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Venezuela: The Horror Beyond the Door · Global Voices
Aglaia Berlutti

Illustration by Leonardo González. Used with permission.
This post is the fifth of a series originally published by the author on Medium. Click on the links to read the first , second, third and fourth installments.
I heard the first explosion early that day. It was just after 10am that the National Guard tossed the first tear gas bomb on my street. I peeped out of the window and saw the rapidly rising spiral of dense white smoke. On one corner a small group of protestors had thrown themselves to the ground while another group screamed and fled in the opposite direction to the racket caused by the explosion.
“They started early!” my neighbour yelled from the adjacent window.
I watched the people running along the street. Officers wearing helmets and protective vests chased them, their firearms raised. The figures disappeared amongst the thick clouds of toxic gas. My skin began stinging, my throat closing up. I quickly closed the window. Another explosion went off, so close this time that it rattled the windows. When I looked for my neighbour’s terrace, I couldn't make it out. The toxic cloud of white smoke advances with frightening speed, engulfs everything, contaminates every possible nook and cranny.
I still didn’t understand the motive behind the attack. Is there a reason for this excessive force? The mere thought fills me with sorrow. Of course, there is no reason. There never has been. In Venezuela, you’re a criminal for simply expressing your opinion.
The protesters continued along the next street, chanting and brandishing banners. A sizeable group. A diverse crowd, enthusiastic and optimistic. The violence cut their march short, reminded them of their boundaries, of the power of aggression and repression. Our crime is exercising a basic right, the mere idea of citizenship.
Another explosion. This time I couldn’t pinpoint where it came from or what it was. Gas? Grenade? The distinction hardly matters in Venezuela. I stood in my studio and through the glass I observed the city that had become a blur, flickering between brilliant yellow and increasingly dense amber. Shivers went down my spine, an ice-cold jolt that made me shudder, my eyes opening wide. The first explosion triggered two or three in rapid succession. The street was cloaked in dark smoke. A group of pedestrians ran to the next street and split into two. I heard their shouts, their insults. Later, I simply heard their fear.
I rushed to seal the windows with clumsy hands. A strip of newspaper. For another, only bits of adhesive paper. Nobody prepares you for this fear, for this feeling of hopelessness, for the horror of being held hostage to violence in your own home. When I began to cough, half choking and half shaking, everything became surreal, difficult to take in. I ran inside my apartment, trapped by toxic smoke. It was unbearable—the smoke was everywhere.
I had just turned 18 years old the first time I protested against Hugo Chávez’s government. I took to the streets with a banner and all the conviction I could muster. I had a real sense of purpose; I demonstrated my opinion a precise and righteous way. Curled up in my room now, trying to breathe over the foul smell and the unbearable stinging, I remember the rare courage that compelled me to go out, my sights fixed, with the unforgettable feeling that the country depended on my efforts, on my willpower, on the need to oppose this plague of authoritarianism that permeated the country’s unstable democracy. This simple, broken image makes me cry. That idea of having lost something irreplaceable.
The explosions become more frequent, closer. I listen, trying to remain calm. People hurl insults, yell in anger. The commotion on the street is followed by a long, crushing silence. The air begins to clear slightly and my skin stop burning. But I remain curled up on the floor, my hands pressed so tightly to the ground that a throbbing pain washes over them, my knuckles and wrists white. I can't stop picturing those who were fleeing. Those who cried out in fear, stifled and overwhelmed by the surge of violence, devastated by the power disguised as oppression.
Every dull, lingering, dry explosion seems to open the door to more pain, a new gateway to disaster. Fear hardens you for survival, for control. In the midst of all the confusion I ask myself how you carry on when you know, without a shadow of a doubt, that there is no escape. When, in a country destroyed by chaos, indifference and political ambition, violence is everywhere.
I try to work while the explosions continue. Even three hours later you can still hear them, the unstoppable echo of violence. The street is empty and I can't understand why the explosions were still happening, why they continued to attack when their efforts at repression have clearly been successful. But there is no answer, and I suppose there won't be one. The lingering drumbeat of bombs sound like some sort of impossibly large grapeshot, the metallic sound blending with the dry blast of the explosion. A white cloud of smoke envelops everything, the unbearable stench of violence that wafts relentlessly through the streets, drowning everything, concealing the savage and omnipresent violence.
Somebody is shouting, I say to myself, trying to concentrate on the task I was doing. Can you hear it? Somebody is shouting. Somebody is screaming at the top of their lungs with a fear so genuine and recognisable that I shudder. Somebody is shouting, somebody is hurt. Somebody is trying to flee, but they can't. Somebody is shouting because there is nothing else to do. Somebody is shouting out of pure irrational pain, or from fear, which are almost the same thing. Somebody is shouting in the street you know like the back of your hand. In this place you call home.
I cannot keep trying to stay calm. I go to the window and opened the shutters. More smoke, foul and fierce, concealing what was happening down below. But I can still hear the shouting, clear as day. And suddenly, it's something more than a screech. Chants, insults. It is the clamour of rebellion, of fear and anguish. More explosions. A hazy, horrid, acidic whirlwind, everything is chaos. The silhouettes of uniformed guards appear out of the shadows. As did those of the protestors in hiding. They're trying to resist the fear, overcome this dense horror that surrounds them. I watch them flee, take cover. Their arms protecting their heads. Bodies crouched, the road blind, the void. And the violence escorts them, follows them, beats them. True, insatiable violence. Venezuelan violence.
A uniformed guard emerges from the artificial gloom. He walks down the street with his gun at his shoulder. He stops, takes in his surroundings. He bends down. I hear the explosion—direct, powerful—before I knew what is happening. Before the sound shook the windows and made me retreat. They're shooting at my building, I tell myself, as though trying to convince myself that it's actually real. It is happening. The violence is here and I can't escape it.
I run into the hallway just as another explosion goes off. Each time, closer. Danger, pure and simple. There’s no chance, I’m paralysed. The fear is like a wall, an invisible barricade. And I can’t get through. I close my eyes, as if I could escape by some simple stretch of the imagination. I stay standing, trying to contain the tears and breathe as the explosions continue. Again and again. An unstoppable succession. A painful and familiar chain. I tell myself again, the violence is here. It is so close it has stopped being just an idea. I feel the deadly, intense terror, and it leaves me weak and tired.
Suddenly the tear gas is everywhere. An immense toxic haze envelops me. I can’t breathe and my skin burns, stinging like a great open wound. Again I run, but there is nowhere else to escape to. There is nowhere where I can take shelter, where I can feel safe. At that moment, I think I'm going to die. Alone. My throat is closing up, the smell stings my nose, my lungs struggling for air. The thought terrifies me, urges me to run again. I crash into invisible furniture, collide with walls that shouldn’t be there. When I open the door I want to scream, but I can’t. I’m trapped, gripped by this nameless aggression I don’t understand.
Almost nine hours have passed since the oppression began. Night begins to fall, the foul stench of the tear gas is everywhere, penetrating everything. You can still hear the muffled echo of explosions, sometimes far away, sometimes close by. A constant and incomprehensible chain of events.
I’m still here, shaking with fear, helpless and scorched by the harsh repression, never-ending like a drizzle. I don’t let myself ask when I became a victim of my country’s violence. Or when I became an enemy of the powers that be simply for expressing my opinion. Perhaps there is no answer to my question. And that, perhaps, is the most terrifying thing.

author: Aglaia Berlutti


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Who Are the #Istanbul10? Learn About the Work of Jailed Human Rights Defenders in Turkey · Global Voices
Arzu Geybullayeva

