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Eleven-year-old Aussie’s online magazine showcases women’s sports · Global Voices
Kevin Rennie

Screenshot — Meet The 11 Year Old Who Started Her Own Magazine | Studio 10 video
In another feel-good story from down under, Australian youth is leading the way. An eleven-year-old Australian from Sydney has created an online magazine about international women's sports.
Abbie decided on this venture after she discovered there were no sports magazines for girls. So she created Her Way:
Her Way Issue 1, October 2021 — Image courtesy of Abbie (Her Way Magazine)
It costs the rock-bottom price of 2.00 Australian dollars (1.50 US dollars) and half will be donated to UNICEF Australia's Empower Girls Through Cricket appeal.
Meet the 11-year-old who created Her Way magazine to tell stories about women's sport https://t.co/mHRkz7INUm
— Genevieve Poole (@GenevievePool12) October 1, 2021
Rugby League player Katie Brown, who plays for South Sydney Football Club, has interviewed Abbie for her Real Talk podcast.
If you want a feel good podcast – meet Abbie, the creator of @HerwayMagazine
She’s 11-years-old and smashin’ ceilings! ???
Thanks for chatting to me on Real Talk – full episode ??https://t.co/vovlbcxhtq pic.twitter.com/1K3z0MQRTh
— Katie Brown ??♀ (@katiebrownaus) September 28, 2021
Abbie has also been featured on national Ten Network's Studio 10:
In addition to the magazine, Her Way has Facebook, Instagram and Twitter accounts. They are curated with ‘parental supervision’.
Abbie is no stranger to being on centre stage. As an eight-year-old in 2019, she was an  Australian Football League (AFL) Auskicker of the year nominee, appearing in a national TV interview with 7 million viewers. The YouTube version is available here.
That year she also played on the Melbourne Cricket Ground in a game at half-time during the AFL grand final. Later Abbie presented a premiership medal, joking to the player receiving it, ‘you're pretty good for a boy’. She tells the full story in Issue 1 of the magazine.
AFL Grand final 2019 medal presentation — Photo courtesy Abbie (Her Way Magazine)
Abbie has reached out to international stars in a range of sports. Hannah Green, Australian golfer and winner of the 2019 Women's PGA Championship, was featured in the first issue, with further interviews coming in future editions.
This catchy tweet, warning fans of a time change due to daylight savings, brought thanks from the all-conquering Australian Women's Cricket Team:
Good reminder!!
— Australian Women's Cricket Team ? (@AusWomenCricket) October 2, 2021
She has other high profile fans:
OMG @Anthony_Wiggle just liked a tweet of mine. Five years ago my sister and I dressed up like Emma at a Wiggles show ??
— HerWay_Magazine (@HerwayMagazine) October 3, 2021
Abbie is prepared to call out the media's biggest players in sports coverage. This tweet is clearly aimed at the priorities of a national TV network:
Why do horses get chosen over women? #7sport
— HerWay_Magazine (@HerwayMagazine) October 2, 2021
She has plenty of online supporters who agree with her:
In a week where an 11 year old girl has started an online magazine for women’s sport (so refreshing) @HerwayMagazine , @SMHsport could only manage 2 tiny stories on women’s sport – ½ page out of 14 pages
— Nic Wakefield Evans (@Nicwe) October 2, 2021
Global Voices asked Abbie about the magazine and herself.
Kevin Rennie (KR): Why did you choose the online magazine format for your venture?
Abbie: Initially I wanted a real magazine, because I love collecting magazines. But we decided in order to get it to people everywhere quickly, and to keep the cost really low, online was best. Also, younger people all have screens now, so it’s an easy way to read it.
KR: How is your team made up? Where does the tech support come from?
Abbie: It’s mostly me and my dad. He helps with a bit of research, and all the photos are ones he has taken when we go to games or meet people. Mum proof reads it and has done a lot of the stuff with the site to buy it.
KR: What other plans do you have, either publicly or personally, such as career/study paths?
Abbie: I’m not too sure about career. This has definitely given me some ideas about being involved with sport in journalism if I don’t end up playing sport professionally. But I also would love to work with hearing impaired people, animals, or kids. There’s lot I would like to do.
KR: How does it feel to call out the big media players?
Abbie: I only did this because it’s something I’m passionate about, and I created something I wanted to read and thought other people might as well. I didn’t really think anything else about it
KR: Do you have any other comments on the Her Way journey so far?
Abbie: The reaction has been way bigger than I thought. I probably thought 20 people might like it. But to have people all over the world buy the magazine, and to have people want to interview me has been really cool but unexpected.
Abbie's venture comes as other young Aussies are making a splash online: Three Melbourne teenagers inspire the public with their COVID-19 data tracking website.
Great to see young people are leading the way for Aussies’ future. Abbie is doing an amazing thing!

author: Kevin Rennie


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Hope amid scarcity and fear: Cuba after July’s historic protests · Global Voices
Luis Rodriguez

Image made by Giovana Fleck/Global Voices.
This article was written by an @author@ in Cuba under the pseudonym Luis Rodriguez to protect their anonymity. The accompanying Cuban music playlist below is courtesy of Global Voices and Spotify.
It has been over two months since unprecedented protests broke out on July 11 in Cuba, when people took to the streets by the thousands to demand freedom of expression and basic food and medicine needs. Since then, simmering discontent has only deepened within the Cuban collective consciousness about issues that, left unaddressed by the government, worsen by the day.
Cubans on the island and their diaspora continue to question why the social uprising of “J11″ that took the regime by surprise did not lead to the changes they wanted. The brutal repression of the protest has created widespread fear among those who have tried to return to the streets to speak out. The state maintains absolute control of the Cuban media and has instructed all available resources to control the narrative about J11, calling those who protested “delinquents and terrorists.”
So, what has changed in Cuba? It is a question repeatedly asked by millions of Cubans who continue to bear the brunt of nationwide food and medicine shortages, nonstop blackouts, and perennial repression by a regime attempting to impose its ideology on people less likely to accept it than before.
According to the US-based human rights NGO Cubalex, there are still 437 protestors from the total 949 arrested that are still being detained as of this publication’s date. Additionally, “only 62 people have been tried, and 53 have been charged with criminal offense[s] for public disorder, although there are additional charges of contempt, resistance, criminal instigation, and criminal mischief, according to the official newspaper Granma,” but those are the official figures released by international media. Essentially, no one in Cuba is able to access firm data on arrested persons.
The driving factor behind misinformation in this regard lies in that, unlike other countries, the Cuban government does not allow penal or judicial institutions to be monitored by organizations or NGOs like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch.
Therefore, any scant information of relevance that does reach Cubans comes through Cuban sources, such as the Cuban Observatory for Human Rights and other dissident associations, which operate under the law with little access to reliable information on the matter. This explains how we know so little about the detainees’ situation.
The majority of arrested civilians are a mix of ordinary people and opposition leaders such as the artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara. Alcántara was the first leader of the San Isidro Movement, and was released after being confined to the Calixto García Hospital for a prolonged stay, but has been held in a maximum security prison after participating in the protests, and this is where he remains today. Rapper Maikel Osorbo, who starred in the music video Patria y Vida, had been arrested before the J11 protests and is still awaiting trial.
Other artists and intellectuals did not remain on the sidelines. In one of the lesser-known events, a group of artists went to the ICRT (Institute of Cinema, Radio and Television) and demanded a legitimate right to appear on television to provide transparent information to the population about the events. They were violently repressed.
Another case is of José Daniel Ferrer, leader of an organization known as UMPACU in Santiago de Cuba, who is considered the most important leader of traditional opposition. He was imprisoned in Cuba on several occasions, this time he was sentenced to the remaining four years of a previous sentence for an alleged assault.
In post-J11 Cuba, the regime is desperate to squash social discontent and change its image to the world by offering so-called places for dialogue with different parts of civil society, such as artists, religious, and popular neighborhood leaders. There is a noticeable absence of dialogue with any sector of political opposition, in an atypical stance when compared with other countries—even Venezuela, one of Cuba’s few political allies.
According to Julio Cesar Guanche, in order to undertake this critical dialogue with civil society, the government must “review the judicial and legal situation of detainees, summary proceedings, and recognize the right to peaceful demonstration.” Failure to act on it would continue being problematic for the same dead-ended possibility of dialogue that the Government is attempting to develop.
The state has tried to control the crisis through the internet by lowering the cost to make the internet more accessible, while contradictorily enacting the new Decree Law 35, which restricts the flow of information on social media. This decree states that any citizen who uses social media to promote false news and incite violence can be prosecuted. Many in Cuba associate this decree with the government’s torturous effect of attempting to apply a gag rule to suffocate Cubans’ freedom of expression.
In the face of this frustrating scene, one could conclude that this awakening of the Cuban nation was fruitless, and it failed to bring about the changes we demanded. But the historical lessons of J11 offer us insights. Cubans came out en masse throughout the island for the first time in decades to assert their rights, the vast majority of it done in a peaceful manner. In the words of the Cuban political scientist and historian, Armando Chaguaceda, “Cuba understood that it had the right to have rights.”
There will be another march on November 20 to demand the release of political prisoners and to advocate for further steps towards democracy. Nothing and no one will be able to stop the historical trajectory of a nation’s people who collectively understood at J11 that the only way to freedom was through peaceful political transition.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Luis Rodriguez


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Meet Boji, the dog touring Istanbul using public transportation · Global Voices
Arzu Geybullayeva

