text:
Building Journalists with Integrity and Impact: A Community Journalism Project Takes Shape in Jamaica · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

Graduates of the investigative journalism workshop, along with their family and supporters, enjoying the graduation ceremony. Photo by National Integrity Action, used with permission.
Investigative journalism in Jamaica — and across the Caribbean — has never truly thrived, for a number of reasons: a lack of resources is often a factor, besides a cautious and unsupportive media environment. But a recently completed training project, a collaboration between the USAID-funded COMET II community development programme, the anti-corruption lobby group National Integrity Action and the independent Global Reporters for the Caribbean, has aimed at tackling this deficit and empowering ordinary citizens to hold authorities accountable.
Global Voices talked to the programme's coordinator, journalist Kate Chappell; Chief of Party for COMET II, Ian McKnight; and Civil Society Coordinator for National Integrity Action, Omar Lewis, about the project, its successes and challenges, and the potential impact on Jamaican journalism.
Global Voices (GV): Congratulations to your graduates! What was the purpose of the training, and what did you hope to achieve?
The community journalism programme's coordinator, journalist Kate Chappell, speaking at the workshop. Photo courtesy National Integrity Action, used with permission.
Kate Chappell (KC): We wanted to give them the basic skills — researching, interviewing, filling Access to Information requests, and writing news articles. We hoped they would all be able to continue to do the same work in their communities. In a larger sense, we wanted to give a voice to those who would otherwise have none.
Omar Lewis (OL): National Integrity Action (NIA) aims to improve the capacity of everyday citizens to play an active role in collecting, reporting, analysing and disseminating news and information — and being directly involved in governance matters by holding their elected representatives, service providers, and others in positions of influence and authority to account. NIA's mission is to build a social movement for change — an empowered and informed citizenry actively participating in Jamaica's system of governance.
Chief of Party for COMET II, Ian McKnight. Photo by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
Ian McKnight: (IMK): USAID COMET II has a mandate to work at community level to ensure that ultimately, communities are safe and secure places for its members. Community journalists are seen as key to helping to preserve a culture of lawfulness. They will identify issues facing communities and propose strategies to solve them. They will utilise traditional and non-traditional means so to do. They must investigate what the behind-stories are. Who is to be held accountable?
GV: How is this a different approach to the average journalism workshop?
Civil Society Coordinator for National Integrity Action (NIA), Omar Lewis. Photo by NIA, used with permission.
OL: These community residents had little or no formal media training. Participants who received the weekend of training in community investigative journalism were placed in groups with a mentor (a professional journalist), who helped them create actual investigative stories, based on selected activities within their own communities, in the three to four-month period following the training. We hope that with this kind of ‘on the job’ training, the trainees’ interest will be further piqued and they will continue the learning process.
Journalist Zahra Burton (18 Degrees North) speaks at the ceremony. Photo courtesy National Integrity Action, used with permission.
KC: We took a long-term view. We didn't want to just have a weekend of training and then it would not be put into practice. We had two full days of lectures and special presenters. The Major Organised Crime and Anti-Corruption Agency (MOCA) talked about corruption in local government. Independent journalist Zahra Burton (host of 18 Degrees North, former Bloomberg News reporter and founder of Global Reporters Caribbean) talked about ‘how to dig in’, determine sources and find information. Broadcast journalist Dennis Brooks talked about social media and journalism. Civil society activist Jeanette Calder talked about accountability. There was a session on climate change and disaster preparedness and training in television production and video production using your phone. Each group had a story they were to research, for which they had filed an Access to Information request. The mentors walked the group members every step of the way in assembling an investigative piece.
IMK:  Our journalists do not belong to a commercial entity. They are not answerable to any group except to their community. They are not voices of the politicians. Ultimately, theirs is the task to transform community through their craft. This training built on the basic skills of journalism and was afforded ONLY to those who had previously done work and exhibited the aptitude.
GV: Can you give a profile of your trainees? Did they focus on both urban and rural issues?
KC: Twenty-seven completed the training. They ranged in age from early 20s to some in their 40s. They came from both urban and rural areas, as did the stories we researched.
OL: They were drawn from groups trained by NIA and COMET II in Social Auditing or as Integrity Ambassadors.
GV: What kind of issues did they cover?
KC: They produced ten reports on topics such as the impact of dredging Kingston Harbour on the environment and on local fishermen (the article was published in the Jamaica Observer newspaper); a lively radio discussion with political representatives and health officials on the poor state of roads in a rural community, which residents blamed for the death of a teenager from an asthma attack; the absence of promised Domestic Violence Coordinators at police stations and whether they have, in fact, received full training, based on the experiences of women who have reported to police stations (report to be aired on community radio station Roots FM); the problem of over-fishing in Montego Bay; and a noisy church that is in breach of regulations but is making residents’ lives a misery. One critical topic — the report will run in the Western Mirror — is on residents’ reluctance to report crime in the high-crime area around Montego Bay, the lack of trust and the fear.
Mentor and broadcast journalist Dennis Brooks (Nationwide News Network) with one of the articles published. Photo courtesy National Integrity Action, used with permission.
GV: How would you define investigative journalism and what it means in Jamaica today? Where would you like to see it heading?
KC:  I'm sure there are formal definitions out there, but through this training, and in the Jamaican context, this is what I have come up with: Investigative journalism is both a tool and a skill set that enables citizens (both professional journalists and the untrained) to hold authorities to account. It enables people to look back at promises made and to see if they have been kept. It sheds light on those who do not use their positions of authority properly. Ideally, it can be a way of shaking out the corruption that accumulates among those in power.
I would like to see journalists in Jamaica empowered to do more investigative journalism. This means they need more resources and to be supported by the community. Political partisanship is often prohibitive to quality investigative journalism in this country, and that needs to stop. People need to realise that a healthy, free and fair press is essential to a well-functioning democracy, in which all citizens have equal representation. Investigative journalism is extremely expensive and time-consuming, so I would like to see a dedicated fund for such an endeavour, perhaps not initiated by the government, but by the private sector or citizens.
Zahra Burton presents a certificate to a community journalist at the graduation ceremony. Photo courtesy National Integrity Action, used with permission.
OL: In essence, I see investigative journalism as based on evidence-based research, whereby we would call the powerful to account and expose corruption, whereby we protect and preserve our democracy.
IMK: Journalists who are prepared to go beyond the surface, resist the temptation to just produce and present a piece JUST for the sensation of it. It will contribute to development. Today, we need persons like these who are not afraid to call out authorities and say who is responsible.
GV: What was one of the major challenges you faced with this project?
KC: Participants did not understand how much work this would be. They told us so, many times, and in plain language. This is an oversight on our part and it is also a function of the fact that we are used to the endless time it takes to produce an investigative journalistic piece. We took it for granted, so we did not relay it to participants. They were struggling to meet our demands as well as keep up with their lives — school, work, families, etc. We have learned this lesson for next time.
GV: Did you feel you succeeded in your goals, or is it too early to say?
OL: The training and post-training activities so far have been successful. However, we will not be able to consider the entire process a success until we see how the community journalists perform going forward. Will they continuously seek to use their new craft…or will they disappear into oblivion, failing to add to the voices of those demanding change in Jamaica?
KC: I feel we exceeded our goals. We produced nine high-quality pieces that met all our objectives (a tenth is in production): holding authorities to account, providing meaningful information and shedding light on an issue that would probably otherwise not receive any attention. We also empowered citizens to look at their communities in a new way, to feel that they can ask questions, get answers, and demand action. In at least one case, a story prompted a response from the Member of Parliament, who called me to ask to participate in the radio show and then called afterwards, promising to follow up and take action on a long-standing issue in the community.
IMK: To have had the majority of the pieces already published and broadcast is success on its own. Communities are already reaping some of the benefits. We will continue to train journalists in this specialist skill. We will support them to do their jobs well.

author: Emma Lewis


text:
Clashes Over Church Raise Spectre of Georgian-Armenian Strife · Global Voices
Eurasianet

Kumurdo Cathedral, a tenth-century Georgian church in a majority Armenian village that was the site of clashes over the church's heritage. (photo: Wikimedia Commons, Jaba1977)
The following is a partner post from EurasiaNet.org written by Joshua Kucera. Republished with permission.
A clash over a contested church in a majority-Armenian part of Georgia has raised tensions and, many fear, set the stage for further ethnic conflict.
The clash took place in Kumurdo, a nearly entirely ethnic Armenian village in the region of Samtskhe-Javakheti bordering Armenia. The village is the site of at a tenth-century Georgian church, the Kumordo Cathedral, which has been undergoing reconstruction work by the Georgian Ministry of Culture.
In the course of that work some graves were found. For the last two centuries or so the church has functioned as an Armenian church, and on September 30 a group of locals brought a khachkar — a traditional Armenian stone memorial marker — to the church to lay at the site where they believed their ancestors were buried.
They were not allowed into the church by police, and the situation escalated, with locals throwing rocks at the police, who called in reinforcements of special riot units. Four police officers were reported to be injured, and two locals were arrested. The situation was ultimately defused when Interior Minister Giorgi Mgebrishvili went to the village and met with local representatives.
In a region full of ethnic conflicts, the ethnic Armenians of Georgia (about five percent of the country's population according to the most recent census) have been relatively quiescent. But this incident raised fears that that may change.
The “clashes evoked gruesome memories of ethnic violence of the early 90s,” wrote news website Democracy & Freedom Watch.
Inevitably, there were various charges that the clash was a “provocation.” Many noted that the episode took place just ahead of municipal elections across Georgia. An MP of the ruling Georgian Dream party, and member of the Armenia-Georgia Friendship Group David Chichinadze told Public Radio of Armenia that it was a “provocation before elections.”
“There were people giving out money to villagers. This is certainly an issue to be solved by the church and clergymen, but there are certain people willing to politicize the issue,” Chichinadze said, without specifying who the provocateurs might be.
“Even the Armenians of Javakheti think that the Kumurdo people are ‘problematic,'” said Georgian analyst Mamuka Areshidze. “Their reputation is not the best one. Kumurdo is a very criminogenic village. I do not exclude that the excessive ‘passionarity’ of the Kumurdo people is used by someone to worsen the situation and ignite the confrontation, using claims about the church.”
Some, however, suggested that it was a provocation on the part of the Georgian police. “According to my sources, on the day of the incident the residents of Kumordo didn't intend to install the khachkar, but only to put it in a safe place in the churchyard” with the intention of installing it at the end of October, said Johnny Melikian, an Armenian expert on relations with Georgia. Melikian said the police overreacted. “In my opinion, a provocation took place. Clashes began, in the course of which the police used more force than was necessary, and then the riot police got involved,” he said.
Whether or not it was a provocation, it is a worrying development. “This event is like a seed falling into an already well fertilized soil of xenophobia and especially Armenophobia, propogated by certain, especially pro-Russian, elements in Georgia,” wrote Dmitry Avaliani, a Georgian journalist, on his Facebook page.
“A conflict is ready: from the Georgian perspective Armenians are seizing a Georgian church; from the Armenian side — the opposite. All 25 years of independence, despite some small incidents, we've managed to avoid major conflict in Samtskhe-Javakheti,” Avaliani continued. “Now there is every possibility of escalating the situation — xenophobia that has been simmering for years, weakness of state institutions, the lack of a clear policy for regional development and ethnic minorities, and a great interest on the part of our northern neighbor, which enjoys complete freedom to carry out its subversive activities inside Georgia.”
Avaliani concluded his post with a crucial point: “The only positive thing: spoiling relations with Georgia is not in Yerevan's interest.” In spite of occasional tensions, and being involved in opposing geopolitical blocs (a Eurasian Union and Collective Security Treaty Organization member in Armenia's case, and a NATO and European Union aspirant in Georgia's), the two neighbors both need good relations with one another. And so this is unlikely to spread much further, no matter who might be provoking it.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Eurasianet


text:
Conducting Medical Research in Africa: Opportunities and Misconceptions · Global Voices
Lova Rakotomalala

