranian ambassador will greet Iranian women and journalists without fear and with pride, even where differences in politics exists, he will shake hands and not mind to be in the same photo as us without worry or fear.

author: Mahsa Alimardani


text:
Following in São Paulo’s Footsteps, Brazilian Students in Goiás Are Occupying Their Schools Too · Global Voices
Raphael Tsavkko Garcia

Students hang a banner on the fence of one of the occupied schools in Goiás state. Photo by Jornal A Verdade.
Students from the central-western Brazilian state of Goiás decided to take a cue from São Paulo, whose students occupied almost 200 schools and ended up stopping a reorganization plan that would close 94 of them.
In Goiás, students are protesting against a government plan to hand over schools’ management to private organizations and the country's military police. In Brazil, several public secondary schools are managed by the armed forces or the police, a so-called ‘militarization’ policy that has long been criticized by some educators. In September, the United Nations’ Committee on the Rights of the Child released a report on Brazil showing concerns over the the wide presence of the private and military sector in the country's basic education system.
So far, students have occupied 23 schools across the state and a collaborative map has been set up to monitor the movement.
Alternative news agency Democratize noted that:
Os alunos das escolas ocupadas em Goiás admitem se inspirar na luta dos secundaristas paulistas, que no final acabaram conseguindo conquistar uma vitória parcial sobre o projeto de reorganização do ensino, já que o governador Geraldo Alckimin (PSDB) recuou com o projeto, adiando sua aplicação para 2017 — o que explica a continuidade de algumas escolas ocupadas no estado e também a série de protestos que continuam a acontecer na capital paulista.
The students occupying schools in Goiás admit that they found inspiration in the struggle of São Paulo high school students, which in the end managed to win a partial victory over the school reorganization project, since São Paulo Governor Geraldo Alckimin (of the Brazilian Social Democracy Party) backtracked on the project, postponing its application until 2017 — which explains the continuity of some schools occupations in the state and also the series of protests that continue to take place in São Paulo.
So far, Goiás Governor Marconi Perillo — from the same party as São Paulo's current government — has shown little disposition for dialogue. On December 15, he declared authorities will file a criminal suit against some of the leaders of the movements. He claims they were “recruited by unions and political parties from other states”.
The occupation movement is most strong in the state capital Goiânia, but according to the Facebook profile Desneuralizador, it is gradually spreading to the interior of the state. Some teachers have demonstrated in support of the students.
Students denounced aggression from the military police in the cities of Aparecida de Goiás and Anápolís. In a video posted by Facebook page Não Fechem Minha Escola (Don't Close My School), state employees cut the water supply of an occupied school to force them out of the building.
TRUCULÊNCIA E SABOTAGEM – NÃO DEU CERTO EM SP, NÃO VAI FUNCIONAR EM GOIÁS!
O governador Perillo de Goiás está usando as mesmas armas que o governador Alckmin usou em São Paulo – Intimidação, manipulação da mídia e sabotagem. Cortar água das escolas ocupadas é uma violação aos direitos humanos e ao estatuto da criança e do adolescente! O que vemos no vídeo é absurdo e criminoso.
#NãoTemArrego
AGGRESSION AND SABOTAGE — IT DIDN'T WORK OUT IN SÃO PAULO, IT WON'T WORK IN GOIÁS!
The governor of Goias, [Marconi] Perillo, is using the same weapons that Governor [Geraldo] Alckmin used in São Paulo — intimidation, media manipulation and sabotage. Cutting the water off at occupied schools is a violation of human rights and the child and adolescent statute [in Brazilian law]! What we see in the video is absurd and criminal.
#There'sNoTurningBack
Screenshot from a Facebook video allegedly showing state employees shutting off the water supply to an occupied school. Click the image to watch the video on the Facebook page Não Fechem Minha Escola.
Like in São Paulo, students are calling on citizens to donate food and maintenance supplies, as well as classes and cultural activities to help to keep up the good spirits in the schools. They are also organizing discussions on the effects of the privatization of education, sometimes inviting members of the community from outside the schools. They are also cleaning the schools and denouncing the precarious situation of some of the facilities.
Students cleaning occupied state school Ismael Silva, in Goias state capital Goiania. From the “Secundaristas em Luta – GO” Facebook page.
In an article for the New York Times, Pablo Ortellano, a teacher, considered the occupy movements of São Paulo, Goiás and also Espírito Santo somewhat of a continuation of the June 2013 demonstrations that took millions to the streets all over Brazil. Mauricio Caleiro, also a teacher, noted on his Facebook:
Assim como vivenciado em São Paulo em reação ao fechamento de escolas – que Alckimin tentou impor à força -, os estudantes de Goiás reagem à tentativa autoritária de privatização e militarização do ensino público.
Mais uma evidência de que há vida inteligente e disposição para a luta política entre parcelas da juventude, exemplo para a UNE e demais entidades pelegas, que hoje negam sua história, se transformando em mera corrente de transmissão do governo federal;
O espírito de combate que animou 2013 mantém-se vivo.
As experienced in São Paulo in relation to school closures — which Alckimin tried to impose by force — students of Goiás react to authoritarian attempts at privatization and militarization of public education.
Further evidence that there is intelligent life and willingness for political struggle among youth movements, an example for the UNE [student organization with little relevance nowadays] and other failed entities, which now deny its history, turning into mere chain of transmission of the federal government.
The fighting spirit that animated 2013 remains alive.