#ŞeyhmusÖzbekli is one of the #Istanbul10 who was arrested on July 5. Image tweeted by @aseem_trivedi.
A group of human rights defenders and information technology trainers detained in Turkey since July 5 continue to face jail time and legal harassment, due to accusations that they were “aiding a terrorist organization without being a member.”
Six of the defenders have been remanded in prison since July 18. The remaining four, who were released briefly last week on bail and on condition of judicial control, have since been arrested again. Nalan Erkem, İlknur Üstün, Nejat Tastan, and Seyhmus Ozbekli were taken back into police custody on July 22, joining the other rights defenders and trainers behind bars.
On July 25, Nejat Tastan and Seyhmuz Ozbekli were again released under judicial control.
Woke up to a good news this morning! Rights defender #NejatTaştan is released with two days a week jucial control #FreeRightsDefenders pic.twitter.com/SMtKZIhajk
— HR Defenders Turkey (@humanrights_tr) July 25, 2017
Human rights defenders Nejat Taştan & Şeyhmus Özbekli released today but 8 of the #Istanbul10 are still in jail & should be freed pic.twitter.com/NU656hEijh
— Emma Sinclair-Webb (@esinclairwebb) July 25, 2017
Amnesty International described the new arrests as a “cruel and retrograde step”.
The original July 5 arrests took place while the group was gathered for a digital security and information management workshop on one of Istanbul's islands, Buyukada. Police raided the workshop, detained the participants, and confiscated electronic equipment including computers and mobile phones.
International calls and demands have been made in support of #Istanbul10 as they are often referred to. A closer look at their backgrounds and achievements in the field of equality and freedoms demonstrates without a need for baseless allegations that their work as rights advocates is as far away as possible from any links to terrorist organizations.
The human rights organizations affected by these detentions play key roles in the human rights community and movement in Turkey. They include Amnesty International Turkey, the Helsinki Citizens Assembly, Human Rights Agenda Association, the Women's Coalition, the Association for Monitoring Equal Rights.
Idil Eser is the director of Amnesty International Turkey. Just a month before the arrests, the chair of Amnesty International Turkey, Taner Kilic, was arrested, also for suspected terrorism.
Amnesty International says it was the first time in its 56-year history that a country chair and director had both been arrested at the same time.
Bitte teilen! Wir danken allen, die sich für #Istanbul10 eingesetzt haben. Sie brauchen weiter jede Unterstützung: ?https://t.co/ZipRlaEHx0 pic.twitter.com/nrsWhjDzPE
— Amnesty Austria (@AmnestyAustria) July 12, 2017
Please share! We would like to thank everyone who worked for # Istanbul10. They need more support
Another great cartoon in our free #Istanbul10 campaign from @atiqshahid2. pic.twitter.com/tNKK1cwBls
— Richard Williams (@AIUK_Turkey) July 21, 2017
Human Rights Agenda Association monitors human rights violations across the country. Staff members Veli Acu and Günal Kurşun are among the detainees.
#İnsanHaklarıHapiste #HakSavunucularinaDokunma pic.twitter.com/Jj5GFpbkld
— HR Defenders Turkey (@humanrights_tr) July 18, 2017
#GünalKurşun (Human Rights Agenda Association) is still under pre-trial detention.https://t.co/akFYtjQNIh#FreeRightsDefenders#Istanbul10 pic.twitter.com/NfN0ypUgMd
— Aseem Trivedi (@aseem_trivedi) July 19, 2017
Nalan Erkem works for the Helsinki Citizen’s Assembly, an organisation promoting peace, democracy and civil society engagement throughout Europe.
Seyhmuz Ozbekli (now released), İdil Eser and Ozlem Dalkiran all work with the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly. HCA is known for its work promoting peace, democracy and civil society throughout Europe. Özlem is also a founding member and former chair of Amnesty International Turkey:
Free #ÖzlemDalkıran (Citizens’ Assembly) immediately and scrap bogus charges and travel ban imposed on #Istanbul10https://t.co/akFYtjQNIh pic.twitter.com/yQWBfZdZr1
— Aseem Trivedi (@aseem_trivedi) July 20, 2017
#NalanErkem (Citizen's Assembly) faces travel ban in the fake charges of “aiding a terrorist organization.”#Istanbul10#FreeRightsDefenders pic.twitter.com/VKS1LVOzRv
— Aseem Trivedi (@aseem_trivedi) July 19, 2017
Nalan ,yıllardır hukuksuzlukla mücadele için de yer aldı…Tanığıyız… pic.twitter.com/tVivFPaZfO
— Hafize Çobanoğlu (@HafizeCobanoglu) July 22, 2017
We testify, Nalan was there because she has given years to fight lawlessness.
İlknur Üstün is a member of the Turkish chapter of the Women’s Coalition, an organization that promotes public policies that benefit people of all genders and sexual orientations, and promotes women's participation in civic and political life.
#İlknurÜstün (member of the Women’s Coalition) has been charged with ‘aiding a terrorist organization.’#Istanbul10#FreeRightsDefenders pic.twitter.com/3j1ZJHUjxD
— Aseem Trivedi (@aseem_trivedi) July 19, 2017
Nejat Taştan, who was released on July 25, is coordinator of Association for Monitoring Equal Rights, an organization that works to promote equality and conducts independent election observation:
Nejat Taştan kimdir? / Who is Nejat Tastan? #HakSavunucularinaDokunma #FreeRightsDefenders https://t.co/nXAAASMDkx
— HR Defenders Turkey (@humanrights_tr) July 13, 2017
The two trainers detained in the raid both work for HIVOS, a Dutch foundation that supports human rights work and capacity building around the globe. The training they led for the group was aimed at helping these civil society organisations build essential awareness and skills on the management of information, as well as how to deal with stress and trauma in the context of their work.
Ali Garavi is an Iranian-Swedish writer and information technology strategy consultant:
Ali Gharavi believes in non-violence & he cares about the well being of HRDs along with their digital safety! Free Ali, Free #Istanbul10 pic.twitter.com/FU1QfdHE92
— Abir Ghattas (@AbirGhattas) July 13, 2017
Peter Steudtner is a German human rights defender who specializes in managing stress and trauma within small organizations like the ones above.
#İnsanHaklarıHapiste #HakSavunucularinaDokunma pic.twitter.com/sNJ5Ao5N4r
— HR Defenders Turkey (@humanrights_tr) July 18, 2017
Global Voices supports the rights of all people to speak freely and engage in peaceful advocacy for human rights and the rule of law. We join these and many other organizations across the globe in condemning these detentions and urging Turkish authorities to release the remaining eight detainees, without condition.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Arzu Geybullayeva


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Can Facebook Connect the Next Billion? · Global Voices
Advox

Print advertisements for Free Basics in India, from 2015. Images shared widely on social media.
In 2015, Facebook rolled out a plan to help bridge the digital divide in developing countries with a mobile app called “Free Basics”.
The Free Basics program aims to bridge the digital divide by creating an “on ramp” to the Internet through a closed, mobile platform that gives users free access to a handful of online services, such as Accu Weather, BBC News and Wikipedia.
Now active in 63 countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America, Free Basics has become a part of Facebook's ascent to becoming the most popular and powerful social platform on earth.
On their promotional website for the app, Facebook rationalizes that “[by] introducing people to the benefits of the internet” they will help justify the cost of mobile data and thereby “bring more people online and help improve their lives.”
So how well does the app serve local interests and needs?
In spring 2017, a group of Global Voices tech and digital rights experts in Colombia, Ghana, Kenya, Mexico, Pakistan and the Philippines set out to answer this question. We conducted a series of case studies in these countries where we used the app and tested it against usability and open internet benchmarks that we developed in consultation with experts from the ICT and internet policy world. Read the full report.
Thirteen years after going live, Facebook now has two billion monthly active users, more people than the total population of China. And the company has worked especially hard over the past two years to make its products popular and easy to use in developing countries. Free Basics is an important piece of this strategy.
With this research, we aim to increase public awareness, as well as digital rights and Information Communication Technology sector knowledge about the utility of Free Basics in the countries where it has been deployed.
We measured Free Basics against collectively-developed benchmarks of usability, quality of connection, language and accessibility, content, and privacy/data policies. Each researcher used and evaluated the app in their home country, and wrote a brief case study summarizing their findings.
Our full research report reflects our collective findings and analysis. Appendices to the report include our methodology, a selective list of third-party services provided by Free Basics and a collection of screenshots of each version of the app. We encourage curious readers and researchers to explore all of these materials and consider using them to conduct their own research or analysis.
Full research report [PDF]
Colombia case study [PDF]
Ghana case study [PDF]
Kenya case study [PDF]
Mexico case study [PDF]
Pakistan case study [PDF]
Philippines case study [PDF]
Appendix 1: Methodology [PDF]
Appendix 2: Selected list of Free Basics Services [Google drive]
Appendix 3: Screenshots [Google drive]
Monica Paola Bonilla is a linguist who has collaborated Global Voices since 2015. She has worked on projects of language documentation and localization of software to native languages spoken in Colombia, Mexico, Ecuador and Peru. Her areas of interest are applied linguistics, digital literacy, digital inclusion, free software, computer science and native languages. She serves as the Mozilla Rep for Colombia, leads Mozilla Nativo Club and works for an open and accessible web for all people.
Giovanna Salazar is an internet researcher who focuses on information controls and digital activism in Latin America. She holds a Masters in Media Studies from the University of Amsterdam and serves as the Advocacy and Communications Officer at SonTusDatos.org, a Mexican NGO focused on privacy and data protection online. She is also a regular contributor for Global Voices’ Advox and Latin America teams.

author: Advox


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Facebook’s Free Basics Doesn’t Connect You to the Global Internet – But it Does Collect Your Data · Global Voices
Sarah West

Virgin Mobile ad for Free Basics in Mexico. “Use Facebook for free with Free Basics / Connectivity for all”
When Facebook launched its Free Basics app aimed at helping people without Internet access, they said that the app would serve as an “on ramp” to using the whole global Internet.
But new research by Global Voices suggests that in contrast to this claim, the app primarily serves the needs of Facebook and other corporations, compromising user experience in order to achieve business objectives.
Free Basics today is a small set of apps within an app — it does not give them access to the full Internet, but instead offers a handful of web-based services, the most recognizable and prominent of which is Facebook.
Free Basics is currently available in 63 countries worldwide. In each market, it is provided through a partnership between Facebook and a local telecommunication operator. Operators provide a small amount of mobile data to customers, which can only be used to access Free Basics. Each country has a unique version of Free Basics, which is intended to provide adequate language support and content that is relevant for local users.
Our research confirms that Free Basics grants Facebook access to unique streams of data about the habits and interests of users in developing countries. The company collects data about Free Basics users by monitoring their activities on Facebook — and throughout the Free Basics app.
In every version that we tested, users were strongly encouraged to log into Facebook, or sign up if they didn’t already have an account. The Facebook app appears at the top of the main page of the Free Basics app. And the app uses various tactics to encourage users to log in and keep up with their Facebook friends – for example, Colombia researcher Monica Bonilla reported the app automatically imported her Facebook account data because she had the Facebook app on her iPhone.
Free Basics permission screen in Ghana, via Tigo
But regardless of whether they log into Facebook, users of Free Basics are constantly sharing their data with Facebook.
Our team learned this right at the start of our process. When a user launches the app for the first time, she must consent to various policies — terms of use, a data policy, a cookies policy and a product-specific privacy policy. We were surprised to find that all but one of these policies were written as agreements between the user and Facebook — not Free Basics.
How does Facebook collect this data?
On their website describing the initiative, Facebook explains that all traffic for Free Basics routes through an Internet.org proxy server, which standardizes the traffic flow for the app to let telco operators “zero rate” the traffic, a technical process that makes its transfer less costly.
This system gives Facebook a single node through which to collect and temporarily store users’ metadata. This means that users — whether they are accessing Facebook, or some other service within the Free Basics program — are sharing data with Facebook about what sites they visit, when, and for how long.
As with its regular services, Facebook appears to use this data in order to inform its choices about what kinds of information to promote in a user's feed. In Colombia, researcher Monica Bonilla observed that content in her Facebook newsfeed changed to reflect the content she had browsed in other areas of the Free Basics app.
In the six countries where we conducted case studies, a plurality of the apps featured on the main page (see screenshot) of Free Basics belong to companies based in the United States such as ESPN, ChangeCorps and Johnson & Johnson, the creator of the “BabyCenter” app.
Screenshot of Free Basics front page in Kenya, via Airtel.
While the BabyCenter app offers users practical health information, it also provides the company with profitable data on users’ search behaviors and the interests and habits of potential customers — something that could compromise the scope or even the accuracy of the information provided.
In a 2014 interview, Johnson & Johnson global strategy manager Christina Hoff told AdWeek magazine that with BabyCenter, the company “can tell what a mom is going to do before she does [it] based on what she is searching for.” She explained how BabyCenter data had helped the company market pharmaceuticals to parents, and boasted that data from the app is more valuable than what the company learns from parents’ activities on Facebook and Twitter.
All versions we tested also offered local content in addition to corporate services from the US. While in some countries such as the Philippines, the app's main page included a wide variety of local content offerings, in others it did not.
In Mexico, the version of Free Basics offered by Telcel included only one local service on its main page: the website for Fundación Carlos Slim, the foundation of Telcel CEO and billionaire Carlos Slim. Mexico researcher Giovanna Salazar surmised that the app was deliberately featured on Free Basics in an effort to advertise and collect additional data from users.
All versions of the app that we tested contained many other services (typically between 120 and 150 per version) beyond those featured on the app's main page. But the majority of these services were relegated to a different section of the app, which is tucked away under a drop-down menu that users (especially first-timers) can easily miss altogether.
When we asked Facebook why they chose to divide services into two separate tiers, they declined to answer.
In their policies, Facebook also reserves the right to share data with unspecified third parties. It is unclear whether this includes the telecommunications operators they partner with, but telcos gain access to valuable data through other means: for example, to use Free Basics a user must have a smart phone with a SIM card. In most of the countries we studied, purchasing a SIM card requires providing telcos with personal information such as your legal name and national ID.
The study raises a number of questions that still need answering: How much data is Facebook collecting through the app, and who is it sharing this data with? To what extent is this data collection helping Facebook and other corporations build new marketing strategies for developing countries?
We hope to answer these questions, and learn more about the app from Facebook's Free Basics team, in the months to come.