Ranjit Warrier in 2016 in Zambia with his permission
Medical research conducted in Africa is often undercovered and ignored by the media, but it is a thriving field that highlights the continent's most pressing needs.
The reason why there is demand for locally conducted medical research is two-fold: Firstly, global health currently does not have the range of medicines and vaccines required to tackle the health issues specific to the African continent. Diseases such as AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria have a greater detrimental impact on the poorest countries of Africa and a lack of investment in products targeting these diseases by pharmaceutical companies is a major problem.
Secondly, research conducted by African scientists will serve to develop research capacities in Africa and an increased role for science and technology can only be beneficial to the continent's economic development.
Dr. Ranjit Warrier is the director of the Central Laboratory at Centre for Infectious Disease Research in Zambia (CIDRZ). He grew up in Lusaka, Zambia in the 1990's just as the AIDS epidemic began to take a major toll on the national health. He left Zambia to pursue higher education in the United States in Louisiana, then Indiana. He conducted his own research on the HIV virus as a post-doctoral fellow at the University of Pennsylvania before deciding to go back home in order to make an impact on Zambian healthcare.
Global Voices discussed both the future of medical research in Zambia and the things that the media gets wrong about such research in Africa with Dr. Warrier. (Disclaimer: Dr. Warrier is speaking in a personal capacity):
Global Voices (GV): What is your research topic?
Ranjit Warrier RW: I'm doing a lot of implementation work currently, supporting the Zambian national ART programme with Laboratory testing. I am just starting a research programme in Molecular Diagnostics development for HIV, TB, and other pathogens of interest.
GV: What do you see/think are the trending and hot topics in science in your country and Africa in general? How is it different from that in Western countries?
RW: There is no basic R&D. It's all implementation of solutions developed elsewhere. This has to change, otherwise we will always be receivers rather than makers. The received solutions are not usually ideal for our environment and making them work here correctly is sometimes impossible.
GV: Where does the funding and support come from? Is it sufficient? How easy/difficult is it to recruit suitable scientists?
RW: US and Europe. Different projects have different levels of funding. It is difficult to recruit people to come back or to move here, as funding and growth opportunities are better in other countries .
GV: How are the research infrastructures? What are the obstacles in your routine research activity that you didn’t encounter before?
RW: Basic infrastructure is not up to developed country standards and it costs a lot to get uninterrupted power, water, and Internet. Supplies are expensive and take months to be imported from other countries.
GV: What are the public’s opinions towards science and scientists in Africa?
RW: There is interest, but an extremely limited understanding of the scientific method. I would suggest critical thinking and the scientific method be taught in school to improve the situation.
GV: In your opinion, what is the potential in scientific research in Africa, where it should focus on and how we can help its development?
There is amazing potential. I have seen incredible students of all ages. There is need for dedicated science education starting at all ages. Social sciences, computer sciences, big data, outer space exploration, healthcare (non-communicable and Infectious diseases), and traditional medicine efficacy will pay off big.
GV: Could you describe the pros and cons of the life as a scientist in Africa vs Western countries based on your experience?
RW: Mainly it is the speed of doing things and the access to expertise that are big challenges here. The system that journals have to put articles behind paywalls is also limiting the amount of information and the speed with which research can be done.

author: Lova Rakotomalala


text:
Malaysian Artist Paints ‘Mother Gaia’ to Call for Environmental Protection and Women’s Rights · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

The Rapture – Acrylic and Oil Ink on Canvas – 24×36 inches. Copyright Jennifer Mourin 22 May 2017. Used with permission.
A new exhibit in Penang, Malaysia features the latest paintings of Jennifer Mourin, an artist known for actively promoting the protection of the environment through her art.
Mourin’s new series is themed “Mother GAIA” which she conceptualized after reading disturbing reports about the state of the environment. In Greek mythology, Gaia is known as the goddess of Earth.
In an interview with Global Voices Mourin explained the inspiration for her new paintings:
My “Mother Gaia” series imbibes the need to take stock of what we are sacrificing in the name of greed, selfishness, over-consumption and so-called economic growth. These new paintings assert the need to respect, protect and defend our planet and her progeny against abuse, exploitation, depletion and death. My personification of Mother Earth in the women I paint surrounded by the animals facing extinction stares people in the eye calling for people to change, for the killings to stop!
In Faith – Arcylic and Oil Ink on 36x24inch Canvas – Copyright Jennifer Mourin – 14 Sept 2017. Used with permission
Mourin also identified some of the endangered animals in Malaysia which are featured in her paintings. She mentioned the Malayan Tiger (Harimau Malaya) which is used as a popular symbol in Malaysia, but could soon face extinction:
I find it so bitterly ironic that this majestic animal is used as a symbol on the Malaysian coat of arms, is the name of our national football team (Harimau Malaysia), is revered as part of Malaysian identity, but the real life animal is disappearing! The magnificent tiger is dying off because humans hunt, kill and trade in their skin, teeth, meat in some misguided belief that these will give people, especially men, power and sexual prowess– what sacrifice for such foolish vanity, arrogance and selfishness!
Similarly, I also feature the Hornbill. I fondly remember these beautiful birds from my childhood when my family lived in the state of Pahang, and they used to fly around freely close to my home. Malaysia is the home to 10 species of hornbills, and these need to be protected!
The Mystery – Acrylic and Oil Ink on Canvas – 20×20 inches. Copyright Jennifer Mourin. 13 April 2017. Used with permission
Mourin also paid tribute to women wearing sarong, an indigenous piece of clothing, across Southeast Asia:
Memories of my mother’s Thai village in the eastern state of Kelantan have turned my love of the sarongs the strong women wore (including my mother, grandmother and villagers) into totems of my artistic identity.
The Remembering – Acrylic and Oil Ink on Canvas – 24×24 inches. Copyright Jennifer Mourin – 22 April 2017. Used with permission
As an artist, Mourin is also known for advocating for women’s rights. This is evident in her new series:
Another recurring theme is women breastfeeding, as I am incredulous at how such a loving, nourishing and nurturing act as breastfeeding is often considered a controversial “obscene” act by society. Mothers deserve to be supported and loved. In the Mother GAIA series, breastfeeding is symbolic of how mother earth provides for us, feeds and sustains us.
And finally, Mourin appealed for urgent action to stop the destruction of the planet.
People need to remember how much Mother GAIA gives so all can live and be sustained! Is it any wonder that she will react against humankind's hubris, carelessness and selfishness? We are all in the same boat, and if humankind continues at the pace we are witnessing it will be at our own peril!
In Gratitude – Acrylic and Oil Ink on Canvas – 36×24 inches. Copyright Jennifer Mourin – 8 September 2017. Used with permission
Mourin’s paintings are part of a mixed group exhibition at the Hin Bus Depot Art Centre in Penang, Malaysia.

author: Mong Palatino


text:
To Fight Against Smog, China Bans Coal in 28 Cities · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