A screenshot taken from Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality TV (IBB) video.
Boji, a street dog from Istanbul uses public transportation to travel across Istanbul each day.
Hi, I'm Boji of Istanbul ? Just like millions of my fellow Istanbulites, I use @municipalityist‘s public transport services every day. Come and say hi if you spot me on the bus, the metro or the ferry. pic.twitter.com/h5wcs370X1
— Boji (@boji_ist) October 3, 2021
Boji even has a Twitter and Instagram account. Recently, he thanked Istanbul mayor Ekrem Imamoglu for following him on Twitter.
His name, Boji, comes from the system that enables the movement of the wheels on vehicles, which is where he often rests while taking public transportation.
The Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IMM) has ensured that he has all the necessary shots and vaccinations. Before releasing him back into the city, set up a GPS tracker that allows municipality staff to track his whereabouts.
According to the IMM, Boji's most recent adventure in Istanbul spanned 30 kilometers.
İstanbul's now famous urban dog Boji uses all types of public transport vehicles available in the city such as the subway, Marmaray, tram and ferry. İstanbulites from various and far districts of the city come across Boji on different occasions and share his images on social media.
Boji has already gained over 50,000 followers on Twitter. Each post, whether on Twitter or Instagram, contains a message encouraging public transportation users to follow city safety rules.
Metroda güvenlik için sarı çizgiyi geçmiyorum. Siz de geçmeyin. pic.twitter.com/DcXeur60DZ
— Boji (@boji_ist) October 3, 2021
For safety measures, I never cross the yellow line. You should not cross either.
Istanbul residents who spot Boji, have also shared their encounters with the dog:
Biraz vapur biraz martı⚓ pic.twitter.com/lULfkJPWWt
— Boji (@boji_ist) October 2, 2021
A little bit of ferry, a little bit of seagulls.
A post shared by İstanbul'u Turlayan Köpek? (@boji_ist)
Today was a busy day. We started in Fatih, and traveled through Bayrampasa, Basaksehir and eventually I made it to Uskudar. There were a few who recognized me. So I took a selfie with them.
Passengers who have encountered Boji said he is often quiet and well-behaved.

author: Arzu Geybullayeva


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Supporters demand freedom for Egyptian activist Alaa Abd El Fattah · Global Voices
Advox

Alaa Abd El Fattah, photo by Nariman El-Mofty, used with permission.
The life of Egyptian blogger and activist Alaa Abd El Fattah is in danger. The 39-year-old was jailed in 2019 on charges of spreading fake news, but, despite the limits of Egyptian law, he has yet to go to trial.
At a recent hearing concerning the case, his lawyer spoke of Abd El Fattah's declining mental health and quoted him saying, “I can't carry on.”
A vocal advocate for open technologies that enable everyone to speak freely, and a prominent voice during the Arab uprisings in 2011, Abd El Fattah has been jailed or investigated under every Egyptian head of state who has served during his lifetime. In 2006, he was arrested for taking part in a peaceful protest. In 2011, he spent two months in prison, missing the birth of his son, Khaled. In 2013, he was arrested and detained for 115 days without trial, before eventually serving a five-year sentence, and then embarking on an additional five-year probationary period, in which he was forced to spend every night in his local police station.
Several months into this probationary period, he was re-arrested on allegations of spreading fake news and joining a terrorist organization. He has since been held in a maximum-security wing of Tora Prison, but has not been brought to trial. In April of 2020, he carried out a hunger strike over the course of three weeks. On September 29, 2021, his time in pre-trial detention exceeded the maximum time limit stipulated in Egypt's penal code. Yet he remains in prison.
Apart from a brief period of exception during his hunger strike, Abd El Fattah has had no access to reading material and no allowance of time outside his cell for exercise or fresh air. He is not allowed to keep a watch or clock. Since COVID-19 restrictions began, he has been afforded only one 20-minute visit per month.
In recent weeks, Abd El Fattah's family and lawyer have sounded the alarm for his safety, raising concerns that his mental health is deteriorating and that he is contemplating suicide.
In a statement published on Facebook, his family put forth a plea for his safety and release:
Alaa is in imminent danger…His mental health is failing after two years of careful planning and cruel implementation by the Interior Ministry and National Security Agency. His life is in danger, in a prison that operates completely outside the space of the law and with the complete disregard of all officials, foremost among them the public prosecutor, the interior minister, the justice minister, and of course the president.
Advocates throughout the Arab region and the world have joined his family in calling for his release. Short of this, they demand that he be transferred to a different prison with improved conditions, including access to literature, exercise outdoors, and more frequent visitation.
Global Voices joins these groups, and international organizations including Amnesty International, the Committee to Protect Journalists, the Electronic Frontier Foundation, and SMEX in the call.
We also encourage supporters to order his forthcoming book, “You Have Not Yet Been Defeated.” Indeed, despite his ordeal, Abd El Fattah has written a series of texts while in detention that have been compiled and edited by the independent publisher Fitzcarraldo Editions in the UK. Due to launch on October 20, the collection includes an introduction by the Canadian writer and social activist Naomi Klein.
The book also features some of Abd El Fattah's more recent writings for Egyptian independent media outlet Mada Masr. In one of these essays, titled “Our bodies and enmity: A personal introduction,” he writes about the “story” of prisoners’ bodies and reflects on the deep effects of state control on his body:
The story is not about prisoners’ health, but the health of the nation. It is a story of oppressive tools passed down for generations and a vicious enmity that will be inherited by future generations. The total negation of the voice and body is the impetus of the enmity. We think of an enmity as a willful decision to pursue a feud and inflict pain, but if you see and hear me, there’s a chance for retreat and a truce; even if we don’t take advantage of it, we at least remain on equal footing. When the feud rages, you don’t see or try to understand me. I become an object, something to be eliminated, destroyed, disappeared, negated, excluded; I become a symbol or a bogeyman, without a material, physical presence. An enmity’s legacy is the price paid by all bodies, and they continue to pay it even after the feud fades.
…
How do we protect our children’s bodies from this legacy of prisons? The solution does not stop with the release of detainees. It starts with release, but must end with an imaginative vision for the erasure of prisons, not prisoners.
On Tuesday, October 5, supporters around the world will be using the hashtags #SaveAlaa and #FreeAlaa to amplify this call. Here are actions that anyone can take in support of the campaign:

author: Advox


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The activist side of K-pop in Peru · Global Voices
La Antígona

Image from BTS Perú Sede Chiclayo‘s Facebook page
Adriana Velásquez initially wrote this article for La Antígona, it has been edited, translated and republished by Global Voices.
The term K-pop is no longer foreign in Peru despite the country's distance of over 16,000 kilometers from South Korea, where this musical genre originated. So, it is no surprise that fan clubs, or fandoms, which often rally around social causes, are becoming more successful at mobilizing large crowds for social and political demonstrations in Peru.
K-pop fans are active around the world. During last year's Black Lives Matter protests following the murder of George Floyd in the United States, the donation of one million dollars from the K-pop band BTS made global headlines. A little over 24 hours later, a set of the band's fans, One in an Army, raised an additional million dollars for this cause.
K-pop activism has also spread to Latin America. In 2020, Peru faced a political crisis after President Martín Vizcarra was removed from office in what some Peruvians considered a coup. The government then repressed mass protests against his successor Manuel Merino, leading to two deaths and more than 100 injuries. To support the protesters, kpoppers used Twitter to stop an attempt to discredit the demonstrations against Merino, who held office for only nine days. They used their numerous Twitter accounts to take over the #TerrorismoNuncaMás [NoMoreTerrorism] hashtag, which sought to delegitimize the protests, by posting the tag along with spam and, as a result, preventing any negative publicity from tarnishing the protestors’ image.
Miguel Sánchez, journalist and professor at the Catholic University of Peru, points out the unique characteristics of kpopper cyberactivism such as fandom structure, common objectives, and the use of public space.
On the other hand, social psychologist and K-pop fan Sandra Rivas indicates that the kpoppers’ predisposition to protest in cyberspace is based on the experience of making their groups trend using the social networks’ algorithms. These skills are then replicated when dealing with topics of social or political interest.
According to Rivas, K-pop fandoms have two important characteristics different from typical Western music fan clubs: the construction of collective identity and K-pop industry marketing. Rivas describes this collective as a tight-knit community where each fandom has its distinguishing name and color.
Image from BTS Perú Sede Chiclayo's Facebook page
[Image translation: Hello … ! We are BTS Perú site Chiclayo| Today we put our hand on our chest to unite in this noble cause | #HelpUsHelp | Oxygen of Hope Campaign “Today we will raise 800,000 soles to buy an oxygen plant for Lambayecano” | Organized by the Chiclayo Bishopric, Caritas Chiclayo and Parishes | From February 14 | As a fan club we hope for your support and moreover the commemoration of this month for J-Hope's birthday.]
There is no doubt that K-pop and South Korean culture are becoming more relevant on this side of the world. The “Hallyu” or “Korean Wave” refers to the global expansion of South Korean culture that began in the 1990s. South Korean entertainment quickly rose in popularity thanks to novels, television shows, music, and dance.
In Latin America, however, the expansion was more gradual. Little by little, the first K-pop fandoms were formed, although they lacked visibility.
According to the digital marketing expert Fernando Vega, in 2020, Peruvian kpoppers were responsible for up to 15 K-pop trending topics on Twitter in 30 days. “This K-pop boom, even though it's not new, surprises with the strength of its metrics,” he states in the blog article. “In 90 days, there were 70 million mentions in Spanish in all of Latin America's Spanish-speaking world.”
Fabiana Tequenquea, a member of BTS Chiclayo staff, joined a fandom in 2015. K-pop fandoms often organize diverse social outreach activities to commemorate their idols’ birthdays or their favorite groups’ anniversaries. Tequenquea recalls that as early as 2016, they were able to carry out their first social outreach project, A Chocolate Christmas, thanks to new fandom members. They distributed chocolate, panettone, and toys to the homeless. As BTS became better known in Chiclayo, more members joined the fan club. As a result, more social outreach activities were carried out.
Image from ENHYPEN Perú's Facebook page
[Image translation: Christmas Chocolates | Bangtan Perú, Moa Perú and Enhypen Perú have joined forces with ‘Changing Lives Peru’ to bring children happiness in a Chocolate Christmas where donated gifts will be handed out. | Goal: 90 gifts for the children of Villa El Salvador | Types of donations: toys, food and money | Gifts and food delivered on December 12 and 17 at Campo de Marte (previous coordination) | To make a deposit, DM/Inbox your respective fan club for bank account details.
But, without a doubt, there was one donation that surpassed the rest. It was the largest donation at the national level from the ARMYs, one of the most established BTS fandoms, whose letters stand for Adorable Representative M.C for Youth. Three thousand soles (approximately 760 US dollars) were donated to implement an oxygen generator in Lima to commemorate the birthday of BTS member J-Hope. Organized by BTS Perú Projects, Peruvian ARMYs from different sites helped raise the money. “It was a great source of pride because K-pop fan clubs are sometimes overlooked and insulted for their taste in music. And it was an honor to have this effort positively recognized at the national level,” Tequenquea recalls.
For Tequenquea, the message BTS members share through their music is an inspiration to improve oneself, support others, and live in a better world. “As they have said: we are all equal, we all deserve support and respect,” she said.
Thanks to social media and K-pop globalization, more and more Peruvian fandoms are being formed and organized even before a band actually debuts. This phenomenon allows them to begin social outreach activities right away. This is the case with ENHYPEN, a K-pop group that sprung from I-LAND, a reality show competition. They debuted in November 2020, and before this, they already had a fandom in Peru.
For Keyla and Hienka, members of ENHYPEN PERÚ staff, it was clear they wanted to do social outreach from the start. “We have members who work in NGOs, so we always keep this in mind for activities we want to carry out on the band members’ birthdays,” Keyla says.
One of the most memorable activities was the Chocolate Christmas carried out last year with the NGO Cambiando Vidas Perú (Changing Lives Peru). “We asked for donations of money and food. We bought toys for 100 children, and as there were a lot of food donations, we made baskets that were raffled among those present. It was a lot of fun,” Keyla recalls.
It is worth noting that activism and social outreach are nothing new for kpoppers. Older fandoms already carried out small projects to help the community. Fiorella Mucha, a member of SONES Perú staff (a fandom of the band Girls Generation), says social outreach projects have been going on since 2011. In the beginning, there was an interest in helping animals such as collaborating with dog shelters. “SONES Perú is known for its love of animals,” Fiorella says.
”A K-pop fandom not only focused on it [K-pop], but it also supports our society with the fact that we have something in common,” Hienka says.
A playlist by “val” on Spotify that mixes BTS songs with Peruvian cumbias.