author: Sarah West


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In Macedonia, Geeks Create Free Accommodation Platform In Reaction to Hotel Price Hike for Super Cup Fans · Global Voices
Goran Rizaov

Billboards announcing the Super Cup match in Skopje. The one on the right features a message by a sponsor: “90 minutes and a sore throat. Some call it lunacy, we call it priceless.” Photo by GV, CC-BY.
The 42nd United European Football Association (UEFA) Super Cup pits Real Madrid, reigning Champions League victor, against Manchester United, Europa League champion in Skopje, Macedonia on the 8th of August, 2017. Tens of thousands of fans from Spain and England as well as all over the world are expected to pour into the Macedonian capital in a just a few days time.
The Macedonian hotel and catering industry has decided to cash in on this. Big time. If you want to stay in Skopje between August 7 and 9, tourists will have to pay from 500 up to 3,500 Euro. In comparison, the usual hotel prices range from 30 to 75 Euro per night.
Screenshot of some of the Airbnb accommodation options in Skopje during the Super Cup weekend.
Some of the would-be guests from the UK and Spain announced that they would book accommodation in other cities or even in the neighboring countries, and travel to Skopje for the match only.
хаааа, навивачи че ноќеват у софија и солун, скапо им било скопје.
е тоа алчни човеци се вика пропуштена шанса.
и лош маркетинг за у иднина.
— бојан (@b0stan) July 4, 2017
Haaa, fans will spend the night in Sofia and Thessaloniki because Skopje is too expensive. Now this, greedy people, is what I call a missed opportunity and bad marketing for the future.
As a reaction to the overpricing, some regular citizens of Skopje have decided to offer free beds in their homes to football fans who already have tickets for the match. A bunch of young IT and marketing professionals who call themselves ‘We Talk IT Community’ went even further and used their skills to create a platform that gives Manchester United and Real Madrid fans the means of connecting with people offering free accommodation for a night or two: supercupskopje.com. Their service is simple: connect football fans from all over the world with Macedonians who can offer free beds.
The story behind https://t.co/l3XZcnbDF2 and why we need your support even more! #SuperCup #SuperCupSkopje #WeTalkIT https://t.co/xp1xUrpiJ5
— WeTalkIT (@_WeTalkIT_) July 26, 2017
Anita Kirkovska, a member of the We Talk IT community, explained the process in an interview for Global Voices:
Anita Kirkovska. Photo used with her permission.
Anita Kirkovska (AV): We built this platform on a weekend hackathon, in like 48 hours. We knew that the match is going to bе held in two weeks, so we wanted to offer a solution as fast as we could. All of the members in the We Talk IT community are tired of everyone just complaining about the challenges we have as a country, so we wanted to act for a change. The burden that the hoteliers put on Skopje again, we were working on getting it fixed. And now, we are doing that, 20 listings a day. Good people of Macedonia, you rock!
The idea of the platform is to be informative and to act as a mediator, so all accommodation details are agreed out of our platform, between the hosts and guests via email. After all, this is open source volunteering project. We are not responsible for the interactions that hosts and guests have, so we recommend to them to use good judgment and keep safety in mind when they use our services.
The platform is an open source project and everyone in the Tech community can contribute to improving it.
A few hours after the launch, the platform went viral. By the end of the first day, their server crashed. “We really didn’t know what to expect or how people will react to this. We sure had some negative feedback, but that is normal,” Anita says, adding that they received attention from top national news and digital media outlets.
Right now they have over 50 active listings with more than 100 available beds, published over the course of three days with over 2,000 web page shares. By July 27, hosts from the We TalkIT platform confirmed accommodations for at least two fan groups.
Soaring hotel prices triggering British and Spanish fans who feel ‘ripped off’ is not the only problem faced by Super Cup organizers. Although authorities knew that Skopje would host the Super Cup since June of 2015, UEFA officials visiting in June of this year had a number of concerns regarding the stadium's readiness to host a match of this size.
During June 2017, Macedonia also transitioned to a new government. State secretary Dragi Rashkovski recently said they will do everything in their power to resolve all of the UEFA officials’ remarks and to organize the Super Cup in Skopje at the highest level of excellence.
Social media users have strongly criticized Super Cup promotional videos. Some media outlets even tried to portray the video released by the Macedonian Football Federation as official UEFA content that glorifies the controversial Skopje 2014 project, designed to revamp the capital of Macedonia into Europe's quasi-baroque ‘capital of kitsch.’
The second promotional video, published by the city of Skopje, also received strong criticism on social media for being too ‘glossy.’ The one-minute, 42-second clip gives tips to visitors on Skopje's sightseeing, food, and drinks:
In contrast, one citizen of Skopje gave real “life-hack” tips for the football fans via Facebook, receiving hundreds of likes and several dozens of shares:
1. The public transport sucks. You need to go through an administrative hell in order to get a ride. You cannot pay in the bus and it will cost you a fortune if you get caught without a ticket.
2. The taxis are cheap when they have a meter, so use them instead.
3. You can buy alcohol at the store only before 9 PM.
4. Bars close at 1 AM, and clubs are open until 3 AM.
5. Only street casinos are open after that.
6. They usually serve small beer bottles.
7. Restaurants take their last order at 11 PM.
8. There is no strip/sex/swing club in Skopje.
9. There is no legal prostitution in Skopje. Street workers are not recommended.
10. There are no public toilets in Skopje.
11. Stay away from stray dogs in big groups.
12. Stay away from the grass, there is dog poo everywhere.
13. Cars will not stop for you on the zebra. You have to wait.
14. Public love affections are fine, unless you are gay.
15. Drug users are hunted by a special police force in civilian clothes. Be careful not to use in public.

author: Goran Rizaov


text:
In Paraguay, Poverty Creates a Cycle of Women Caring for Other Women’s Children · Global Voices
Kurtural

