text:
Five Years On: Time to Remember Those Who Gave All for the Egyptian Revolution · Global Voices
Salma Essam

Tomorrow is the fifth anniversary of the start of the Egyptian revolution. Photograph from a protest in Tahrir in 2012. By Mosa'ab El Shamy, flickr, used with permission.
Walk down any street in downtown Cairo, you will likely see some wall graffiti voicing outrage and depicting the significant uproar that once existed. Steady growth in Egypt’s poverty, expanding political corruption, and unequal opportunities were the main ingredients of the Egyptian uprising of 2011, known as the 25th of January revolution. Located in the heart of Cairo, Tahrir Square became an icon for a series of events that shaped Egypt's modern history. Pitched tents, anti-Mubarak banners, and fluttering flags embodied the spirit of the scene. Crowds of liberal secularists to Islamic firebrands filled in the square, all summoned under one slogan “Bread, freedom, social justice”.
It all started with small networks of activists who were gearing up for mass action against the autocratic regime of Hosni Mubarak. Thousands of Egyptians from different parts of the country positively responded to calls on social media and defied the government ban to protest against the then president. It was the beginning of the end of a 30-year rule of a tyrant regime. Eighteen days of a sit-in succeeded in bringing down the country’s ruler on the February 11, 2011.
In no period of Egyptian history have people felt that sense of freedom as the one following February 2011. Nevertheless, as the situation intensified, the revolt started to take a new trajectory. Factions grew more disoriented as they began using Tahrir Square for partisan-inclined demands. With time, the political scene witnessed more struggles towards hegemony and power. A series of violent cascades followed as a result. In three years, the tightly organized Islamists, who managed to win presidential elections and a majority of seats in the Parliament, were dissolved by then Minister of Defense Abdelfattah El Sisi in July 2013 – leaving no room for political Islam in Egypt’s game of politics.
Since the overthrow of the Muslim Brotherhood President Mohamed Morsi, Cairo turned into a battle field between the government, backed by Sisi and opposition movements. Sisi has promised to bring security and stability and to confront what he called terrorism. However, his critics say he had intentionally cracked down on the Muslim Brotherhood organization and any forms of resistance.
At present, ahead of the 25th of January anniversary, the state is progressively tightening its grip over social media platforms, fearing the effective role it has played since 2011 in agitating mass opposition. It has been reported that Egyptian authorities have recently arrested three activists, including Taher Mokhtar, a famous anti-regime physician, after raiding their apartment in downtown Cairo for criticizing the country’s military and president.
Interior Ministry officials affirmed that they are to enforce security measures across Egypt and to confront any potential attacks in different announcements. A number of high-profile anti-Sisi activists are being detained with no clear charges, cultural venues are being shut down, and police regular check inspections are being carried out. The situation has worsened with the substantial execution sentences that have recently been issued. In response, a severe social media backlash gained ground against judge Nagi Shehata for his politicized death penalty verdicts against activists opposing the regime without enough evidence.
Journalist and human rights activist Hossam Bahgat directed harshly sarcastic criticism to judge Nagi Shehata on Facebook account:
هو ناجي شحاتة أكيد مش استثناء. واللي بيقوله في جلسات محكمته من شتيمة…https://t.co/IWRVBZ1Wkn #اوقفوا_ناجي_شحاتة
— hossam bahgat (@hossambahgat) January 17, 2016
Nagi Shehata is definitely not an exception. The insults he says to the accused and the lawyers in his court sessions and what he says about 25th of January “loss” in the newspapers is exactly the same opinion of his fellow judges. However, he decided to voice his opinions publicly in a bullying manner because he's certain he's not going to be held accountable before the law. In this sense, he even lost the “external” condition that gives him the right to decide upon the fates of people and even issue death sentences. And since that he committed many unprofessional mistakes, he should be expelled just in an attempt to preserve the disillusioned prestige and the fake hegemony of the judiciary. In essence, #StopNagiShehata, so he could inaugurate a new office with Mortada Mansour or present a TV show. Because this is what he deserves
In the meantime, Egyptian politicians, journalists, and activists trended a Twitter hashtag under the name: “I participated in the January revolution” in an attempt to counter the state’s severe actions. Later, a Facebook page that carries the same name was launched and has exceeded 5K likes in three days.
Political satire TV show host and popular activist Bassem Youssef incubated #RememberThem into #IParticipatedIn25thOfJanuaryRevolution to shed light on the jailed political activists, as he explained in a series of tweets:
١ #انا_شاركت_في_ثورة_يناير هاشتاج اتمنى اننا نستغله بشكل مختلف،نفتكر فيه الناس اللي اتحبست بسبب الثورة اللي احنا فخورين بيها رغم الاخفاقات
— Dr Bassem Youssef (@DrBassemYoussef) January 17, 2016
I participated in January revolution hashtag: I wish we could use it in a different way by remembering those who were arrested unfairly because of the revolution that we are proud of regardless of the setbacks
Then he tweeted:
٢الكام يوم الجايين قررت استخدم الحساب ده لنشر قصص المعتقلين ظلما و المختفين قسريا او المحبوسين بتهم عجيبة. من واجبنا نفتكرهم كلهم سواء كانوا
— Dr Bassem Youssef (@DrBassemYoussef) January 17, 2016
In the coming few days, I decided to use my personal account to publish the prisoners’ stories whether they are arrested with no charges or those who are missing due to enforced disappearance, or those accused of strange accusations. Our duty is to remember them all.
٥و عشان يتم التركيز على القصص يا ريت نستخدم هاشتاج #افتكروهم مع #انا_شاركت_في_ثورة_يناير عشان نركز الضوء عليهم.مش مجرد اسماء،قصص
— Dr Bassem Youssef (@DrBassemYoussef) January 17, 2016
And in order to focus on these stories, we'd rather use the #RememberThem along with #IParticipatedIn25thOfJanuaryRevolution in order to center the light on them. Not only names but stories.
Journalist Amro Ali used both hashtags in honoring the martyrs of the January revolution as he tweets:
They participated in the #Jan25 Revolution. But would not live to remind #Egypt. #افتكروهم #انا_شاركت_في_ثورة_يناير pic.twitter.com/N6mvOew9mI
— Amro Ali (@_amroali) January 18, 2016
He then described the Egyptian police actions as “insane”:
Insane: #Egypt Police searched 5000 apartments checking random Facebook accounts Ahead Of Revolution Anniversary https://t.co/Aou15S1soc
— Amro Ali (@_amroali) January 21, 2016
Infamous for opposing the current regime, 6 April movement posted a  mourning song:
تحية لروح شهداء #25يناير ثاروا من أجل العيش والحرية والعدالة والكرامة فقتلهم أمن النظام #انا_شاركت_في_ثورة_يناير https://t.co/5Ilh0Z6RfW
— A6Mحركة شباب 6 أبريل (@shabab6april) January 18, 2016
Greetings for the souls of the martyrs. They revolted for bread, freedom, justice, and dignity. So the regime killed them
Egyptian Radio announcer and writer Ahmad El Esseily tweeted:
طب #انا_شاركت_في_ثورة_يناير بقه؛ مش عشان حد ولا عشان الغلابة ولا عشان مصر حتى؛ شاركت عشان نفسي، عشان انا ابقى جزء من أنبل حاجة حصلت في مصر.
— Ahmad El Esseily (@ahmadesseily) January 18, 2016
I participated in the January revolution not for somebody, not for the poor, not even for Egypt, but for myself, and in order to be a part from the most honorable thing that has happened in Egypt
Activist Ghada Shahbender added:
#انا_شاركت_في_ثورة_يناير و افتخر لانها أطاحت بدكتاتور فاسد سرق البلد و جهل شعب #انا_شاركت_في_ثورة_يناير و ماعرفش ثورة غيرها
— Ghada Shahbender (@ghadasha) January 16, 2016
I also participated in the January revolution and I'm proud because it overthrew a corrupt dictator who robbed the country and made people ignorant. I participated in the January revolution and I know no other revolutions
Journalist Ahmad Gamal said:
#أنا_شاركت_في_ثورة_يناير ما أعظمها تهمة pic.twitter.com/KUd2vDz0tw
— Ahmed Gamal Ziada (@ahmed_gimy) January 16, 2016
I participated in January revolution, and how great this “accusation” is!

author: Salma Essam


text:
Ghana’s Market Women Were Once So Powerful They Were Targeted by the Military · Global Voices
PRI/PRX's The World