author: La Antígona


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A disappearing cross-border river becomes the subject of a Central Asian documentary · Global Voices
Paolo Sorbello

A still from the documentary River of Nomads, showing the effects of desertification on the Chu's river bed. Shared with permission.
Adamdar/CA, from Kazakh “people,” is a multimedia platform, a small operation out of an office in Almaty, Kazakhstan's largest city. It describes itself as a collection of “stories of people, landscapes and ideas of Central Asia.” And its founders, Timur Nusimbekov and Malika Autalipova, have just released “River of Nomads,” a documentary about the environmental issues around the Chu river, which crosses the territories of southern Kazakhstan and northern Kyrgyzstan.
The documentary premiered at the GoViral festival, which took place in Almaty in June, and is now available publicly. Global Voices had an early peek into the documentary and interviewed Nusimbekov and Autalipova about their project JerSu that documents environmental tragedies in Central Asia. The name means Earth-Water in most Central Asian languages of Turkic heritage.
Global Voices (GV): When we think of environmental issues in Central Asia, we often think of the tragedy of the Aral Sea. Why did you decide to look specifically at the Chu river? Why the “river of nomads”?
Adamdar: Да, трагедия Аральского моря – самый известный и самый наглядный кейс экологической катастрофы в Центральной Азии. Масштабы и последствия этой катастрофы настолько велики, что над этим кейсом будут рефлексировать еще не одно десятилетие ученые, документалисты, художники и многие другие. Мы тоже работали в районе Арала с группой ученых и молодых исследователей из стран Центральной Азии, Ближнего Востока и Западной Европы.
Судя по тому, как относятся к воде в Центральной Азии, основные уроки из трагедии Аральского моря до сих пор не сделаны.
Почему именно Чу? Чу — интересный объект и в историческом контексте, и в контексте актуальных вопросов. В контексте истории район Чу — это один из важнейших очагов развития номадической цивилизации, на берегах Чу формировались и казахская, и кыргызская нации, в междуречье Чу и Таласа формировалась государственность обеих стран. Для идентичности кыргызов и казахов Чу и Талас так же важны, как для британцев Темза, для итальянцев Тибр, для американцев Потомак и Миссисипи, а для монголов — Онон и Керулен.
В контексте современности Чу по-прежнему играет важную роль. От вод этой реки зависят экосистемы, города и значительные районы Кыргызстана (в том числе, Бишкек, столица Кыргызской Республики) и южного Казахстана.
Мы сняли и смонтировали наш фильм весной этого года, а летом на вопрос «Почему именно Чу?» отвечала сама Реальность, когда в Чуйской области Кыргызстана происходили митинги местных жителей из-за засухи и нехватки воды, а в южном и западном Казахстане массово погибал скот и урожай из-за тех же причин – засуха, нехватка воды, а иногда — ее полное отсутствие.
Adamdar: The tragedy of the Aral Sea is the most famous and most illustrative case of an ecological catastrophe in Central Asia. The scale and consequences of this catastrophe are so great that scientists, documentary filmmakers, artists and many others will reflect on this case for decades. We also worked in the Aral Sea region with a group of scientists and young researchers from Central Asia, the Middle East, and Western Europe.
Judging by the way water is treated in Central Asia, the main lessons from the tragedy of the Aral Sea have not yet been drawn.
Why did we choose the Chu? Because the Chu plays an important role in both history and current affairs. Historically, the Chu region is one of the most important centers of development of the nomadic civilization; both Kazakh and Kyrgyz nations were formed on the banks of the Chu; the statehood of both countries was formed at the intersection of the Chu and Talas rivers. For the identity of the Kyrgyz and Kazakhs, the Chu and Talas are as important as the Thames for the British, the Tiber for the Italians, the Potomac and Mississippi for Americans, and the Onon and Kerulen for the Mongols.
In the context of modernity, the Chu still plays an important role. Ecosystems, cities and significant regions of Kyrgyzstan (including Bishkek, the capital of the Kyrgyz Republic) and southern Kazakhstan depend on the waters of this river.
We shot and edited our film in the spring of this year, and the question of “why Chu?” was answered in the summer when a harsh drought drew local residents to rally in the Chui region of Kyrgyzstan, and cattle and crops perished massively in southern and western Kazakhstan, because of the lack or total absence of water.
GV: What were the causes of the desertification of the river?
Adamdar: Уменьшение водности Чу связано с рядом глобальных и локальных проблем. Из глобальных факторов – это влияние глобального изменения климата, уменьшение частоты и объема осадков, таяние ледников региона, которые являются основным источником пресной воды. Из локальных факторов – это крайняя изношенность и неэффективность водной инфраструктуры. Из-за технической и моральной устарелости этой инфраструктуры значительные объемы воды в буквальном смысле испаряются, не успев дойти до полей, садов и водной системы городов и поселков.
Также оказывает влияние местная коррупция и отсутствие современного контроля за водопользованием, из-за этого в одни районы вода может поступать с избытком, а в других районах будет острая нехватка воды или ее отсутствие. Поэтому, не только глобальные факторы, но и местный, антропогенный фактор играет значительную роль во все возрастающем дефиците воды. И эти системные проблемы касаются не только Чу, но и всех остальных ключевых водных источников Центральной Азии.
Adamdar: The decrease in the water content in the Chu is associated with several global and local problems. Global factors include the impact of climate change, the decrease in the frequency and volume of precipitation, and the melting of the region's glaciers, which are the main source of fresh water. Local factors include the extreme deterioration and inefficiency of the water infrastructure. Due to the technical obsolescence of and carelessness towards this infrastructure, significant volumes of water literally evaporate before reaching the fields, gardens, and water systems of cities and towns.
Local corruption and the lack of modern control over water use also have an impact. This means that water may flow to some areas in abundance, while in other areas there will be an acute shortage or lack of water. Therefore, both global and local, anthropogenic factors play a significant role in the ever-decreasing water supply. And these systemic problems concern not only the Chu, but most other key water sources in Central Asia.
A still from the documentary River of Nomads, showing the river Chu and the Ile-Alatau mountain range. Shared with permission.
GV: What is the situation with pollution and what kinds of solutions should be implemented for the Chu, as well as other bodies of water in Central Asia?
Adamdar: Загрязнение и замусоривание реки— это серьёзные проблемы. От истока в Кыргызстане до устья в Казахстане мы наблюдали, что река и ее берега серьезно замусорены бытовыми отходами, индустриальным мусором и значительными объемами пластика. Это проявление другой фундаментальной проблемы – глубокого кризиса в культуре, экологических нормах и образовательных системах обеих стран.
Поэтому, будущее Чу и других важнейших рек Кыргызстана, Казахстана и других центральноазиатских республик будет зависеть от решения целого комплекса проблем, связанных не только с водно-ирригационными системами и внедрением капельного и машинного орошения, но и с вопросами поддержки образовательных, экологических проектов и культуры местных жителей и, конечно же, решения застарелых проблем коррупции и маргинализации государственных организаций.
Adamdar: Pollution and littering of the river represent additional serious problems. From its source in Kyrgyzstan to its mouth in Kazakhstan, we observed that the river and its banks were seriously littered with household waste, industrial waste and significant amounts of plastic. This is a manifestation of another fundamental problem — a deep cultural, environmental, and educational crisis in both countries.
Therefore, the future of the Chu and other important rivers of Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and other Central Asian republics will depend on the solution of a whole range of problems associated not only with water-irrigation systems and the introduction of drip and pump irrigation, but also with the issues of supporting educational, environmental, and cultural projects for local residents and, of course, solving the long-standing problems of corruption and marginalization of state organizations.
GV: What kind of measures would countries such as Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan need to take to protect their cross-border waterways?
Adamdar: Учитывая глубину проблемы и серьезное ухудшение ситуации с водными ресурсами в регионе, очевидно, что кроме участия чиновников профильных ведомств в поиске решений этих проблем, уже давно назрела необходимость более серьезного и широкого вовлечения и контроля со стороны представителей науки и организаций гражданского общества, независимых экспертов и медиа. Из-за низкой оплаты труда, коррупции, местничества и других факторов, очевидна нехватка в государственном аппарате республик Центральной Азии компетентных сотрудников и экспертов, которые занимаются водными вопросами. Кроме того, наблюдается серьезный отток образованного населения и специалистов (в том числе, по вопросам воды) из нашего региона. Поэтому, для такой комплексной проблемы необходим комплексный пакет решений, касающихся не только водных ресурсов в узком смысле, но и в других сферах: образование, экология, культура, экономика…