Micaela Martinez is an ‘abuela memby,’ a ‘daughter of her grandmother.’ Micaela, now a college student, hired Graciela to care for her elderly 71-year-old grandmother. While Graciela works as a caretaker and housekeeper for Micaela's grandmother, her  own 2-year old daughter stays with Graciela's mother at home, continuing a cycle of women who care for other women's children. Photograph by Juan Carlos Meza used with permission from Kultural website.
The following article is written by Maximiliano Manzoni and was originally published by Kurtural in the series “A women’s country.”
Veronica was only nine years old when she had to learn to use video-conference software to speak and see her mom’s face through a low-resolution image. Veronica's mom, Margarita, like thousands of other women, moved to Spain in early 2000 to work as a babysitter, leaving her daughter with her mother back in Asuncion, Paraguay’s capital. Since then, their only form of communication has been via the internet at public computers.
About half of Paraguay’s population in 2003 suffered from extreme poverty and thousands of people lined up at their local passport offices attempting to move to Europe in search of employment. Historically, this has been the largest migration of Paraguayans; In Spain alone, the Paraguayan population spiked from 7,000 people in 2004 to over 82,000 by 2009.
By 2007, 70% of Paraguayan immigrants in Spain were women, and 90% were working as housekeepers or caregivers for the elderly and disabled. Just like Margarita, more than half of these women had children of their own and yet had to leave them in someone else’s hands to take care of other peoples’ families to provide for their own.
Veronica was raised mainly by her stay-at-home grandmother who she calls “mom.” She calls Margarita, her biological mother, “mommy.” Veronica shares her ‘abuela memby’ status with peers like Niurka Colman in circumstances very similar to her own. Niurka was also raised by her grandmother in Paraguay when her mother moved to Asturias, Spain to work as a caregiver for a disabled person.
“Abuela memby,” ‘a child of their grandmother,’ comes from a mix of Spanish and Guarani, and is often used in Paraguay to describe children like Veronica and Niurka, who have been raised by their grandmothers when their own mothers are unable, having migrated in search of work and education. These grandmothers are very strong figures in Paraguay’s culture where women support and care for each other’s children.
The grandmother has become a cultural icon featured in popular songs, a phenomena first appearing in Paraguayan culture as part of the population’s migration from rural to metropolitan areas, then to Argentina and later to Spain. According to a study produced by the United Nations, this is not a new parenting practice in this society, no new rules or patterns have been created, it has only grown stronger from something that already existed.
A crucial financial agreement exists between the mothers and grandmothers. Grandmothers take care of the children while their mothers work away from home and send money back to their own mothers to cover their children’s expenses. As elderly women, their daughters’ financial support is essential. At the national level, international money transfers make up the top four types of income generation for the country, and the only one that goes directly to the population.
The majority of international money transfers come from working mothers who moved to Spain during the economic downturn of 2003. For years, this was the only source of income for families like Niurka’s or Veronica’s. Fresh money flowing into the country eventually helped boost the economy. “The money wires allowed to include thousands of people in the newly opened financial services of the country,” said Manuel Ferreira Brusquetti, Paraguay's tax office.
According to anthropologist Nicolás Granada, the women who have migrated to Spain are considered ‘pseudo-residents.’ The term ‘residents’ (in Spanish, residentas) dates back to the Chaco War, a conflict between Bolivia and Paraguay, and refers to women who were forced to evacuate the Paraguayan capital to work from any given ‘residence’ assigned. Granada references women from this time period to describe modern day Paraguayan women's dilemma: they need to move due to economic reasons and many do not return. Granada tells stories of the families who had to migrate to Spain in her documentary “Distances from Gua’u.”
Life circumstances are quite different for women who moved to Argentina compared to those who moved to Spain, according to Patricio Dobree, a researcher focusing on migration and labor, including the housekeeping market. The migration to Argentina was massive, but known as ‘circular,’ “meaning that women are able to return and take care of their children again if special circumstances call for it, such as illness or disability of the children or their grandmothers.”
The situation is much more complicated for women who moved to Spain. In emergencies or special circumstances, “they have more trouble returning due to distance and cost of travel,” explains Dobree. These dynamics present a different set of challenges for their families as well.
Micaela Martinez, like Niurka and Veronica, is also an ‘abuela memby.’ Her grandmother raised her after her mother went to Spain. Her grandmother, now 71-years-old, “needs someone to help her,” said Martinez.
Dobree explains how the ‘chain of care’ suffers when women cannot return to Paraguay. “Children grow up and turn into teenagers who represent a new set of challenges for their elderly grandmothers. These grandmothers also develop health issues and limitations over time; they also deserve and need care for themselves, which is challenging to accomplish.”
Micaela, now a college student, cares for her grandmother since her mother is away. Due to her responsibilities as a student, Micaela and her grandmother decided to hire Graciela, a housekeeper and caregiver. Graciela, in turn, has a two-year-old daughter who stays with her grandmother while Graciela works, and so the cycle of ‘abuela memby’ continues.

author: Kurtural


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In Uganda’s Parliament, the Arc of the Moral Universe Bends Toward Sexism · Global Voices
Rosebell Kagumire

Itungu Zonnet from western Uganda district of Kasese was a mother of three by 19. Photo by Edward Echwalu. Used with permission.
On July 18, Uganda's parliament sat in Kampala, the country's capital, to discuss a motion calling on the government to prioritise the promotion and protection of children against violence. The debate came in the aftermath of a March 2017 police report showing that between 2010-2016 there has been a steady increase in crimes against women and children in Uganda.
During her contribution to the debate, Uganda's State Minister for Youth and Children Affairs, Florence Nakiwala Kiyingi, made a startling assertion regarding the rise in violence against children in Uganda. “If you want to protect a child,” Kiyingi said, “you must love and respect the father of the child.”
Failure by wives to respect their husbands is forcing men to abandon their children, says Youth minister https://t.co/dG7bFpnF9n pic.twitter.com/1OYlKl7ojG
— Daily Monitor (@DailyMonitor) July 19, 2017
Hon.Nakiwala Kiyingi says the main causes of child neglect and abuse is the failure of women to respect men #PlenaryUg
— Parliament of Uganda (@Parliament_UG) July 18, 2017
When questioned by Deputy Speaker Jacob Oulanyah about the evidence informing her argument, Kiyingi said: “I have had a long experience as a leader in the royal kingdom of Buganda leading young ladies and young mothers… when you talk to the wives to create sanity, you find that the fathers are able to care and love their children.”
Close to 60% of Uganda's 37 million people are under 18. About 55% of Ugandan children below the age of five, and 38% between six and 17 years live in poverty. A 2014 study by Uganda's own Ministry of Gender Labour and Social Development, where Kiyingi sits, found that 55% of children under the age of five are deprived of two or more of the rights outlined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Uganda ratified the UN Convention in 1990, and children's rights are clearly outlined in the country's constitution and the Children Act.
A 2015 UNICEF study, ‘Situational Analysis of Children in Uganda’, also emphasised that the protection of children’s rights continues to be a critical challenge in the East African nation. Another study conducted jointly by UNICEF and the Ugandan government found that almost 40% of Ugandan children have suffered physical violence that has negatively affected them. This worrying situation is backed up by the Uganda Human Rights Commission's 2015 annual report, which reiterated that parents, especially fathers, were increasingly neglecting their children, especially those born outside of ‘formal’ relationships. Noting that government spending on child protection is marginal, UNICEF has called for more investment in changing social norms and support for child protection law enforcement.
In March 2017, Uganda police released data that showed that violence against women and children had increased over a period of seven years. Martin Okoth Ochola, Deputy Inspector General of Police, attributed the increase in violence against women and children to drug and alcohol abuse, poverty and land-related disputes, the Daily Monitor reported at the time, along with factors such as cultural norms and the breakdown of family values. There were also over 185,000 cases of violence against women recorded over a seven-year period, and in 2016 alone, 31,041 cases were reported to the police.
Photo by Edward Echwalu. Used with permission
Despite all the evidence of the extent and complexity of the problem, the minister responsible for addressing violence against children appears to believe that the solution is a simple question of women mastering the techniques of stroking men's egos. But Kiyingi's ideas do not come out of a vacuum. Her predecessor, Ronald Kibule, stunned the country in 2013 with his victim-blaming assertions about rape. “Most women currently dress poorly, especially the youth,” the Minister said. “If she is dressed poorly and is raped, no one should be arrested.”
Blaming women for violence against them and their children demonstrates a striking ignorance of the realities of many Ugandan families. The suggestion that victims of crimes were “asking for it” is also dangerously unfair, as it shifts responsibility away from the perpetrators. Even more worrying is the fact that several members of parliament, both men and women, and including a doctor, stood in support of Kiyingi's misogynistic rhetoric.
A woman rides a bicycle taking produce to market in near the northern town of Lira. Photo by Rachel Mabala. Used with permission.
Dr. Chris Baryomunsi, a public health specialist and cabinet minister, cited, “studies that have been done that clearly show that the behaviour of female spouses chases away their spouses and this can cause disruption in the family.”
Besides regurgitating long-held biases against women, the participants in this hollow, ego-driven debate offered no solutions. Their treatment of people who have already been abused says a lot about Uganda's lawmakers, and by extension, Ugandan society. The parliament that once roared with socially progressive legislators, that gave Uganda a relatively progressive constitution, is now a circus where one can refer to imaginary studies in order to deny the voices and experiences of millions of Ugandan victims of violence, and experience little opposition.
But while parliamentarians fail to push back, Ugandan citizens are not ready to be silenced. Kiyingi's statements riled many, and others questioned whether she understood her role as leader, including Winnie Byanyima, a renowned Ugandan women's rights advocate and Executive Director of Oxfam International.
This is silly! Where is the evidence? Minister needs orientation about her role & how to make public statements. https://t.co/5o0yg5hYA3
— Winnie Byanyima (@Winnie_Byanyima) July 19, 2017
I am extremely ashamed of Hon. Nakiwala Kiyingi!! Such a comment in the 21st century?
— Patricia Munabi (@patriciamunabi) July 19, 2017
Disgusting. Not sure she heard herself say those ignorant self hating misogynistic words
— Tushabe (@Bahiirwa) July 19, 2017
Really!! In this day and age??? @uwonet @FOWODE_UGANDA @FemnetProg @amwa_ug @FIDA_Uganda we need alot of work with Women Ministers. https://t.co/tgY8jV4v0X
— Solome Nakaweesi K. (@SonaKimb) July 19, 2017
Despite there being 34% female representation in Uganda's parliament and a fair number of women participating in governance, such misogynistic statements from ministers and members of parliament remind us that gender representation alone will not guarantee of justice for women and children, and of the hard work that needs to be done towards shifting cultural norms and traditions in the direction of progress.

author: Rosebell Kagumire


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Is Free Basics Really Bringing More Africans Online? A Case Study From Ghana · Global Voices
Kofi Yeboah