The slogans say: “Coal Ban is military order, see the smoke and the house will be torn down” and “Arrest whoever sells coal”. From Weibo.
As winter approaches, Beijing is gearing up to fight against smog, and a large number of cities in northern China have issued a ban on coal.
Different from the previous efforts coordinated by the Ministry of Environmental Protection in past years, the Coal Ban, as it is being called, has become an economic policy supervised by a coalition of top authorities. Concrete targets on air quality level — and the number of coal-free districts — have been handed down to 28 cities in northern China.
In the past few years, China has been seriously affected by air pollution — especially in winter — with major cities in northern China recording pollutants, or PM 2.5, in the air from 300 to 1,000 micrograms per cubic meter (µg/m³). Such high levels of pollutants are hazardous to human health and can cause lung disease, emphysema, lung cancer, or premature death in people with existing heart or lung conditions.
Last week, Taiyuan, the capital of Shanxi province — the heart of China’s coal production — was one of the areas to issue the Coal Ban. The announcement is considered a symbolic act of showing Beijing’s determination in cutting coal consumption.
Soon after the 28 cities were listed, the Coal Ban turned into a campaign, with banners and slogans strategically positioned for people to see.
Street and village committees from the coal-free districts mobilized themselves in order to ensure that residents have shifted to clean energy sources.
While people love blue sky, many are also worried that those who cannot afford clean energy would freeze to death this winter. In Weibo, some urged the authorities to slow down in the implementation of the Coal Ban:
【陈安石：邯郸禁煤是好政策，请急步慢行】为防治大气污染，河北邯郸决定在主城区全面禁煤。客观的说这是个好政策，上符《污染法》，下合百姓青天碧水之期盼。只是觉得这事整的有点急。对于污染对于落后的生产模式，一个政令下来就要马上实施与改变，只能说领导的愿望很好，怕是短时间难以做到。比如说，煤是电力发电的主要能源，若没有新能源替代之前，一刀切掉，那发电怎么办？邯郸市的用电如何解决，还是说，只禁掉百姓用煤，发电企业不禁呢？
[Chen Anshi: the Coal Ban policy in Handan city [of Hebei province] is good, but please take it steadily] To tackle the problem of air pollution, Handan city in Hebei has decided to ban coal in most parts of the city. This is a good policy in alignment with the pollution law and people’s expectation for blue sky and clean water. But the implementation is a bit hasty. The wish of the leaders to transform the backward and highly polluted production is good, but it can’t be changed overnight. For example, currently the use of coal for electricity is the main source of energy, without alternative clean energy source, can you even product enough electricity supply? On the other hand, if we ban ordinary people from using coal, [people would ask] why don’t you ban coal-generated electricity?
近日，为了环保指标达标，邢台市多地提前开展冬季禁煤运动，本身是好意。但农村许多独居老人不会使用天然气或电器做饭，甚至使用这些就会导致新的不安全。咋办？希望邢台市相关部门考虑这些现实问题，执法做到人性化，维护这些农村独居老人弱势群体的利益。
Recently, in order to meet the environmental target, Xingtai city [of Hebei province] started the Coal Ban campaign. It is a good move. But in villages, there are still many elderly people who live by themselves and they don’t know how to use natural gas or electric devices for cooking. Accidents may happen [if we force them to use these alternatives]. What should we do? I hope the authorities of Xingtai can consider the practical problem and be human-oriented in the implementation of the policy so as to protect the interest of marginal social groups, like the elderly in the village.
The idea of coal-free districts was initially introduced in 2011 targeted at cutting coal consumption in the capital, Beijing. A more concrete and comprehensive action plan was put forward in 2013, which identified Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei as the most stringently targeted region for air quality control. It set the target that Beijing’s annual average concentration of hazardous particles, PM2.5 (Particulate Matter, 2.5 micrometers or less), should be controlled at a level of 60ug/m3 (microgram/cubic meter).
As anticipated, the plan has met with resistance, as Hebei is China’s steel hub and heavy industry relies mainly on coal as an energy source.
In August 2017, the Ministry of Environmental Protection geared up its action plan and published a battle plan against smog. In addition to Beijing and Tianjin, 26 other cities in the provinces of Hebei, Shanxi, Shandong and Henan, were listed for setting up coal-free districts. But the ministry also admitted difficulties in meeting the 2017 target.
However, the cutting of coal consumption is not just an environmental campaign; it has also become an economic development and planning issue.
In September 2017, a top-level policy coalition of the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, National Development and Reform Committee, Ministry of Finance and Energy published a supervision guideline demanding that the leader of the 28 cities speed up the establishment of coal-free districts to adhere to the 2017 air quality standard.
Taiyuan, China’s coal hub, has taken action in banning coal accordingly. As the richest city in Shanxi, Taiyuan would not suffer too much from the Coal Ban, but other coal-mining cities in Shanxi — including Jincheng, where the majority of residents rely on coal for warming their homes — reacted to the ban with greater resentment. In a Jincheng chatroom, people said:
沒有暖氣煤氣的住戶，冬天都到政府大樓住吧，肯定政府管住，要是不管，那政府就是想讓凍死咱們呢
Those residents who don't have gas warming systems at home have to move to the city government buildings in winter. The government would have to take care of them. If they don't, they want people to be frozen to death.
這回只要把老百姓窮死凍死就好了，剩下的當官，資本家們就可以共同建議發達國家了。
It is good to freeze the poor to death. The remaining rich ones would become the officials and they can build an advanced rich country with the capitalists.
Although some local governments have provided subsidies for the residents to shift to clean energy, some are skeptical:
一个炉子安装7000块，政府补贴给安装的厂家5000，自己还要掏腰包2000，电价一问国家补贴3个月，明年还补不补政府也不知道…
An electric heater costs RMB 7,000 [US $1052] and the government subsidies the manufacturer RMB 5,000 [US $751]; the household has to pay RMB 2,000 [US $301]. The government will subsidy three months’ electricity fee; whether the subsidies will continue next year is unclear…

author: Oiwan Lam


text:
Will India’s Blood Banks Benefit From Facebook’s New Blood Donor Registration Feature? · Global Voices
Rezwan

Screenshot of a Facebook registration as a blood donor.  Via Vishal Manve.
In India, a new Facebook feature to register users as blood donors has attracted mixed reactions from the public. The feature will allow individuals and hospitals in need of blood to notify nearby donors, by creating posts that include information like blood type, location, and the reason for the donation. Potential donors will be able to respond to requests via WhatsApp, Facebook Messenger, or even a phone call.
India has a considerable shortage of blood in its blood banks, with more than 38,000 donations reportedly required every day to balance it. Due to the shortage, patients and their relatives either have to search for their requirements from their own networks, or ask the public by using social media — but it is still difficult and time-consuming, both to find donors, or to donate blood to someone in need.
Facebook has more than 241 million users in India. To harness this country-wide userbase, the technology giant made it easy for Facebook users to register as potential blood donors, and connect with people or organizations within their vicinity that may need blood.
Become a @Facebook Blood Donor & save a life ✨the happiness is unexplainable! For me its my #birthdayritual
Be a Hero @Divyanka_T pic.twitter.com/FtgEzlfj3o
— Dolphin Singhwal (@DolphinSinghwal) October 1, 2017
Mark Zuckerberg, co-founder, chairman and CEO of Facebook, wrote about how the project was conceived:
The idea for this feature came out of a hackathon, and Hema Budaraju, one of our product managers, helped make it a reality. This issue is personal to Hema, whose father was diagnosed with cancer five years ago and lost so much blood during chemotherapy that he had to have a transfusion every day for a week. Hema had to reach out to friends and family to ask for donors and many people showed up once they realized it would help her dad. This is a constant reminder for Hema that people are always willing to help, they just need the tools and information to do so.
The feature became available on October 1, which is India's National Blood Donor Day. India lacks a central blood collection agency, and illegal blood markets thrive in times of need. There are also potential health hazards from using unscreened blood from “professional” donors.
Educator Virendra Banshal lauded the effort:
This is an excellent use of social media. I would like to urge Facebook to also try and develop a feature to encourage organ donation consistent with the prevalent regulations with a brief introduction to the dire need for organ donors in the country.
The new tool, which is currently available only in India, got considerable attention from Facebook users. The feature falls in line with Facebook’s crisis response efforts (like Safety Check), and this database of potential donors can be harnessed during disasters. In 2012, Facebook undertook a similar drive to sign people up for organ donation in United States, Canada and Mexico, which resulted in hundreds of thousands of people registering as donors.
However, some users appear unsure about how the blood donation feature works:
Facebook is doing something. I registered as a donor. Not sure how to request for blood. @facebook
— Rajath DM ? (@rajathdm) October 6, 2017
Anyone know how the blood donor thing on Facebook works and if it possible without that shit enrollment post showing up on everyone's TL ?
— Jaydeep (@JonesOnCorners) October 3, 2017
Some poked fun at the concept, making the point that people labeling themselves as virtual donors is not quite the same as actually giving blood:
Suddenly everyone became a blood donor on Facebook. Yolo ? #blooddonation
— Shafid (@iamshafid) October 1, 2017
Do not be a blood donor in Facebook.If you are healthy enough to give blood,be a blood donor in real life.#save; people#save India
— Rattan (@Ratan_patelPhy) October 5, 2017
Others scoffed at what they considered the new, fashionable trend:
Will the society accept me if I don’t become a blood donor on Facebook ? #ImportantLifeQuestions
— Farrago'us Metikurke (@dankchikidang) October 1, 2017
I am a Real life blood donor and won't Donate my precious blood here on Facebook.
— farhan Rashid (@farhaanrashid) October 2, 2017
Becoming a blood donor on Facebook is like feeding the poor by forwarding food pictures on whatsapp.
— Shubhangi Bhatia (@me_and_my_flaws) October 1, 2017
UNESCO Has Declared That India Has The Highest Number Of Blood Donors On Facebook. Xd
— Kunj Sharma (@ifaaarted) October 4, 2017
Facebook's concept is not new; people have already been using social networks and tools like Socialblood to tap into blood donor networks, but the challenges are many. Building a trustworthy and reliable donor network does not guarantee timely collection, and blood donations are usually urgent matters. However, Facebook made the point that they have worked with nonprofit organizations, health industry experts and potential donors to build this app, in order to eventually connect its database to hospitals, blood banks and other critical facilities.
There are also privacy concerns, but Facebook maintains that any information about blood donors will not be available to the patients or institutions in need, unless donors explicitly provide it.
Hopefully, in the coming days, the logistics of how the feature works will be clarified, so that it can be harnessed by those searching for blood. It remains to be seen whether real donors will step up, instead of just sharing a Facebook badge claiming that they are blood donors.

author: Rezwan


text:
Art Exhibitions Fall Into the Crosshairs of Brazilian Conservatives · Global Voices
Fabíola Hauch