Если говорить про межгосударственные отношения, то очевидно, что важно поддерживать и развивать диалог и находить консенсус, а не множить взаимные претензии, обиды, комплексы и идти по опасной дороге, ведущей к пограничным кризисам и перспективе межгосударственных и региональных конфликтов. Это, опять же, касается не только Кыргызстана и Казахстана, но и всех республик Центральной Азии. Эта мысль кажется элементарной и универсальной. Но, к сожалению, все увеличивающаяся частота водных кризисов, увеличение районов опустынивания и все увеличивающееся количество жертв конфликтов из-за водных ресурсов в Центральной Азии говорят о том, что для определенной части политических элит и чиновников – эта мысль не такая очевидная, элементарная и универсальная.
Adamdar: Given the depth of the problem and the serious deterioration of the situation with water resources in the region, it is obvious that, in addition to the participation of officials from relevant departments in the search for solutions to these problems, there has long been a need for more serious and widespread involvement and control by representatives of scientific and civil society organizations, independent experts, and media. Due to low wages, corruption, parochialism and other factors, there is an obvious lack of competent staff and experts who deal with water issues in the government agencies of the Central Asian republics. In addition, there is a widespread brain drain of qualified specialists (including those focusing on water issues) from our region. Therefore, for such a complex problem, a complex package of solutions is needed, concerning not only water resources in the narrow sense, but also in other areas: education, ecology, culture, economics, etc.
If we talk about interstate relations, it is obvious that it is important to maintain and develop a dialogue and find a consensus, and not multiply particular claims, grievances, complexes and follow a dangerous road leading to border crises and the prospect of interstate and regional conflicts. This, again, applies not only to Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, but also to all the republics of Central Asia. This idea seems elementary and universal. But unfortunately, the ever increasing frequency of water crises, the increase in desertification areas and the ever increasing number of victims of conflicts over water resources in Central Asia indicate that for a certain part of the political elites this idea is not so obvious, elementary, and universal.
GV: The project was funded with the support of private foundations. Did you encounter issues with financing it through government funds? Are the governments of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan funding projects of awareness and of ecological restoration?
Adamdar: Теоретически — просветительские и экологические проекты, финансируемые государством, существуют. Но проблема в том, что из-за высокой коррупции и автократической политической системы большая часть государственных средств уходит на бесполезные и дорогостоящие проекты, то есть когда под соусом «культуры и просвещения» происходит тиражирование культа личности Назарбаева, или когда под лозунгами «экологического туризма» территории национальных парков чиновники отдают под токсичные и разрушительные проекты: это касается и ситуации вокруг нацпарка Иле-Алатау, и планов по строительству лакшери-отеля для избранных в районе Бозжыры в Мангыстау (в области, где с каждым годом усугубляются проблемы с пресной водой, а скот массово гибнет от жажды и голода) и многих других кейсов. Кроме того, одно из влияний Советского прошлого – это государственная цензура, которая все еще применяется в различных сферах — в том числе, в вопросах, связанных с водными ресурсами и в целом экологическими проблемами. В своей работе для нас важно сохранять независимость и творческую свободу. Поэтому, мы сознательно не подаем заявки на казахстанские государственные гранты. Для нас проще и эффективней сотрудничать с частными и научными организациями, международными грантовыми организациями, департаментами ООН, или посольствами тех стран, где действует система сдержек и противовесов, где есть уважение к свободе слова, свободе творчества и где реально работают экологические нормы.
Adamdar: In theory, educational and environmental projects funded by the state exist. But the problem is that due to rampant corruption and an autocratic political system, most of the state funds are spent on useless and expensive projects, that is, when [former president Nursultan] Nazarbayev's personality cult is replicated with a pinch of “culture and education,” or when under the slogans of “ecological tourism” officials lease out swathes of national parks for toxic and destructive projects. This applies to the situation around the Ile-Alatau national park [in the south-eastern Almaty region], and plans to build a luxury hotel for the elite in the Bozzhyra district in Mangystau [in the north-east of the country] (in an area where problems with fresh water are aggravated every year, and cattle die en masse from thirst and hunger) and many other cases. In addition, state censorship is one of the heritages of the Soviet past, and it is still used in various forms — including issues related to water resources and other environmental issues.
It is important for us to maintain independence and creative freedom in our work. Therefore, we deliberately did not apply for government grants. It is easier and more effective for us to cooperate with private and scientific organizations, international grant organizations, UN departments, or embassies of those countries where there is a system of checks and balances, where there is respect for freedom of speech, freedom of creativity, and where environmental norms really work.
A still from the documentary River of Nomads showing the logo of the JerSu project and the flags of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Shared with permission.
GV: What is the JerSu project? When and how was it born? What are the future projects?
Adamdar: Последние несколько лет мы активно ездим и исследуем разные уголки Центральной Азии – от Памира и Сыр-Дарьи до Каспийского моря, Алтая и Урала. Разумеется, на нашей дороге мы не только встречаем много интересных людей, уникальных заповедников и красивых пейзажей, но и видим реальные масштабы экологических проблем. Одна из самых важных экологических проблем для Центральной Азии – это проблемы, связанные с нерациональным использованием воды. На наш вопрос: “Скажите, пожалуйста, каковы, на ваш взгляд, основные экологические вопросы и проблемы, стоящие перед нашим регионом?” Пол Салопек, известный американский исследователь, писатель и путешественник ответил нам: “Их три: вода, вода и вода.”
Мы объездили большую часть Центральной Азии, работали и на ледниках, в степях и пустынях, и мы абсолютно согласны с этими словами мистера Салопека. Поэтому, мы решили запустить проект JerSu, в котором хотим делиться не только богатством и уникальностью природы Центральной Азии, но и с помощью инструментов культуры, науки и сторителлинга говорить о ключевых экологических вопросах и проблемах нашего региона. JerSu – в переводе c казахского, кыргызского и некоторых других тюркских языков значит «Земля-Вода». В философии кочевников Центральной Азии и Сибири – это были не просто стихии и не просто слова, а сакральные понятия. Земля и вода в Тенгрианстве обожествлялись, наделялись священными и магическими качествами, осквернение и загрязнение земли и воды для кочевника было тягчайшим преступлением. Не даром, в «Ясе», своде законов Чингисхана, такое преступление каралось смертной казнью. К сожалению, многие современные потомки кочевников с одной стороны начисто забыли экологические принципы наших предков, а с другой стороны — до сих пор не впитали современные экологические знания. Поэтому, одна из задач проекта JerSu — рассказать читателю и зрителю об уникальных землях и водах Центральной Азии и важности защиты этого наследия.
Adamdar: For the past few years, we have been actively traveling and exploring different parts of Central Asia — from the Pamir and Syr Darya to the Caspian Sea, Altai, and the Urals. Of course, on our journeys we not only meet many interesting people, unique reserves and beautiful landscapes, but also see the real scale of environmental problems. One of the most important environmental problems for Central Asia is the irrational use of water. To our question: “What do you think are the main environmental issues and problems that Central Asia is facing?” Paul Salopek, a renowned American explorer, writer and traveler answered: “There are three: Water, water and water.”
We have traveled most of Central Asia, worked on glaciers, in steppes, and deserts, and we absolutely agree with Salopek’s words. Therefore, we decided to launch the JerSu project, in which we want to share not only the wealth and uniqueness of the natural environments of Central Asia, but also, with the help of culture, science, and storytelling tools, to talk about key environmental issues and problems of our region. JerSu means “Earth-Water” in translation from Kazakh, Kyrgyz and some other Turkic languages. In the philosophy of the nomads of Central Asia and Siberia, these were not just elements and not just words, but sacred concepts. Land and water in Tengrianism were deified, endowed with sacred and magical qualities — desecration and pollution of land and water for a nomad was among the gravest crimes. Not for nothing, in “Yasa,” the code of laws of Genghis Khan, such a crime was punishable by death. Unfortunately, many modern descendants of nomads, on the one hand, have completely forgotten the ecological principles of our ancestors, and, on the other hand, they have not yet absorbed modern ecological knowledge. Therefore, one of the tasks of the JerSu project is to tell the reader and viewer about the unique lands and waters of Central Asia and the importance of protecting this heritage.

author: Paolo Sorbello


text:
Flower power: Rapper Trinidad James irritates compatriots with sneaker brand misnomer · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