author: Raphael Tsavkko Garcia


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Russian Censors Launch Automatic Online Media Monitoring System to Spot ‘Extremist’ Content · Global Voices
Tanya Lokot

Akin to Foucault's panopticon, Russian censors are now monitoring online media for forbidden content around the clock using an automated system. Images mixed by Tetyana Lokot.
A system that automatically scans the content of online media outlets for forbidden and illegal material is now operating in 19 regions across Russia.
Roscomnadzor has launched the algorithm in beta testing mode, but head of the Russian media watchdog, Aleksandr Zharov, told state news source Izvestia the system would be rolled out full-scale across all of Russia before the end of 2016.
The new system will be primarily used to analyze Russian media websites to spot content that is considered illegal under Article 4 of the Russian mass media law, which covers pornography, calls to violence or terrorism, extremist materials, and profanity. Zharov told Izvestia that even in testing mode, the algorithm has enabled the censors to find “twice as many” violations as before.
“We won't discipline anyone yet, since the system is new. We do ask that violations be removed, as I think it will improve the quality of media all over Russian territory,” Zharov said.
The hardware and software used by Roscomnadzor only analyze textual content on media websites. For images and other multimedia content, the algorithm examines language describing the file, such as captions. If a captions suggests that the file might contain forbidden information, the system sends them on to the watchdog's human analysts who examine the files manually.
Comments on media websites are also part of the automatic monitoring: according to Roscomnadzor, if the system finds comments containing illegal content, they inform the media outlet, which then has 24 hours to delete the offending comment, as prescribed by a decision of the Russian Supreme Court. “And delete them they do,” Zharov said.
Previously, Roscomnadzor had ambitious plans to monitor all of the Russian Internet for extremist materials, but they simply didn't have enough funding. “We realized that given the current situation with available budget funds, we can't take on all of the Internet,” Roscomnadzor's head confessed to Izvestia. “So we analyze the online media and don't touch the rest of the (Internet) space.”
Little is known about the software and hardware behind the automatic monitoring system. According to Roscomnadzor, its “analytical hub” is based in the Russian General radio frequency center, but the algorithm itself remains a mystery.
It was in 2011 that Roscomnadzor first released a tender for developing an automated search and analysis system for use on the RuNet. A company called “DataCenter” won the tender, but Roscomnadzor wasn't happy with their offering and found it to be incompatible with their technical brief.
In the spring of 2014, Russian media again reported on the media regulator's intentions to automate its searches for profane content and extremist material on media websites and social networks. At the time, Roscomnadzor was using a third-party system from the “Safe Internet League” to monitor offensive content such as child pornography and content promoting suicide, but wanted to develop an in-house custom solution to also include monitoring of calls to extremism and violence.
In April 2014, Roscomnadzor head Zharov told the media their system would be “self-learning” and would use “key markers” to spot extremist materials. Zharov said the watchdog had had offers from Russian media analytics powerhouses “Medialogia” and “Ashmanov and partners,” but ended up picking a third (hitherto unknown) company to develop their system.
According to Russian law, Roscomnadzor issues a warning to a media outlet for a first-time offense of publishing forbidden content online. After a second warning to the same media outlet, the media watchdog can take the matter to court and demand that the media outlet's license be revoked.


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Christmas Around the World in 17 Photos · Global Voices
Sahar Habib Ghazi