Matilda Moses sells tomatoes in Tudu Market, part of a sprawling district of open-air and covered markets in central Accra. She can make the equivalent of 300 dollars in sales in a good week. Credit: Yepoka Yeebo. Used with PRI's permission
This article by Yepoka Yeebo for The World originally appeared on PRI.org on January 5, 2015, and is republished here as part of a content-sharing agreement.
Ghana is one of only a handful of places where women are more likely to start businesses than men.
There are corporate-feeling malls and glossy supermarkets popping up all over the West African country. Still, more than 90 percent of people here still do their almost all their shopping at open-air markets, where the stalls are dominated by women, each running a small business.
It’s an encouraging trend, but behind this bright statistic is a troubled history: during Ghana’s military coups of the 1970s and 1980s, market women became the target of government terror, blamed for an economic crisis gripping the country.
To understand why that could have happened, you have to first see the market women’s power in action.
Take Matilda Moses, who sells what many consider the finest tomatoes in Accra’s Tudu Market. Her stall is small — a plywood tabletop balanced on an old crate — but she can make the equivalent of $300 in sales in a good week. It’s a tough business, Moses tells me in Ga, the language she speaks: “It can cost you, but it can make you good money.”
Some of Matilda’s customers come from middle-class neighborhoods close to the new supermarkets. But they choose to go out of their way to come here. “Her tomatoes attracted me,” says customer Grace Nortey.
While the produce in supermarkets tends to be imported, the produce in markets is shipped in weekly from the bush — the countryside — so it’s better quality, and cheaper.
Nortey also prefers shopping at markets because she can haggle the price down. She got a huge bag of tomatoes, which Moses originally priced at 12 Ghana cedis, for just 10 cedis (about $2.60.)
“You can negotiate with them; they’ll reduce the price for you, that’s why most of the time I come to the market to buy,” Nortey says.
Haggling is something that Ghanaians actually love to do. People expect it. So it’s a big part of Moses’ tomato selling strategy. “These ones I’ve packed here, I price it at 10 cedi. Maybe the customer comes and says: ‘I want a discount,’ so you let them buy it at nine or eight.” If she knows there’s a shortage of good tomatoes she jacks the price up to 14 or 15 cedi. “Or if the market’s dry, you’ll say ‘it’s 15, but give me 14.” So the price doesn’t stay in one place. There’s no one price, Moses says — she holds all these figures in her head.
Ghanaian women have found a way to thrive in this “informal economy” of trading, says George Owusu, a local economist whose work on market women was published by the Brookings Institution. In other research, he found that 60 percent of women in Ghana start their own businesses, compared with just 42 percent of men.
Owusu has a personal reason for the focus on these small-business owners: own mother was a market trader. “She would go to Accra, buy clothes and other things, and come back and sell,” he says. His father was retired, so his mother was the main breadwinner for the family of 12.
Owusu was about six when an Air Force lieutenant named Jerry Rawlings staged two successive coups d'etat and became Ghana’s military dictator. Owusu remembers the military curfew at 6pm and soldiers rolling through town, targeting everyone they considered a threat, including his own landlord.
Jerry Rawlings (left) took over Ghana in a series of military coups d'etat starting in 1979. For years, he blamed market women for an economic crisis that gripped the country. Credit: Courtesy of JJ Rawlings Archival Library
“We were living in this apartment owned by a retired military officer, and this man was picked up. Apparently as very sympathetic to the regime which had been overthrown,” says Owusu. “And the military, at the time put this man through hell. He was stripped naked except with panties on, and he was paraded through the streets of the town.”
Owusu’s mother was also considered a threat too. “The military will come in and they will find somebody to blame,” he says. “And unfortunately, it looks like at the time, the easiest target they could pick were market women and women engaged in businesses.”
Market women were accused of driving up the price of everything in the markets. One politician said they were causing “moral decadence and economic degradation.” The army stormed the markets, searched the homes of traders and seized everything in sight. There were arrests and public floggings. Some paid with their lives.
“If you were a trader, it wasn’t safe for you to engage in any meaningful trading, because if you are caught, or you were seen, or you were reported to be overpricing your goods beyond what the soldiers want you to sell your goods, then you have a problem,” Owusu says. Traders faced a stark choice: Sell for less than your goods are worth (which will almost certainly put you out of business), or risk arrest and worse.
“To avoid all this, my mother stopped trading,” Owusu says. She shut her stall and smuggled some of her unsold stock to friends and family in other parts of the country. But that wasn’t enough. Most of her money was tied up in expensive bales of textiles, which she had to destroy. She cut up the textiles, so if the soldiers came knocking, they’d look used.
It was a decade before she could trade again. “The income from my mother was quite critical, and here is the case, my mother had to abandon her trading abilities because of what was happening at the time, and I can tell you, the family went through hell,” he says.
Stories like this are distressingly common. Rawlings, the dictator, continued to claim that market women caused Ghana’s economic crisis. But then,  a decade after that, he said the real reason for the floggings was that some market women had been rude to his soldiers. Whatever the case, in 1979 soldiers went to the country's biggest market complex in the heart of Accra, planted explosives and destroyed all the businesses.
Once again, women dominate Tudu Market and others like it in central Accra. Credit: Yepoka Yeebo. Used with PRI's permission
Ghana is no longer a military dictatorship. And today, 36 years on, the markets of Accra are thriving again. Nobody really talks about the bad old days here now. Most of the women affected, like Owusu’s mother, have retired or passed on. But market women are well aware of the economic power they have, and the risks they’re taking on by running these businesses. Now, though, the risks are mostly economic.
Moses keeps an eye on all sorts of economic factors that could affect prices: a good harvest, or bad weather, or wedding season. This is all crucial, because Moses is assuming a lot of risk: she buys three crates of tomatoes every week. If she miscalculates, she could end up with a bunch of rotting produce and no money.
“You might be able to get 30 Ghana cedi [of profit]. On some you’ll get 20 on it,” Moses says. “Sometimes you just make exactly what you bought the crate for, with no profit at all, so you’ve tired yourself out for nothing.” She balances out the risks by saving — even if it’s just one cedi (about 30 cents) — every day.
A guy at the market comes around, collects cash from her and holds it until the end of the month. The practice is an old one, and it’s called “susu.” It means that the money doesn’t get spent, and she doesn’t have to carry lots of cash around. This lump sum is the reward that keeps her going, it’s pushing the next generation of her family into the middle class. The other thing that keeps her going? Her customers.
“Always give the customer a little something extra so they’re happy and they keep coming to you,” Moses advises. “Be good to them, and the customers keep coming.” With that, she pours an extra bowl of tomatoes into her customer’s already bulging bag.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: PRI/PRX's The World


text:
Salt and Loathing in St. Petersburg · Global Voices
Darina Gribova

St. Petersburg, winter 2016. Photo by Darina Gribova.
As any invading army throughout history can tell you, there's nothing unusual about heavy snowfall in Russian cities. But this force that has helped defeat French legions and German divisions is also an ordinary concern in Russians’ everyday lives. Usually, there's little cause for celebration, when considering the Russian winter. This season, however, thousands of people in St. Petersburg are so happy with their winter that they're asking to pin a medal on the city official who pioneered a new approach to snow removal.
In previous winters, St. Petersburg has had to put up with grisly winter conditions: salt and snow-melting chemicals littered the streets, inevitably leading to a dirty mush that damaged shoes, ruined cars, and even stung animals’ paws. Every year, the city's people complained, giving municipal officials dismally low approval ratings, and every year the city repeated the same approach to getting rid of snow and ice.
Сказочно же Хорошего дня вам всем!
A photo posted by tanyashadrina (@tanyashadrina) on
It's like from a fairytale! Everyone have a great day!
This year, the city Committee on Municipal Improvement finally changed its snow-removal tactics, and it's bathing in the public's adoration, as a result.
What is St. Petersburg doing differently? Officials stopped using reagent chemicals, reduced the amount of salt it uses to 5-10 percent, and instead added more sand on the streets (to avoid ice-slicks). Instead, the city is focusing its efforts on active snow removal from roads and sidewalks. You can even track the work of snow-disposal equipment using an interactive map in realtime.
In order to appreciate fully what impact these reforms have on life in St. Petersburg, you need look no further than an online poll launched a week ago on a major Vkontakte community dedicated to local traffic and road safety issues. At the time of this writing, more than 30,185 votes were cast, with just 2,464 people complaining of slipperiness on the streets. Meanwhile, a whopping 17,770 drivers and 9,952 pedestrians expressed total satisfaction with the city's new snow-removal policy. Moreover, people keep sending messages of thanks to the city's Committee on Municipal Improvement.
Красивый мой. ♡♡♡
A photo posted by tanyashadrina (@tanyashadrina) on
My beautiful [city].
Though the RuNet has come to be known as the playground of trolls, bots, and hackers, the outpouring of support and gratitude appears to be genuine—even heartfelt.
On Facebook, Anna Zubakina wrote:
Большое спасибо за отказ от применения реагентов, душа радуется как чисто и красиво вокруг!! Машина чистая, обувь тоже, собака больше не обжигает лапы – одно удовольствие! Пожалуйста, продолжайте и дальше также!
Many thanks for ending the use of reagents! The soul rejoices as it's so clear and beautiful around! The car is clean, shoes too, and the dog's paws no longer burn – it's pure joy! Please keep it up!
Lesha Zenin wrote:
Никак не мог понять, откуда это ощущение зимы как в детстве. Теперь все понятно, спасибо за работу.
I couldn't understand why this winter reminds me so of the ones from my childhood. Now I know. Thank you for your work.
Tatyana Pogost said:
Спасибо за чистый город без ужасной слякоти и соли, которая разъедает обувь, автомобили и дыхательные пути. Эта зима в Питере чудесна! Я за то, чтобы и в будущем отказаться от реагентов на дорогах.
Thank you for the clean city without the awful slush and salt that erodes shoes, cars, and lungs. This winter in St. Petersburg is wonderful! I'm all for ending the use of reagents on the roads in future, too.
With a glint of satire in his eye, journalist Sergey Dorenko even dreamed about taking things a bit further in this fairytale:
Санкт-Петербург: 1. Перестали сыпать соль на дороги; 2. Ввод финского вторым языком в школах; 3. Заработная плата в Евро
Saint Petersburg: 1. No salt on the roads; 2. Finnish becomes the second language in schools; 3. Salaries are distributed in euros.
Proud of its public support, the city government highlighted all the love on its official website, quoting praise from citizens both in social media and in mailed letters. Most people singled out the chairman of the committee, Vladimir Rublevskiy, who spearheaded the effort to reduce the use of salt. St.-Petersburg-based artist Karim Ragimov has even launched a petition on Change.org calling for the city to honor Rublevsky with an award. (More than 2,000 people had signed it, at the time of this writing.)
Просим отметить правительственной наградой деятельность Владимира Рублевского, главу комитета по благоустройству Смольного, прекратившего вопиющее ежегодное изнасилование города солью и реагентами в зимний период. За многие годы впервые мы переживаем настоящую красивую снежную зиму в Санкт-Петербурге. Выражаем отдельную благодарность от имени владельцев автомобилей, домашних животных и обуви.
Please bestow state honors on Vladimir Rublevskiy, the head of the Smolny Committee on Municipal Improvement, who stopped the blatant annual violation of the city with salt and reagents in the winter. This year is the first time in many years that we have experienced a beautiful, snowy winter in St. Petersburg. We express our special gratitude on behalf of the owners of cars, pets, and shoes.
Meanwhile, not far outside Moscow, the public is less than satisfied with how officials are managing the local snow-removal process. One group of people even piled a small mountain of snow outside a municipal office, barricading the door of officials meant to be clearing the streets of snow. On Vkontakte, more than 2,500 people applauded the act.
Жители Подмосковья закопали в снег офис коммунальщиков, не справляющихся с уборкой дворов https://t.co/sxAyc6JCUl pic.twitter.com/RzWwz1kY0k
— Лентач (@oldLentach) January 21, 2016
The residents of Moscow vicinities buried in the snow the office of utility providers who can not cope with cleaning the yards.

author: Darina Gribova


text:
Social Media Slams India’s Judgmental Journalist · Global Voices
Sohini Chatterjee