Trinidadian-American rapper Trinidad James, performing at 2013's Under The Influence Tour in Toronto, Canada. Photo by The Come Up Show on Flickr, CC BY-ND 2.0.
United States-based Trinidadian-American rapper Trinidad James, probably best known for his 2012 debut single “All Gold Everything” (as well as a writing credit on Bruno Mars’ Grammy-winning song “Uptown Funk“), is the latest in a list of celebrities finding themselves in disfavour with Trinidad and Tobago social media users.
On the heels of Michael B. Jordan's “J'ouvert” rum brand and Nicki Minaj's vaccine misinformation, came James’ October 4 tweet that his new sneaker line “look[ed] to the hibiscus flower for inspiration, the national flower of his hometown, Trinidad and Tobago.”
Trinidad and Tobago is a country, not a town, and its national flower is the Chaconia.
Once the online backlash started, the rapper deleted the tweet, but screenshots were already being shared liberally. On Facebook, Trinidadian netizen Nyssa Pierre lamented:
I’m so tired of these Trini adjacents. Jesus.
On Monday morning, Trinidad James announced a sneaker collab with Saucony, ironically under his label called “HOMMEWRK” yet he would have failed this homework assignment. Why?
Because he named the line after our national flower – the…HIBISCUS??????
A LITERAL GOOGLE SEARCH SIR. It’s the kissmehass Chaconia!
Keep we name out allyuh mouth [if] y’all gonna keep dragging the flag. PLEASE. […]
I am truly TIRED of the bastardization of mockery of all things 868. We are not a friggin commodity for you to, not only use any how you feel, but to not be held to account when you get it SO wrong. Enough. […]
I am TIRED.
Her compatriot Leslie-Ann Joan Boiselle added:
Total Disrespect!! Your research team SUCKS!!! […] Saucony – what the royal pack of nonsense are you promoting here? Is there no due diligence? What kind of marketing people you got working for you?
@saucony you all really listened to someone like #trinidadjames and fell for this? ?
He doesn't even know what the National flower is. Isn't not a hibiscus, it's a Chaconia. A simple google search would have saved you this pic.twitter.com/eptv7nonkk
— Check Ting ?? (@checktingtt) October 6, 2021
One Twitter user quipped:
my take away from this is Trinidad James is actually more Trini than I thought
— Z (@ZakiyaC_) October 5, 2021
In what came across to many as a half-hearted mea culpa, the rapper posted a photo on Instagram of the sneaker design, which was embroidered with a hibiscus flower, thanking his “Trinis all around the internet who brought [his] ‘Mistake’ to [his] knowledge.” It was accompanied by several different video clips of his apology.
For the most part, however, Trinbagonians were having none of it, with many of them expressing amazement at the fact that he could even remember how to speak with a Trinidadian accent:
Aye yo, I never knew he could speak with a trini accent ??????. He didn’t sound like this on CNN https://t.co/89kQrQlj0l
— RIP Kurama ? (@NamikazeSheed) October 6, 2021
His apology landed him in more hot water after he said that hibiscus was used to make sorrel, his favourite local drink.
While the sorrel plant is part of the Hibiscus sabdariffa family, it is quite different from the hibiscus flower displayed on the sneaker, which does not yield sorrel. James responded to this distinction by saying:
It's a sneaker not a book we making. The hibiscus flower that they use to make sorrel is the same colour. The hibiscus is a way more beautiful flower than the sorrel plant. That's why we market that flower that grow in Trinidad. Respectfully relax.
While some supported the rapper's view, saying he was “entitled to at least one mistake,” others were happy to continue with the picong:
Never knew you could make sorrel with Hibiscus. Trinidad James for Education Minister. https://t.co/v2Flys4wlX
— EP Coming Soon || God's Favourite Son (@_MMillette) October 5, 2021
Trinidad James’ recovery game just different. Mans spun the Hibiscus Sorrel switcha roo. A for effort my guy. A true Trini ??
— CLJ (@youfoundjordan) October 5, 2021
I got a soft spot for Trinidad James cause it’s not many Trini folks from the south side of Atlanta lol
— soft juicy bae (@trishfiya) October 5, 2021
Some Twitter users suggested he must not have done very well in school, while others marvelled that the rapper could not master a task as simple as a Google search. Tammy Jo, however, brought up the bigger issue of people widely believing the inaccuracies posted on social media:
Y’all mad Trinidad James called our national flower a hibiscus I’m more mad that there are actual Trinidadians walking around thinking it’s fact?. Smh y’all better pick up one of them kids social studies book and read! Let online school teach you something too na!
— TammiJo (@tammiwammi_sw) October 6, 2021
Meanwhile, several social media users posited that the whole faux pas was a marketing ploy to get people talking about the sneaker brand:
Trinidad James as a Trini knowing Trinis would be outraged…used that as a marketing tactic and it worked pic.twitter.com/BedPspHocN
— ?????? (@rochelle_ejacob) October 5, 2021
I wonder how much them sneakers will cost on fight club after this “situation” with Trinidad James. Lol
— Etienne Anikulapo Sembène AKA Steven G. Tennessee (@Stephen_GD) October 5, 2021
Deliberate or not, the whole situation left a bad taste in the mouths of proudly patriotic Trinbagonians:
See the segment of Trinidadians who don’t care how we are publicized as long as we are, up d mc road. I fed up. We not begging for scraps. Google is free. Yes Trinidad James is entitled to market his culture but ffs do your actual homework
— Jonelle Samai (@jonellesamai) October 5, 2021
Trinidad James have to drop Trinidad from his name. James. Just James.
— CLJ (@youfoundjordan) October 5, 2021

author: Janine Mendes-Franco


text:
Mozambique: innovative media initiative allows vulnerable groups to access information · Global Voices
Global Voices Lusofonia

TV Surdo – broadcast on YouTube (Photo: screenshot)
TV Surdo, an initiative created in 2008, aims to produce content for people with hearing and visual impairments. The television channel produces its own content, broadcasting on three television stations based in Maputo, Mozambique's capital.
The productions are also available on a YouTube channel. According to the International Center of Journalists, TV Surdo emerged to make information more inclusive since most traditional television channels often inadvertently exclude people with disabilities.
In a post on its Facebook, TV Surdo noted that though there is law facilitating access to information, disabled people continue to be excluded:
Seven years after the approval of law 34/2014 of December, which regulates the right to information, challenges remain regarding access to information for people with disabilities.
Meanwhile TV Surdo continues to keep alive the hope of informing all people with disabilities.
#TVDeaf
#Inclusive Media
Mozambique has about 727,000 people with some type of disability, according to data from the National Institute of Statistics (INE) 2017 census. The country has more than 68,000 people with hearing impairment and challenges. There are also more than 58,000 people with visual impairments.
In Mozambique, the majority of the population does not have access to digital media. Only 21 percent of its more than 30 million inhabitants have internet access. In practical terms, television and radio have the greatest reach in the country.
For Mozambicans, radio is the most popular information channel. According to the Social Communication Institute (ICS), about 75 percent of the country's population gets news through community radio stations.
The lack of media inclusion in Mozambique was highlighted in a study by the Institute for Multiparty Democracy. The study mentions the lack of educational programs and opportunities on the radio, television, and the internet. Although the COVID-19 pandemic has forced the education sector to explore these mediums as new forms of learning, educational content is still rare.
Another challenge around television access is the ongoing process of changing the analog distribution system in Mozambique to digital.
Although it has already been postponed at least twice, Mozambique is supposed to switch from analog television to digital systems, which allow for better quality visual and audio television transmission — as well as the emergence of new media channels and products in the Mozambican market. The process is being implemented by the public company of Transport, Multiplication, and Transmission (TMT).
According to the Minister of Transport and Communications, Janfar Abdulai, the process of migration from analog to digital television is underway, as the first phase of switching off broadcasters was completed on September 30. However, this situation has worried users who fear it might be exclusive:
Desligamento do Sinal Analógico e seus efeitos pic.twitter.com/f8RsvkvuAt
— Omardine Zacarias Omar Rajua (@OmarRajua) September 28, 2021
Analog Signal Shutdown and its effects
pic.twitter.com/f8RsvkvuAt
— Omardine Zacarias Omar Rajua (@OmarRajua) September 28, 2021
Sociedade
Migração do sinal analógico para digital: há “confusão” nas lojas que vendem descodificadores em Maputo#senami #falsificacaodedocumentos #nampula #opaisonline #opais #gruposoicohttps://t.co/CIqriKKsgP pic.twitter.com/TXSs3GO90z
— O País Online (@opaisonline) September 23, 2021
Society
Migration from analogue to digital signal: there is “confusion” in stores that sell decoders in Maputo#senami #falsacaodedocumentos #nampula #opaisonline #opais #gruposoicohttps://t.co/CIqriKKsgP pic.twitter.com/TXSs3GO90z
— O País Online (@opaisonline) September 23, 2021
In this context, TV Surdo stands out for its ability to reach a greater number of people, not being limited only and specifically to deaf people in digital media, but equally to anyone with any type of disability.

author: Global Voices Lusofonia


text:
Pakistan’s proposed media development authority could further curb freedom of media · Global Voices
Rai M Azlan