Activists protest against censorship in front of Santander Cultural, after it caved in to pressure from conservatives and cancelled the exhibition about sexual diversity. Photo: Sul 21, published with permission.
Two art exhibitions were the target of conservative groups’ anger in September in Brazil, sparking a heated debate on social media over artistic freedom and censorship.
First, the exhibition “Queermuseum – Mapping Difference in Brazilian Art”, about gender and sexual diversity, was cancelled abruptly on 10 September after pressure from right-wing groups which accused the artists of promoting paedophilia, bestiality, pornography and blasphemy against religious symbols.
The groups organized protests at Santander bank's cultural centre in Porto Alegre, where the exhibition  was held. Bank branches were also graffitied and pelted with stones.
Weeks later, the criticisms turned to the Museum of Modern Art in São Paulo after a video of the performance “La Bête” went viral, in which choreographer Wagner Schwartz let the public manipulate his naked body. The images show a child and mother playing with the hands and feet of the artist.
A crowd of people protested in front of the Museum of Modern Art on 29 and 30 September, and there were reports of attacks against employees and visitors of the museum which, in contrast to Santander in Porto Alegre, did not cancel the exhibition “Brasil em Multiplicação” – Schwartz’s performance was held during its opening on 26 September.
The campaigns targeting both exhibitions were headed by websites and Facebook pages linked to religious and conservative movements, in particular Movimento Brasil Livre (Free Brazil Movement), which was at the forefront of the demonstrations in 2015 calling for the impeachment of ex-President Dilma Rousseff.
Despite having described itself as a liberal movement – which in Latin America mainly means defending minimal government – MBL has consistently taken conservative stances, for example positioning itself against the legalization of abortion or education policies regarding gender in school.
Santander released an official statement justifying the cancellation of the Queermuseum exhibition:
[…] ouvimos as manifestações e entendemos que algumas das obras da exposição Queermuseu desrespeitavam símbolos, crenças e pessoas, o que não está em linha com a nossa visão de mundo. Quando a arte não é capaz de gerar inclusão e reflexão positiva, perde seu propósito maior, que é elevar a condição humana.
[…] we listened to the demonstrations and understood that some of the works of the Queermuseum exhibition disrespected symbols, beliefs and people, which is not in line with our worldview. When art is not able to generate inclusion and positive reflection, it loses its primary purpose, which is to elevate the human condition.
Conservative groups accused the Queermuseum exhibition of defending paedophilia. Photo: Sul21, published with permission.
According to the Museum of Modern Art's official statement, the performance “La Bête” took place in a labeled room, indicating the presence of artistic nudity:
O trabalho apresentado na ocasião não tem conteúdo erótico e se limitou a uma leitura interpretativa da obra Bicho, de Lygia Clark, historicamente reconhecida pelas suas proposições artísticas interativas.
O museu reitera ainda que a criança que aparece no vídeo veiculado por terceiros era visitante e estava acompanhada e supervisionada por sua mãe e que as referências à inadequação da situação são resultado de desinformação, deturpação do contexto e do significado da obra.
The work shown on this occasion has no erotic content and limits itself to an interpreted reading of the work “The Beast”, by Lygia Clark, historically recognized for its artistic interactive components.
The museum reiterates that the child appearing in the video posted by others was a visitor and was accompanied and supervised by their mother and that the references to inadequacies in the situation are the result of disinformation, misrepresentation of the context and of the work’s meaning.
The debate reached such a scale that right-wing politicians also decided to support a boycott – such as the mayor of São Paulo, João Dória, elected in 2016 with support from the Free Brazil Movement, who in a video called the performance “libidinous”.
In the country's capital Brasilia on 3 October, members of the Chamber of Deputies expressed their views on the controversy, with some openly defending the idea of torturing Schwartz. A deputy from the Republican Party, Laerte Bessa, who is a former police marshal, stated in the assembly:
“Pergunta se ele conhece direitos humanos? Direitos humanos é um porrete de pau de guatambu que a gente usou muitos anos em delegacia de polícia. Se ele conhece rabo de tatu [usado para chicotear presos], que também usamos em bons tempos em delegacia de polícia. Se aquele vagabundo fosse fazer aquela exposição (…) ele ia levar uma ‘taca’ que ele nunca mais ele iria querer ser artista e nunca mais iria tomar banho pelado”
I wonder if he is aware of human rights? Human rights are a beating stick of guatambu wood that people used for many years in police stations. If he knows “tatu’s tails” [used for whipping prisoners], which we also used in the good old days in police stations. If that hobo was going to hold that exhibition […] he would have to take such a beating that he would not want to be an artist anymore and would never again bathe naked.
The situation has given progressives in Brazil reason to worry; they see support for their side waning against the rise of conservative forces on social media, in the streets and in formal politics.
Sign referring to the work “Criança Viada”, one of the most attacked by those opposed to the exhibition “Queermuseu”. Photo: Sul21, published with permission.
Among the 263 works of the Queermuseum exhibition, running since 24 August, were the creations of contemporary artists Adriana Varejão and Bia Leite, who are regularly attacked online.
Varejão’s painting “Scenes from the Inside II”, done in 1994, portrays different sex scenes between Japanese characters, black and white men, and a goat. In an interview with the newspaper Zero Hour, the artist stated:
Esta é uma obra adulta feita para adultos. A pintura é uma compilação de práticas sexuais existentes, algumas históricas (como as chungas, clássicas imagens eróticas da arte popular japonesa) e outras baseadas em narrativas literárias ou coletadas em viagens pelo Brasil. O trabalho não visa julgar essas práticas. Como artista, apenas busco jogar luz sobre coisas que muitas vezes existem escondidas. É um aspecto do meu trabalho, a reflexão adulta.
This is an adult work made for adults. The painting is a compilation of sexual practices which exist, some historical (like the shungas, classical erotic images of popular Japanese art) and others based in literary narratives or collected during travels in Brazil. The work does not aim to judge these practices. As an artist, I only seek to throw light on things that often exist but are hidden. It is an aspect of my work, adult contemplation.
The artwork of Bia Leite, which was accused of inciting paedophilia, was inspired by “Criança Viada“, a Tumblr page that was hugely popular in Brazil between 2012 and 2014 where internet users were invited to send photos from their own childhood in which they adopted queer gestures.
In the same story, the artist defended her work:
Nós, LGBTs, já fomos crianças. Esse assunto incomoda porque nunca viramos LGBTs, nós sempre fomos. Todos devemos cuidar das crianças, e não reprimir a identidade delas ou seu modo de ser no mundo. Isso é muito grave. Sou totalmente contra a pedofilia e o abuso psicológico de crianças. O objetivo do trabalho é justamente o contrário, é que essas crianças tenham suas existências respeitadas.
We, LGBT people, were children. This fact is difficult for some because we never became LGBT, we always were. Everybody must care for children, and not repress their identity or way of being in the world. This is very serious. I am totally against paedophilia and the psychological abuse of children. The objective of the work is exactly the opposite, it is so that these children have their existences respected.
In interview with Vice Brazil, Queermuseum curator Gaudêncio Fidélis said the Free Brazil Movement (MBL), which has around 2.4 million Facebook followers, played a decisive role in its cancellation:
O MBL e, depois, todas as facções de extrema-direita e radicais conservadores que assumiram essa cruzada contra a exposição, agora ingressam no universo da arte de uma maneira muito precisa e concentrada. Pode virar uma rotina na nossa vida daqui pra frente.
MBL and, then, all the factions of the extreme-right and radical conservatives which are taking on this crusade against the exhibition, now enter the world of art in a very specific and focused way. It could become a routine in our lives from now on.
And in an interview with local news site Sul 21, Fidélis spoke about the unusual character of the cancellation:
É importante lembrar a gravidade do que estamos vivendo. Pela primeira vez, na história da arte brasileira e das exposições de artes visuais, nós temos uma exposição fechada. Nem na época da ditadura, uma exposição com 263 obras de 85 artistas foi fechada.
It is important to remember the seriousness of what we are experiencing. For the first time, in the history of Brazilian art and of exhibitions of fine arts, we have an exhibition closed. Not even in the period of the dictatorship was an exhibition with 263 works by 85 artists closed.
Artist Vitz Vika, who was at the exhibition's inauguration on 15 August, wrote a Facebook post in support of it:
O cancelamento dessa exposição incrível só nos mostra o quão revolucionária ela foi, mesmo em pouco tempo. Essa resistência preconceituosa e conservadora, que vimos nos últimos dias, é a prova dessa nossa sociedade hipócrita e ignorante. Ficaremos mais fortes. Estaremos mais unidos. E continuaremos a nossa batalha por respeito. #ArteLGBT #DesordemeRegresso.
The cancellation of this incredible exhibition #QueerMuseum only show us how revolutionary it was, even if it was short-lived. This prejudiced and conservative resistance, which we saw in recent days, is the proof of this in our hypocritical and ignorant society. It will make us stronger. We will be more united. And we will continue our battle for respect. #LGBTArt #DesordremeRegresso [#DisorderAndRegress, a play on the words “order and progress” on Brazil's flag]
Pablo Ortellado, a professor at the University of São Paulo, stated in a column in the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo:
A direita aproveitou a grande desconexão das artes visuais com o público –que não entende os caminhos do desenvolvimento formal da linguagem– para tirar a obra do seu contexto e transformar uma performance inócua em uma pérfida apologia da pedofilia. (…) Esses atores políticos não são campeões da moralidade da família –eles estão usando a sensibilidade dos brasileiros com o abuso sexual de crianças para fazer uma campanha contra a esquerda, o que abriria espaço para sua agenda oculta de diminuição do Estado e de redução do financiamento de escolas e hospitais.
The right took advantage of the great disconnect of the public from fine art – who do not understand the paths of the formal development of the language – to take the work out of its context and transform an innocuous performance into a deceitful apology of paedophilia. […] These political actors are not champions of family morality – they are using the sensitivity of Brazilians about the sexual abuse of children to make a campaign against the left, which would open space for its hidden agenda of diminishing the state and reducing funding of schools and hospitals.
Artists, curators and gallery owners rallied in front of the Museum of Modern Art (MAM) on 2 October and also published a public letter in support of the exhibition. On social media, others showed solidarity using the hashtag #SomosTodosMAM (#WeAreAllMAM).
In Porto Alegre, LGBT activists also protested against the closing of Queermuseum exhibition, defending it as a way to increase the visibility of gender minorities and respect for diversity. People in favour of the cancellation also protested their side.
In São Paulo, the public prosecutor opened an investigation to find if there had been a violation of the Statute of the Child and the Adolescent (ECA) by the Museum of Modern Art, the artist or the child’s mother. In Porto Alegre, on the other hand, the accusation of paedophilia was rejected by authorities.

author: Fabíola Hauch


text:
In a Polarized Spain, What Does It Mean to Be Spanish? · Global Voices
L. Finch