Screenshot of Interview of Sunny Leone by Bhupendra Chaubey of CNN-IBN
Indo-Canadian Bollywood actor, model and former porn star Sunny Leone has been subject to a number of controversies in her career, but the latest one — even though it revolves around her — is hardly about her. Instead, it questions the standard of journalism in India.
When the Bollywood star agreed to be interviewed by Bhupendra Chaubey, a journalist with the Indian TV channel CNN-IBN, who approached the conversation with the expression of mock seriousness and a little defiance on his face, little did she realize it would raise a series of questions about Chaubey's journalistic ethics.
Leone started her career as an adult entertainer before entering Bollywood in 2012, a fact that the actor has had no qualms about admitting. She has since worked in a number of Hindi movies, following her first stint in Bollywood with the commercially successful Jism 2. Leone has become a household name, but not always for the right reasons — she is the most searched Indian person on Google, a position she held for three consecutive years — 2013, 2014 and 2015. Paromita Zohra at Youth Ki Awaaz explained:
The number of fans of her various Facebook pages total nearly 15 million. Yet, while images and videos earn plenty of likes, there are hardly any comments on posts. The media compounds this by constantly reporting on her with reference to her past work as a porn star (or, as she prefers to call it, adult entertainment professional), thus providing no fresh persona – a Sunny Leone of the Hindi films, distinct from her earlier avatar.
Journalist Chaubey proved he is no exception. During the interview, which aired on Indian television on January 15, 2016, Chaubey asked Leone a string of uncomfortable questions — which often had a misogynistic ring to them — revolving around the actor’s former involvement in the adult entertainment industry.
He began by saying, “Tell me one thing you regret.” When this could not make Leone express remorse about her past, Chaubey kept bringing it up, almost like an interrogation. Several other questions in the same moralistic vein were raised by the journalist, who came across to many viewers to be a little too judgmental for his job. Chaubey even made this sweeping statement: “There are some who believe that if Sunny Leone is becoming a brand ambassador of sorts for this new India, then it is a very dangerous trend to have.”
Leone maintained a brave face throughout the interview, answering every uncomfortable question with disarming humility. She made it clear, both to the journalist and to the audience, that she did not see herself as the victim of her past. “I don’t have any horror stories, I wasn’t abused, I wasn’t beaten, I wasn’t molested, and I wasn’t raped.” She was happy to acknowledge that every situation has had a role in brining her to her successful present.
It wasn't long before the interview went viral. Many Twitter users came out in strong defense of Leone, criticizing Chaubey's journalistic ethics and calling him out on his blatant sexism and the puritanical manner in which he conducted the interview.
As a broadcaster and as a viewer, I'm depressed and disgusted by the behaviour of a senior journalist like Bhupendra Chaubey #SayYoureSorry
— Gaurav Kapur (@gauravkapur) January 19, 2016
Always cared about you @SunnyLeone. But @bhupendrachaube has made me respect you🙏 https://t.co/qqASJt8yeZ
— Priya Gupta (@priyagupta999) January 19, 2016
Several netizens addressed Chaubey's chauvinism:
Sad that @bhupendrachaube , a ‘seasoned’ journalist, should conduct such a foolish, patronising, sexist interview. https://t.co/YCDAE1snyf
— VISHAL DADLANI (@VishalDadlani) January 19, 2016
This is how you handle misogyny. @SunnyLeone handles @bhupendrachaube with grace, a word he’s unfamiliar with. https://t.co/mjkt4eIKpx
— Danish Aslam (@dan1shaslam) January 18, 2016
Your interview with Sunny Leone also reflected prejudices and biases which still exist within our society. No doubt pic.twitter.com/MxEjfas18o
— IndiaExplained (@IndiaExplained) January 19, 2016
Some defended Chaubey's skepticism:
If leone is a role model, then we hav really progressed as a society, even surpassed USA. If not, then chaubey has right to his scepticism.
— Dahi Bara (@NitiBakya) January 20, 2016
Many, including writer Shobhaa De, also came out in support of Leone, calling Chaubey a “TV bully”.
Sunny Leone gets India's vote of approval. Good for you, Sunny!!! Boo to that chauvinistic, TV bully.
— Shobhaa De (@DeShobhaa) January 20, 2016
Just watched the much hyped #SunnyLeone interview. Respect for this woman who remains unfazed and poised thru all the grilling!
— Suman Kher (@Suman_Kher) January 22, 2016
@bhupendrachaube it doesn't hurt to be a little more sensitive towards a person who hasn't had a very privileged past. #stupidInterview
— Anand Tyagi (@andynrkri) January 22, 2016
At one stage of the interview, Chaubey asked Leone if she thought that an actor as successful and widely popular as Aamir Khan would ever consider working with her. Leone responded with a “probably not” — but five days after the interview aired, Khan tweeted his admiration for Leone's grace and dignity in the face of unthinkable humiliation.
I think Sunny conductd herself wid a lot of grace & dignity.I wish I cud hav said the same abt the interviewer (1/2) https://t.co/TDDHOlbOUL
— Aamir Khan (@aamir_khan) January 20, 2016
Sunny,I wil b happy 2 wrk wid u.I hav absolutely no problems wid ur “past”, as the interviewer puts it.Stay https://t.co/jX4V3wULJ8.a.2/2
— Aamir Khan (@aamir_khan) January 20, 2016
Many other Bollywood personalities have come out in support of Leone:
Opinions in the garb of questions. Credit to @SunnyLeone she spoke from the heart despite his mind games. https://t.co/Tl6ji2Adee
— Arjun Kapoor (@arjunk26) January 20, 2016
That was literally NOT an interview.. Just hyper opinionated statements with a question mark at the end!!! No Grace? Chivalry? Ridiculous!
— Alia Bhatt (@aliaa08) January 19, 2016
He asks the same question for 20minutes. Because she doesn't satisfy him with the response he's looking for.#Respect https://t.co/RkG4B0C5d2
— Dia Mirza (@deespeak) January 19, 2016
Inundated by online criticism, the journalist tried to provide an explanation in the form of an open letter which did little to repair the damage done. He stated:
We aren’t really going to the cinemas to watch her because she is a star. And I might just add here that I haven’t seen any of her Bollywood films. Because I have kids at my place, so I cant watch any of her films in her earlier avatar even if I wanted to. Sunny Leone is a newsmaker in her own right because of what was going on in her past, the circumstances she operates in today and the manner in which she deals with criticism which is bound to come her way.
Rohini Chatterji at the First Post reacted by saying:
In his defense too, he fails to understand that being a porn star, as perceived by many, cannot be considered immoral.
But the Twitteratti was in no mood to forgive Chaubey for his unkindness, misplaced moral uprightness, insensitivity and lack of willingness to make amends:
@bhupendrachaube btw ur open letter does not justify ur obnoxious questions.
— Debarchana Roy (@Debbie1009) January 19, 2016
@bhupendrachaube ur open letter is as shallow as your interview. The only good thing about the interview though was that it had @SunnyLeone
— Shaby (@AajKiBasanti) January 19, 2016
If journalism is primarily about news gathering, the purpose of this crucial job seems to have been lost on Chaubey in his mission to shame Leone for her past. His stance came across as nothing less than shameful to the many Internet users who made it clear, through their support for Leone and their unabashed criticism for Chaubey, that today's India has no space for prejudice.

author: Sohini Chatterjee


text:
Three Foreign Lawyers Have Returned Home Safely, But What’s Life Like for Local Attorneys in Tajikistan? · Global Voices
Salam Aleik

Turkish lawyers returned to their home country. Photo: Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs Mevlut Cavusoglu / Twitter
Tajikistani authorities have released three lawyers (one from Russia and two from Turkey) after briefly detaining them in the capital city of Dushanbe, where the three tried to meet with arrested leaders of the banned Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), the party's arrested lawyers, and the family members of arrested lawyers.
Last fall, two prominent Tajik lawyers were arrested after they launched a defense campaign for the arrested leaders of the IRPT, which is banned in the country.
After landing in Istanbul, following her release, Turkish lawyer Gulden Sonmez tweeted:
İstanbuldayız.Herkesten Allah razı olsun. Allah Tacikistanda tutulan mazlum müslümanların yar ve yardımcısı olsun.
— Gulden Sonmez (@Gulden_Sonmez) January 23, 2016
We are In Istanbul. Let Allah be happy with you all. Let Allah help all Muslims who are struggling in Tajikistan.
Her Russian colleague, Dagir Khasavov, wasted no time informing his followers on Facebook—who had been talking about picketting Tajikistan's consulate in Moscow—that he is safe.
Уважаемые друзья и братья,я только что приземлился в аэропорту Домадедово,а это значить мне удалось вернуться в Москву. Самолет задержали на час и я сел последним,как решил свой вопрос. Я адвокат и не нарушал никаких законов Таджикистана и это скорее было попытка лишить меня воли и желания продолжить начатую работу по оказанию содействия своим таджикским коллегам. В ближайшие дни детали этой поездки мы доведем на большой пресс- конференции для мировых СМИ и правозащитных организаций в Стамбуле. Благодарю всех,кто был обеспокоен фактом моего задержания и слава Аллаху все благополучно разрешилось!
Dear friends and brothers, I have just landed in Domodedovo airport. I've made it back to Moscow. The flight was postponed for an hour and I was the last one who got into his seat on the plane after resolving the issue. I am a lawyer and did not break any Tajikistan law; it just was an attempt to break my desire to continue the work I started in helping my Tajik colleagues. Soon we will conduct a press conference in Istanbul and inform the world media and human rights organizations about the details of this trip. Thanks to everyone who was concerned about my detention and thanks to Allah, everything ended happily.
Khasavov, Sonmez, and Emine Yildirim arrived in Dushanbe on January 20 hoping to meet with arrested leaders of the IRPT, their lawyers, and their family members. The government banned the IRPT and arrested its leaders after deadly clashes in the capital Dushanbe and nearby districts in September 2015, when the group was accused of organizing a coup.
It's unknown how many people from the IRPT have been arrested, and oppositionists say those now behind bars are being tortured and denied access to lawyers. Two prominent local lawyers who agreed to defend IRPT leaders quickly found themselves in prison, too, on charges of financial crimes.
Khasavov, Sonmez, and Yildirim intended to discuss the fate of the detainees with Tajikistani officials. On January 22, they managed to visit the Prosecutor General's Office, but were unable to meet with other officials. Khosiyat and Jamshed Yorovs, two siblings of arrested IRPT lawyer Buzurgmehr Yorov who are also attorneys, disappeared after welcoming the foreign lawyers. Soon afterwards, the foreign guests faced trouble, as well.
Tajikistan detained two Turkish lawyers and their interpreter who went to investigate the human rights violations there #GüldenSönmez
— mahmut osmanoğlu (@osmanoglumahmut) January 22, 2016
Mevlut Cavusoglu, the Turkish minister of foreign affairs, tweeted:
Cumhurbaşkanımız Sn @RT_Erdogan ve Başbakanımız Sn @Ahmet_Davutoglu tarafından da konu yakından takip edilmektedir. #GüldenSönmez
— Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu (@MevlutCavusoglu) January 22, 2016
President Erdogan and the Premier Minister Davutoglu closely following the issue of #GuldenSonmez
Facebook user Dmitry Shubinn wrote angrily:
Нельзя просто так взять и задержать гражданина Российской Федерации. Задержанием известного российского адвоката Дагира Хасавова власти Таджикистана дискредитируют себя как правовое государство.
You can't just up and grab a citizen of the Russian Federation like this. By detaining the well-known Russian lawyer Dagir Khasavov, the Tajikistani government discredits itself as a state governed by the rule of law.
Meanwhile, in Tajikistan, a police spokesperson denied that the three lawyers had encountered any trouble in the country. Jaloliddin Sadriddin told Tajik Service of RFE/RL:
Маълум мешавад, ки ин вакилон хостаанд омадани худро ҳангома кунанд. Ба хотири як ҳангомаҷӯӣ фикр мекунам, фақат ин дурӯғро бофтаанд.
It means these lawyers just wanted to cause a sensation with their trip. They created this lie just to make headlines.
Khasavov, Sonmez, and Yildirim are the first foreign lawyers to have experienced such direct attention from police in Tajikistan. Local attorneys have fare far worse when daring to defend suspects in high-profile, politically contentious cases. For instance, two of the three lawyers who defended New Tajikistan Party leader Zaid Saidov are now in prison. Officials arrested one of the third lawyer's sons, apparently to pressure the boy's father into backing down.
Two IRPT lawyers have also been arrested, along with a woman locally famous for acting at an attorney for the IRPT. The United States Commission on International Religious Freedoms wrote that Zarafo Rahmoni has been “severely abused and threatened to commit suicide” during her ongoing detention.
This disturbing chronology of lawyers’ arrest in Tajikistan has emerged in the last few years. Local attorneys face risks working political cases. Unlike foreigners, they generally can't leave the country, and so they're vulnerable to being sent to prison or subjected to worse. It's not uncommon for these individuals simply to go missing. Buzurgmehr Yorov’s siblings, who disappeared just before meeting with the foreign lawyers, are lucky: they re-appeared after Khasavov, Sonmez, and Yildirim left the country. A local activist wrote on his Facebook account:
Хорошие новости из Душанбе освободили ранее задержанную Khosiyat Ravshanyor Yorova Хосият Ерову и её брата
Good news from Dushanbe. Khosiyat and her brother have been freed.