Journalists in London protest against the proposed Pakistan Media Development Authority (PMDA). Screenshot via YouTube by Murtaza Ali Shah. Fair use.
In May 2021, the government of Pakistan proposed the formation of a new media regulatory authority called the Pakistan Media Development Authority (PMDA). According to journalists, human rights activists, and lawyers, this would give the Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf (PTI) government more powers to restrict the independence of media and tighten control over journalists.
Pakistan has a number of different agencies that regulate broadcasters, print and digital media. Under the proposal, those bodies would be combined into one organization, ignoring the fact that each media format has unique dynamics and characteristics that many think should not be governed by one authority.
The Pakistani government's justification for the creation of the PMDA may be linked to claims of so-called fake news on social media. In a recent speech, Prime Minister Imran Khan claimed that fake news is degrading the country, but that the government is not against the free media. Pakistan's media advocates and experts have, however, argued that cybercrime and defamation laws are already available for matters like fake news and hate speech on social media and digital platforms.
Several journalists questioned the entire drafting process of the PMDA law, alleging that the government wants to keep it secret. Minister of Information and Broadcast, Fawad Chaudhary has said in recent statements that the owners of media houses oppose the PMDA because it includes a proposal for media courts that will deal with issues between workers and media houses and protect media workers’ rights. Chaudhary also said that the PMDA was his idea, rejecting reports that said that it was proposed after approval from the military establishment. Moreover, worker rights tribunals already exist.
Pakistan’s current broadcast media regulator, the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA), has long been the government’s instrument to regulate the media, sometimes taking repressive approaches. PEMRA has shut down TV channels, terminated live interviews, and blocked cable operators.
According to human rights activists and journalists, PMDA will empower the Pakistan government to set up special tribunals to impose fines on code of conduct violations and publishing of so-called fake news. Activists suspect that such tribunals would be abused as a mechanism for repressing media houses and journalists.
Celebrated journalist Mazhar Abbas said the PDMA appeared to be aimed at sabotaging the Journalists Protection Bill.
All the media stakeholders need to remain alert about the proposed media law in the name of Media Development. I am getting disturbing reports about it which may hurt freedom of expression badly. It appears as some people are active to sabotage Journalists Protection Bill.
— Mazhar Abbas (@MazharAbbasGEO) May 28, 2021
The Pakistan Broadcasters Association (PBA) issued a press release saying that the PMDA proposal was “aimed against the freedom of press and expression” and a step towards imposing state control over media operations.
On August 23, Human Rights Watch condemned the proposed PMDA law, saying the government should “stop trying to control reporters and instead start protecting media freedom,” and argued that media regulators must be independent of government controls.
The proposed PMDA will give government control over the appointment and removal of PMDA officials. The proposed board of eight members will include 50 percent government officials and 50 percent media-related stakeholders, though there are slots for only 4 stakeholders from the media out of a dozen or more existing stakeholders with a seat at the table, which would lead to partial representation, nepotism and the tendency to play favorites.
On September 7, 2021, the Senate Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting held a meeting at the Parliament House in Islamabad. The committee is chaired by Senator Faisal Javed, who is also a leader of the ruling party, Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf. The committee announced that the PMDA bill would be rejected if the government is unable to convince them of its necessity.
Federal Minister for Information and Broadcasting Fawad Chaudhry stated that the government's proposals on the PMDA will be amended or scrapped if they are not accepted.
On September 13, 2021 the journalist fraternity, led by the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ), walked from the National Press Club to the Parliament House in Islamabad, where they staged a sit-in.
Journalist Mudassar Saeed tweets:
آپ نے پہلے بھی کوشش کی۔۔ اب بھی کر لیں۔۔ آپ ہماری آوازیں بند نہیں کر سکتے۔@asmashirazi کا پاکستان میڈیا ڈوویلپمنٹ اتھارٹی کے نام پر میڈیا کو کنٹرول کرنے کی حکومتی کوشش پر دو ٹوک جواب۔۔#PMDA #FreePress #PFUJ#RIUJ pic.twitter.com/Pcl5EsXuJP
— Mudassar Saeed (@mudsays) September 12, 2021
You tried before … still you could not silence our voices. – @asmashirazi
a bold response to the government's attempt to control media in the name of the Pakistan Media Development Authority.
#PMDA #FreePress #PFUJ
At the time the protest was being staged, parliamentary reporters were barred from sitting in the press gallery of parliament for the joint session in the second week of September that was addressed by the President of Pakistan, Dr. Arif Alvi.
Marriyum Aurangzeb, Information Secretary of opposition party Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), criticized this move and said that the government is using “draconian and autocratic measures” to deny journalists in Pakistan their the constitutional right to register peaceful protest.
Responding to the remarks of the opposition leaders, Human Rights Minister Shireen Mazari said that the draft has not yet been finalized. She said the PMDA bill, after it reaches its final form, will first be sent to the cabinet committee, and, by the appropriate processes, will be tabled in the National Assembly.
On September 15, 2021, the Minister for Information and Broadcasting Fawad Chaudhry met with representatives of the media and agreed to form a committee to address the reservations about the proposed PMDA bill.
However, on September 16, the PFUJ President Shahzada Zulfiqar and Secretary-General Nasir Zaidi rejected the proposed PMDA bill and are not ready to talk with the government. Media representatives of the joint action committee declared the proposed PMDA unacceptable.
As a reaction to journalists’ reservations and staged protests over the proposed PMDA bill, the government is expected to postpone tabling the bill, and some ministers are now recommending that the prime minister not rush the PMDA debate.

author: Rai M Azlan


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Pandora Papers: Sixteen Nepalis have illegally invested in offshore companies in overseas tax havens · Global Voices
The Record (Nepal)

The Pandora Papers is a global investigation by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ), in collaboration with more than 140 media outlets around the world. Image via Record Nepal and Pandora Papers. Used with Permission.
This article by investigative journalists Krishna Acharya and Ramu Sapkota was first published in The Record (Nepal) and a shortened and edited version is republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.
A number of prominent Nepali businesspeople and companies are involved in clandestine investments and transactions involving the buying and selling of shares by setting up shell companies in tax havens — countries that are known to make it easy to hide ill-gotten wealth. The recently published Pandora Papers, a global investigation by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ), in collaboration with more than 140 media outlets around the world, has identified Chaudhary Group and Golchha Organisation, among others, as involved in such activities.
According to documents provided to the Center for Investigative Journalism Nepal (CIJ) by ICIJ, a network of international investigative journalists headquartered in Washington, D.C., Binod Kumar Chaudhary, a member of the federal parliament and Nepal’s sole dollar billionaire, has established companies in the British Virgin Islands (BVI), a known tax haven country, under his and and those of his family members — his wife Sarika Devi, and three sons, Nirvana, Varun, and Rahul.
Offshore companies in the British Virgin Islands have also been discovered in the names of individuals associated with the Golchha Organisation, another big business house. These individuals include Golchha Organisation Chairman Lokmanya Golchha, his two brothers Mahendra Kumar Golchha and Diwakar Golchha, their cousin Chandra Kumar Golchha and Diwakar’s son Hitesh Golchha.
The Muktishree Tower in Kathmandu is the head office of Muktishree Pvt. Ltd. Ajeya Raj Sumargi owns Muktishree group of companies. (Photo: Bijay Gajmer / CIJ via Record Nepal)
More companies in tax haven countries were also found in the names of Ajeya Sumargi Parajuli, Arjun Prasad Sharma, and Kishor Rana, Nepalis identified in a previous CIJ investigation into financial records, NepaLeaks.
Others identified as operating offshore companies from tax haven countries include Rajendra Shakya of Pulchowk, Lalitpur; Sudhir Mittal of Gyaneshwor, Kathmandu; businesspeople Suhrid Raj Ghimire and Purushottam Poudyal; British citizen Janak Daniel Basnet; and Indian citizen Radhe Shyam Saraf.
An office of Shree Airlines, owned by Sudhir Mittal. (Photo: Bijay Gajmer / CIJ via Record Nepal)
Tax havens are countries that offer minimal financial liability, low effective tax rates, and a high degree of secrecy. Investment in such countries is widely believed to indicate an attempt to stash illicit financial dealings or avoid taxes.
The Act Restricting Investment Abroad 1964 prohibits Nepali citizens from investing in any company abroad or even opening up an account in a foreign bank. Any person violating the act “shall be liable to the punishment of fine equal to the amount in question or imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months or both.”
Non-resident Nepalis are also not allowed to invest abroad by taking away money from Nepal under any conditions. A person “who has resided in Nepal for 183 days or more during a continuous period of 365 days” is considered a “resident,” according to the Income Tax Act.
“According to this provision, if a Nepali citizen lives abroad for 183 days and earns an income, they can invest that income there,” said former finance secretary Rameshore Khanal. “Besides this, any investment abroad by Nepalis is illegal.”
According to Gerard Ryle, director of ICIJ, businesspeople, leaders, politicians, criminals, and intermediary law firms who open offshore companies are taking advantage of such transactions. In an interview with ABC Australia shortly before the Pandora Papers went public, Ryle said that offshore investments had resulted in reduced taxes and increased inequality and poverty.
“The offshore world exacerbates poverty. It leads to inequality. When countries are robbed of their riches, it leads to all sorts of things like the refugee crisis. This system invites all of the evils of the world, and there doesn’t seem to be a purpose to this system except to enrich some people,” he said in an interview with ABC’s Elise Worthington.
In January 2019, Centre for Investigative Journalism (CIJ) Nepal, through its NepaLeaks investigation, had identified the involvement of 55 Nepalis and non-resident Nepalis in offshore transactions. Despite the expose, state mechanisms failed to crack down on tax evasion and money laundering. This inaction appears to be encouraging Nepalis to invest in tax haven countries and also indicates that Nepali politicians could be cooperating with the accused. The direct involvement of Nepali politicians in offshore transactions, however, was not discovered.
The Pandora Papers is an outcome of that surprising silence.

author: The Record (Nepal)


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‘Kazakh language is perfect for rap’: Interview with cultural commentator Yevgeniya Plakhina · Global Voices
Filip Noubel