You can search Bing on Free Basics in Ghana, but you cannot access any of the websites in the search results, unless they are part of the Free Basics package. Screenshot by Kofi Yeboah.
Across the world, efforts to increase internet access are wide-ranging — there is everything from public-private infrastructure development, to community-built mesh networks from Oaxaca to Cape Verde, to WiFi-emitting balloons flown by Google.
Another effort is Facebook's Internet.org project, which the Silicon Valley company describes as an initiative to bring internet access and the benefits of connectivity to the portion of the world that doesn‘t have them. The flagship product of Internet.org is a mobile app called Free Basics, which gives users access to Facebook and a handful of online services, such as Accu Weather, BBC News and Wikipedia free of charge.
On the Internet.org website, Facebook explains that the app is intended to help people justify the cost of mobile data:
“By introducing people to the benefits of the internet through these websites, we hope to bring more people online and help improve their lives.”
In an effort to better understand the impact of the Free Basics app and its role within the broader spectrum of global internet access development initiatives, a group of Global Voices contributors tested the Free Basics app in six countries across the globe this spring. We conducted a case studies in Colombia, Ghana, Kenya, Mexico, Pakistan and the Philippines, along with a review of research, criticism and public documentation about the app's use and utility. [Learn more our research]
Free Basics is available in 63 countries, 26 of which are in Africa. Facebook partners with mobile telecommunication operators who provide this extra data that allows subscribers to access the Free Basics app.
When using Free Basics via Tigo in Ghana, the main screen of the app looks like this:
Main screen of Free Basics in Ghana, via Tigo. Screenshot by Kofi Yeboah
The app features the following sites:
Most of the featured sites are based in the US or Europe. The only local and local versions of services featured on the main screen include the e-commerce site Tonaton Ghana, the job search site Jobberman Ghana, Super Sports, and the news sites Ghana Web and Ghana News, both of which tend to feature repackaged stories that have already been reported elsewhere.
The Bing search engine is also available in Ghana, and on most other versions that we tested. Of course, it has limited utility, given that nearly all links that appear in search results are inaccessible for the user. When a user tries to select a link from Bing search results, they are met with a notification that reads “Data Charges Apply.” If the user does not have a data plan, they are unable to access the selected website.
A larger set of apps, ranging from learning apps to sports and entertainment sites, can be found on a separate page a few clicks beyond the main screen. Nearly all of these sites are based outside of Ghana, and many of them outside of Africa.
When using the websites that are available on the Free Basics app, subscribers do not get full use of these websites. For example, if a user wants to use the Facebook app within Free Basics, they will not be able to access pictures or watch videos on the app.
News websites remove videos, including the Daily Nation in Kenya, pictured here. Screenshot by Njeri Wangari.
If a user encounters a video or image on a news site, these too are often removed from the screen, as demonstrated in the image above. Users are notified by the app that they must pay data charges if they want to view a picture or watch a video on the Free Basics app.
The Free Basics app provides its users limited access to websites and other important apps. It does not offer access to any government or public service websites, nor does not offer services from Facebook's main competitors. For instance, Free Basics has no Twitter app. It also does not include an email app.
Free Facebook ad, by Airtel.
Since its inception, Free Basics has raised lots of concern about net neutrality, an industry term used to indicate that anyone from anywhere around the world should be equally able to access or provide services and content on the internet. In short, it means that in a truly open internet, all content is treated equally.
The corporate interests at stake in the Free Basics program are difficult to ignore. Apart from the interests of Facebook and the handful of sites and services offered on the app, telecommunications operators also benefit from Free Basics.
Previous reports by BuzzFeed News told us that telecommunications operators — not Facebook — are covering the actual cost of providing users with mobile data that allows them to access the Free Basics app. Local advertising campaigns and even comments from telco employees indicate that Free Basics has served as a way to drive new subscribers to their network by enticing potential subscribers with the promise of enjoying free access to Facebook.
John-Paul Iwuoha, an author and impact investor has advised African governments to in his article published on the Huffington Post titled “Dear Mr. Zuckerberg: Thanks for ‘Free Basics’ in Africa, But We’re Not Totally Convinced.” As Iwuoha put it:
While Mr. Zuckerberg firmly believes that restrictive editions of the internet like Free Basics and the principles of net neutrality can co-exist, I have banged my head against the wall several times to imagine how that would happen.
Africa’s history is littered with governments and “gatekeepers” who seek to censor and control access to information, monopolize public conversations, and regulate communication and expression. The open internet is helping to break that stranglehold, and the outcomes could change everything (or most things) for the continent. Therefore, it’s in Africa’s best interests to hold on to the principles of net neutrality to avoid a return to the “dark days.”
Facebook says it doesn’t handpick the services on Free Basics anymore, and now admits any service or website that meets its “criteria.” This sounds comforting, but we must not lose our guard as long as Facebook — a profit-driven, U.S.-based company — retains gate-keeper powers over millions of Africans who will likely come online as a result of Free Basics.
[…]
Facebook’s actions and strategic business investments in Africa need to reflect its vision of bringing internet access to all Africans. Not just a slice of the internet, but all of it.
If indeed, if Facebook wanted to improve the knowledge of people across the globe, especially in developing countries, they would open their platform to include more languages, enable key features like pictures and videos — a great and dynamic medium for sharing and improving knowledge — and allow users to access more information from across the web.
This post reflects the position and findings of Kofi Yeboah as an independent writer and researcher. It does not reflect the views of his employer.

author: Kofi Yeboah


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Netizen Report: New Research Tests Facebook’s Digital ‘On Ramp’ for Developing Countries · Global Voices
Netizen Report Team

Cyber cafe in Rosso, Mauritania. Photo by Cyrus Farivar via Flickr (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
This week Global Voices released an original research report on Free Basics, an app built by Facebook that is intended to serve as an “on ramp” to using the global internet.
Now active in 63 countries across Africa, Asia and Latin America, the app does not get users onto the global internet, but rather gives them access to Facebook and a handful of online services, ranging from ESPN and Disney to BBC and Wikipedia, all free of charge. In their promotional materials for the program, Facebook posits that: “[by] introducing people to the benefits of the internet” they will help justify the cost of mobile data and thereby “bring more people online and help improve their lives.”
A group of Global Voices contributors decided to test their theory this past spring, by using the app ourselves. We conducted case studies in Colombia, Ghana, Kenya, Mexico, Pakistan and the Philippines, evaluating Free Basics against usability and open internet benchmarks that we developed in consultation with experts from the ICT and internet policy communities.
Among other findings, we documented substantial shortcomings of the app in the area of localization. No version of the program tested in our study adequately served the linguistic needs of the local population. In heavily multilingual countries including Pakistan and Philippines, the app is offered in only one local language. In Ghana, the version of the app offered by Tigo was available only in English. And while Free Basics features a number of corporate services based in the US, it includes relatively few sites catering to local issues and needs. Outside of the Philippines, the versions we tested offered no public service sites, and remarkably few independent media sites.
In an interview about the research, Philippines researcher and Global Voices Southeast Asia editor Mong Palatino told The Guardian:
The advertising implies that it’s free internet, but then you actually use it and it’s not really the full internet. It misleads the public and makes them think these sites and services are the essential tools.
Read the full report here.
On July 24, authorities in South Sudan instituted what appears to be a partial block of access to four websites, arguing that the Sudan Tribune, Radio Tamazuj, and the blogs Nyamilepedia and Paanluel Wel had published “subversive” content. The editor in chief of the Sudan Tribune, Mohamed Nagi, said of the block “We see this decision as a new attack on the press freedom in the South Sudan.”
Journalists in South Sudan have faced increasing threats following the return of violent conflict in the country. Just last week, the director of South Sudan’s public broadcaster, Adil Faris Mayat, was detained because he did not broadcast a presidential speech live. The Minister of Information said the bans on the sites would be lifted when “those institutions behave well.”
A court in Kyrgyzstan blocked the Internet Archive, claiming that it stores extremist content. Archive.org claims to have archived almost 300 billion web pages, and stores free to use books and music. The state communications service did not specify what specific web pages triggered the block.
Russia’s lower house of parliament voted for a series of censorship laws during a spree in mid-July, issuing prohibitions on messaging services that forbid users to communicate anonymously, outlawing VPNs, proxies, and anonymizers, and requiring search engines to hide links to blocked sites. The laws must now be approved by Russia’s upper house of parliament before being signed in to law by President Vladimir Putin. The messaging app Viber has already indicated it plans to comply fully with Russian legislation.
Russian web developer Dmitry Bogatov was released on house arrest after being detained for three months while under investigation for inciting violence. Authorities allege that he posted comments to online forums in Russia encouraging people to go to the Red Square to riot, but their only evidence for this is his IP address. Bogatov runs a technical exit node of the Tor network, which allows people to browse the web anonymously, and could also have led to the use of his identity by another person.
Amazon.com recently applied for ownership of the top-level web internet domain name, .amazon. The application was contested by several Latin American countries in the region of the Amazon river and rainforest, who argued that this would appropriate the name of the Amazon region. On these grounds, the internet naming authority (ICANN) rejected the application. This week, independent review panel ruled that in rejecting the application, ICANN failed to follow “clear, pre-specified and objective rules.” A group of experts and stakeholders from the region issued a signed statement in response, asking that parties not stake claims upon their name without hearing the people of the region first.
Critiquing both parties involved, the statement reads:
We have faces, names, content, history. Using our name to tell another story, a company’s history, would de-characterize us? Likely not. We will not disappear…However, using our name without acknowledging our importance is certainly a mistake. Using our name refers directly to a vast land of rich diversity, with much to uncover and with many cultural gems already discovered. So if using our name, at least acknowledge us, respect us.
Afef Abrougui, Ellery Roberts Biddle, Mohamed ElGohary, Elizabeth Rivera, and Sarah Myers West contributed to this report.

author: Netizen Report Team


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Vietnamese Activist Trần Thị Nga Sentenced to 9 Years for ‘Propaganda’ · Global Voices
Loa