author: Salam Aleik


text:
Ugandans Take a Dig at President Museveni With 30-Year-Old Photos · Global Voices
Prudence Nyamishana

Uganda's president Yoweri Museveni. Photo released under Creative Commons by Russell Watkins/Department for International Development UK).
January 26, 2016 marks 30 years since President Yoweri Museveni and his National Resistance Movement took over the rule of Uganda, after a 5-year guerrilla war that toppled then-president Milton Obote. Obote had been ousted from power by Idi Amin (1971–79), but regained power after Amin himself was overthrown.
In the year that Museveni came to govern the country, more than 75% of the present-day population of Uganda was not yet born — but those who were are using the hashtag #1986pictures to share their memories of that time.
But why now? President Museveni is currently seeking a sixth term in the office. Presidential elections will take place on February 18, 2016 and while the incumbent will most likely claim victory at the polls, there seems to be a great level of disillusionment with the electoral process.
There has already been a great deal of controversy — the country's economic health is a bit precarious, there are reports that Museveni has spent in excess of $7M on his re-election campaign over the period of just two months, and one of the president's political challengers, Amama Mbabazi, has accused him of launching an “offensive” to “intimidate and subdue” opponents’ supporters.
Netizens — who may or may not be going to the polls on election day — decided to make their voices heard online:
I was two years old when @KagutaMuseveni took power. I am now 31 years old. Hashtag #1986pictures & share ur story pic.twitter.com/ipFFiMkWZ0
— Thomas Ddumba (@tomddumba) January 16, 2016
#1986Pictures that's me when #M7 promised that after 5years he would go and rear his cows. pic.twitter.com/vhtq1YH41h
— Baksi (@juanbaksi) January 19, 2016
This Is Uganda remembered how Museveni was welcomed into office by the West:
#TBT Former POTUS Ronald Reagan shakes hands with President @KagutaMuseveni pic.twitter.com/OWpZGehsKs
— This Is Uganda (@ThisIsUganda_) January 21, 2016
Others recalled how their families were forced to flee to the West:
#1986pictures My sister @barnta and I, in Kingston, Ontario, Canada. My parents were in exile :)))) pic.twitter.com/fNF1LgtQmU
— Kasabiiti (@Kasabiiti) January 17, 2016
#1986pictures family photo album lost in exilé
— emmanuel othini (@EOthini) January 17, 2016
There were several comparisons of “then” and “now”:
#1986Pictures compare m7 of today and that of 86 pic.twitter.com/XPfAX8royw
— mirugwe alex junior (@mirugwealex1) January 19, 2016
#1986pictures this could buy a car! Now only an egg! pic.twitter.com/rDDlkHLgA3
— Kityo Kenny Rand (@kkennyrand) January 18, 2016
Kalundi Serumaga remembered his time in the Uganda National Liberation Front:
@dfkm1970 Have no pics, but was a cadre in the UNLF(A-D), fighting the NRM, having fought the other dictatorships before it. #1986Pictures
— Kalundi Serumaga (@NativeLandgrab) January 17, 2016
Twitter user Charles Onyango-Obbo posted photos of the deterioration of Lake Victoria and made a political parallel:
Circa 1986 a healthy Lake Victoria • 2016 choked to near-death by water hyacinth (how symbolic!) #1986pictures pic.twitter.com/OtFzCsqx5Y
— Charles Onyango-Obbo (@cobbo3) January 19, 2016
Many Twitter users thought that 30 years was quite a sufficient run:
#1986Pictures. The good old days… :-) 30 years is one hell of a long, long time! pic.twitter.com/QXBMYQVf5u
— Ronald Sebuhinja K (@sebsronnie) January 17, 2016
I am yet to meet a Ugandan who has had one job for 30 years that's not @KagutaMuseveni #1986Pictures
— Thomas Ddumba (@tomddumba) January 18, 2016
#1986Pictures with a twist. pic.twitter.com/t5HzuPvrsV
— Aguma Awoii (@AwoiiKen) January 20, 2016
One tweet, however, poignantly demonstrated the level of frustration that many younger Ugandans may be feeling:
In 1986 My Mum n Dad had not yet met n so i wasn't in any process but i feel more tired than those who existed #1986Pictures i feel 4 u 😓😫😭😥
— Shannah Namaganda Am (@shannah2012) January 20, 2016

author: Prudence Nyamishana


text:
What You Need to Know About the Recent Job Protests in Tunisia · Global Voices
Afef Abrougui

Protesters in the capital Tunis holding portraits of Ridha Yahyaoui. Photo by Nawaat.org
Five years after the protests that brought down the 23-year rule of dictator Zine el Abidine Ben Ali, Tunisians are once again taking to the streets demanding “jobs, freedom and dignity”.
Protests erupted last Sunday in the impoverished province of Kasserine, central west of Tunisia, after a young unemployed man was electrocuted when he climbed a pylon to protest being denied a government job. Protests have then spread to other regions across the country. On Saturday, peaceful demonstrations continued in the provinces of Kasserine and Sidi Bouzid, the very same town that had sparked the Tunisian revolution five years ago.
Protests erupted on 17 January in Kasserine, around 300 km from the capital Tunis, following the death of 28-year-old Ridha Yahyaoui. On 16 January, Yahyaoui learnt that he has been denied a government job. His family told the collective blog Nawaat that he sought to meet the local governor to express his dismay, but was not allowed to meet him. He then climbed a pylon and was electrocuted, sparking protests in Kasserine and other regions across the country. It is not clear whether he climbed the pylon to commit suicide or to merely protest his job rejection.
Kasserine is one of the poorest provinces of the country, with an unemployment rate of 26.2 per cent, and a poverty rate nearing the 30 per cent, according to 2012 government statistics.
In a series of tweets, NGO worker Nessryne Jelalia describes the difficult situation there:
3 ans que je bosse sur Kasserine, un des pbs majeurs:comportement des décideurs avec les gens, leur mépris aux pauvres et leur arrogance
— Nessryne J (@sasoukee) January 21, 2016
I have been working in Kasserine over years now, one of the major problems: the behavior of decisions-makers with the people, their disregard for the poor and their arrogance
Y a qu'à Kasserine que j'ai vu des enfants tellement mal-nourris qu'ils ont fait une régression motrice (ne peuvent plus marcher) !
— Nessryne J (@sasoukee) January 21, 2016
It is only in Kasserine that I have seen children with motor regression (they can no longer walk) due to malnourishment.
Tunis-based reporter Mohamed Haddad tweeted:
البطالة موجودة في تونس الكل 15% => أما علاش القصرين أكثر ب 10% تقريبا، علاش في القصرين أمل الحياة عند الولادة أقل ب7 سنين مقارنة بالعاصمة؟
— Mohamed Haddad (@_MohamedHADDAD) January 23, 2016
Unemployment exists everywhere in Tunisia, with a rate of 15%, but why is it 10% higher in Kasserine? Why is life expectancy at birth 7 years lower in Kasserine than in the capital?
Though the protests started in Kasserine, they have quickly spread to other regions, including Sidi Bouzid, where in late 2010 street vendor Mohamed Bouaziz set himself on fire, sparking anti-government protests that led to the toppling of the Ben Ali regime and the events of the so-called Arab Spring. As of 21 January, protests spread to 16 governorates, according to a map by Nawaat.org. In the capital, Tunis, a number of solidarity marches and protests were held outside the workers’ union and on the main Habib Bourguiba avenue.
Protests spread to 16 different provinces across Tunisia. Map by Nawaat.org
The protesters are demanding jobs, development and positive discrimination in favor of marginalized and impoverished regions like Kasserine. After the 2011 protests, successive governments have been unable to adequately address regional disparities. Though jobs and development have been promised, these promises have not materialized and those living in inland regions are often told to be patient.
Ce n’est pas que pr un travail que ces gens protestent, c’est pr la dignité et contre le clientélisme, exactement comme à sidibouzid en 2010
— Emna EL HAMMI (@Psycke) January 21, 2016
The people are not only protesting for jobs, but also for dignity and against clientelism just like in Sidi Bouzid in 2010.
The government has as usual responded with promises and accusations. A government spokesperson said 5,000 new jobs would be created in Kasserine in response to the protests. However, protesters have dismissed these promises. One protester in Kasserine told MiddleEast Eye:
This is only a cosmetic solution that has no basis in reality,” he said. “If you employ 5,000 men from Kasserine, then 5,000 more from Baja will rise up. They have the right to employment. It’s the same case with Sidi Bouzid.
Speaking to France24, Prime Minister Habib Essid said that his government does not have a magic wand to address the country's economic problems adding:
What is happening in Tunisia with the youth is not new. We inherited this situation… We need people to be patient.
In response to the prime minister's declarations, blogger Lina Ben Mhenni posted on Facebook:
We know that you do not have a magic wand …
But you did not show the will to improve the situation.You did not listen to the youth …You have been indifferent to the people needs and claims …
Corruption, nepotism, repression, misuse of power are everywhere …
Addressing the nation on January 22, President Beji Caid Essebsi said these protests are “natural”, and “there is not dignity without work”, before blaming “ill-intentioned hands of inflaming the situation”.
A police officer was killed in the clashes and dozens of protesters have been injured.
Acts of vandalism and looting were also registered, prompting the government to impose a night curfew as of 22 January. Protesters, however, have distanced themselves from these acts.
In a statement published on 21 January, the spokesperson for a group of protesters in Kasserine staging a sit-in at the headquarters of the local governorate said:
we insist on carrying on our peaceful struggle for our legitimate rights until our demands are met. We also reject all forms of violence, and we are innocent of any attacks on public facilities.
These protests have similarities with the protests that brought down the Ben Ali rule in 2011. Both started from an impoverished and inland region, and were sparked by an act of desperation. In 2010, protests erupted after Bouazizi set himself on fire when local police confiscated his scales and merchandise. In addition, the demands and slogans are the same: “jobs, freedom and dignity”.
However, it is still too early to predict what the aftermath of these protests will be. Besides, for a number of Tunisian protesters and netizens, this is not a “revolution 2.0″, this is the same revolution that began five years ago.
It was an unfinished revolution … #Tunisia
— Med Dhia Hammami (@_med_Dhia) January 21, 2016
I understand people in #Tunisia are saying: ‘This is not the second uprising. The first one never died.’ #kasserine #5years
— Rik Goverde (@RikGoverde) January 20, 2016