A screenshot from Gost Entertainment's YouTube channel featuring the song “Agha” with lyrics in Kazakh.
Kazakhstan embraced independence 30 years ago, yet is still actively nation-building around language, shared history, and cultural diversity with the over 100 ethnic groups living in the vast Central Asian state. Music plays an essential role in defining the various identities of different communities, gender, and age groups. While some artists rediscover and reinterpret traditional music from nomadic Kazakh tribes, others turn to K-pop for inspiration.
Global Voices talked to journalist and cultural commentator Yevgeniya Plakhina, a Global Voices contributor, to provide a musical guide to this rich heritage and decode the multiplicity of genres, language, references, and messages in contemporary Kazakh music.
GV: For many years after independence from the Soviet Union, the local alternative music scene in Central Asia, including Kazakhstan, spread only in underground clubs with a small audience. What has changed now and why?
Yevgeniya Plakhina: Alternative music was always there, but it was for a limited number of people only, because to become famous you needed to have media exposure inside the country. Now in the internet era, that is no longer a problem.
It is also a language issue: Kazakh has become more visible after being suppressed during the Soviet period, until the late 1980s. The most creative artists are the ones singing in Kazakh or in a mix of Kazakh and Russian.
During the Soviet period, Russian was the language of education. After independence, few ethnic Kazakhs spoke their language at home, if they lived in cities, because Russian still dominated in all aspects of life. Kazakh-language schools were few. Now the attitude towards the language has changed. People have been exploring their identity, which is inextricably connected to language. Young people, including non-ethnic Kazakhs, learn the language, and feel they are part of Kazakh culture. Many Russian-speakers have also moved out of the country, while ethnic Kazakhs from the countryside have moved into the cities, changing the balance in favor of the Kazakh language.
GV: How did you get interested in contemporary Kazakh music?
YP: I don't speak Kazakh very well. My Greek great-grandmother spoke Kazakh to me when I was a kid. For more than three generations, my family has been close with an ethnic Kazakh family whose members spoke to me in Kazakh. This heritage is close to my heart and my roots.
Music became an important medium to express myself. The turning point was a Halloween party I attended: Ghalym Moldanazar, now a star of Kazakh music, played his songs in a big house full of people who were chanting his name. I realized indie music was not just a Western trend. It had a local version. After listening to the band G.H.A.D., I also understood that this kind of rap music has very political language, close to activism. I think Kazakh language is perfect for rap, its rhythm, mixed with political texts in our local context sounded amazing.
GV: How did you come up with the idea to create a playlist?
YP: I created this playlist to prepare for a lecture about Kazakh media I was giving to US students. People don't know much about this country, they might mention Borat or the many changes of the name of our capital. Cultural products such as cinema and music make people understand better other cultures, so I prepared this playlist of music that spans from the 2000s–2020s. When I posted it, even local Kazakhstanis shared it. I update the playlist regularly, so it is a project in progress. I look at social media, ask people what they like or listen to, and add new entries, including older songs.
GV: What is your favorite song from your playlist and why?
YP: I will suggest two: “Undeme” by The Buhars. I like the voice of the female singer, and their concept of contemporary music played in traditional instruments.
YP: And for the second, I would go for “Agha” by Irina Kairatovna and Kairat Nurtas. It's funky: “Agha” means “uncle,” but colloquially it refers to a man having a large social influence. Nurtas represents popular music often heard at weddings. So it feels like a very unlikely mix of two very different worlds.
Here is Plakhina's comprehensive playlist on YouTube with 40 songs to discover and enjoy contemporary Kazakh music:
You can also hear most of Plakhina's songs on this Spotify playlist:

author: Filip Noubel


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Kenyan government’s use of surveillance technologies to tackle COVID-19 raises human rights concerns · Global Voices
Cecilia Maundu

The Kenyan government is using digital surveillance technologies such as contact tracing to curb human contact-related COVID-19 infections. Image by Nicola since 1972 is licensed under CC BY 2.0
In August this year, misconfigured power apps from Microsoft led more than a thousand web apps to mistakenly expose 38 million records on the open internet, including data from a number of COVID-19 contact tracing platforms, vaccination sign-ups, job application portals, and employee databases. Many people's phone numbers and COVID-19 vaccination status were visible due to the leak.
This recent sensitive information exposure comes months after a joint report by Article 19, Kickanet and Pollicy revealed that in an effort to curb COVID-19, the Kenyan government used various contact tracing apps, digital surveillance technologies, and biometric technologies to track and trace citizens without regard for due process. The report further confirms that despite the heavy use of these technologies, there was limited impact or effectiveness in curbing the spread of the virus.
The government has upscaled contact tracing and testing in the country to determine the level of spread of the Indian variant in the community. https://t.co/w3kZW9W9Jr
— Oliver Mathenge (@OliverMathenge) June 2, 2021
The government is using biometric technologies and CCTVs in public spaces for facial recognition; smartphones for call data, tapping, and geotagging; and contact tracing apps to help identify those who have come into contact with infected people. All the equipment was sourced or made locally like the coronavirus contact tracing app that was launched by the government to track passengers on public transportation.
However, some are concerned that the Kenyan government's efforts to curb infections are seriously infringing on citizens’ guaranteed human rights of privacy, data protection, freedom of expression, and access to information. Human and digital rights activists are concerned about the surveillance of public spaces using CCTV and biometric technologies, the use of telecommunications data to “track and trace” individuals, and the coronavirus contact tracing applications.
An April 2021 report by Article 19, Pollicy, and Kictanet revealed that Telecommunications data was used to track “mobile phones of people suspected of having COVID-19 as a way of enforcing a 14-day mandated isolation period” and anyone who entered Kenya who pledged to self-quarantine, in real-time. The giant telecom company, Safaricom procured phone information for the government. It is not the first time the government tapped Safaricom for a sensitive project, in 2021 they secured a contract for a 13.5 million US dollar police surveillance project.
The National Intelligence Service used phone data to track COVID-19 patients’ travels, according to the report by Article19 of East Africa. The patients were “not supposed to turn off their phones,” because breaking these official rules could lead to detention in government-run monitoring centers.
The report cites an incident from March 2020, in which a woman traveling from the United Kingdom to Kenya was monitored using her phone and taken to a government medical facility after going to work, indicating a violation of the self-quarantine mandate.
Before coronavirus apps were suggested, built, or utilized, the Kenyan government used telecommunications data to track and trace individuals through location and call data from smartphones. Neighboring Uganda also used national security and public health concerns to justify restricting privacy and data protection rights while ignoring due process, bypassing the internationally recognized three-part test of legality, necessity, and proportionality.
Mobile usage in Kenya has seen tremendous growth due to mobile money services. Image by whiteafrican licensed under CC BY 2.0
Kenya's 2019 data protection legislation was supposed to offer a framework for the acquisition of personal data in a transparent and rights-respecting manner. However, throughout the first year of the pandemic, documented surveillance trends and unsupervised data collecting indicated two issues.
For starters, the lack of independent oversight of these data protection rules led to a lack of enforcement and regulation implementation on data controllers and processors, including public health agencies. Second, the surveillance capabilities and practices of state and non-state actors were not limited or checked as a result of this oversight problem.
Governments have a duty to protect human rights at all times under international human rights law, while corporations have a general obligation to respect human rights in all circumstances.
Although international law allows for a temporary increase in special powers during the COVID-19 pandemic, the UN Special Rapporteur on Privacy warned in his July 2020 report to the UN Human Rights Council that several minimum requirements must first be met. These include legal safeguards that ensure “surveillance cannot be initiated until, or unless, such surveillance is shown to an independent and competent body that such surveillance is legal, necessary, and proportionate to the aim pursued.”
When commenting on the problem of smartphone and contact tracing apps, the Special Rapporteur on Privacy previously stated that;
Relying solely on legislative measures is insufficient. Privacy should be considered from the start, beginning with the application's engineering.’
Whether the app employs a centralized or decentralized approach, whether the app is deployed via required or optional techniques, whether free consent is prioritized, and whether anonymization and encryption measures exist are all important factors to consider.
Kenya lacks the necessary laws that regulate and limit the number of times mobile operators are allowed to “share with authorities the geo-location data of self-quarantined patients with confirmed COVID-19 to monitor that the patients observe self-quarantine,” as well as provide guarantees during this data sharing.
Furthermore, state agencies and private companies in Kenya have not disclosed the scope of their data sharing operations, which include the dissemination of information and data on publicly available platforms (open government platforms) and through publicly accessible resources (corporate transparency reports).
The surveillance efforts grew in response to a lack of accountability and transparency, as well as the government's non-proactive disclosure of information from the pandemic response, making it difficult to determine whether privacy, data protection, and freedom of expression safeguards were applied.
The April 2021 report by ARTICLE 19 Eastern Africa, the Kenya ICT Action Network, and Pollicy made recommendations to the Kenyan government.
Review all measures and systems deployed to address the COVID-19 pandemic which includes data collection programmes, systems, and apps to ensure they strictly comply with the three-part test under international human rights law, and data protection principles, including data minimisation and privacy by design.
Even though surveillance has now taken a low turn compared to when the pandemic started, there seems to be no effort raised by the Kenyan government to address these human rights concerns.

author: Cecilia Maundu


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Philippines will allow casinos on world-famous Boracay Island, despite local opposition · Global Voices
Siegfred Deduro