This article by Don Le is from Loa, a news website and online radio project of Viet Tan that broadcasts stories about Vietnam. It is republished by Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.
A team of police entered Trần Thị Nga’s home to arrest her in January. (Photo: Ba Sam)
Vietnamese authorities have sentenced yet another social activist to a lengthy prison term, continuing a spate of heavy-handed punishments against dissent. In a one-day trial on Tuesday, 25 July 2017, the People’s Court in Hà Nam province sentenced Trần Thị Nga to nine years in prison and five years of house arrest for “conducting propaganda against the State.”
The 40-year-old Nga, also known by her pen name “Thúy Nga,” is a prominent advocate for migrants and land rights. She has also been documenting and campaigning against police brutality on her Facebook page and her YouTube channel. Nga has been frequently intimidated and physically attacked by police for her work.
“This is an unfair verdict. Nga is not guilty as stated by the court,” Nga’s lawyer Hà Huy Sơn told Reuters.
International rights organizations have criticized Hà Nội for her arrest. Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director of Human Rights Watch released a statement prior to her sentencing.
The Vietnamese government consistently goes to extremes to silence its critics, targeting activists like Trần Thị Nga with bogus charges that carry a long prison sentence, and subjecting their families to harassment and abuse.
Witnesses said hundreds of police surrounded the courthouse to prevent Nga’s supporters from gathering outside the courthouse. A flycam video showed security police blocking off the surrounding streets.
Nga’s husband and two young sons were prevented from entering the courthouse and forced to wait outside.
Her husband, Phan Văn Phong, in a post on Facebook wrote:
The court did not receive us, so we wandered around the streets. We were tired out so the two boys looked for some shade to sit down and rest momentarily.
Trần Thị Nga’s husband and two sons were prevented from entering the courthouse to attend her trial. (Photo: Facebook/Trương Minh Hưởng)
Despite being barred from what was supposed to be a public trial, dozens of activists sat across the courthouse to protest the unfair processes and called for Nga’s release. “Thuý Nga is innocent,” they declared on signs.
Videos showed policemen in plainclothes confronting the peaceful protesters, pulling and tearing the signs from Nga’s supporters.
Her sentence marks a worrying trend for activists for free expression. In June 2017, prominent blogger Nguyễn Ngọc Như Quỳnh, who wrote under the pen name “Mother Mushroom,” was sentenced to ten years in prison under the same charges. In a separate incident, local authorities arrested a social activist in Nghệ An province the evening before Nga’s trial and charged him with “attempting to overthrow the state.”
Activists hold a sit-in protest outside the Hà Nam People's Court. (Photo: Facebook/Nguyễn Thuý Hạnh

author: Loa


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What Do Election Results Signal About Women’s Political Participation in Iran? · Global Voices
Nabz Iran

Women participate in Iran's city councils. The image is taken from a video by Nabz Iran.
A version of this article was originally published on the Nabz Iran website.
Iranians went to the polls on the 19th of May to cast votes in presidential and local elections. Of the 287,425 candidates registered to run in Iran's local elections, 17,885 were women, making up 6.3 percent of all candidates. The re-election of moderate Hassan Rouhani as president alongside an increase in registered women candidates, as well as the number of elected women officials, signals hope for an Iran where women’s voices matter at both the national and local level.
Results for the number of women elected to office across the country have been mixed; however, there was a 34 percent decrease in the number of women elected to councils compared to 2013. Notably, although the number decreased in 16 provincial capitals, three capitals remained the same and 11, including the city of Tehran, actually saw increases in women in office.
Among the areas that saw an increase, 415 women were elected to office in Iran’s Sistan-Balochistan province in the southeast, a province marked by underdevelopment, poverty and the highest percentage of illiteracy among girls in Iran.
In Afzalabad, a village in the province’s Khash district, all 10 candidates on the council ballot were women. While the participation of women in Sistan-Balochistan was rumoured to be the result of high rates of drug addiction and imprisonment among men in the province (inferring a lack of qualified male candidates), women’s participation in the province was more likely the result of efforts by civil society and local government to foster women’s greater political representation.
In Tehran, six women — Shahrbanoo Amani Anganeh, Bahareh Arvin, Zahra Sadrazam Nouri, Nahid Khodakarami, Zahra Nejadbahram and Elham Fakharinejad — were elected to office, doubling the number of women councilors on Tehran’s council from previous rounds.
Political campaigns led by women candidates focused on a number of issues, including women’s civic engagement, citizens’ rights, employment, education, health and social security and welfare. Nejadbahram focused her campaign in Tehran on combating gender-based discrimination and creating safe public spaces for women. Elham Fakharinejad, also an elected council member in Tehran, focused on the mental health of citizens as well as welfare and health issues. Roghieh Gazmeh, an elected village council member of Seymoun, a small suburb in the outskirts of Eslamshahr and mother of seven, focused on employment and promised to create job opportunities for stay-at-home women in her village.
More women registered at the village level (11,142) than the city (6,743), perhaps because of easier access to decision-making. The following six provinces had the highest number of registered women candidates: Kerman: 1,840; Sistan and Baluchestan: 1,397; Tehran: 1,337; Fars: 1,189; Khorasan Razavi: 1,116; and Mazandaran: 1,005. More than 100 women registered to run in the presidential election, but none passed the vetting process headed by Iran’s Guardian Council.
In the months leading up to the elections, much anticipation circulated among Iranians and supporters of women’s greater political participation about the prospect of getting more women into Iranian politics. The local elections presented an opportunity to put more women in decision-making roles, paving the way for women to have a direct say in the laws and policies impacting them, their families and communities.
On 6 May, advocates of Iran’s women’s movement conducted a roundtable discussion on the role of women in the elections. In a concluding written statement addressed to Iran’s next president-to-be, the group highlighted the importance of women’s political participation and the role that women in office can play in drawing attention to and addressing such issues as public safety for women, sexual harassment, women’s health, welfare, and homelessness. They also underscored the need for the implementation of a quota reserving at least 30 percent of ministerial positions for women.
A prominent women’s rights activist noted in the statement that both the presidential and local elections are critical; the outcome of the presidential elections would impact ongoing change in support of women’s rights on a national level while local elections would offer an opportunity to further foster women’s public participation across Iran’s city and village councils.
Issues addressed in campaigns led by women candidates demonstrated that women’s political participation can benefit all citizens via the prioritization of policies addressing ‘quality of life’ issues. Whether women are able build on their successes to date will largely depend on the ongoing efforts of women’s rights’ advocates to encourage more participation, the ability of the women elected to assert their role on councils and the creation of new opportunities for women to play active and constructive roles in public life.

author: Nabz Iran


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As Kenyans Go to the Polls on August 8, Here Are the Things to Watch · Global Voices
Ahmed Salim

Orange Democratic Movement supporters holding a portrait of their party's candidate Raila Odinga in 2007. Odinga is contesting the presidency for the third time in 2017. Photo by Demosh (CC BY 2.0)
On August 8, millions of Kenyans will cast their vote in what is expected to be the most competitive general elections to date. Ballots will be cast for 290 members of parliament, 47 female county representatives, 47 senators and governors, as well as the president.
The presidential vote will be a rematch of the 2013 poll that pit incumbent Uhuru Kenyatta against his ex-rival, former prime minister Raila Odinga. By any measure, this election is expected to be the closest contest to date between Kenyatta and Odinga, raising the political and economic stakes for the country.
As Kenya is the undisputed economic anchor of the region, the smooth execution of the August 8 elections will be critical for wider East Africa. Kenya remains one of the largest and most vibrant economies on the continent and any sign of political and/or economic volatility will be felt well beyond its own borders. There is evidence from the past to suggest that fears of post-election instability have impacted the country's economy.
No matter who wins, it is likely that the candidates will challenge the results of what analysts are already calling the most expensive election in Africa. Any such challenge will have the worrying effect of eroding public confidence in the Independent Election and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) and the judiciary, the two institutions responsible for safeguarding electoral integrity. Public trust in these institutions last hit a low in 2007, and the bloody aftermath of that year’s elections stands as a stark reminder of what could transpire when people lose faith in the integrity of these institutions.
In the 2013 election, when Kenya avoided a repeat of 2007-08 and held relatively peaceful elections, East Africa heaved a collective sigh of relief that reverberated throughout the continent and many other parts of the world. This was due in part to the electoral cycle: political tension tends to rise when incumbents are defending their seats, and in 2013 incumbent president Mwai Kibaki had already served two terms and wasn’t eligible for re-election. By then public confidence in the IEBC and the judiciary had also improved compared to the previous election.
This time around, however, the odds appear once again stacked against the smooth running of the polls. Firstly, Kenyatta wants to get re-elected, so he will be seeking to use all the resources at his disposal to retain power. More critically, public confidence in the electoral commission and the judiciary is once again falling, to levels reminiscent of those in 2007. Both institutions have come under attack from both the opposition, which has been critical of the IEBC, and the government, which has directed its criticism at the courts. Some of the latter has come directly from President Kenyatta towards the judiciary. These developments have the stage for potential challenges to the election results.
The Electoral commission: The IEBC has been since the beginning of the year, with allegations levelled against it that include legal breaches, logistical inefficiencies, and transparency issues surrounding its procurement process. There are also concerns over the IEBC’s preparedness to conduct and execute on election day without any major glitches. Managing elections for president, governors, senators and county representatives is a logistical challenge under normal circumstances, but given the delays in staffing senior leadership positions and procurement issues that plague the organization, the credibility and reputational stakes for the Commission have undoubtedly increased.
The high probability of close elections both at the county and presidential levels makes matters are even more complex. There is a risk that neither Odinga nor Kenyatta will secure the necessary 50% +1 of votes cast, thus triggering a second-round vote. This would be unprecedented and would be arriving at a time when political and social pressures are high, further exerting undue pressure on the IEBC.
Leaving the presidential election aside, it is also possible that certain gubernatorial and other local elections might not result in a definitive winner. Will the IEBC be able to hold it all together?
The Economy: Although ethnic divisions are typically the focal point of Kenyan elections, this year concerns about the economy are taking centre stage. Inflation is on the rise, led by food prices, reaching a peak of 21% year-on-year in April. This pushed headline inflation to a five-year high of 11.5% in April 2017, up from 10.3% in March.
The rise in food prices is primarily the result of drought in some parts of the country, which drove up the prices of staple commodities such as maize, sugar and vegetables, and in some cases has led to shortages. Criticism of the government’s handling of the situation may, in fact, translate into a protest vote against the government at the polls.
Security: One important similarity between the 2017 and 2013 election environments is the absence of either terrorism and the militant group al-Shabaab or the fact that Kenya remains at war in Somalia as a campaign issue. It only took a few months after the elections in 2013 for al-Shabaab to make its presence known with the horrific events at the Westgate Shopping Centre that left 67 people dead. But terrorism and insecurity remain a constant threat in Kenya, and groups like al-Shabaab and others may look to undermine and influence the election outcome in the weeks leading up to August 8, or even in the days after.
Assuming all goes well after the polls, whether the presidency is occupied by Kenyatta or Odinga, more problems are looming – particularly on the economic front: Kenya has mounting debts. Starting the end of this calendar year to 2019, fiscal resources are expected to come under pressure due to external debt servicing. For example, in December, a $750 million commercial loan, secured in October 2015,  will be due. This will be followed by the expected repayment in June 2018 of a $600 million loan from the African Export-Import Bank, earlier secured to support cash-strapped Kenya Airways.
Furthermore, in 2019, the five-year $750 million Eurobond, issued in 2014, will fall due in December, as well as a portion of another $800 million syndicated loan granted by commercial banks, including Citigroup, Standard Bank, Standard Chartered and Rand Merchant Bank. These payments are expected to result in external debt servicing rising by a whopping 242%, from $424 million to $1.4 billion in the 2017-18 budget. These repayments are all expected to happen against the backdrop of a weaker Kenyan shilling and a stronger US dollar, which majority of Kenya’s external debts are denominated in. Needless to say, the new president may not have much time to bask in the glory of his victory.