Parque Ibirapuera (Ibirapuera Park), the most famous in the city. The Christmas Tree is famous and a popular visiting spot in December – even on rainy days.
At one of the Christmas markets in Kyiv, in a huge art gallery full of handmade holiday goodies like these tree ornaments.
British Columbia's Provincial legislature buildings decorated for Christmas.
“It's so warm here in Germany that we ended up drinking Alpen beer instead of Gluehwein. Anyone having a white Christmas this year? “
“Happy Holidays from the Tdanszana family”. Taken right outside the Parliament House in Maputo.
“Climate Change Santa is wearing shades.”
Christmas tree decorated by Thalia's mom.
This is part of the XI national contest of nativity scenes. Crafted with Shipibos, Peruvian amazon jungle people. The textile of the cushma (tunic) depicted is typical but stylized. Among the usual nativity animals there is a jaguar.
“Merry Christmas and happy holidays! We're having a weirdly warm Christmas in Toronto (we had Arctic temperatures this time last year!). We're bbq'ing Christmas dinner for the first time (ever). That's my dad grilling.”
Feast prepared by Ana, Paula's aunt.
“Greetings from sunny Trinidad, where at least the weather isn't doing anything too abnormal, though it's probably a couple of degrees warmer than it should be in the evenings. I'm having a quiet Christmas, so sharing a photo of my little Christmas tree, made by the metal artisans of Croix des Bouquets, Haiti. The francophones should be able to figure out what the words mean.”
Bon appetit! Jambon d'york en croute.
“My mother's house, where I'm spending Christmas. Miami, Florida.”
“Our Christmas Turkey. [ ..] It's 33 Celsius in Santiago, so Santa is wearing shorts.”
Greetings from a hotel in Lahore.
“Merry Christmas from my living room in San Jose, California.”
Santa in a traditional dhoti. At the Christmas festival on Park Street in Kolkata.
Many thanks to the Global Voices members who shared photos from their celebrations and Christmas dinner tables.


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Even Santa Can’t Escape Toxic Smog in China · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

China state run news wire highlights “life as usual” under the attack of toxic smog. Photo from Xinhua News’ Twitter.
During Christmas as toxic smog spread from the northern provinces to central China, the country's netizens expressed concern that air pollution will become the new “normal” as official state media continues to twist a positive angle out of the bad news.
On December 23 10 cities in China issued red alerts on air pollution, which meant air quality reached hazardous levels and people were advised to stay indoors and schools were advised to stop classes. Thirty cities including Beijing reached “severe pollution” levels and 20 others including Shanghai had “heavy pollution” levels.
People living in mainland China could not enjoy Christmas amidst the toxic smog attack. Bill Bishop reposted on Twitter a humorous mini-story circulating on Chinese social media about the fate of Santa Claus in China:
Dark china humor.Santa lost in smog,hides in snow,packages stolen,reindeer taken by chengguan,sleigh confiscated pic.twitter.com/0WfKlECOpI
— Bill Bishop (@niubi) December 25, 2015
Here is the full text and translation of Chinese dark humor on the smog that ruined Christmas:
重要通知：聖誕老人在從丹麥進入中國境內的途中因霧霾太大看不清路兒摔倒，至今無人敢扶，仍在雪地裡趴著，袋子裡的禮物被哄搶一空，麋鹿被城管收走，雪車又因為無牌照被交警沒收！今年聖誕節取消，請相互轉告！！！
Important notice: Santa Claus fell from the sky when traveling from Denmark to China because the smog was too heavy here. No one dared to help him and he was left lying on the snow. The gifts in his bag were all robbed and his reindeers were confiscated by the city management patrols [or Cheng-guan]. His sleigh does not have a vehicle license and was thus confiscated by the traffic police. This year Christmas is cancelled, please inform others!!!
Heavy industry and coal consumptions during winter filled the air with PM2.5, a tiny particle that can penetrate deep into the lungs causing all kinds of deadly diseases and failure of vital organs. On December 25, Christmas day, Beijing was blanket with a “white” color, caused by toxic smog. The US embassy's data showed that the counts of PM2.5 peaked at 620 micrograms per cubic metre. A healthy exposure level is 25 micrograms.
Though red and yellow alerts were all over the country during Christmas, state media managed to find a positive angle by highlighting how people are still continuing their normal activities despite the smog. For example on 22 December, the state-run news wire Xinhua News posted this tweet on Twitter:
Nothing can stop jog-loving Chinese! Not even #smog! Joggers unfazed by heavy haze in NE China's Shenyang. Good Luck pic.twitter.com/vTO7a7uIGS
— China Xinhua News (@XHNews) December 23, 2015
Such positive reports make people worried if the government is determined to fight the smog, or the problem will become a “new normal”, which is also a new political term being used for the Chinese government's latest economic policy for addressing the slowing down of the country's economic growth. For example, Ge We Yao from Shanghai International Fashion Federation commented on Weibo:
上海又是三天重度污染，成“新常态”了，我总觉得范围如此广，持续时间长，危害性大，应算严重自然灾害，怎不见政府领导出来发话，发挥中国政府集中国力办大事的兴长处，狠抓措施，反击雾霾，把几亿人生存权放在首位，体现社会主义优越性？
Shanghai has “heavy pollution” level for three days, now [smog] has become a “new normal”. The [pollution] is so widely spread in such a prolonged period. This should be considered a natural disaster, how come no one from the government comments on the situation, [no one] takes advantage of the centralized power of the government to implement new policies that combat the smog and [no one] prioritize the lives of tens of million people and manifests the advantage of socialism?
In early March, Chai Jing's documentary shed some light on the root causes of smog, including the lax enforcement of environmental statutes on heavy industries and vehicle fuels. The documentary has gone viral and resonated among netizens but the government seems to put more effort in creating the APEC and military parade blue sky in Beijing rather than introducing policies for the public to see a blue sky.
We've been reporting about China's “airpocalypse” for the last few years. As 2015 draws to a close we wonder if China's toxic smog and environmental problem will become the “new normal” in 2016 or will the government step up?
Here's our coverage of China's environmental problems in 2015:

author: Oiwan Lam


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Myanmar’s Memorable Moments in 2015 · Global Voices
The Irrawaddy

Supporters of the opposition National League for Democracy celebrate the party’s historic election win on Nov. 8, 2015. Photo by J Paing / The Irrawaddy
This is an edited version of an article from The Irrawaddy, an independent news website in Myanmar, and is republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.
Nationwide floods, continuing ethnic conflict and a landslide election victory for the opposition National League for Democracy. This is The Irrawaddy’s photographic retrospective of a momentous year in Myanmar’s history.
1. Student protests against the National Education Law. Activists warned that the law will strengthen junta rule in the country.
Student protesters demonstrating against what they call the repressive National Education Law leave Taungtha, Mandalay Division on Jan. 28, 2015. Photo by J Paing / The Irrawaddy
Police attack student protesters in Letpadan, Pegu Division on March 10, 2015. Photo by J Paing / The Irrawaddy
2. Continuing ethnic conflict despite the holding of peace talks and the signing of a ceasefire agreement. Myanmar's civil war has been raging on for several decades already. The conflict has displaced thousands of residents across the country.
Red Cross worker Moe Kyaw Thein, who was injured in crossfire on the road between Laukkai and Chin Shwe Haw in the Kokang region, is carried to safety on Feb. 17, 2015. An ethnic civil war has been raging for several decades in Myanmar. Photo by J Paing / The Irrawaddy
Women displaced by the Myanmar Army’s ongoing offensive against Kachin and Shan ethnic armed groups, who refused to sign the government’s ceasefire accord, Oct. 15, 2015. Photo by Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy
3. Floods and natural disasters. Flood victims complained about the slow arrival of aid from the government last August.
Locals carry relief supplies on the Gangaw-Hakha road near Chin State’s Lan Thoke village on Aug. 28, 2015 after heavy flooding and landslides across the state. Photo by Sai Zaw / The Irrawaddy
Locals travel by boat in Nyaungdon Township, Irrawaddy Division in September after flood waters inundated their homes. Photo by Thaw Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy.
4. Signing of Race and Religion Laws. Myanmar, which has a Buddhist-majority population, signed four laws aimed at protecting the country's culture and way of life. But critics asserted that the laws discriminate against Muslims and other minority groups.
Buddhist monks from the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion, also known as Ma Ba Tha, gather at Thuwunna Stadium in Rangoon on Oct. 4, 2015 to commemorate the enactment of protection of Race and Religion Laws. Some critics describe the laws as discriminatory to the Muslim minority population. Photo by Hein Htet / The Irrawaddy
5. Victory of the National League for Democracy in the General Election. The opposition secured a landslide victory against the military-backed party. Interestingly, a tenth of the winners were former political prisoners, including NLD leader and Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
Trishaw drivers campaign for the NLD in Yangon’s Mingalar Taung Nyunt in Rangoon on Sept. 27, 2015. Photo by J Paing / The Irrawaddy
A civil servant casts a ballot at a polling station in Naypyidaw’s Zabuthiri Township during the Nov. 8, 2015 election. Photo by J Paing / The Irrawaddy
A woman displays her ink-stained finger after voting in the 2015 election at Rangoon’s Bahan Township, Nov. 8, 2015. Photo by Steve Tickner / The Irrawaddy
6. Historic meeting between military leaders and Aung San Suu Kyi. Many are hoping the meeting will lead to a peaceful transition of power in the country.
NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi meets Senior General Min Aung Hlaing at the commander-in-chief’s Naypyidaw office on Dec. 2, 2015. Photo by Htet Naing Zaw / The Irrawaddy

author: The Irrawaddy


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For Land-locked Nepal, a Year of Natural and Man-Made Disasters · Global Voices
Rezwan