author: Afef Abrougui


text:
17 Children Killed by Authorities in Ethiopia Land Protests · Global Voices
Ellery Roberts Biddle

Burial of Nasrudin Mohammed, a protester killed in December 2015. Photograph by Gadaa.com.
Ethiopian authorities have killed at least 17 children and injured many more involved in peaceful land rights protests since December 2015.
Demonstrations over a plan to expand the capital into the ethnic region of Oromia began in Ethiopia in late November. Since then, there have been 140 confirmed deaths of protesters at the hands of government authorities. Of the 17 minors killed by authorities, most were between the ages of 12 and 17 years old. Citizen media reports also show that many more school children have been injured in the protest movement.
The protesters are speaking out against the so-called “Master Plan” to expand the capital city, Addis Ababa, into Oromia, fearing that the proposed development will result in direct persecution of the Oromo ethnic group, including mass evictions of Oromo farmers from their land. Oromo people, who represent the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, have experienced systematic marginalization and persecution over the last quarter century. Some estimates put the number of Oromo political prisoners in Ethiopia at 20,000 as of March 2014. The country's ruling elite, of the EPRDF party, are mostly from the Tigray (only 6% of Ethiopia’s 90 million population ) region, which is located in the northern part of the country.
In parallel with efforts of global organizations such as Human Rights Watch, local activists have worked to document and preserve evidence of these killings since early December. Last week, Ethiopian media scholar Endalk Chala and Oromo activist Abiy Atomssa published a map of confirmed deaths based on a crowdsourced data set comprised of reports from citizens, activists, social media, local media networks and VOA’s Amharic service.
Eighth grader Barihun Shibiru of West Shawa was among a handful of minors who were arrested and executed once in official custody. Shibiru’s funeral was held on December 17.
Citizen videos have also helped document and confirm deaths of minors, including a video that shows students crowding around the body of Lucha Gamachu, a 9th grader at Burqa Wanjo Secondary School. The video was published on Facebook by Jawar Mohammed.
We ask that any person who has evidence of the death or disappearance of protesters please contact us at editor@globalvoicesonline.org.
This article is part of our special coverage series on the Oromo protests in Ethiopia. Learn more about the protests here.

author: Ellery Roberts Biddle


text:
After Schoolboys’ Murders, Trinidadians Slam Racial Stereotypes and Media’s Sensationalism · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

Hell Yard (Laventille, Trinidad). The area is “one of the most depressed areas of Trinidad and Tobago's capital city and the quality of life here is not to be trivialized”. Photo by C*POP, via Georgia Popplewell, used under a CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 license.
On January 22, two Trinidadian schoolboys — 17-year-old Deneilson Smith and 15-year-old Mark Richards — were on their way home when they were pulled out of the taxi they were travelling in and shot dead by gunmen. No further details about the motive for the murder have been forthcoming, although residents of the area believe that the boys were killed “out of spite” in an ongoing turf war between rival gangs.
This has not stopped social media users from jumping to their own conclusions, mostly based on the fact that the boys were from Laventille, one of the country's most economically disadvantaged communities. Once hailed as the birthplace of creativity and innovation, the area has now been stigmatised as a “hotspot” for violent crime and gang warfare.
The first misstep was made by mainstream media — one of the country's daily newspapers went the route of sensationalism when it plastered photos of the boys’ lifeless bodies on the front page, while another led with the headline, ‘Executed’. This struck a sour note with many netizens — Facebook user Rhoda Bharath was blunt:
Why is the body of a 17 yr old boy on the front page of a newspaper?
Sharon Miller added:
Even the headline is wrong. This is not the headline that should accompany this. Where is the shock? The compassion? The call for action?
Khafra Rudder also commented on Facebook:
Haven't seen the other front pages of other newspapers but Newsday editor, how would you feel if those were your kids lying dead, laid out on the front page for you and everyone else to see?
The electronic media's coverage that evening turned out to be more of the same. On Facebook, Patricia Worrell asked:
What must it be like to see your son's body sprawled in the street?
Again and again, with each news broadcast…
Many assumed that the boys were killed because they were involved in some nefarious activity, even though both the students’ families and the police have denied this. The race-based politics in which the country has been mired for quite some time came to the fore, with many Indo-Trinidadians rejoicing at the deaths of the two Afro-Trinidadian students. Netizens soon came to the boys’ defence — including Indo-Trinidadian Darrel Dookoo, who posted this video to Facebook, in which he said:
It is a constant embarrassment to have to be looking at my East Indian people and shaking my head […]
My heart goes out to the parents of these two children. I don't want to know the story if they in gang, if they what, if they is bandit…my concern is two children died and I know the family hurting.
He also slammed the previous administration, making the point that “not one East Indian who have some say in this country […] ever made one statement distancing themselves from the racialism”.
Comedian Rachel Price agreed, saying:
The blatant outright Hate has been allowed to flourish because we've stood by with heads buried deep.
This wonderful nation of ostriches.
What you allow will continue…
Attorney and Global Voices author Jason Nathu tried to change the discourse by relating his own experience with the student body at the Success Laventille Secondary School, which the two teens attended:
I'm so saddened at the death of the two students at the Success Laventille School this week. I'm also disgusted by the insensitive and unfortunate comments that have emanated from the incident.
I am fortunate to have had the experience of visiting the school last term and sending HWLS [Hugh Wooding Law School] students there for several consecutive weeks to speak with the pupils about bullying and the legal consequences of their actions. What struck me was how appreciative the young pupils were that lawyers or law students actually took the time to visit their school and invest time in them. They were happy to learn about the legal system and were genuinely interested in making good decisions and doing the right thing.
It was a humbling experience to be taken to the school in the back of a police vehicle on each occasion.
I can say definitively that we met some natural leaders among the student population at the school and I hope that they will not be affected adversely by the negative comments and stereotypes being perpetrated by the society towards them.
The Secondary Schools’ Cricket League Facebook page posted a photo of one of the victims, Deneilson Smith, saying:
[He] was an exemplary student of the Success Lavantille Secondary School as he excelled as a student and cricketer. He served as Captain of the School's cricket team where he displayed true character and leadership. He was a very talented young man who had a life of success ahead of him. It saddens us to know that De-neil was one of two boys who were shot and killed yesterday. We would like to express our deepest condolences to his Parents, family and friends through this trying time. MAY HIS SOUL REST IN PEACE.
Kezia Stewart, one of Smith's classmates, posted a Flipagram tribute, while one of the slain teen's friends, Tisha Jay, said:
Meet #Denilson #Smith many folks love to label a person because of the area they live in without knowing their story this lad here was a #TTPS [Trinidad and Tobago Police Service] child an active member of our Youth club who wanted to be a Pilot an had successfully completed an Aviation course during the July/August vacation last year but had his life taken by wannabe Gangsta's ….#RIP
The minister of parliament for Laventille West, the constituency in which the boys lived, went with several of his colleagues to pay their respects to the families, while the country's prime minister, Dr. Keith Rowley, called a press conference to announce new security initiatives that the government would be introducing.
Rowley said that criminals were growing bolder as a result of their belief that “the response by the law-abiding majority will not see justice being served.” Consequently, the government has decided to have the country's defence force “operate virtually permanently” as “a support to the police service in maintaining law and order”.
This approach attracted some criticism from the satirical website Wired868, which posted a make-believe exchange based on the fact that Rowley had criticised a similar crime-fighting approach by the last government. In another post on Wired868, Sunity Maharaj took issue with the prime minister's criticism of crime-riddled communities, saying that “we are living the logical outcome of over 50 years of policy failures”:
Thanks to years of multi-million dollar state contracts, private sector protection money, and unholy liaisons with the protective services, ordinary hustlers have been transformed into major league gang leaders with communities so entirely under their control that they only putatively belong to the republic of Trinidad and Tobago. […]
It will take a lot more than the police and army to free people from the psychology of fear and distrust which has created safe havens for the godfathers of crime.
Autopsies on the children have confirmed that they were shot more than 25 times. Four suspects have since been held for the double murder.

author: Janine Mendes-Franco


text:
Are You Scanning Me, or Am I Scanning You? The Power Dynamics of China’s WeChat · Global Voices
88 Bar