author: Ahmed Salim


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Philippines: On Facebook’s Free Version, Fake News is Even Harder to Spot · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Free Mode does not show photos, videos, and external websites. To switch to data mode, a user must pay appropriate charges. Screenshot by author
Facebook is an important platform for sharing news and information online. But even the most savvy of internet users can have trouble separating the real from the fake on the platform.
New research by Global Voices shows that the “free” mobile version of Facebook, accessible free of charge for users in multiple developing countries, makes it even harder to assess the reliability of news articles than on the regular version of Facebook.
In Facebook's effort to help introduce people in developing countries to the internet, the company has built a light-weight version of its website, which is offered alongside a handful of other sites and services offering things like news, weather and sports updates. This set of apps within an app is known as Free Basics.
In the light-weight version of Facebook offered via Free Basics, known in some countries as “Facebook Free”, users can connect with family and friends, chat using the Messenger app and upload or share content on Facebook without incurring data charges. But when it comes to news, they can only read article headlines and the captions of photos and videos. Unless they have a proper (and more expensive) data plan, the app does not allow them to read the news articles themselves.
In the current environment of hysteria over the prevalence of misinformation and “fake news” online, this limitation leaves users with limited budgets at a loss, giving them less access to useful information — and little capacity to determine whether the content is reliable or not. A user cannot see photos, videos, or the text of news articles from sites that are not included in the Free Basics package, which tend to be very few. To view this content, a user must pay data charges.
The Philippines had more than 47 million Facebook users in 2016, many of whom use Free Basics, which is provided in partnership with either Globe Telecommunications or Smart Communications.
Below we see the difference between the Facebook Free timeline (left) and the regular Facebook interface:
“Walang mga litrato sa free mode, Gumamit ng Data para Buksan ang link” translates into “There are no photos in free mode, Use Data to open Link”.
To switch from “free mode” (left) to “regular mode” (right), the user is notified that he or she must pay for data charges:
Main text: Use Data from Your Plan. You are leaving Facebook. Buy data from Globe in order to chat with friends, read article, and others. Screenshot by author
This is an easy option for those who can afford to pay the charges, but not for those who can't. This is unfortunate for those who are using Free Basics because they can’t afford the full cost of connecting to the global Internet.
When installing Free Basics for the first time, the user is informed through the app’s terms and conditions that charges apply if photos, videos, and external links are opened on Facebook. A mobile user with a postpaid plan can simply agree to use his or her existing data plan for the extra charges, but a prepaid user has to pay for it in a store or a market offering a Globe or Smart load (known as top-up card in other countries). The majority of internet subscribers in the Philippines are prepaid users.
This is the relevant clause in the terms and conditions by Globe, one of the two major telcos in the Philippines:
You can now access a version of Facebook on your mobile phone without using your data allowance with Globe. However, if you leave this version of Facebook, or view content outside of Facebook, such as links to articles or external videos, then you might start using your data plan to see that content.
If Facebook Free is a user’s only source of news, chances are that he or she will encounter articles with dubious information and sourcing, but will not have the tools to verify them. Consider the examples below:
Screenshot by author
Screenshot by author
There is a risk of Facebook Free users promoting fake news content without immediately realizing it. Here is a headline that seems newsworthy from a news website with a name similar to Al Jazeera:
Screenshot by author
Of course, the website is not actually Al Jazeera, but a copycat. However, without associated images, satire websites can also be harder to detect.
Screenshot by author
Among those who shared these articles are friends (of the author) who are university-educated and have spoken quite critically about fake news. Facebook Free clearly makes it more difficult to determine whether a clickbait headline is a factual news article or something less reliable.
Even headlines of legitimate news websites can mislead Facebook Free users. Below we see a news headline dated March 31, 2017 about Donald Trump referring to the Philippines as a “terrorist nation”.
While a regular user would be able to see that he made this comment in August 2016, before being elected president, a Facebook Free user would have no such information and could easily be led to believe that this had happened in recent days.
Screenshot by author
Facebook Free provides easy ways to communicate and access information. But its strict limitations on access to the broader web, along with its omission of key fact indicators such as images, may ultimately disempower users by giving them incomplete — and sometimes completely inaccurate — information.

author: Mong Palatino


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Videos Document Torture of Ruby Miners in Mozambique · Global Voices
Dércio Tsandzana

Sign for the ruby mine in Montepuez. Photo by Tomás Queface. Used with permission.
Videos published on social media by the investigative journalist Lázaro Mabunda documented scenes of torture, allegedly at a ruby mine in Namanhumbir, a northern city in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province.
Globally, Namanhumbir rubies are traded in large auctions generating millions of dollars. In 2016, the company Gemfields, headquartered in London, announced that the sixth auction of rubies extracted from the Montepuez district in the Cabo Delgado province, returned a record $44.3 million (USD).
In April this year, the newspaper Notícias reported that nearly four thousand miners — both nationals and foreigners– were expelled from ruby and garnet mines in Namanhumbir, as part of operations by the Defence and Security Forces (FDS) aimed at tackling illegal mining in that part of Cabo Delgado province.
Reports by Rádio Moçambique tell of a warlike atmosphere in the ruby mine caused by disputes between the land grant holder Montepuez Ruby Mining Ltd, and illegal miners — a group which includes foreign nationals — who intend to continue mining the precious stones illegally at the expense of the state of Mozambique. These illegal miners mostly come from Tanzania, Senegal, and Somalia, alongside Mozambicans from the provinces of Nampula and Niassa.
In the images shared on social media and flagged by Facebook as sensitive, it is obvious that the torture and violence the miners were subjected to in the ruby mines of Namanhumbir, are quite serious.
Consta que isto está a acontecer em Namanhumbir, na mina de Rubis. Dramático. Tratamento desumano aos garimpeiros. A ser verdade isto algo deve ser feito. Os autores devem ser responsabilizados.
It is reported that this is happening in Namanhumbir, in the ruby mine. Dramatic. Inhuman treatment of miners. If this is true something must be done. The perpetrators must be held responsible.
The investigative journalist’s videos were shared thousands of times and had hundreds of comments. Eudito Nhantumbo questioned the quality of the training of the police who inflicted torture on miners:
Lamentável! Questiono a seleção dos candidatos à formação da polícia e até aos próprios formadores se aprendem o que são direitos humanos? Quais os critérios para a seleção dos candidatos à formação da polícia?
Terrible! I question the selection of the candidates for police training and even to the trainers if they learn what human rights are? What are the criteria for the selections of candidates for police training?
Leandro Jaime lamented that the mine in question is managed by people linked to Mozambique’s political power:
Esta mina tem como accionistas, gente grauda deste país, e Samora Machel Jr., é director, será que a justiça vai funcionar? Vou esperar sentado praia não ter caimbras.
This mine has important people of this country as shareholders, and Samora Machel Jr. is director, will the courts work? I’ll wait on the beach not having cramps.
Abelina Américo thought the acts of torture resembled those of the time of slavery:
Triste eu nasci e cresci acreditando que escravidão era algo dos séculos passados, mas não isso ainda está a predominar da pior maneira irmão aceitando o outro.
Sad, I was born and raised believing that slavery was something from centuries past, but no, this is still predominant in the worst way brother accepting another.
Meanwhile, Ambrósio Olga demanded that the perpetrators be held responsible:
Esses homens fardados, devem ser severamente responsabilizados pelos actos desumanos que estão cometendo contra cidadãos na sua própria terra e seus próprios recursos. Deve ser urgente a intervenção do Ministério Publico.
These uniformed men must be held strictly responsible for the inhuman acts that are being committed against citizens in their land and among their own resources. The action of the Public Prosecutor must be urgent.
In an interview with the news website DW Português, the president of the National Commission of Human Rights, Custódio Duma, said that Mozambique’s image was once again tarnished in this episode..
São imagens chocantes. Independentemente das irregularidades que os garimpeiros poderão ter cometido, aquele tipo de atitudes são hoje condenáveis. Não se percebe [estas atitudes], em pleno século XXI. A polícia devia ter agido de outra forma: independentemente da situação que aconteceu no local aquele não é o tratamento que se deve dar àqueles cidadãos.
They are shocking images. Regardless of the irregularities that the miners may have committed, that type of attitude is now reprehensible. We cannot see [these attitudes] in the 21st century. The police should have acted differently: regardless of the situation that unfolded there that is not the treatment which should be given to those citizens.
Alice Mabota, president of the League of Human Rights of Mozambique, also lamented the event, stating:
Uma das melhores formas que se podia fazer [para fazer face a este tipo de casos] é questionar o ministro da Justiça e Assuntos Constitucionais, tendo em consideração que a revisão periódica da legislação recomenda algumas medidas para diminuir o uso excessivo da força.
One of the best ways we can act [to confront this type of case] is questioning the minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, keeping in consideration that the periodic revision of legislation recommends some measures for reducing the excessive use of force
In reaction, the police opened an inquiry into all the incidents of the events:
https://t.co/Wr3GGwtAX7 @welltraveledfox @ChyemennSantos Confirmed, Namanhumbir is in Mozambique nothern province, Cabo Delgado.
— Kryptonite (@Krypsim) 19 juillet 2017