“+ LOVE” graffitied on a wall in Barcelona in 2009. Photo by Flickr user Almusaiti. CC BY-SA 2.0
“Fracture” is the word of the day in Spain, where the Catalonia region's bid for independence and the Spanish government's response are not only pushing the country into uncharted political territory, but also sowing the seeds of hate.
Many are warning that the crisis is giving rise to an “us versus them” mentality that is dangerously inaccurate in its simplism and uncomfortably familiar for a country that only four decades ago was under a fascist dictatorship.
If you don't support the October 1 independence referendum, which was suspended by Spain's Constitutional Court and deemed illegal by the central government, you must be anti-Catalan. If you don't applaud the actions of the central government, including the police violence against Catalan voters, you must be anti-Spain. Spanish is the only acceptable language, or Catalan is. There is only one Spanish identity, and one Catalan identity. All or nothing.
Messages like these abound. But is the situation truly so binary, and Spain so uniform? Judging by the popularity of one woman's Facebook post about what it means to be Spanish, the answer is no.
In a viral missive, Laura Moreno de Lara describes a Spain that not only celebrates the many distinct cultures, customs and languages contained within, but defines itself by that diversity. A country not of disdain and violence, but of solidarity and love.
Her post was originally published on October 2, and from there was widely shared on WhatsApp. It seems to have resonated deeply with people throughout Spain, attracting more than 324,000 likes and 37,000 comments so far.
Moreno de Lara told news site Verne that she had wanted to “humanize” the concept of being Spanish after seeing so many speak about identity through a political lens. Below is a translation of her message with annotations for those not familiar with Spain:
No cariño, tú no eres español. Ser español no es llevar la bandera, ni gritar como un berraco frases de odio que espero que no sientas. Tampoco lo es ponerse una pulserita en la muñeca, ni cantar el cara al sol. El concepto de ser español es algo totalmente distinto, o al menos lo debería ser, porque a estas alturas de la historia yo ya no sé qué decirte.
Como española que soy, te voy a contar lo que para mí es ser español:
Ser español es arder cuando arde Doñana o temblar cuando tembló Lorca; es sentarte a escuchar historias de meigas en Galicia y llegar a creértelas; es ir a Valencia y no sentir rabia por leer un cartel en valenciano, sino que te agrade poder llegar a entenderlo y es presumir de que las Canarias nada tienen que envidiarle al Caribe.
Sentirse español es sufrir por no haber podido vivir la movida madrileña, enamorarte del mar al oír Mediterráneo de Serrat, es pedirle borracha a tu amiga catalana que te enseñe a bailar sardanas, querer ir a Albacete para comprobar si su feria es mejor que la de Málaga y sorprenderte al ver lo bonita que es Ceuta.
Para mí ser español es presumir de que en Andalucía tenemos playa, nieve y desierto; sentir casi mérito mío que un alicantino esté tan cerca de un Nobel, pedirle a un asturiano que me enseñe a escanciar la sidra y morirme de amor viendo las playas del País Vasco en Juego de Tronos.
También es española la cervecita de las 13.00, el orujo gallego, la siesta, el calimotxo, la paella, la tarta de Santiago, las croquetas de tu abuela y la tortilla de patatas. Lo son las ganas de mostrarle lo mejor de tu ciudad al que viene de fuera y que tú le preguntes por la suya; es hacerte amiga de un vasco y pedirle que te enseñe los números en euskera, por si pronto vuelves a por 2 ó 3 pintxos; es enorgullecerte de ser el país ejemplo a nivel mundial en trasplantes, de formar parte de la tierra de las mil culturas y de ser los del buen humor.
No hay nada más español que se te pongan los vellos de punta con una saeta o con una copla bien cantá, atardecer en las playas de Cádiz, descubrir casi sin querer calas paradisiacas en Mallorca, hacer el camino de Santiago en septiembre maldiciendo el frío o que Salamanca y Segovia te enseñen que no hay que ser grande para ser preciosa.
Así que, acho, picha, miarma, perla, tronco, tete, mi niño… eso es ser español, lo otro es política. Pero si de política quieres impregnar este concepto, también te vuelvo a decir que te equivocas: porque ser español no es desear que le partan la cara a nadie, es sufrir la situación de paro de tu vecino o el desahucio que has visto en la tele; ser español no es oprimir el SÍ o el NO de toda una comunidad autónoma, es indignarte cuando nos llaman gilipollas con cada nuevo caso de corrupción; ser un buen español es querer que en tu país no haya pobreza, ni incultura, ni enfermos atendidos en pasillos del hospital y, joder, querer quedarte aquí para trabajar y aportar todo lo que, durante tanto tiempo, precisamente aquí has aprendido.
Eso es ser español, o al menos, eso espero.
No honey, you're not Spanish. To be Spanish is not to carry the flag, nor is it to furiously shout phrases of hate that I hope you don't feel. Neither is it to wear a bracelet on your wrist, not is it to sing [the fascist hymn] “El Cara al Sol.” The concept of being Spanish is something totally different, or at least it should be, because at this point in history I don't know what to tell you anymore.
Being the Spanish woman that I am, I'm going to tell you what it means to me to be Spanish:
To be Spanish is to burn when the Doñana [National Park] burns [with wildfire] or to shake when Lorca shook [in the 2011 earthquake]; it's to sit and listen to stories of meigas [witches] in Galicia and start to believe them yourself; it's to go to Valencia and not feel anger at reading a sign in Valencian, but gratitude that you were able to make it out; and it's to brag that the Caribbean has nothing on the Canary Islands.
To feel Spanish is to distress over not having been able to live through the Movida Madrileña [countercultural movement], it's to fall in love with the sea when you listen to the song “Mediterranean” by [singer-songwriter Joan Manuel] Serrat, it's to drunkenly ask your Catalan friend to teach you to dance the sardana, it's to want to go to Albacete to see if their local festival is better than Malaga‘s, and it's to be surprised at how beautiful [the Spanish enclave] Ceuta [located in North Africa] is.
To me, to be Spanish is to boast that in Andalusia we have beach, snow and desert; to feel almost as if it's my own achievement that a person from Alicante is so close to receiving the Nobel Prize; to ask an Asturian to show me how to pour cider; and to die of love seeing the beaches of the Basque Country on Game of Thrones.
What's also Spanish is the one o'clock beer, Galician orujo [liquor], the siesta, calimotxo [a mixed drink of red wine and cola, popular in the Basque Country], paella, St. James cake, your grandmother's croquettes and potato omelette. What's Spanish is the desire to show off the best of your city to those who come from elsewhere and to ask them about their own; it's to become friends with a Basque person and ask them to teach you the numbers in Euskera, in case you soon go back for 2 or 3 pintxos [small snacks offered at bars]; it's to feel proud for being the country that leads the world in organ transplants, for being a land of a thousand cultures, and for being considered good-natured.
There is nothing more Spanish than getting goosebumps while listening to a well-sung saeta or copla, staying till dark on the beaches of Cadiz, discovering almost without meaning to the idyllic coves of Mallorca, doing the Camino de Santiago [pilgrimage] in September cursing the cold, or having [the cities of] Salamanca and Segovia show you that you don't have to be big to be beautiful.
So, my acho, picha, miarma, perla, tronco, tete [various regional terms of endearment], my child… that is what it is to be Spanish, the other stuff is politics. But if you want to inject politics into this concept, I will tell you once more that you're mistaken: because to be Spanish isn't to want someone's face smashed in, it's to feel the pain of your neighbor's unemployment or the eviction you saw on TV; to be Spanish is not to press YES or NO on an entire autonomous community, it's to become incensed when they treat us like idiots with each new case of corruption; to be a good Spaniard is to want a country free from poverty and ignorance, where no ill people are attended in hospital hallways and, dammit, it's to want to stay here to work and give back all of which you've learned precisely here during so much time.
That is what it is to be Spanish, or at least, that's what I hope.

author: L. Finch


text:
Authorities Are ‘Whitewashing’ the Devastation and Death Toll in Puerto Rico · Global Voices
Ángel Carrión

A flooded street in San Juan, Puerto Rico after Hurricane Maria. Photo by US Department of Defense, released to public domain.
When Hurricane Maria hit Puerto Rico, it brought the worst storm damage that the Caribbean island and US territory has seen in nearly a century.
For more than two weeks since the storm, Puerto Ricans have faced life-threatening shortages of food, water and fuel. More than 90% of homes are still without electricity, 60% without water, and 75% of telecommunications networks are still inoperable.
Local media outlets in Puerto Rico are finding that while some key statistics — such as overall access to electricity and water — have been reported with relative precision, other information speaking to the devastation on the island has been, as one US Congressman put it, “whitewashed.”
State estimates and local reporting on the death toll also vary vastly.
Facts and figures like these have critical importance in any disaster relief effort. They are essential to understand the situation and make decisions about how to allocate resources towards recovery. They can also be key tool for citizens and media outlets working to hold government entities accountable for their commitments to the public.
Accountability is further complicated by the fact that Puerto Rico, as a US territory, has just one representative in the US Congress, who is not afforded full voting rights. And while congressmen and congresswomen of Puerto Rican origin are standing up on behalf of Puerto Rico, their calls to action are largely being ignored.
The storm's official death toll is among the most important of figures being reported. For several days after the storm, the death toll hovered at 16, according to Puerto Rican state and US federal authorities. But just hours after Donald Trump concluded his press conference in San Juan on October 3, authorities released an updated count of 34.
Local investigations however suggest that the storm's actual death toll may be much higher.
In an interview with Public Safety Secretary Héctor Pesquera, the San Juan-based Center for Investigative Journalism (CPI) learned that at least 200 people died in Puerto Rico from September 20 through 29, a number that well exceeds the normal quantity for such a short period. And this only reflects official records — the lack of electricity has left state agencies having to register these numbers by hand, thus prolonging the process.
In interviews at Hospital Pavía in Arecibo, CPI learned that 49 people had died at that hospital alone in the first two days after the hurricane, during which the hospital had almost no electricity.
Puerto Rico Governor Ricardo Rosello reported on October 3 that 63 of the island's 69 hospitals had re-opened. But what does it mean for a hospital to re-open? State officials explained that this simply means that hospitals are accepting some patients. A roster released by the state government indicates that 29 of 63 the hospitals that are being described as “operational” still do not have electricity.
The US federal government has also shown reluctance to release comprehensive data about the situation. On October 5, users noticed that detailed statistics on water, electricity and other key resource shortages that had been published and routinely updated on the website of the US Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) suddenly disappeared.
Statistics describing the relief effort — mostly “positive” numbers, such as the quantity of hospitals, grocery stores and gas stations that have re-opened — remained online. After multiple media outlets reported on the incident of censorship, the numbers reappeared. But this hasn't quelled public concern that the administration is actively attempting to block the public from knowing what's happening on the island.
In an interview with the Washington Post, Illinois Congressmen Luis Gutierrez, who is of Puerto Rican descent and has visited the island since the hurricane, openly accused the administration of trying to prevent information about the devastation from reaching the public in the continental US.
“They don't want you to know the truth…every story we get is a story of human tragedy. Of life and death and that struggle,” he said.
Gutierrez also explained that the president and administration officials discouraged members of congress from visiting the island. So we went and bought our own airline tickets and went down there.” He continued:
When we came back, we said the same thing that every reporter who's gone down there has said: This is a humanitarian crisis.
Alongside the uneven reporting of storm damage, Donald Trump and his administration have openly sought to control the broader public narrative about Hurricane Maria and its effects. Administration officials have deliberately promoted and encouraged “good” news about the recovery effort, and openly intimidated public officials and media seeking to do otherwise.
A few days prior to Trump's visit, Acting Director of Department of Homeland Security Elaine Duke praised the US government relief effort in Puerto Rico, describing it as “really a good news story.” This drew quick criticism from San Juan mayor Carmen Yulín Cruz, who described the devastation as a “people-are-dying story”. Trump almost instantly lashed out at the mayor on Twitter, accusing her of “poor leadership” and charging that she had been told by democrats to be “nasty” to him.
Beyond his attacks on Yulín Cruz, Trump's Puerto Rico-related tweets focused on two ideas — the “successful” (in his words) relief efforts of first responders and the US government agency FEMA, and the specter of “fake” media coverage of the devastation.
When Trump accused media networks of “taking away the spirit” from soldiers and first responders, MSNBC's Ali Velshi was first to reply, accusing Trump of “whitewashing” the story:
We are working overtime to tell the REAL Story, @realDonaldTrump that you have whitewashed https://t.co/fKENQNQ95l https://t.co/fKENQNQ95l
— Ali Velshi (@AliVelshi) September 30, 2017
When Trump urged Puerto Ricans not to “believe the fake news”, one user replied, “They’re frantically searching for clean drinking water, not checking their Twitter!”
A Puerto Rican woman living in the continental US responded by describing the desperation that her own mother is facing:
My mother finally got through to me today. She's running out of food and describes her surroundings as a war zone. That's the real news!
— Wendy Lawner (@LawnerWendy) October 1, 2017

author: Ángel Carrión


text:
Beyond the ‘Yes’ and ‘No’ of Catalonia’s Independence Referendum · Global Voices
Elisa Marvena