Earthquake hits Kathmandu, Nepal. April 2015. © Jean Paul Delain/MSF. From “A Year in Pictures”. Used with permission
This has been a rough year in Nepal, the land-locked country of 27 million people, which shares borders with powerful giants China and India.
Landslides from a devastating earthquake in April destroyed its supply routes from China, leaving Nepal completely dependent on its 1,751km (1,088-mile) open border with India.
But ties with its neighbour India began to  sour, after Nepal finally adopted a new federal constitution in September. Trucks bringing in vital supplies and fuel worth USD 302.53 million into the earthquake-recovering country started queuing up for 14 kilometres on the Indian side of the Sunauli border.
The Indian government insists that it has not imposed a blockade on Nepal and claims it is being cautious about truck movements due to protests close to the border following the new constitution. Locals report that even when there aren't any protests in the area, only a set number trucks are allowed to pass every two to three days.
Nepal's much awaited new constitution went into effect in September. India advocated seven amendments to the new constitution to ensure the Madhesi and Tharu communities — who represent about 40 to 50 percent of Nepal's population — were well represented. The constitution was meant to heal the wounds between the people of the hills, who hold most of Nepal's political power, and the people of the plains the Madhesis, who share ethnic and cultural links with people across the border in India. The Madhesi struggle is for dignity and inclusion, and an effort to be an equal Nepali citizen. For years, Nepal's politically-strong ‘hill’ establishment have mistrusted the Madhesis as a fifth column that sides with India against the interests of Nepal.
The new constitution defines the majority Hindu nation as a secular republic divided into seven federal provinces and was in the works for over a decade. The Madeshis and the Tharu ethnic minorities, have been protesting that the proposed boundaries of the new provinces could lead to their political marginalisation. India is concerned that these protests could spur violence which could spill over into its own territory.
Prashant Jha at Hindustan Times explains why a lot is at stake for India:
A peace process was conceived and signed in New Delhi exactly ten years ago, at the end of 2005. India has been an actor through much of the process in Nepal – from encouraging Constituent Assembly elections, mediating between the government and Madhesi protestors in the past to come to pacts, getting involved in government formation exercises and more. Some of this was legitimate, some of it was excessive. But given India’s deep engagement in the process, it cannot wash its hands off at this moment of climax, when the process itself is about to crumble.
But Nepalis reacted strongly against India's intervention in the constitution, and some Nepalis theorize that India is punishing the landlocked state over the matter. Blogger Shiromani Dhungana writes:
Being landlocked, most of Nepal’s imports come via India. Although international laws provide landlocked countries the right to unrestricted passage to the sea, India has been unquestioned by the international community on the way it is putting an entire country of about 28 million in “ventilator support”.
By blockading Nepal, India is supporting a group of protesters in Central Terai of Nepal. The blockade has caused massive suffering to people all over the country. Economy has been destroyed and might take years to recover. Jobs have been lost, investors have pulled out, major infrastructure and development projects have been badly affected and put out-of-schedule, and education of millions of kids has been disrupted. Industries have closed because of lack of security and raw material supply. Vaccination programs have also been disrupted. This shows the scale of suffering Nepal is facing because of the inhumane blockade by India.
In BhatBatheni, Kathmandu, people queue for kerosene. Image by Samuel Duggan. Copyright Demotix (29/11/2015)
The country is still recuperating from the devastating earthquake in April that killed more than 9,000 people and left more than 23,000 injured. Across many districts, millions of people were made homeless, with entire villages flattened. The earthquake has had knock-on effects on a myriad seemingly unrelated aspects: human trafficking, labour costs and availability, rental and property cost burdens, urbanization, private and public debt burdens, mental health, politics, tourism, as well as disease and healthcare infrastructure. The landslides caused by the earthquake have destroyed alternate supply routes from China, leaving Nepal dependent on imports from India.