author: Dércio Tsandzana


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Brunei Government Employee Complaining About Halal Certification Charged with Sedition Over Facebook Post · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Tamu Kianggeh Market in Brunei. Flickr photo by ¡kuba! (CC BY-NC 2.0)
A government employee in Brunei was charged with violating the Sedition Act over a Facebook post in which he criticized a newly released Halal certification policy.
A Halal-certified food product is one that has been endorsed by an accredited religious authority as meeting Islamic standards.
On July 16, 2017, Shahiransheriffuddin bin Shahrani Muhammad complained on Facebook (where he posts under the name Shahiran S. Leong) about new Halal certification regulations released by the Ministry of Religious Affairs.
Shahiran lamented a new requirement that food establishments hire Halal supervisors, expressing concern about how it would affect small businesses:
This may also hit people in other industries like cosmetics. My cousin thinking about making soaps as a hobby will be impacted.
Get a halal cert or get fined. Halal certs will cost you fucking loads like hiring up to 5/6 new people. Small home based businesses ARE NOT EXEMPTED.
The post contained words that insulted Ministry officials. It also urged Bruneians to dissent against the policy change.
The Facebook post is no longer accessible but some Twitter users were able to upload a screenshot.
Brunei, instead of listening to their people for speaking out, they fine them. In other news, water is wet. pic.twitter.com/E9Ydg36rYH
— Mirza Yvsof (@mirzayvsof) July 28, 2017
Brunei has a Muslim-majority population ruled by an absolute monarchy. In 2014, the government expanded the implementation of the Sharia law, raising concerns about the appropriateness of some penalties, like stoning to death for adultery. Brunei was the first East Asian country to implement Sharia law at the national level.
According to the Borneo Bulletin news website, Shahiran was charged with one count under Section 4 (1) (c) of the Sedition Act, which alleges that he made a seditious post on his personal Facebook page. If found guilty, he faces a maximum fine of BN $5,000 (US $3,600) and a two-year prison term. He is currently out on bail and was ordered not to post inflammatory comments against the government on social media. Shahiran's next hearing is scheduled on August 31, 2017.
Shahiran’s case prompted several Twitter users to comment about the lack of free speech in the country:
Anyways that guy that's being charged with speaking out against the govt is a reminder that we don't have freedom of speech.
— eva ⭐ (@NotEvaAbidin) July 28, 2017
Some pointed out the harsh penalty inflicted on Shahiran for merely expressing his views. Others recognized the legitimate concerns he raised, but also criticized him for being disrespectful:
I feel the same. How did Brunei has becoming more and more oppressed of a country?? https://t.co/uVUa6US672
— Fitzah (@JustFitzah) July 28, 2017
Maybe if shahiran were to use APPROPRIATE&WISE words with a bit of RESPECT, the government would've taken his feedback into consideration https://t.co/RTrzUvSBMl
— d4v (@d7nuwai) July 28, 2017
Well im not sure how swearing at the government is to be praised upon even for speaking out on behalf. The way he said it is disrespectful https://t.co/b0O10v2LlD
— ashinope (@Asyyy_x) July 28, 2017
The media is strictly regulated in Brunei and issues related to civil liberties are not often discussed online; that's why the ongoing conversation about Shahiran's case provides a rare glimpse of how some netizens think about the situation in the country today.


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The African Community Reacts to Emmanuel Macron’s Comments on Birth Rates in Africa · Global Voices
Abdoulaye Bah

E. Macron visiting Mali – Screenshot via YouTube
July 11, 1987 marks the Day of 5 Billion, or the approximate date when the world reached a population of five billion. As a result, beginning in 1989 the United Nations Development Program created World Population Day, an event celebrated on July 11 each year in the hopes of attracting the world’s attention to the urgency and importance of population issues.
With resolution 45/216 passed in December of 1990, the UN General Assembly decided to keep World Population Day in order to promote awareness and, above all, to promote the links between population issues, the environment, and development. By 1990, many countries began following the UNDP’s lead and started celebrating the day in their own countries.
Each year a theme is chosen, with this year's being: “Family Planning: Giving people the ability to act, contributing to the development of countries“. As fate would have it, this year the date coincided with remarks from French president Emmanuel Macron about the exploding demography of Africa. His comments sparked a lively debate on social media and came in response to questions from an African journalist during a press conference at the G20 summit. The site koaci.com took stock:
Le Président français Emmanuel Macron a crée la polémique en liant le sous développement de l’Afrique à sa démographie lors d’une conférence de presse au G20 à Hambourg (Allemagne).
Au G20, le nouveau chef de l’ Etat français a crée la polémique en s’en prenant à la fécondité des femmes africaines.
Interrogé sur le développement de l'Afrique, Emmanuel Macron a pointé sur les «7 à 8 enfants» des femmes africaines comme un problème «civilisationnel »
“Le défi de l'Afrique”, “il est civilisationnel”, a déclaré M. Emmanuel Macron, avant de demander : “Quels sont les problèmes de l'Afrique ?” Il cite alors “les Etats faillis, les transitions démocratiques complexes, la transition démographique qui est (…) l'un des défis essentiels de l'Afrique”. “Quand des pays ont encore sept à huit enfants par femme, vous pouvez décider d'y dépenser des milliards d'euros, vous ne stabiliserez rien”, poursuit-il.
French president Emmanuel Macron created a polemic by linking the underdevelopment of Africa to its demography during a press conference at the G20 in Hamburg, Germany. At the G20, the new French head of state created the polemic by attacking African women's fertility. When asked about African development, Emmanuel Macron pointed to the ‘7 to 8 children’ from African women as a ‘societal’ problem. ‘Africa's challenge’, ‘It's societal’, stated Mr. Emmanuel Macron: ‘What are Africa's problems?’ He then cites ‘failed states, complex democratic transitions, a demographic change which is (…) one of the defining challenges for Africa’. ‘When countries still have 7 to 8 children per woman, you can decide whether to spend billions of euros, you stabilize nothing’, he followed.
Here is a video of the speech (click on image to play video):
screen capture of video of E. Macron from Indy100
While waiting for African heads of state to react to these remarks, members of the site visionguinee.info were astonished:
Pas une déclaration, aucune réaction. Les chapelles présidentielles n’ont pas tinté les cloches de l’indignation. Dans un silence coupable, à la limite approbateur, les chefs d’Etat africains, les organisations régionales ou sous-régionales n’ont signé aucun communiqué regrettant ou recadrant les propos condescendants d’Emmanuel Macron sur la démographie galopante qui freinerait le développement de l’Afrique…
Le tollé médiatique des propos d’Emmanuel Macron est à la hauteur des réactions d’indignation et de condamnation sur les réseaux sociaux. Répondant aux questions d’un journaliste ivoirien lors du sommet du G20 en Allemagne, Emmanuel Macron avait fait le lien entre le sous-développement de l’Afrique et l’explosion démographique sur le continent dans des propos qui rappellent le discours de Dakar de Nicolas Sarkozy.
No statement, no reaction from any African presidents. The presidential chapels did not toll with bells of indignation.  With a guilty silence, lasting just the right amount of time, African heads of state, regional organization or sub-regional, did not release any statements lamenting or framing Macron's condescending comments on the exploding demography which is curbing Africa's development… The media outcry concerning Macron's comments matches the reactions of indignation and condemnation on social media.  Responding to an Ivorian reporter's questions at the G20 summit in Germany, Macron made the link between the underdevelopment of Africa and the demographic explosion on the continent in remarks which resembled Nicolas Sarkozy's 2007 Dakar speech.
Facebook user Bouba Camara, in response to a comment by Mohamed Camara, president of the Association for the Promotion of Democracy and Good Governance, supported the French president's remarks but also added his own criticism, writing:
Charles Ldv Sanches from Senegal wrote:
Noel Gnimassou, living in Fria, a city in the interior of Guinea, observed:
Here is what irritates me about Africans: they assume the right to criticize the West, to mock them, even insult them. Sarkozy this, Trump that, Macron's a racist, etc. We publish jokes, photos, and caricatures of them.  We dissect and condemn their statements often by questioning their ability to handle the affairs of their own country and of the world. But we Africans barely tolerate the least bit of criticism towards us, be it objective or constructive.
This observation generated a number of reactions, not always in agreement. Clairefall Fatou, a stylist who is based in Dakar, wrote:
The debate was not limited to social media users. In fact, even the president of the African Union, Alpha Condé, head of state of Guinea, entered the debate. While Guinea is the country which sends the third most migrants to Europe across the Mediterranean, he was indignant, outspoken, and declared:
When you speak of the explosive demographic, this is Malthusian, this is against Africa. Today, the other continents envy our demography, because they are an aging population. Our youth is our advantage. Therefore, we must adapt our language for what we want for Africa.
There is good reason to wonder if “His Excellency the Professor Alpha Condé President of Guinea”, as the media officials call him, spoke on behalf of all his peers. In fact, World Population Day, with its theme of Family Planning, was celebrated in nearly all of Africa.  For example in Niger, the minister of population, Dr. Kaffa Rakiatou Christelle Jackou, and in Burkina Faso, Ms. Rosine Coulibaly, minister in charge of development, minister of economy, of finance and of development, emphasized the importance of controlling the growing demographic, as well as the need to improve access to family planning methods for women's empowerment and reduce the challenges that the exploding demography poses to weak African economies.
Even in Guinea itself there seemed to be mixed reactions, with the national director of population and development (DNPD), Mohamed Sano, emphasizing that Guinea would also be celebrating World Population Day under the theme of Family Planning, like its international peers.

author: Abdoulaye Bah