Beijing filmaker Sol's QR scanner tattoo. Photo by Christina Xu
This story by Christina Xu was originally published on the blog 88 Bar and republished here with permission.
During a ten week trip through China, I added over 150 contacts on WeChat, China’s overwhelmingly dominant messaging app. If we weren’t being introduced by mutual friends online, we usually used the most common way for people to add each other in the app: one person presents their WeChat-generated contact QR code while the other aims a scanner and waits for a confirmation beep. Like a handshake or the passing of a business card, the scanning of a QR code has become a ubiquitous gesture increasingly read as a social performance; a digital first impression. At its best, it’s a playful, suggestive interaction charged with the palpable potential energy of a new relationship.
Over the course of my trip, new friends would sometimes initiate the ritual simply by thrusting their phones at me wordlessly mid-conversation, QR codes already pulled up, confidently expectant. Most people were more tentative, asking for consent first before offering me a choice by asking: “我扫你还是你扫我?” — ”Are you scanning me, or am I scanning you?” In other words: are you a QR top, or bottom?
“Waiting for the other person to scan you successfully is so painful.” a 24-year-old grad student commented. If paired with an inexperienced top, the QR bottom may have to hold their phone out steadily for awkward, uncertain seconds, as if waiting slightly too long for a high five.
I asked 15 of my new WeChat friends about their preferred QR code positions and learned that most of them preferred to scan rather than be scanned. “Waiting for the other person to scan you successfully is so painful,” a 24-year-old grad student commented. If paired with an inexperienced top, the QR bottom may have to hold their phone out steadily for awkward, uncertain seconds, as if waiting slightly too long for a high five. Sol, a producer in the film industry, saw it in terms of power dynamics: ”if the other person was the first one to suggest a WeChat friendship, I usually offer to scan them so that it feels more fair.” Tony, a games journalist from Shanghai, took it a step further: “Offering to scan feels more compatible with Chinese courtesy to me, because you’re humbly consulting the other person for their contact information.”
After pulling up their in-app QR scanner and successfully scanning a code, the QR top is presented with their new acquaintance’s contact card. From there, they can send a friend request which must be accepted by the QR bottom before two-way messaging can happen.
This power dynamics of QR code scanning manifest physically, too. Being a QR top certainly requires marginally — marginally — more skill and effort: the QR bottom holds their phone steady while the QR top adjusts around it, hovering like an attendant. WeChat’s in-app QR code scanner is preternaturally effective, but it still requires a bit of manual aiming. From a financial standpoint, QR topping is also slightly more expensive — the scanner needs to send the request to WeChat’s servers to look up the encoded contact information, using up a tiny bit of data. Three of the people polled said that they preferred to be scanned because it was less of a hassle. For some people, this intentional passivity conveys a confident power: you handle the messy part, I’ll sit here and wait. For others, it’s a result of technological illiteracy: some older users who aren’t familiar with the app reported simply handing their phone over to the other party because they don’t know how to find the QR code at all.
The QR bottom just pulls up their QR code and waits. Later, they’ll be able to find the other party’s friend request in a tucked-away part of the Contacts tab.
Social graces play into the ritual of the QR code scan as well. Of the two participants, the QR bottom gets the last word: before two-way messaging can begin, they must first reciprocate the friend request, then send the first message. This multistep process gives the QR bottom the optionality to quietly reject a connection with the safety of plausible deniability — ”I never received the request!” or even “I thought I added you back, but I guess I forgot to send a message.” Being someone’s WeChat friend means that they now have the ability to ask you for favors, to invite you to spend more time with them, to share pieces of their lives with you through Moments. The ability to gracefully control whether that happens or not is no small power.
There’s something beautiful about watching a simple, designed digital interaction accumulate layers of familiarity and tradition through repeated use, a trellis becoming overgrown with vines and taking a shape both inorganic and organic.
The remaining respondents to my QR code scanning survey claimed flexibility: either they let the other person choose, or they have no preference at all. Sometimes, the roles are determined by necessity alone: if only one person has cell phone signal, they have to be the scanner. Personally, I’ve found myself at many places on the spectrum depending on the situation. On some occasions, I’ve pulled up my QR code and willingly handed my phone to the new acquaintance, displaying a level of trust that would have felt mildly transgressive back home in the US. When I’m particularly thirsty for a new friendship, however, I pounce on the opportunity to be the scanner to demonstrate my eagerness, my promise to put similar effort into staying in touch.
There’s something beautiful about watching a simple, designed digital interaction accumulate layers of familiarity and tradition through repeated use, a trellis becoming overgrown with vines and taking a shape both inorganic and organic. Our phones, smudged with our oil and sweat, have become extensions of our social — and increasingly, physical — selves. When these personal devices are made to nearly touch, it’s an intimate gesture that has the ability to convey identity, power, and intention. Is technology making us less social? No, because though there may be a period of hesitant acclimation, our sociality eventually always swallows everything else for its own needs.
Thanks to Jane Chun, Diana Kimball, Matt Boch, Jaime Woo, and Carlin Wing for helping me think through these ideas.
This piece is a part of Multi Entry, a decentralized collection of stories and media about the creative young people of modern mainland China and the culture they’re creating.

author: 88 Bar


text:
Checkmate: Saudi Arabia’s Grand Mufti Declares War on Chess · Global Voices
Amira Al Hussaini

Chess pieces, from left: king, rook, queen, pawn, knight and bishop. Photograph by Alan Light, from Wikipedia, used under CC BY-SA 3.0
Saudi Arabia's grand mufti Sheikh Abdulaziz Al-Sheikh has declared war on chess. The strategy game, he said in a reply in a television show in which viewers ask religious questions, is a waste of time, encourages gambling and causes hatred between players.
The video, uploaded on YouTube, created a storm of reactions on Twitter, where people poked jokes about the fatwa (religious edict) and life in Saudi Arabia, where many everyday activities people around the world take for granted are banned, starting with the ban on the driving of women to the prohibition which bans cinemas.
Under the hashtag #مفتي_المملكه_يحرم_لعبه_الشطرنج, which translates to “The Mufti of Saudi Arabia bans chess”, many took turns ridiculing Saudi Arabia for its long list of prohibitions.
Naser Al Shehali writes:
#مفتي_المملكه_يحرم_لعبه_الشطرنج يالله حسن الخاتمه .. وش عرفه بالشطرنج يحسبه قمار مثل السينما الي يحسبها ديسكو !! pic.twitter.com/jtEw1wRfn9
— أ / ناصر السهلي (@nasser22662) January 20, 2016
What does he know about chess? He thinks chess is gambling just like he thinks the cinema is a disco!!
Moony tweets:
#مفتي_المملكة_يحرم_لعبة_الشطرنج هو حيتمدد ويحرم الحياة كلها ضياع وقت وجهد ومال ، نموت اوفر 😂
— Moony ♧ (@55Mmon) January 20, 2016
He will expand it and prohibit all of life as it is a waste of time and effort and money. It would make more sense if we die.
And Hatem jokes:
#مفتي_المملكه_يحرم_لعبه_الشطرنج يقال ان مفتي المملكة كان فاشل بهذي اللعبة منذ صغره وصار متعقد منها بسبب كثرة الهزايم قام حرمها 😤😤
— Hatemتوشكاا (@7atem5511) January 20, 2016
It seems that the Mufti of Saudi Arabia has been a loser in this game since he was a child and has become annoyed because of his loss so he banned it
Others complained about the dwindling opportunities for entertainment in the absolute conservative monarchy, where the state religion is Wahabbism, the alma mater of jihadist group ISIS:
Dema writes:
#مفتي_المملكة_يحرم_لعبة_الشطرنج نلاحظ ان جميع أدوات التسلية والترفية في هذا البلد محرمه كل ما يجعلك تستمتع بحياتك هنا هو حرام حرمت عيشتكم !
— Dema (@3enkab_3) January 20, 2016
We notice that all forms of entertainment in this country is forbidden. Anything that makes you enjoy life is not allowed!
Noor Almosawii adds:
#مفتي_المملكة_يحرم_لعبة_الشطرنج .. الأمور الحلال صارت تنعد على الأصابع !
— نور الموسوي (@nooralmosawii) January 20, 2016
This things that are halal (religiously allowed) can now be counted on one hand
And others widened the circle, complaining about other aspects in life in Saudi Arabia, which they say clergymen turn a blind eye to:
#مفتي_المملكة_يحرم_لعبة_الشطرنج من أحق بالتحريم الشطرنج ام الظلم والاستبداد !
— كادح (@mind_thinker) January 20, 2016
What should be forbidden? Chess or oppression and tyranny?
And this Twitter user has a question:
#مفتي_المملكه_يحرم_لعبه_الشطرنج الشطرنج حرام ، اما دماء ٨ الاف مدني يمني بريء نازلين فيهم قصف … #حلال …. 😂
— كاتبة ساخرة/ ⓝⓐⓣⓐⓢⓗⓐ (@nana1211o) January 20, 2016
Chess is forbidden, but the blood of 8,000 innocent civilians in Yemen, which is bombarded, is …

author: Amira Al Hussaini


text:
‘Homophobes Are People Too’ Campaign Challenges Macedonia’s Hostility Toward LGBT People · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

“…Homophobes Are People Too” billboard in Skopje, Macedonia. Photo: F. Stojanovski (CC-BY).
As a way to tackle endemic homophobia, Macedonian NGO Coalition ‘Sexual and Health Rights of Marginalized Communities’ posted a number of billboards in the cities of Skopje, Bitola, Kumanovo and Štip with the simple message “…Homophobes Are People Too,” as part of a campaign that started on December 10, or Human Rights Day.
The idea behind the billboards, according to the coalition, is to characterize those who oppose LGBT rights as “in need of social assistance” to overcome their own prejudices, especially in light of the institutional hatred for sexual minorities in the country.
Over the last 10 years, Macedonia's ruling party has stirred homophobic sentiments as a way to divert public attention from political and economic failures. For instance, while there's never been a high-profile movement in favor of legalizing same-sex marriage in the country, the party has nevertheless issued statements throughout its time in government presenting itself as “defenders of traditional morality”. At the same time, there is systemic impunity for hate crimes against LGBT people in Macedonia.
Out of hundreds of media outlets operating in the country, only seven independent web portals reported about the billboard campaign, which were made in cooperation with Croatian NGO Queer Zagreb. Therefore it's not surprising that most social media comments about the campaign seem to be negative.
The latest EU report on Macedonia (page 60) highlighted the grave situation in regards to human rights of LGBT people:
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) persons continue to suffer discrimination and homophobic media content, both online and offline. A sixth violent attack occurred during the celebration of the second anniversary of the LGBTI support centre, leaving two people injured. Despite calls by civil society organisations and the international community for the perpetrators to be prosecuted, none of the attacks has yet been fully investigated. In August parliament rejected a draft amendment to the anti-discrimination legislation, which would have prohibited any form of direct or indirect discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity. Considerable efforts are still needed to raise awareness of and respect for diversity within society and to counter intolerance. This needs to be done through public campaigns and training of law enforcement bodies, prosecutors, judges and health workers.
A video released after the New Year by a local TV station from the city of Štip illustrates this homophobia. The clip, part of the “Best gaffes of 2015″ series, depicts a street survey, with the reporter asking people, “What would you do if you find out that your neighbor is a Homo sapiens?”
Those surveyed seemed to confuse the scientific name for human beings for the word homosexual, with the first respondent quipping, “I would hang him.”
The second citizens explains, “What would I do? I would do nothing. I would either kill him, or allow him to kill me. Nothing else.”
Another interviewee first laughs, and then says, “If I were president, hah… You can move out, you can beat him, you can sue him, report him to the police. The police should pick him up. I see now these people are not afraid of the police or the court, I see them on TV…”

author: Filip Stojanovski


text:
Is ISIS Trying To Manipulate the Crypto Debate? Tech Experts Debunk Encrypted Email Video · Global Voices
Mahsa Alimardani