The famous white powder beach of Boracay island. Photo by Mong Palatino, used with permission
The Philippines’ top beach destination, Boracay Island, is in danger of being transformed into an exclusive gambling and tourism haven for the rich, making it inaccessible to ordinary tourists and backpackers.
Boracay island with its long stretches of powdery white sand beaches and crystal clear blue waters is considered the top tourist destination in the Philippines and houses one of the famous beach resorts in the world. Once an oasis for local tourists and foreign backpackers, the famous resort may now become an exclusive gambling destination for the rich, despite local protests and opposition.
On September 29, 2021, the Philippine House of Representatives, dominated by President Rodrigo Duterte’s “supermajority” allies, approved the Boracay Island Development Authority (BIDA) Bill authored by the president’s son, Davao Congressman Paolo Duterte. Out of the 307 members of the House of Representatives, 192 voted in favor while only seven (six of whom are members of the opposition Makabayan Bloc) opposed the bill.
The counterpart BIDA bill in the Philippine Senate is authored by Senator Cynthia Villar, a billionaire senator whose family owns the Costa de la Vista condominiums and the Boracay Sands Hotel on the island.
This move is a complete reversal from Duterte's previous pronouncement during the island's six-month “environmental rehabilitation” closure period in 2018 that he would ban casinos, due to popular insistence. The President declared that he is now allowing casinos to operate in Boracay since the government needs additional revenue sources amid the economic fallout caused by the pandemic.
The Philippine Amusement and Gaming Corp. (PAGCOR), said it has approved plans from Macau-based Galaxy Entertainment Group and tycoon Andrew Tan to build numerous casino resorts on Boracay Island.
The BIDA bill will create a special tourism zone, moving authority over operation, taxation, and investment, license approvals from the local government units (LGUs) to the national government. The authority (as a Government Operated and Controlled Corporation or GOCC) will govern the whole Boracay Island and Barangay (Village) Caticlan in mainland Malay in Aklan province where the seaport and the airport are located.
In July 2018, LGU Malay Stakeholders estimated that the income from Boracay accounts for 78.03 percent of the over 508 million Philippine Pesos (over 10.1 million US dollars) of locally-sourced income in the Municipality of Malay, and 25 percent of the over 2 billion Philippine Pesos (about 40 million US dollar) budget for LGU Province of Aklan. These funds allow the LGUs to finance various social services, but are now in danger of being reduced or cut entirely if another government agency is created to oversee Boracay.
There were speculations in 2018 that the real purpose of President Duterte's island closure was not for environmental rehabilitation, but to get rid of “eyesore” poor communities.
On September 19, 2018, The Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) said that the holding capacity (environmentally sustainable population) of the island is only 54,945 people at any given time, with 19,215 of this figure made up by foreign and local tourists. The Philippines Statistics Authority 2020 census shows that Boracay Island has about 37,800 local residents.
With the increasing construction of plush hotels, casinos, and condominiums, the poor residents of the slum areas, considered “eyesores”, will be forced to leave the island.
Some residents are concerned that casinos will bring social problems of prostitution, money laundering, and other crimes, similar to the problems seen with Philippine Overseas Gaming Operations or POGOs.
Amidst these developments, many Akeanons or Aklanons oppose the establishment of a special tourism zone and casinos in Boracay, with citizens opposing the bill through media outlets, social media, and petitions to government offices to stop the BIDA-GOCC bill and casinos on the island.
On Saturday, September 25, hundreds joined a 65-vehicle caravan from the capital town of Kalibo to Barangay Caticlan in Malay. The caravan, led by priests and former seminarians, was supported by religious groups and local officials.
Many also protested the creation of the Boracay Island Development Authority which would function as a separate government body to manage the island.
According to Kim Sin Tugna of the activist group Bayan Aklan, the BIDA Bill aims to make Boracay Island an exclusive zone for elites and for foreign businesses and companies. Tugna added that the national government wants to control all socio-economic activity on the Island. He said the closure of Boracay island in 2018 was a prelude to opening the island to multinational businesses. Tugna also stated that the majority of the land in Boracay are now owned by foreign investors and soon will be occupied by Chinese-owned casinos.
Almost all LGUs oppose the GOCC in Boracay. Officials led by Aklan Gov. Florencio Miraflores and Representatives Teoderico Haresco Jr. and Carlito Marquez said the consolidated bills now pending in the House committee on government enterprises and privatization would create a corporate body that would “divest” powers from local governments mandated by the Local Government Code.
Nenette Aguirre-Graf, who owns a small business in Boracay, echoed the sentiment of fellow local entrepreneurs. She told the ABS-CBN news:
For us, it’s a bit shocking. Because after saying that he hates casino, he doesn’t like gambling, it made us all happy. But now, with this new pronouncement, it’s kinda scary because you don’t know what’s gonna happen.
She also has a suggestion about how to revive local businesses on the island:
Send more vaccines to the island and open it to tourism, and I think we will be able to generate the money that they need, without resorting to opening the island to casinos.
Bishop Jose Corazon Tala-oc of Kalibo said the Aklanons “have the responsibility to take care and protect Boracay.”
“I appeal to our leaders in the province not to allow gambling casino that will destroy our cherished land,” Tala-oc said in a pastoral letter. He added:
But why do we need to put up a gambling casino? Gambling is a game of chance which foments a culture contrary to the demands of sound reason.
This gradual takeover of the human psyche by gambling is a big personal liability that can become no less than a socio-affective disorder. It will slowly weaken and eventually destroy the moral fiber of the people.

author: Siegfred Deduro


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Female foeticide to football in Nepal · Global Voices
Nepali Times

Srijana Singh Thakuri in 2008 as a student in Surkhet. Photo: Kopila Valley via Nepali Times, used with permission.
This article written by Srijana Singh Thakuri was published in the Nepali Times. An edited version is republished by Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.
My Dad wanted a son.
I was the first daughter and after me came three younger sisters. My mother became pregnant three more times after that, all of them would have been girls.
They were all terminated at illegal clinics where parents can learn the gender of their baby and opt for abortion if it is a girl. I know now that the practice is called female foeticide and is common particularly in South Asia.
My parents kept trying for a son, hoping a son would eventually come along. I was already old enough to notice the sadness and worry in my mother’s eyes every time she found out that she was carrying another girl.
My mother was blamed for being cursed and broken. Why was I not enough? Why were we daughters not enough?
Eventually, our Dad abandoned us. One night, without a word, he disappeared, leaving us behind with a broken home, broken hearts, and a mob of debt collectors at our door at all hours of the day.
My mother’s health deteriorated. I hardly saw her smile. I began to work as a cook at a bus station to try and ease her pain. We sold bananas, fruits, and tried our best to get by. I promised my mother through her tears that I would be just as good as a son that she and my father so desperately wanted.
I do not blame my Dad. Actually, I feel sorry for him. A victim of patriarchy, he never knew any different. Society had convinced him that girls are never worth the investment, that all they do is get married and go off to someone else’s house, that families need sons to carry on the name and inherit ancestral property.
But the irony is that we had no land for anyone to inherit. We had nothing. While trying for a son our family had plummeted deeper into poverty, debt, and depression.
Founder of the Kopila Valley project Maggie Doyne with the girls’ football team at the Kopila Valley School in Surkhet. This is where Srijana Singh Thakuri got her start. Photo: Kopila Valley via Nepali Times. Used with permission.
Eventually, things began to look up. I took an entrance exam for Kopila Valley School in Surkhet which is known to be the greenest school in Nepal. The teachers came to know of my story, and by a stroke of luck, I got one of the very few spots available to my age group. In the interview, I explained that with a chance at education, I could help my mother care for my three little sisters, and help educate them, too.
I tried to channel my sadness and my anger into determination. I wanted to be the best at everything. Because of my Dad, I felt like I had something to prove. I became class captain. I joined the girl’s empowerment club. I took traditional dance lessons.
I wrote poetry and participated in debate competitions. I checked out books from the library. I studied late into the night and completed all my assignments to catch up with my classmates. I grabbed every opportunity that came my way.
One day there was an announcement that Kopila Valley School was starting the first-ever football team for girls. I showed up at that first practice on a dirt field without sneakers, sweat dripping down my forehead, ready to try something new. I had never seen a field before, watched a match, or even worn shorts.
In my village, every square inch of land was used to grow food, and sports were for boys on fallow terraces between growing seasons. I never knew that football was for me.
I showed up every day to practice with coach Gopi. He treated me as he would the boys. He yelled at me but also encouraged me. I still remember my first match and how it felt like putting on a uniform, chasing the ball down the field.
Over time I started to get good at football and our team began winning matches. I scored goals and was particularly strong at defence, head balls, and corner kicks. But I also kept up with my studies and started to get noticed as a student and an athlete.
I made it into bigger teams and got recruited for tournaments. Rumours also followed. Neighbours gossiped about me, saying I came home too late or left too early. I was called selfish and that I had my head in the clouds. It got worse when I got my periods, people telling me where I could go and where I could not, what I could do and what I could not.
Srijana SIngh Thakuri with her senior national team members. Photo: via Nepali Times, used with permission.
I was going against how girls in my village were expected to behave: stay quiet, keep your head down, try not to get noticed, and when it is time, be marriageable.
I shook off the criticism and kept my eyes on my dream. I continued my education and graduated top of my class. I was eligible for scholarships, and enrolled in a college in Kathmandu. I kept playing football and showing up at tournaments, training all day and night.
My story is not unique. It is just what happens when girls and women are given a chance, opportunity, and investment.
I just turned 20, and last week I made the final roster for Nepal’s national women’s football team. I signed a contract and my name was announced in the newspapers. I am now officially a professional football player representing my country.
I have never felt so proud to be a daughter of Nepal even though there were times when I did not feel like my country was proud of me.
I love putting on the red national jersey and walking into the stadium. I can still feel the thrill of kicking a ball, and a goal hitting the back of the net.
I love football because it makes me feel free and strong and powerful. My next big dream is for the Nepal women’s team to play in the World Cup or qualify for the Olympics.
Srijana Singh Thakuri on September 9 at her national team debut in a match against Bangladesh in Kathmandu. Nepal won 2-1. Photo: via Nepali Times, used with permission.
After many years, my Dad came back to us. I would love to say that he had a big awakening and realised his mistakes, but that was not the case. Instead, he tried again for a son, and finally, my little brother was born.
I love my baby brother and hope he will get to grow up watching me play so that he will have a different vision of what girls are capable of.
My Dad got what he always wanted and I achieved my dreams. I had called him when I made the team, and I know he was proud of me.
I also realised recently that I do not have anything to prove to him anymore. My dreams are for other girls like me whose fathers only want sons. My dreams are for my sisters and my mother. But most of all, my dreams are for me.

author: Nepali Times