A woman rebukes the National Police during the Catalan referendum, on October 1st 2017. Photo by Vicens Forner Puig, with with permission.
With hashtags like #votarem (“we will vote”), citizens with the right to vote in Catalonia, a region in northeast Spain, published their photos and stories on social media while they participated in a controversial referendum on independence. The vote on 1 October was deemed illegal by the central government in Madrid, which considers it unconstitutional.
Catalonia's current independence process started in 2012, when the Catalan Parliament resolved to request authorisation from the government in Madrid to hold a referendum on self-determination. Despite Madrid's continuous rejection, supported by the country's Constitutional Court, the Catalan government unilaterally decided to call a non-binding consultation in 2014, and, finally, the referendum on 1 October.
While public TV channels and other mass media outlets were criticised for their coverage of events, every minute of election day could be followed on social media, which was filled with excited testimonies, people who spent the night outside the polling booths to prevent them being shut down, or videos of long queues and people waiting for hours to vote.
Images of elderly people entering or leaving the voting booths amid applause from their neighbours were particularly popular. Their key role throughout the process led to slogans such as “sense les àvies no hi ha revolució” (“without grandmothers there is no revolution”) or “nuestros abuelos no se tocan” (“hands off our grandparents”).
En moments de tanta repressió, hi ha determinacions que alleugeren #Votarem#Santspic.twitter.com/Six1QMZBJR
— Gemma Garcia (@gemma_g_fabrega) October 1, 2017
In moments of so much repression, determination like this is a relief.
The violent actions of the state's security forces were without a doubt one of the most debated subjects, from videos of buses full of police leaving from Cordoba, on the other side of the country, to images of Basque firemen who traveled to join Catalan firemen in defending the polls. The debate over if the repression was justified, and whether the referendum was illegal, was a fiery one.
Catalans were not the only people reacting to violence with indignation. For example, in a viral tweet, Patricia Horrillo, an activist and journalist in Madrid, argued that criticism of police repression should be independent of personal political views:
Puedes no estar de acuerdo con el independentismo, pero si ves las imágenes de la represión policial de hoy y no te escandalizas, míratelo.
— Patricia Horrillo (@PatriHorrillo) October 1, 2017
You may not agree with the independence movement, but if you see today's images of police repression and are not outraged, look again.
This reaction to the brutality could also be seen on the streets, where protests were called in solidarity with the Catalan people in different parts of the country, such as Madrid, Seville or Granada.
Empieza la concentración en apoyo a #Cataluña en la Puerta del Sol pic.twitter.com/wdlQQFdede
— La Marea (@lamarea_com) October 1, 2017
The rally in support of #Catalonia at the Puerta del Sol is starting.
Beyond the referendum results and the tension around the country's fate, social media circulated some conciliatory anecdotes, like the viral photos and videos of people going to vote dressed in the Spanish flag, the flag of the Second Spanish Republic (which came to an end in 1939; Spain is currently a constitutional monarchy), or the shirt of the national football team. These moments of solidarity across political divides were repeated during the strike called two days later to protest police repression.
Así hacemos aquí la revolución. Que no os engañen los medios. #3Oct#VagaGeneral3Opic.twitter.com/uSL3862R9f
— Queer Punk Riot (@QueerPunkRiot) October 3, 2017
This is how we do revolution here. Don't let the media fool you.
Many citizens decided not to participate in the vote, as they considered it illegitimate or pointless. However, after witnessing the images of repression, many others who had not intended to vote expressed their determination to do so as a gesture of protest and joined the strike in solidarity.
Este gesto no necesita de explicaciones. Este es el buen camino. pic.twitter.com/zKtZhOXkmv
— José García Molina (@josegarmolina) October 3, 2017
Image text: I don't want independence, but I can't stay home while my people are beaten!
Tweet: This gesture needs no explanation. This is the way.
Thus, some of the voters who said “no” to independence explained on social media their decision to participate in the referendum as an exercise in defending what they still consider a democratic right. For example, in the video below by Euronews, a protester who voted “NO” explains his reasons for going to the strike:
Un manifestante que votó “NO” en el #CatalanReferendum explica los motivos por los que ha ido a la huelga @fenixenflames#VagaGeneral3Opic.twitter.com/SvBY2wKR6u
— euronews español (@euronewses) October 3, 2017
Protester: I think that in a democracy we all have to vote, and no matter what our opinion is we must show it. I'm also here to protest against the violence inflicted on my people, the Catalan people. It's completely disproportionate, for people who only wanted to voice their opinion.
Videographer: Where are you from?
Protester: I'm from Esplugues. Esplugues in Llobregat.
Videographer: Are you pro-independence?
Protester: No.
Videographer: What have you got there? Which flag is that you've got there?
Protester: Ah, this is the Spanish republican flag.
Videographer: Did you vote in the referendum?
Protester: I voted.
Videographer: What did you vote?
Protester: I voted “no”. I voted “no”. I stayed until the poll closed to stop them from taking the ballots.
The referendum also brought to light certain contradictions for some citizens who did not feel included in the process from the start, or who did not have the privilege of participating in it. In an article in the newspaper El Salto, feminist activist Ana Burgos, who is from the region of Andalusia but lives in Catalonia, wondered, “What is an Andalusian doing defending anything here, with all the Andalusphobic rubbish that I put up with every day”:
Durante el inicio y desarrollo del procés nunca me sentí interpelada: un liderazgo convergente que poco tenía que ver conmigo en una sociedad –como tantas otras– profundamente clasista, racista y patriarcal cuyo proyecto político nacional, poco autocrítico, no me representaba. (…)
Entonces, las ofensas al pueblo por parte de Rajoy [el presidente] y sus secuaces nos hicieron salir a defender un proceso del que desconfiábamos y unas instituciones en las que no creíamos, o al menos problematizábamos, muchas de nosotras. (…) Y es que más bien nos estábamos echando a las calles a defender a nuestras hermanas y vecinas, a un pueblo al que le está cayendo la del pulpo.
From the start of the process and throughout its development, I never felt included: a convergent leadership that had little to do with me in a society that is – like so many others – profoundly classist, racist and patriarchal, and whose national political project, with very little self-criticism, did not represent me. […]
So, the offenses against the people committed by [Spanish President Mariano] Rajoy and his followers drove us to take to the streets to defend a process that we did not trust and institutions that we did not believe in, or at least that many of us saw as problematic. […] And the thing is we were really taking to the streets to defend our sisters and neighbours, a people who were getting a beating.
Another of the criticisms and contradictions that was highlighted made reference to the hundreds of thousands of migrants residing in Catalonia, but who do not have citizenship, and therefore were excluded from participating in the referendum. One activist commented in a Facebook post that has since become unavailable:
Ella: ¿Iras a votar el domingo?
Yo : No, no tengo el derecho a voto
Ella: Y si lo tienes, irías a votar?
Yo : No Tengo el derecho a voto
Ella: Si, Si, entiendo. Pero en el caso que tengas, irías a votar?
Yo : No tengo el derecho a voto
Ella: Enserio… ¿Irías a votar?
Yo : Iré a vomitar porque votar no puedo.
Her: Will you vote on Sunday?
Me: I don't have the right to vote.
Her: And if you had it, would you vote?
Me: I don't have the right to vote.
Her: Yes, yes, I understand. But if you had it, would you go and vote?
Me: I don't have the right to vote.
Her: Seriously… would you go and vote?
Me: I'll go and vomit because I can't vote.
Fàtima Aatar, an anthropologist and activist, reflected on the non-inclusion of foreign residents in the vote for the magazine La Directa:
…com és possible que en un exercici de desobediència política, jurídica i social no s’hagi desobeït en aquesta qüestió concreta? Per què s’ha escollit heretar la Llei d’estrangeria espanyola tenint en compte que és de les qüestions més característiques del règim? Desobediència? Quan i per a qui?
…how is it possible that in an act of political, legal and social disobedience, there was no disobedience on this specific issue? Why did they choose to inherit Spain's immigration law considering that it is one of the most characteristic issues of the regime? Disobedience? When and for whom?
Drawing parallels between the physical and administrative violence exercised by the Spanish state against migrants and the repression during the referendum, Moha Gereou, a journalist and activist based in Madrid, commented:
Si no eres de España pero quieres formar parte recibes violencia.
Si eres de España pero no quieres formar parte recibes violencia. #1Oct
— Moha Gerehou (@mohagerehou) October 1, 2017
If you are not from Spain but you want to be part of it you are met with violence.
If you are from Spain but you do not want to be part of it you are met with violence.
A lot is yet to come in the next weeks and months. It is difficult to predict what might happen, but it is clear that Spain and Catalonia are facing one of the most complex and decisive processes of their recent democratic history, and the way in which the institutions respond will mark the future of the state, of the peoples who make it up, and above all, of ordinary citizens.

author: Elisa Marvena


text:
Burundian Refugees Face a Difficult Choice: Stay in Overburdened Camps or Return to Uncertainty · Global Voices
Liam Anderson