As of 1 May 2015, international aid agencies like Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders) and the Red Cross were able to start medically evacuating the critically wounded by helicopter from outlying areas, which were cut off from the capital city, Kathmandu, and treating others in mobile and makeshift facilities.
A pregnant woman in labour is evacuated by MSF teams conducting medical clinics in the districts of Sindhupalchowk, Dhading, Rasuwa and Dolaka in Nepal. Image by © Emma Pedley/MSF. Used with permission
Seven months after the earthquake hit Nepal and caused heavy casualties, MSF and Red Cross teams are still working in the country to deal with the aftermath of the disaster. Iris Leung of MSF Hong Kong writes about her experience while visiting the Spinal Injury Rehabilitation Centre in Sanga, about one hour’s drive from Kathmandu:
When I saw Biraj, he was in his wheelchair, striving to climb to the top of the slope and then race down as if it was a roller coaster. He repeated several times – it was a three-wheeled manual wheelchair, which means he was using his strong biceps to push himself up the gradient.
I began to wonder where Biraj could go after he was discharged. Nepal is not a wheelchair-friendly country, so he will not be able to move around as easily as he used to, not to mention finding a job to make a living. Thinking of how many obstacles he would have to overcome, I was overwhelmed by a sense of hopelessness.
Then he said, “I have negative thoughts. But if everyone gets positive, I will get the energy to stay positive.”
MSF is handing over its activities by December to local hospitals, but there is a severe medicine and food crisis due to the blockade; millions of people are at risk in Nepal, where people spend on average 60 percent of their disposable income on food, the UN warns. The price of food has spiked because of the shortage in supply. It is unclear how patients like Biraj can get back to a normal life with the blockade around.
After 6 hrs searching pharmacies in #Kathmandu finally found medicines for relative. #IndiaBlockadesNepal pic.twitter.com/RgNtTdQUfJ
— Kunda Dixit (@kundadixit) November 30, 2015
Pressure Tactic Yubhan Tamang cooks daily in firewood for 300 patients at Bir Hospital @gopenR #IndiaBlockadesNepal pic.twitter.com/LfVVxAonvW
— Kunda Dixit (@kundadixit) November 27, 2015
Expat blogger Daniel and Becky described what the shortages look like in everyday life:
A lot of people have now run out of cooking gas and so are cooking on wood fires – the air is noticeably smoggier.
Petrol is being sold in very limited amounts. What petrol there is being prioritised to schools, hospitals, buses and government agencies.
Shop shelves are looking sparse as all imported goods start to run out. Electricity is erratic as those who can afford it have bought electric induction plates and other similar things for cooking and are stretching the system. From tomorrow our regularly scheduled power cuts will increase to 8 and 9 hours a day due to the increased electric usage. Although the fuel shortage has meant a number of business have shut down, reducing some power usage, so it could be worse.
Blogger Shiromani Dhungana also writes that the displaced earthquake victims are facing the hardest time due to the blockade:
Several earthquake victims have died this week due to cold. Earthquake victims cannot buy food, fuel, and construction material to build shelters because of the blockade. They are having to sleep outside. A harsh winter in the hills is worsening their condition. [..] Humanitarian organizations cannot operate under such lack of essentials.
Nepal's people can't take much more, Twitter users have warned:
Fuel queuing situation in #Kathmandu is absolutely appalling. Somethings got to give #IndiaBlockadesNepal #Nepal pic.twitter.com/opW4nLuuns
— Lou Watsham (@lou_watsham) October 13, 2015
#IndiaBlockadesNepal creats #crisis in #Nepal @MaryamNSharif @sheikhhasina @ashrafghani @18thsaarc @PM_Nepal pic.twitter.com/c8rGvRhHDU
— Anil Thapa (@athachhetri) November 24, 2015
Kinda Dixit in a blog in Nepali Times blamed the incompetence of the government, which he argued is ignoring the plight of over 2 million earthquake survivors this winter:
The whole country is suffering from the blockade, but the plight of homeless earthquake survivors is doubly perilous. Yet an uncaring state is blissfully unmindful to their predicament.