ISIS threatens an attack in the UK in a video featuring a clip of David Cameron's speech expressing solidarity with France following the November 13 Paris Attacks.
The latest propaganda video from Daesh (also known as ISIS), entitled “Kill Them Wherever You Find Them” and released by Al-Hayat Media on January 24, claims to feature all those who participated in the November 13 Paris attacks.
Replete with gore, killings and threats of future attacks, it bore all the typical hallmarks of the brutal Al Qaeda offshoot that has taken over large territories in Iraq and Syria. But one thing stood apart in this video: it included what it describes as an encrypted message about the group's next attack.
The video also features a supposedly decrypted email about the Paris attacks:
Screenshot from Daesh video, of an email supposedly sent using GPG email encryption software.
With only the video as evidence, it is impossible to determine whether or not the email is real, but the simplistic language and exclusive use of English cast doubt on its veracity.
Readers who use encrypted email will notice the peculiar use of the “Start of PGP/Inline encrypted data” followed by the word “Decryption”. This terminology is typical of encrypted email, but the particular order in which the words appear is not.
Edward Snowden, the whistleblower behind the leaks of global surveillance programs of countries such as the US and the UK, also pointed out that the setup of the encrypted email is fake:
Journos: The #ISIS video's “encrypted email” is confirmed fake. If any official responds as if it's real, push back. pic.twitter.com/fKHAAk1SAa
— Edward Snowden (@Snowden) January 24, 2016
Does #ISIS see advantage in West limiting access to strong security? Juxtaposing “spooky” fake crypto with anti-crypto Cameron implies yes.
— Edward Snowden (@Snowden) January 24, 2016
The OSINT, a Twitter account dedicated to “open source intelligence”, featured edited clips from the video explaining the group's use of encrypted email:
And ends with an encrypted email, not decryptable to the viewer, threatening London. pic.twitter.com/WBIq4UKqAh
— The OSINT (@theosint) January 24, 2016
Screenshot of the supposedly encrypted email at the end of the video.
The communication strategies of the Paris attackers was up for much debate in the immediate aftermath of the attacks. Fears prevailed that law enforcement were not able to prevent such acts because of the use of encryption, propelling a new round global controversy that some are describing as a new phase in the crypto wars.
The attacks have become the latest scapegoat for those in support of expanding surveillance measures, despite evidence demonstrating that the Daesh members involved in communicating and coordinating the attacks were not using encryption. In fact, one of the phones of the attackers was recovered with an unencrypted SMS message communicated during the attack.
None of this has stopped western government efforts to more tightly regulate encryption technology. New draft legislation in the UK seeks to expand law enforcement surveillance capabilities. It includes explicit clauses that will require communications providers to provide data “in a legible form“. In practical terms, this would mean that technology companies would be required to build backdoors to all encrypted communication — and to open those doors when served with a warrant.
Lebanese technologist and blogger Nadim Kobeissi, who is best known for his leadership in developing encrypted chat app Cryptocat explains why encrypted technologies cannot support the kind of “backdoor” that governments like David Cameron's are asking for:
The call for backdoors is nothing new….I’ve had well-intentioned intelligence officers ask me informally, out of honest curiosity, why it is that I would refuse to insert backdoors. The issue is that cryptography depends on a set of mathematical relationships that cannot be subverted selectively. They either hold completely or not at all. It’s not something that we’re not smart enough to do; it’s something that’s mathematically impossible to do. I cannot backdoor software specifically to spy on jihadists without this backdoor applying to every single member of society relying on my software.
The OSINT points to the savvy way in which Daesh plays into this debate in the U.K. and fears over encryption by ending their video with an encrypted email after threatening the United Kingdom with a similar style of attack.
ISIS might want the UK to overreact and ban encryption. Fading away David Cameron to transition to a GPG encrypted email is meaningful.
— The OSINT (@theosint) January 24, 2016
There is little doubt that ISIS has been following the new cryptowar. Banning encryption will not prevent them from having it.
— The OSINT (@theosint) January 24, 2016
Indeed, Daesh seems to be playing directly into the sensitivities of many western countries. The Paris attacks included strategic maneuvers that seemed intended to exploit and further exacerbate fears about the dangers of refugees being potential terrorists.
The fake Syrian passport planted on a body of one of the slain Paris attackers was testament to this. There is no doubt that these encryption tools featured in this video play into the same strategy.
After trying to instigate refugee ban with Paris attack, ISIS now taunting Western govts about encryption. https://t.co/Ty6wZgq9CE
— Matthieu Aikins (@mattaikins) January 24, 2016
Perhaps Daesh enjoys watching this new round of “crypto wars” unfold as they pull at the levers of the power politics that, among other things, lead to infringements on civil liberties and public security.
Government efforts to access end-to-end encrypted communication in the hopes of defeating, or preventing attacks are shortsighted. Despite account closures and policing of platforms like Twitter against Daesh, the group still remains at large and capable of publicly relaying their propaganda and recruiting. As the Washington Post reported in December, the State Department's counter-messaging team has gone through three leaders within less than a year while commencing and discarding multiple strategies. Targeting encryption has become one of the ham-fisted efforts in lieu of the failures of other strategies to counter terrorism online.
Ars Technica editor Glyn Moody writes:
…the video's encrypted message, whatever it says, shows perfectly why neither banning nor breaking crypto will help in the slightest.
Indeed encryption has been a hot issue for governments since the Cold War, but the first Crypto War did not commence until the introduction of PGP (“Pretty Good Privacy”) in the early 1990s (for full history see OTI's history of the First Crypto War here). Technologists and advocates are now in the middle of the second crypto war following the push for strong encryption in reaction to the Snowden revelations.
While governments, including the UK and US have called for backdoors to encryption, advocates such as Global Voices Advocacy and EFF alongside Internet giants like Apple and Google have pushed back against the weakening of encryption. Even with current capabilities at the hands of US and other Five Eyes partners (see unecrypted text messages of Paris attackers) there are deep doubts about the legitimacy of mass surveillance as a viable counterterrorism strategy.
Encryption debates peddled by governments play into Daesh's strategies of keeping governments further away from defeating the organization both online and offline. As the fake encrypted emails in the video suggest, Daesh does not exist because of encryption, nor does encryption technology enable it to function as it does.

author: Mahsa Alimardani


text:
#Justice4Morocco: 7 Defenders of Free Expression Face Trial · Global Voices
Advox

[Pictochart.com embed removed because it no longer worked]

author: Advox


text:
Meet Luisa Revilla, the First Transgender Woman to Make It Into Peruvian Politics · Global Voices
Tea After Twelve

This article was originally written by Héctor Lozano González and published by Tea After Twelve. It has now been republished and adapted for Global Voices under a republication agreement and with permission.
I heard her name for the first time in an interview on national television after she had just won the municipal elections: Luisa Revilla, Peru’s first transgender politician. It was a unique piece of news, to say the least, at a time when the civil rights of homosexuals in Peru was a topic of constant debate in congress. Luisa Revilla, however, was busy conquering her first political role as councillor in the municipality of La Esperanza, a district on the outskirts of Peru’s second-largest metropolis Trujillo. I called her and asked if I could see her for an interview.
The neighbourhood Luisa [has been working in] is one of the informal settlements at the edges of the city. In search of affordable living space, more and more people are occupying undeveloped areas on the mountain slopes surrounding the city. These places have become new neighborhoods, but they are located beyond the reach of the existing city infrastructure and lack roads and a reliable supply of water and electricity. Bringing these basic services to these marginalized areas is currently one of Luisa’s main political concerns.
Luisa receives me in her home, a house that she has poured her heart into building in an area where there was nothing more than sand and a couple of shacks made of sticks and cloth. Today it is complete, and to her represents home she craved as a child. Downstairs you will find her video game business, which she has maintained for the last fifteen years. Luisa was able to realize this dream after receiving a generous sum of money for working alongside a North American friend for two years. It was this friend who urged Luisa to live life the way she felt she was meant to: as a woman.
After having been abandoned by her father as a child, Luisa and her mother were forced to live what she can only describe as a “gypsy” lifestyle: “We moved from one place to another, looking for homes where we could take care of ourselves in spite of the poverty,” she recalls.
“I felt sad that I did not have a ‘traditional’ family; with someone to defend me against the abuse and atrocities directed against me on account of my sexual orientation during my childhood, adolescence, and youth. I was a sex worker in Lima at the age of sixteen…”
“You turned to prostitution?” I inquire.
“No! To ‘sex work’,” she corrects me.
“What is the difference between ‘sex work’ and prostitution?”
“It is the same, only it sounds more elegant to say ‘sex work’,” she explains, laughing at the clarification. “It was because lack of guidance at home. I really admired the girls who engaged in this. You learn to survive. You learn that both good and bad people exist. But I realized that this world was not for me. It was horrible… horrible. It was the lowest I have ever sunk. I felt dirty, filthy, and unworthy. I listened to my heart and returned to Trujillo, where I entered the seminary of the Catholic missionary congregation of the Redemptorist Brothers.”
At the age of 44, Luisa, born Luis Alfredo Revilla Urcia, had to modify her mode of dress and manner of speaking depending on where she was headed during the electoral campaign. In spite of this, after more than 200 days in office, it is obvious that her entrance into politics was neither an accident nor a stunt to provoke controversy. She is currently the general secretary to the Mayor, a municipal councilor, and task manager for JUVES, a neighborhood council that aims to improve the security situation in the community.
Elidio Espinoza, the mayor of Trujillo and the one who asked Luisa to run as councillor, recalls the day he asked her to join him:
“It was the day when the district committees of La Esperanza were to take their oath.” At this event, every political party presents its working group for the upcoming elections. All too often though, the representatives of smaller parties are threatened by the members of the more powerful political groups. That’s what happened to Elidio Espinoza’s supporters: “Many of those summoned found themselves deterred by pressure from our political adversaries.” Only three participants attended, including Luisa. “As soon as I saw her, I offered her the opportunity to join the party and to occupy one of the leadership positions. Without a second thought, she responded to the offer with enthusiasm: ‘Here I am!’”
At the back of her office space, I see a set of wigs in various colors. I had initially assumed her hair was naturally long, but now I see I was wrong. Luisa is a tall, robust woman. She is wearing a baseball cap and a black, sporty outfit; not the usual attire for a councillor.
“I don’t like to be in the office,” she explains as we leave it to continue our walk around La Esperanza. “I like fieldwork, the action, the contact with people; there are many things to do.” As she gives me a tour of her district, I can see the impact of her work and of her personal presence: People recognize her, listen to her, and are willing to solve any problems they see. At the city’s construction sites, it is obvious that they are really working every day to create roads to give people access to water, electricity, and public transportation. They are building an athletic and recreational space, a market and a school. A highway will not only bring cars, but development.
Luisa has made history. She is unwittingly part of a group of transgender women who are taking on roles in a media cabinet and occupying political offices in Latin America. The first was Zuliana Araya Gutiérrez, formerly Enrique, who became the first transgender councilor in Valparaiso, Chile in 2012. In the same year, a Cuban named Adela (formerly José Agustín Hernández) succeeded in becoming the municipal delegate for the “Popular Power” party in her native city Caibarién.
These three women show that sexual orientation or gender roles do not affect nor diminish their roles. On the contrary: It is clear that they connect perfectly with the neediest of populations in their respective jurisdictions. If we view this as a phenomenon of social vindication for the LGBT community, it would not be surprising if a fourth member soon joined this list of pioneers. It is widely known that Tamara Adrián, a lawyer by profession, might be running for the National Assembly of Venezuela this year, 2015, for example. [Update: Tamara Adrián won a seat in the Assembly in those elections]
“What do you think about the bill supporting civil unions between same-sex partners in our country?” I ask Luisa.
“I think that I must support the proposal because I am a member of these minorities. However, I do not think that it is essential.”
Her answer surprises me. “Why do you not consider it important?”
“For me, the real victory will be the day that my identification card recognizes me as a woman. Luisa instead of Luis.”
“Have you ever had an operation of any kind?”
“No… I am a woman in the body of a man, but I will not undergo surgery. I like my body. Everything you see is natural and I would never mutilate myself. I do not need a sex reassignment to know that I am a woman. I feel like a woman and think like a woman.”
The day Luisa took her oath to become councillor at a public event, she presented herself as male, though immediately clarified publicly that she would be recognized as a woman, swearing by the policies of tolerance and non-discrimination.
She continues in this vein today, working as a transgender woman for the rights of everyone in her district to be accepted as they are.
This article was originally written by Héctor Lozano González and published by Tea After Twelve. It has now been republished and adapted for Global Voices under a republication agreement and with permission.