Mahama Refugee camp in Kirke district, Eastern Rwanda, housing over 53,000 Burundian refugees. 29/08/2017. Credit: Alan Whelan/Trócaire. IMG_5459
On 7 September a convoy of 301 refugees from Nduta camp in Tanzania drove back into Burundi, with more Burundians following days after. Overall, 12,000 are registered to voluntarily return this year. While not the first returnees, the number is large; and their journey back is organized by Burundi and Tanzania’s governments and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
However, the crisis, sparked by 2015 election turmoil, that led so many Burundians to flee is far from resolved. While some refugees, impatient with waiting to return, held sit-ins in Tanzania to demand the process be sped up, many others fear going back.
The UNHCR still has over 400,000 refugees registered, with 240,000 in Tanzania alone. The camps also often see new arrivals. Local journalist collective SOS Médias Burundi reported 180 new refugees arriving at Nduta on 15 September; three of them had just returned to Burundi, but came back.
The government has called on refugees to return, saying the country is now secure. Tanzania's president has similarly encouraged repatriation. Burundian officials claim UN figures are inaccurate, even manipulated, and that over 150,000 have returned. They have even accused UNHCR of preventing Burundians from coming back.
#Burundi “The figure of 400,000 Burundian refugees given by the UN Refugee Agency is fanciful”, Philippe Nzobonariba https://t.co/28mFxLJbUB
— IWACU Burundi (@iwacuinfo) 13 septembre 2017
Refugees left Burundi for different reasons, and so will consider returning for different reasons, including political reconciliation, accountability, and basic goods accessibility. Amnesty International reported, though, many feeling pressured into returning.
Refugee camp life is difficult; resources and space are tight, and insecurity is a problem. In Nduta camp rations were substantially cut this year – reduced four times in six months. Refugees protested malnutrition, sparking some violence, and some even suspected it was meant to pressure them to return. The UNHCR called for more funding urgently, stating only 6% of the target met by September.
Marc Ntukamazina, who originally fled Burundi because of insecurity and whose house was burned down, has since returned. He told SOS Médias Burundi:
La vie en Tanzanie n'est pas aussi facile. J'espère qu'aujourd'hui je pourrais avoir la tranquillité plus qu'avant
Life in Tanzania is not very easy. I hope today that I can have more peace than before
In Sud-Kivu, DRC, 39 Burundians and a soldier died in confrontations on 15 September with security forces – civilians protesting against returning to Burundi according to witnesses and UN, an attack according to officials.
Back in Burundi, the economic strife which many fled continues , largely caused by political insecurity, reportedly facing food insecurity, falling investment, high unemployment, electricity and recurrent fuel shortages, and controversial charges and “contributions”. Journalist Esdras Ndikumana, who left his country after being badly beaten in detention in 2015, tweeted:
Burundi: le Gvt et des pétroliers assurent que “pas de pbms de stock”.Mais dnas ce cas, comment expliquer cette pénurie d'essence en cours? https://t.co/UfFr26QDA8
— esdras ndikumana (@rutwesdras) 12 septembre 2017
The government and petrol suppliers assure that “there are no stock problems”. But in this case, how to explain the current petrol shortage?
Political insecurity endures. Various reports accuse the government of authoritarianism and systematic rights abuses, which it rejects. In August 2017, the International Refugee Rights Initiative, based on refugee interviews in Uganda, criticized violence against opponents. And in July, the International Federation for Human Rights recorded over 1,200 dead since 2015, and warned of creeping dictatorship restricting free expression.
Critical NGOs and media continue facing closure, court cases, or harassment. Political opponent Léopold Habarugira was kidnapped in plain daylight on 12 September and many others remain in exile. Some parties were suspended for alleged financial irregularities. Notably, Interior Minister Pascal Barandagiye requested in August that the courts dissolve major opposition party MSD.
The UN Commission of Inquiry’s (UNCOI) has called for a full International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation, a demand echoed by Burundian NGOs and opposition, but not the African Union. In 2016, though, Burundi unprecedentedly withdrew from ICC, effective 27 October, which complicates opening investigations.
UNCOI President Ouguergouz said there was a “climate of fear” even following refugees into exile, and not adequate conditions for returning. Political violence has become more clandestine but still systematic, with reported disappearances, torture, and arbitrary arrests.
Ministers vigorously reject this characterization, and the National Assembly vowed to investigate it, while Presidential Communications-Counsellor Willy Nyamitwe denounced it as a Western plot. Anti-UN protests were organized, although SOS Médias Burundi reported some were pressured to attend.
Burundi: 1 manif de femmes pro-pouvoir demande au gvt de traduire en justice les membres commission d'enquête ONU pic.twitter.com/2MgRUwokUi
— esdras ndikumana (@rutwesdras) 9 septembre 2017
Burundi: A demonstration of pro-government women asks the government to take the members of the UN Commission of Inquiry to court
Hopes for dialogue between the fragmented “radical” opposition and the government, which has consolidated its control, to resolve divisions are strained. The regionally mediated dialogue has stalled, and mediator Benjamin Mkapa has criticized the participants’ engagement. Meanwhile, UN special envoy Michel Kafando faces the difficulties of Bujumbura’s tense relations with UN and EU, and international divisions on the issue.
The government has pushed ahead with controversial constitutional changes which would allow President Nkurunziza another term. It also called for public contributions to finance the 2020 elections and avoid dependence on donors, which withdrew shortly before 2015 elections due to political violence. Displays of support by Imbonerakure – the ruling party youth-wing, accused of violence and belonging to a presidentially controlled parallel security structure – seemingly strengthen the president’s position.
Many who originally fled opposed precisely this – extending the president’s tenure beyond the two-term limit, seen as moving away from post-war peacebuilding power-sharing arrangements and towards a one-party state.
These core problems of political and economic insecurity remain unresolved, leaving many refugees facing difficult choices over risks of returning to Burundi or remaining in camps.

author: Liam Anderson


text:
Hong Kong Anti-Communist Magazines Cease Publication After Four Decades · Global Voices
Hong Kong Free Press

Last issue of Cheng Ming and The Trend. Image from HKFP.
This post was written by Kris Cheng and originally published in Hong Kong Free Press on October 3, 2017. The version below is published on Global Voices under a partnership agreement.
Hong Kong-based anti-Communist magazine Cheng Ming has announced that it will cease publication after 40 years in print. Its sister magazine The Trend will also disappear from the shelves. While the decision was related to the recent death of the founder of the two titles, many have commented that the disappearance of magazines critical of the Chinese Communist Party over the past few years signifies the end of Hong Kong's free press.
The Cheng Ming monthly was launched on November 1, 1977, whilst The Trend began publishing a year later. The pair released a final joint issue on October 1 that allowed staff members from both magazines to bid farewell to readers.
While the reason for the closure was not stated clearly, the letter thanked readers for their support over the last 40 years:
Over the past 40 years, the two magazines provided a freedom of speech platform to call for democracy, human rights, freedom, and to criticise dictatorship and corruption – we have witnessed history together…The two magazines are fortunate to bear the dream and mission of a generation, leaving behind our footsteps, to make humble contributions with our very limited resources and capability.
The founder ad publisher of the two magazines, Wen Hui, was born in Guangzhou, China, in 1921 and moved to Hong Kong in the 1940s. He joined the Chinese Communist Party’s underground news agencies in Hong Kong, before being transferred to the Wen Wei Po newspaper. But he was turned away from the party after the Cultural Revolution.
The two titles were criticised by the party as “counter-revolutionary,” after an article written by Wen in 1982 criticised Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping. Wen left Hong Kong for the US in 1997.
Gao Yu, a veteran journalist in mainland China provided a comprehensive insight into Wen's emergence as a de facto dissident publisher on Twitter:
【告别温晖先生！告别《争鸣》】文革結束第二年，香港與中共有千絲萬縷聯系的老報人在統戰部、僑辦、港辦默許之下成立了一批雜志社，為中國擺脫毛思想的禁锢鼓與呼。1979年3月30日，鄧小平在理論工作務虛會上提出了《四項基本原則》，遭到香港這批左傾雜志的公開批評，高壓之下，有的被迫做了公開檢討，唯有溫晖先生宣布要與《四項基本原則》鬥爭到底，他主辦的《爭鳴》雜志從此就被打成反動雜志。80年代我在中新社，親眼目睹整部宣傳機器對《爭鳴》的打壓，但是《爭鳴》越戰越勇創下月銷8萬本的戰績。銅鑼灣事件，使得香港出版業遭到重創，藍金黄之下的香港傳媒已無自由的空間，世界新聞中心名實俱亡。選擇十九大前的十月一日出版《爭鳴》《動向》最後一期合刊，發表“難說再見”的停刊詞，是因為96歲高齡的溫晖先生辭世。向一生铮铮鐵骨的老前輩致敬！他58歲時講的“與四項基本原則鬥爭到底”，會播之萬古。
[Farewell to Mr. Wen Hui. Farewell to Cheng Ming] After the end of the Cultural Revolution, in the second year, a group of old publishers who had many links with the Chinese Communist Party established a number of press houses with the consent of the United Front Work Department, Overseas Chinese Affairs Office and Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office. They played a role liberating people's thought from Maoist influences.
However, on March 30, 1979, Deng Xiaoping put forward the idea of “Four Cardinal Principles” [The four principles are: uphold socialist path, dictatorship of the proletariat, leadership of the Communist Party and Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought] in the party theory working group meeting. The group of magazines responded with open criticisms. Under huge political pressure, some publishers had to revise their stand openly. Wen Hui remained the only one devoted to the struggle against the “Four Cardinal Principles“. His magazine, Cheng Ming was henceforth labelled as a “counter-revolutionary” publication. I was working for China News and witnessed how the propaganda machine suppressed Cheng Ming. But Cheng Ming's distribution was getting better and better. It managed to sell 80,000 copies per issue.
The disappearance of booksellers in Hong Kong [in 2015] struck Hong Kong's publishing sector hard. Moreover, under the Blue/Gold/Yellow Operations [According to Guo Wengui, an exiled Chinese billionaire who claimed to have worked for China's spy network, these operations are designed to exercise control over the business and political sector in overseas Chinese communities], Hong Kong no longer has press freedom, and is no longer a global press center. The timing of the publication of the last issue of Cheng Ming and The Trend right before the 19th CCP National Congress on October 1 […] is related to the passing away of 96-year-old Wen Hui. Here we should salute the old man who held firm to his belief all his life. His speech about struggle with the Four Cardinal Principles till the end of his life will be remembered in history.
Citing unnamed sources, Oriental Daily reported that the closure was related to the death of Wen, who passed away aged 96 in New York recently. His family reportedly did not want to carry on publishing the titles, which had been losing money.
However, there are many like Gao Yu, who believe that the closure is symbolic of the end of free press in Hong Kong. For example, @Moli, an overseas Chinese writer who had contributed to a number of anti-CCP magazines in Hong Kong exclaimed on Twitter:
我长期写稿的三家香港杂志——开放、动向、争鸣，全都停刊。我想写点什么，却无话可说。时代如此，我又能说什么？ https://t.co/n578xskJ4Z
— 瑞典茉莉 (@SwedenMoli2017) October 3, 2017
The three magazines which I had been contributing to for a long time, Open Magazine [ceased to operated in December 2014] , the Trend and Cheng Ming, all have ceased to operate. I wanted to write something but found myself speechless. In an era like this, what can I say?

author: Hong Kong Free Press


text:
ICAN, Australia’s Homegrown Anti-Nuclear Nobel Peace Prize Winner, is a Big Surprise · Global Voices
Kevin Rennie