author: Rezwan


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‘Nobody Knows Their Story’: A Bhutanese-American Psychologist Gives Her Refugee People a Voice · Global Voices
PRI/PRX's The World

Luna Acharya Mulder at her home outside Boston. Credit: Jeb Sharp. Used with PRI's permission.
This article by Jeb Sharp for The World originally appeared on PRI.org on December 23, 2015, and is republished here as part of a content-sharing agreement.
Luna Acharya Mulder had a very unusual childhood. She came to the US from Bhutan in 1987, when she was 5. Her father, Tilchand Acharya, had taken a job at the United Nations, in New York. When they returned to Bhutan for a visit a couple of years later, their country was in turmoil.
“I didn't fully understand it from a child's point of view,” she tells me in an interview at her home outside Boston. “Stories about how they had destroyed homes and put schools on fire and a lot of people were being imprisoned.”
Bhutan had begun a violent campaign against its ethnic Nepali population. Over the next few years, the government drove more than 100,000 of its own citizens out of the country, including Mulder's entire extended family. She remembers being far away in New York and her parents explaining that her grandparents and aunts and uncles and cousins were no longer in Bhutan, but in refugee camps in Nepal. Which meant she and her immediate family were effectively living in exile.
“We had a framed picture of the former King of Bhutan in our living room,” she says. “I distinctly remember my Mom and Dad taking it down and burning it in the kitchen.”
The next time they went “home,” they didn't go to Bhutan; they went to the refugee camps in eastern Nepal. They found their family members living in terrible conditions.
“It was very dirty, very hot, no electricity, no running water, very crowded,” Mulder says. “It was just chaos, because nobody knew what was going to happen, where they were going to end up, if they were going to go back to Bhutan. And Nepal, which is an impoverished nation itself, was not at all welcoming to the Bhutanese refugees, so they continued to feel discriminated against.”
It was the first of many visits to the Timai and Beldanghi camps. Mulder and her sisters spent their childhoods growing up American in New York, but visiting their Bhutanese cousins every summer in Nepal. The cousins were fascinated by America.
“They would ask questions about America,” she says. “What was America like? They just couldn't imagine what our lives were like in New York. They had never even seen television for example, or eaten a slice of pizza, or eaten a piece of candy. They only had one article of clothing per year.”
Mulder says she and her sisters took little backpacks for the summer with a few skirts and T-shirts each. Her cousins couldn't fathom how they could wear all those clothes. “Why do you need so much for one person?” they would ask.
Luna Acharya Mulder, center, with family members in Nepal. Credit: Courtesy of Luna Acharya Mulder. Used with PRI's permission.
At the end of each summer, when Mulder and her family returned to New York, their two-bedroom apartment felt like a mansion. She laughs at the memory.
“To be able to turn a switch and the light would come on, so we didn't have to sit in the dark, or to be able to go to the bathroom and flush a toilet and that was it! We didn't have to go outside and go to the bathroom in very unsanitary conditions. Everything felt very simple and easy. As a child growing up like that, you grew up feeling very lucky, and just appreciating everything you have.”
Mulder remembers how the camps evolved as the years went by. Schools and shops sprang up. Her aunt ran one that sold pastries. But even as people strived for normalcy, there was always a sense of uncertainty about the future.
“I remember my aunt saying, ‘I don't know what's going to happen to us. Is this it? This is how we're going to live for the rest of our lives? Our kids have been born and raised here now and you know are we going back to Bhutan or are we going somewhere else or are we just going to be like this forever?'”
Looking back, Mulder knows she was given a unique window on something she might not otherwise understand. Moving between the two worlds cultivated a deep empathy, and led to a fascination with culture, people, and behavior. She ended up studying psychology and pursuing a Ph.D.
“I just found the field of psychology fascinating,” she says. “Imagine somebody being able to actually help a child that is struggling within a family, or a family that was struggling to communicate with each other, or if there were mental health issues going on because of conflict, or things that have happened in the past. For somebody to actually be able to come in and do something about it, so the family didn't have to suffer in silence; it was just something I always felt drawn to and gravitated towards.”
For her dissertation, she interviewed women torture survivors in the camps in Nepal, trying to understand how the trauma they had suffered had affected them.
Then, in 2006, her life began to come full circle, as the United States agreed to resettle 60,000 of the Bhutanese refugees living in Nepal. They began arriving in 2008, some of them in Massachusetts. Mulder, who now works as a psychologist in Boston, began consulting on cases involving their mental health.
“Generally speaking in Bhutanese culture, there is no mental health,” she explains. “There are no words even, in the language, that describe words like depression, or PTSD, or anxiety. It's very unsual to even talk about problems or struggles with someone outside the family. It's unheard of.”
Mulder was uniquely positioned to help, with her intimate knowledge of the language, the culture and the population.
“I feel like I have a lot of different ways of seeing things, and understanding things. I can put myself in many different shoes, and put lots of different hats on, depending on the situation, and kind of see what the issues might be.”
She has been able to help American clinicians size up what is happening within a Bhutanese family. She can explain that Bhutanese tend to be polite and may assent to things they don't actually understand. She can help translate how their collective culture works in contrast to America's intensely individualistic one.
She knows elders are incredibly respected back home, and can feel lost arriving in a new place, dependent on their children for translation. She can see how teenagers are caught between their new American identities and their heritage. And she can help try to avert misunderstandings over practices like corporal punishment, common back home, but a red flag here in the US.
“You know a parent might hit a kid at home for not listening or doing what they're told,” she says. “They're setting limits, so they spank or they hit, and the child will go to school, and maybe the teacher will see something, and the kid will say, ‘Oh, my mom hit me,’ not even thinking anything of it, and then social services comes to the house and takes the children away and the parents have no idea what's going on. They barely speak any English. This is very common, and so sad and heartbreaking.”
Situations like these can be avoided, Mulder says, with better education and orientation for newcomers arriving in America. In recent years, she's seen her own Bhutanese relatives leave the camps in Nepal and resettle all over the US. She's been amazed at how successful they've become, in a very short time.
“The majority of them have jobs; they're finishing up school; some have homes and cars; they've learned to drive; they work 80 or 90 hours a week. They're just very happy, hardworking, optimistic people. Having said that, there are people who struggle. It's such a culture shock. They've been refugees they're whole lives. They've been discriminated against their whole lives.”
In her view, one of the best and simplest things Americans can do to welcome new arrivals is simply get to know their stories.
“Bhutanese refugees in particular,” she says. “They've never had a voice. Nobody knows their story.”
Luna Acharya Mulder knows their story though. She's been listening her whole life.