author: Tea After Twelve


text:
Meet the Thai Facebook User Sentenced to 60 Years in Prison for Insulting the Monarchy · Global Voices
Prachatai

This edited article is from Prachatai, an independent news site in Thailand, and is republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement. The article was written by Metta Wongwat and translated into English by Andrew Alan Johnson. Thailand's anti-royal insult law is seen by many scholars as outdated and repressive but the military-backed government insists it is necessary to protect the monarchy.
When Phongsak S. was handed a 60-year prison sentence for six messages he posted on Facebook, he broke a new record for the most severe punishment under Thailand's lèse majesté (anti-Royal Insult) law.
Phongsak, who used the name “Sam Parr” on Facebook, was convicted by a military court under Article 112 of the penal code (lèse majesté) and Section 14 of the Computer Crimes Act on August 7, 2015. After he pleaded guilty, Phongsak's sentence was reduced by half.
Phonsak's sentence surpassed the previous case of Yai Daengdueat, who was sentenced by a Bangkok military court to 50 years (also reduced by half following a confession) and Jakrawut, the musician who was sentenced to 30 years in Ubon Ratchathani (again, reduced to half following a confession). As in Phongsak’s case, all of these convictions stemmed from posts on Facebook.
Originally from Kanchanaburi Province, Sam (Phongsak) grew up in a typical lower-class farming family. He was only formally educated through Mathayom 3 (9th grade), but learned English and French on his own. He left home when he was still a teenager, looking after himself from then on.
As a young man, Sam worked in the tourism industry, as a manager of several hotels and restaurants, and as a freelancer in arranging tours for various agencies. He lived for a year in Morocco, working in a guesthouse with some of his foreign friends for a year. During that time, he traveled to various European countries before returning home to care for his ailing father.
About his overseas experience, Sam said:
What I’ve seen in other countries is real development. Equality. It made me question why Thailand is still so poor, and why the poor in Thailand are so repressed.
This question of inequality stuck with him as he saw more of the world, despite the fact that he came from a relatively conservative political background.
The crackdown in 2010 marked an important turning point for Sam. This came during the tourist low season, giving Sam more time to spend on the Internet, closely following the news. The loss of life of so many people was terribly shocking to him, and led him to become more and more interested in politics. He began to question things more deeply and began to read more and more, especially reporting in English about Thailand’s political history.
Shortly after 2010, Sam’s father died, and Sam returned home to care for his mother, who was 84 years old and unable to walk. With this heavy responsibility, he was unable to join a political group. But what he could do from home was engage in political discussion on social media. There, he referred to himself as an “independent unit,” and met a number of new friends who had viewpoints very similar to his own, friends he knew online but whom he’d never met in person.
After the 2014 coup, his posts became increasingly strident, up to the point that friends worried about his welfare urged him to leave home. He did so, going to live with friends he had made on Facebook. Later, after Sam’s arrest, his friend was detained by the military, with Sam’s presence strengthening the case made against him. Sam says that it was this fact that most upset him.
In the wake of the coup, the questions that he posted on Facebook grew increasingly angry and rude. Sam made a number of posts while drunk.
I am so resentful that innocent people were shot dead. The image of these bodies is so clear in my mind. When I think of them, I get so angry that I cannot control myself. And it was even worse when I was drunk.
If there was something that I regret, it is that I was not careful in what I was saying. I should have posted better-researched information, using facts instead of feeling.
Phongsak was arrested on 30 December 2014 at a bus station in Phitsonalok Province. Both military and police officers were present in large numbers.
Sam has a strong suspicion that at least one person that he connected with on Facebook was in fact an officer who disguised himself and chatted with him to lure him. This person even sent him gifts, including a mobile phone.
He had been speaking with this person on Facebook for four to five months when they finally arranged to meet in person, in Tak Province, the alleged hometown of the person. While Sam traveled to meet the person, the disguised police constantly asked him where he was at each stage.
Sam was imprisoned in the army camp for five days before being taken to the police and it was officially announced that “Sam Parr” had been arrested.
He was imprisoned there for a total of eight months until his conviction on 7 August, 2015.
Now in his mid-40s, Sam has a lively sense of humor and an outgoing, flamboyant personality. He is fond of speaking English with people who visit him in prison.
Speaking about the harsh nature of his sentence, Sam said that he is a person who adapts to new circumstances quickly, and has resigned himself even to the prospect of dying in prison. He said he was heartened by the thought that his experience could be taken as an example that Thais could learn from, and by the moral support received from his fellow inmates.
Sam was still smiling when he spoke of his own gloomy future. But as he spoke of historical times of suffering and loss, his tears began to fall and his voice quavered.
Phongsak allegedly published six posts, including photos and accompanying text, on Facebook under the name “Sam Parr.” These were ruled to be in violation of the lese majeste law. These six actions were:
- September 4, 2013. A photo of the King and text.
– September 10, 2013. A photo of the King with text defaming the King and Queen.
– September 17, 2013. A photo of the King and his older brother (former king Ananda Mahidol, killed in 1946), with text.
– September 18, 2013. Two photos.
– November 25, 2014. Facebook status post boasting that he had not yet been caught (although his name appeared on a detention list on June 9th of that year).
– November 29, 2014. A photo montage, with text.
All of these images and text were in Pongsak’s computer until the day that he was arrested, when they were taken by the military under Declaration 37/2557, which orders that all cases of Article 112 to be military jurisdiction. As AFP notes, local and international media alike routinely refrain from quoting text or republishing images from posts like these, as even repeating these details could mean breaking the law.
According to the indictment, the military prosecutor stated that the posting of pictures and text defamed the monarchy and Article 112 of the penal code, and that the charges also constituted the misuse of a computer system according to Section 14 of the Computer Crimes Act.

author: Prachatai


text:
Old Postcards Reveal Forgotten World War I Memories in Macedonia · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

German World War I Postcard with a view of Ohrid, Macedonia. Photo from The New York Public Library Digital Collections.
In January 2016, the New York Public Library released more than 180,000 digitized items into the public domain. Many of these materials in the library are historical documents that can be referenced in academic studies, as well as downloaded and used or remixed for free since their copyright has expired.
Global Voices already highlighted valuable vintage contents that the library released related to Vietnam, Japan and India. One resource of interest to Europe is the collection of German World War I Photographic Postcards. Made between 1914 and 1918, these photos not only document military aspects of the war, but also provide views of places and people caught within its maelstrom.
The writing on the postcard featured above reads:
The ancient fortress of Ohrid (Macedonia). A part of the rocky coast of Ohrid Lake. In the background, the Albanian snow mountains.
In fact, the Albanian mountains would have been to the back of the photographer and not in the photo. The mountain in the background is Galichica, which today is a national park under threat.
Update Feb. 1, 2016: A photo taken from the same spot  almost hundred years later, in January 2016, shows both constancy and change.
Kaneo Beach in Ohrid, Macedonia, January 2016. Photo by F. Stojanovski (CC-BY).
In 2008 Panoramio user Dejan2008 posted another recent “version” of this photo, taken from almost the same spot during the Summer. The rocky coast today serves as a beach during the summer months.
While Macedonia was one of the big battlegrounds of World War I (the “Macedonian Front“), the histories and local stories related to this event are not common knowledge for recent generations. To counter this tendency, Open Society Foundation Macedonia published in 2008 a digitized collection of letters by soldiers from Macedonia who had been drafted by the armies of neighboring warring states of Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece. One of the letters from this collection, named “Revealed Testimonies”, reads:
“We said to ourselves this war has no end. I had to write letters, so everyday I would beg a different person to write my letters. No one could write them as I wanted. I already knew some letters from the Alphabet and I learned how to write, so what's left from the wars was my ability to write letters, although with many mistakes.” – Ilija Stanoev
German troops quartered in the suburbs of Skopje in the houses of local ethnic Albanians. Photo from The New York Public Library Digital Collections.
In more recent years, in an effort to promote remembrance and reconciliation the French region of Lower Normandy and Macedonia together organized an exhibition marking the 100-year anniversary of World War I, as well as study visits and an exploration of cultural heritage remaining at the old front lines.
The New York Public Library's German postcards offer glimpses of the lives of ordinary people and serve as testimony to the characteristic ethnic diversity which graces Macedonia to this day. They might also give inspiration to researchers of various disciplines exploring the past, from ethnography to historiography.
Ethnic diversity displayed through various attires at the Skopje market during World War I. Photo from The New York Public Library Digital Collections.