ICAN campaigners protest outside Australia's permanent mission to the UN at Geneva 12 May 2016 – Courtesy ICAN Flickr account (CC BY 2.0)
Awarding the 2017 Nobel Peace Prize to ICAN, the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, surprised many, including Australians unaware of ICAN's work or humble origins in Melbourne in 2007. Critics also noted that Australia itself hasn't yet signed the test-ban treaty pushed by ICAN.
The Norwegian-based Nobel committee chose ICAN “for its work to draw attention to the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons and for its ground-breaking efforts to achieve a treaty-based prohibition of such weapons.”
ICAN's win received a positive response in general on social media:
Great work @nuclearban! And it all started in Melbourne! “Nobel Peace Prize Goes to Group Opposing Nuclear Weapons”: https://t.co/JvQKawBABW
— Alex (@AlexEdneyBrowne) October 6, 2017
New Zealand neighbors were happy to take some of the credit:
Kia ora James! @nuclearban & @NZGreens share: belief a better world is possible; vision to describe it; determination to make it happen ?✊? https://t.co/Qgxo8gSRYG
— Thomas Nash (@nashthomas) October 6, 2017
The online Australian newspaper The New Daily was quick to explain the role of ICAN's anti-nuclear campaign @nuclearban in the adoption of the United Nations Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in July this year:
How Melbourne anti-nuclear campaign ICAN @nuclearban won the Nobel Peace Prize: https://t.co/Unetl4aQ2W pic.twitter.com/SOjNQ3fxop
— The New Daily (@TheNewDailyAu) October 8, 2017
ICAN had campaigned tirelessly for a treaty, especially at the UN Open-Ended Working Group in Geneva after its formation in 2015.
However, some saw ICAN's win as tokenistic:
They threw alot of expensive parties, and people with no power to do anything signed some papers …. and not a single nuke was “abolished”
— Phoenix Wingman (@Phoenix_Wingman) October 6, 2017
Although 122 nations voted for the treaty, none of the nuclear weapons states were among them. The Australian government will not sign the treaty despite pressure to do so. Paul Barratt, a former top Australian public servant, tweeted:
Aussie born group wins Nobel peace prize. Congratulations to Ican, big fail Australian Government. https://t.co/GrVtttBL0A
— Paul Barratt (@phbarratt) October 6, 2017
Australian activist John Englart echoed these sentiments:
The work of @nuclearban has come along way in ten years, but Australia still refuses to sign test ban treaty. Our #Shame #Auspol https://t.co/DLuO4ojrmM
— John Englart EAM (@takvera) October 8, 2017
Australia delegates to the disarmament negotiations have been accused of being “weasels.” Guardian Australia cartoonist First Dog on the Moon took up this idea after the Nobel Prize announcement:
They give Nobel prizes to weasels now? No they do not. BUT WHAT IF THEY DID? https://t.co/cOM5XOa9kr
— F Onthemoon (@firstdogonmoon) October 9, 2017
Some down under even called for a ‘reality check':
What have they done exactly? North Korea and soon Iran with Nukes, ICAN has failed surely! Can we get Obama's back when Iran starts testing?
— Strayan Drongo (@StrayanDrongo) October 6, 2017
State Premier Daniel Andrews of Victoria, in which Melbourne is the capital city, took to Facebook to promote ICAN's achievement:
An incredible thing happened to a Victorian-founded organisation on the weekend. It won the Nobel Peace Prize – and it hasn't got nearly enough the attention it deserves. Please fix that. Tag and share. Let everyone know what we're capable of in this daring, progressive little state at the bottom of the world.
But citizens like Cathy Micich rebuked: “So what role did Daniel Andrews play? Oh, that's right, jump on the bandwagon.”
Medact, a United Kingdom-based ICAN partner, reminds the world that ICAN has a long way to go in achieving its objective to ban all nuclear weapons:
Thrilled to be part of the global coalition winning #NobelPeacePrize. Time for UK to sign the #nuclearban treaty and scrap #trident@ICAN_UKpic.twitter.com/4n0z13bbQb
— Medact (@Medact) October 6, 2017
ICAN concurs. Though it was founded in Melbourne, it shifted its global headquarters to Geneva, Switzerland since 2011 to be in close proximity to where the United Nations coordinates its disarmament talks.

author: Kevin Rennie


text:
After Disqualification, Ex-Miss World Bangladesh Reveals She Is a Child Marriage Survivor · Global Voices
পান্থ রহমান রেজা (Pantha)

Jannatul Nayeem Avril is a model and biker. Screenshot via YouTube video uploaded by Cox'sbazar Riderz Club
A beauty queen in Bangladesh who was dethroned for hiding the fact that she was divorced is winning praise and sympathy after revealing she was under the legal age of marriage during the wedding in question.
Jannatul Nayeem Avril , a model and biker, was crowned the 2017 Lovello Miss World Bangladesh on September 29. She was supposed to represent the country in the 67th Miss World beauty pageant to be held in late 2017, but on October 4, the organizers stripped Avril of the title for concealing information about her past marriage. The first runner-up Jessia Islam was handed the crown instead.
The controversy started during the September 29 competition evening when another participant was announced as winner instead of Avril, in disregard of the judges’ decision. Later in the event, Avril was declared the winner, and the previous declaration was called a mistake.
Social media erupted, with users claiming that the organizers manipulated the selection. The situation took another turn when an investigative news report revealed that Avril had been married for three months in 2013 and is now divorced, which she had not disclosed. Her attempts to conceal the truth, and not the sheer fact that she is divorced, were what led pageant authorities to disqualify her.
Then in a Facebook post,  published perhaps suitably, only a week before the world marked International Day of the Girl Child, Avril explained that the divorce stemmed from a match arranged by her parents and one that was not legal as she was only 16 at the time. She said she was the one to break off the marriage, and then she went on to establish herself as a model.
UNICEF defines child marriage as “a formal marriage or informal union before age 18.” Among Asian countries, Bangladesh has one of the highest rates of marriage under the legal age, which is 18 for girls and 21 for boys. In many cases, the weddings are arranged by parents in which the girl child has little to say.
In this context and considering Bangladesh's conservative society, many deemed Avril's actions to be brave. Abul Hasnat Milton, a Bangladeshi expat writer based in Australia, wrote on Facebook:
[…] আমি শুধু এভ্রিলকে একটা বাহবা দিতে চাই তার সাহসের জন্য। মাত্র ষোল বছর বয়সে তাকে ‘বাল্যবিবাহের’ শিকার হতে হয়েছিল। তরুণী তার প্রতিবাদে সেই বয়সেই ঘর ছেড়েছে। শুধু তাই নয়, নানান প্রতিকূলতার বিরূদ্ধে দাঁড়িয়ে নিজেকে গড়েছে। আত্মবিশ্বাসী, সাহসী একটা মেয়ে বাইকে চড়ে শহরময় ঘুরে বেড়াচ্ছে, দৃশ্যটির কথা ভাবতেই আমি মুগ্ধ হই।
আপনাকে অভিবাদন এভ্রিল।
[…] I just want to give kudos to Avril for her courage and bravery. She is a victim of ‘child marriage’. But the young women protested that and left her marriage. She fought against many odds and overcame many challenges to prepare herself as a successful woman. A confident and brave girl riding her bike in Dhaka city is a great thing to watch.
Many congratulations Avril.
Blogger and activist Ajanta Deb Roy also lauded Avril's courage:
তার জীবনে ঘটে যাওয়া বাল্যবিয়ে নামক একটা দুর্ঘটনার কারণে ‘মিস ওয়ার্ল্ড বাংলাদেশ’ প্রতিযোগিতায় যোগ দেয়ার তথাকথিত যোগ্যতা হয়তো সে হারিয়েছে কিন্তু আমার চোখে মেয়েটার সাহস আর আত্মবিশ্বাসই তার সবচাইতে বড় সৌন্দর্য্য।
She may be disqualified from the “Miss World Bangladesh” competition because of her accidental past marriage, but in my eyes, her courage and confidence is the real beauty.
Many commenters, however, criticized Avril for hiding the information about her marriage. University student Tasdidul Haque did not agree with Avril's choice to conceal her past, but condemned the trolling directed at her:
আচ্ছা বিয়ের ব্যাপার টা লুকায় সে ভুল করছে আপনি তার ডিস্কোয়ালিফিকেশন দাবি করতেই পারেন কিন্তু তার ছবি আপ্লোডাইয়া রসায় রসায় ক্যাপশন দেওয়াটা লেমনেস। একটা ১৬বছরের মেয়েকে এসএসসির সময়ে ইলিগ্যালি জোর করে বাল্য বিয়ে দেয়ে হলো সে সেই বিয়ে থেকে নিজেকে মুক্ত করে পরিবারের কোনো সাপোর্ট ছাড়াই এই স্টেজ অব্দি পৌছুছে, দেশ সেরা লেডী বাইকার সে, এসব আপ্নদের চোখে পড়েনা?
She made a mistake by hiding the information about her past marriage. So you can criticize her. But trolling her with distorted images or memes is lame. You seem to have been blind to the facts that she was a victim of a child marriage and became a successful model and a biker without any support from the family.
Actress Jyotika Jyoti defended Avril characterization of herself as “unmarried”:
এভ্রিল দাবী করছে সে অবিবাহিত, আমি তার দাবীর সাথে একমত। একটা বিয়ের ছবি কিংবা জোর করে দেয়া বিয়ের টিকে থাকা ১৫ দিন দিয়ে একজনের ঘাড়ে বিবাহিত দায় চাপানো যায়না ।
Avril commented that “she is unmarried”, I agree with her. A forced marriage or the wedding pictures do not prove that she was married with consent.
Avril came from a rural area, but has become a successful model and a brand ambassador for an international motorbike company. Educator Rasheda Rawnak Khan called it an inspirational story:
অবাক হয়ে লক্ষ্য করলাম, তার দুচোখ ভরা স্বপ্ন! হাজারও উচ্চশিক্ষিত মেয়ের ভেতরে যে স্বপ্ন দেখার সাহস নেই, এই ‘সুন্দরী’ হতে আসা মেয়েটির ভেতরে তা আছে|
I was surprised to see that she had eyes full of dreams. Many educated and privileged women do not dare to dream out of the box. This aspiring beauty pageant winner had that resolve.
After the news of the disqualification, Avril commented on a Facebook Live post that she will work against child marriage:
আমি আপনাদের এভ্রিল, আপনাদের চোখে চ্যাম্পিয়ন ছিলাম, চ্যাম্পিয়ন আছি এবং আপনাদের ভালোবাসায় থাকবো।
যতদিন পর্যন্ত বেঁচে আছি, বাল্যবিবাহ নিয়ে আমি কাজ করবো, যাতে আর কোন মেয়ের স্বপ্ন না ভাঙ্গে।
I am your Avril, was a champion in your eyes, will be the champion with your love. I will work to prevent child marriage, all my life, so no other girls’ dreams are shattered.
She already founded a charity called Avril Foundation for this reason.
Good girls sit, bad bitches ride! ?? #video #instavid #instagramvideo #votd #vid #instavideo #videogram #videooftheday #instavideo #bestvideooftheday #igvideo #igvid
A post shared by Avril !! (@jannatul_nayeem) on
The Miss World 2017 beauty pageant will take place in November 2017 in China. Jessia Islam will represent Bangladesh.

author: পান্থ রহমান রেজা (Pantha)