author: PRI/PRX's The World


text:
After Her Son’s Murder, a French-Moroccan Mother Teaches Young People the Importance of Unity · Global Voices
PRI/PRX's The World

Latifa bin Ziaten (r) speaks with students about her son, Imad, who was murdered by Islamic extremist Mohamed Merah. At the end of her talk, students hug her. One girl says Latifah reminds her of her own mother. Credit: Marine Olivesi. Used with PRI's permission.
This article by Marine Olivesi  for The World originally appeared on PRI.org on December 23, 2015, and is republished here as part of a content-sharing agreement.
Latifa Ibn Ziaten introduces herself to middle and high-school students with a single line: “I am Imad's mom.”
The couple of hundred French teenagers facing her might not have heard that name before, but they all know the name of the guy who killed him.
In March 2012, Mohamed Merah, a French man of Algerian descent, killed seven people in a series of shootings across France, including three children at a Jewish school. Merah’s killing spree and the manhunt that followed marked the beginning of a bad streak — French-born, radicalized young men going to war against their own country.
Merah’s first victim was a 30-year-old off-duty paratrooper, Imad Ibn Ziaten — Latifa’s son.
She has been criss-crossing the country ever since, touring schools and prisons. She always tells her story standing up, a tribute to her son who refused to lie down before Merah shot him. And she tells it from the day she arrived in France.
“I came from Morocco when I was 17,” she says in a soft voice. “I didn’t know how to read. France took me in, and my neighbors helped me out. They taught me how to speak and write the language. Then my husband and I started a family, we had five kids. That was my dream, but also a responsibility.
“I worked the whole time, eight hours a day. In the weekend I cooked to earn extra money, to pay for the kids’ clothes, private lessons, vacations. They grew up with a lot of dignity, respect and love. They were my pride. Mohamed Merah robbed me of that success.”
Latifa says life was tough but that it was easier back then to integrate. Her neighbors were French. Now, she says, most immigrants live in ghettos, isolated, which gives them little chance to learn the codes of their new country. Their French-born children often grow up feeling like second-class citizens.
But it’s not just society that fails kids like Mohamed Merah. “His dad failed him when he abandoned the family,” Latifa says. “His mom too — she remarried and placed him up in foster care.”
Latifa sums up what came next in his life: Merah dropped out of school, committed some petty crimes and landed in jail. That’s where he met radical Muslims and, as Latifa describes it, “turned into a monster.”
After the shootings, kids in the suburbs made him the poster child of a lost generation.
Latifa recounts her visit to the neighborhood where Merah grew up, only days after the death of her son and that of the self-style jihadist killed at the end of a 30-hour siege with police.
“I saw a group of young people hanging out on the street,” Latifa says. “I walked up to them and asked: ‘Do you know where Merah lived?’ One of them smiled and said, ‘Ma’am, Mohamed Merah is a martyr! He's a hero of Islam! He’s brought France to its knees.’ ‘Dear God,’ I thought. When I heard that, it was like my son was killed a second time.
“I looked at them and said: ‘Do you know who you're talking to? I’m Imad’s mom. Merah is no martyr. He's no hero. He’s an assassin.’”
Latifa says the guys were stunned and ashamed. They stood up, circled around her and kept saying they were sorry.
She was looking for clues about the killer, and instead found a new quest. Latifa realized she had to get the other side of the story out — hers and that of the wide majority of immigrants and French-born Muslims who make it in France, live in peace and serve their country, like her own son did. That’s the future.
She wants those role models for the teenagers in the audience, a lot of them first-generation French.
She talks about school, religion, family, and manages to get through to them. At the end, teenage boys come to hug her. A girl bursts into tears, saying Latifa reminds her of her own mother.
It’s the second time this year Latifa pays them a visit. The school district is the most impoverished in the region, with up to 70 percent of students on public aid. Fabien Maerten, the principal of Middle School Pierre and Marie Curie, says the first time she came, last winter, Latifa was a bit like a firefighter called to the rescue.
“There was some tension here after the Charlie Hebdo attack,” he says. “About 50 students refused to do the minute of silence the day after. Some lashed out and said things we couldn’t tolerate. Her visit helped us bridge the gap and rebuild a dialogue.”
The school has come a long way since then, he says.
Kids are at peace with who they are: diverse yet unabashedly French.
Before leaving, Latifa asks whether they can sing the national anthem. Every single teenager picks up her tune — a bit off key, but without a fuss.