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How negligence helped the Taliban plunge one of Afghanistan’s last peaceful regions into chaos · Global Voices
Nicole Valentini

Internally displaced family in Khas Urozgan. Photo by Aseef Yousufi for the Hazara International Network.
“Never imagined seeing my 85 yrs old grandma forcibly uprooted from her home. In so much despair seeing her in a news clip about #jaghoriUnderAttack. I need your support to tell the world about this humanitarian crisis in Afg affecting 500,000 helpless #Hazaras attacked by Taliban.”
This is what Shukufa Tahiri, Policy Officer at Refugee Council of Australia, wrote on Twitter after seeing the picture of her displaced grandmother on social media.
Her tweet included a family photo of her grandma posing happily with the family harvest alongside a screen capture of the same woman wearing a dark shroud and the haunted expression typical to conflict refugees.
Never imagined seeing my 85 yrs old grandma forcibly uprooted from her home. In so much despair seeing her in a news clip about #jaghoriUnderAttack. I need your support to tell the world about this humanitarian crisis in Afg affecting 500,000 helpless #Hazaras attacked by Taliban pic.twitter.com/W9ICD2O2xw
— Shukufa Tahiri (@Shukufa_tahiri) November 15, 2018
Over the past three weeks the Hazara-populated districts of Malistan and Jaghori in Afghanistan's Ghazni province, and the district of Khas Uruzgan in Uruzgan province have been at the centre of a violent assault planned and carried out by the Taliban.
Reinforcements were belatedly sent in, expelling the Taliban from Malistan, while military operations are still ongoing in Jaghori and Khas Uruzgan.
Houses, schools and buildings have been burned and hundreds of civilians have been killed or kidnapped, according to reports. Telecommunications have been cut off, casting into desperation those unable to reach family members trapped in these districts.
Mohamad Aziz Bakhtyari, presidential advisor and a member of the commission sent to assess the situation in Malistan and Jaghori, told the BBC that around 60 percent of civilians from the two districts have been displaced in Taliban attacks. Neighbouring districts Ghazni and Bamiyan have filled up and no longer have the capacity to take more internally displaced people, he said.
Among the displaced, according to several social media sources including the Twitter account of an Afghan pilot, is Murtaza Ahmadi, the little football fan whose photos with a homemade shirt bearing Lionel Messi's famous number 10 went viral two years ago. Media have not yet verified this claim.
Despite their poverty, Jaghori and Malistan are renowned for being among the most peaceful and progressive districts in Afghanistan. Here, female students better their male counterparts in academic achievement, civil society is strong, women work outside their homes and the districts are so free of crime that neither even has a prison.
Hospitals and schools operate in spite of a near total absence of central government funding, thanks to financial help from wealthy local families.
These are some of the achievements that made the districts such desirable targets for the Taliban, which has long harboured a sectarian grudge against the Hazara.
No news coverage on this: The Taliban have launched a major offensive against the progressive Hazara. In Jaghori region there is near-universal girls education while women work outside their homes and drive. https://t.co/29DL1NZljX
— darren (@darrenpauli) 15 novembre 2018
Some residents of the two districts initially waited in their homes in the hope that the attack would be quelled. Others left as soon as the incursion began. There was a compelling logic for choosing the option Shukufa Tahiri's grandmother chose.
In the past, the government has been slow to respond to Taliban attacks on regions populated by the Hazara minority. The Taliban, meanwhile, do not spare civilian blood in such attacks.
The group's record of crimes against Hazara goes back to the early 1990s, and has continued since it was ousted from power in the US-led invasion of 2001.
I’m sitting in Brisbane ceremony where 5 families r mourning murder of their relatives incldg toddlers,elderly men & women.1 fam in hotqol surrendered only to find their 23yo son & 70yr old father shot in front of them&their 2yr old baby taken away by Taliban #JaghoriUnderAttack https://t.co/xez1wT94yQ
— Homa Forotan (@bird_hf) 18 novembre 2018
The chaos has fuelled protests in Kabul and elsewhere.
On November 11, a resident of the capital, Ahmad Javid, wrote on Facebook: “I am leaving home right now to march towards the ARG Palace. Anyone willing to join: come to Haji Nawrooz square.”
Soon hundreds of people gathered at the square. Young women and men asked President Ashraf Ghani to send reinforcements as soon as possible in order to avoid a humanitarian catastrophe in the besieged districts.
Other protests sprang up in Mazar-e Sharif, Bamiyan, Herat and Daykundi. The demonstrations continued until November 12, when a terrorist attack targeting the demonstration in Kabul left ten people dead and dozen others wounded.
All they want is their rights as the citizens of #Afghanistan . How many more billions of dollars have to be spent and how many more thousands of people have to be killed to ensure security of Afghan citizens? #afghanistanisnotsafeforhazaras https://t.co/CMzkTHVorE
— Nazila Jamshidi (@DidYouKnowGirls) 13 novembre 2018
The day before, President Ashraf Ghani had assured demonstrators that troops would soon be deployed, yet reinforcements arrived only two weeks later. Even then, government forces bided their time before attacking Taliban positions.
The international community has also refused to voice concerns about the crisis as foreign actors train their focus on bringing the government and the Taliban to the table for direct talks. Local sources in Malistan and Jaghori told Global Voices that F-16s flew over the skies for days after the attack began without intervening.
For the moment, the Taliban have been forced out of Malistan, while the battle in Jaghori in ongoing. Yet the group has left in its wake ruins, despair and a pervasive fear of future assaults in once-peaceful districts.
In the meantime, some Hazara activists have started a “March for Justice”, from Malmö in Sweden to the Nato Headquarters in Brussels.
They are asking for an immediate protection of the people left and stuck in the districts under attack by Taliban and a military operation against the Taliban in the adjacent districts in order to cripple their capabilities for future attacks on central highlands.

author: Nicole Valentini


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Welcome to the ‘New Turkey’: Five years after Gezi park, protesters face new threats of arrest · Global Voices
Arzu Geybullayeva

Scenes from the Gezi protests in Istanbul, 2013. Photo by Arzu Geybullayeva.
On the morning of November 16, police in Turkey arrested 13 people at their homes and places of work. Their supposed crime? Helping to organise protests that took place in Istanbul's Gezi Park in May 2013.
But as more than five years have passed since the protest movement, this is not a simple case of justice delayed. Instead, it is a worrying indication that what seemed like a spike in repression against civil society advocates and intellectuals may actually be the new state of affairs, the new normal.
Most of those detained were prominent representatives of Turkey's academia and non-governmental organizations. All were released, either on November 17 or November 18 with the exception of Yigit Aksakaloglu, director of the Bernard Van Leer Foundation, which focusses on child development. Aksakaloglu remains behind bars and is likely to face a charge of “attempting to remove the Turkish Government or prevent it from fulfilling its responsibilities.”
The men and women arrested have been linked to a non-governmental group called Anadolu Kultur, which supports culture, art and human rights initiatives. The group is directed by businessman Osman Kavala, who was arrested more than a year ago and has been held in pre-trial detention without a charge ever since.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has called Kavala “Turkey's Soros”, a reference to the financial speculator-turned philanthropist George Soros whose charitable foundations support hundreds of civil society and academic initiatives around the world, making him the scourge of many an authoritarian government.
Editor's note: Global Voices is a grantee of the Open Society Foundations, which are funded by George Soros.
Turkish police today detained a string of academics and activists. They include Turgut Tarhanlı, head of Bilgi University’s law faculty, Çiğdem Mater, an award winning film-maker, and Hakan Altınay, a researcher and civil society organiserhttps://t.co/sd41opaUQ8
— Laura Pitel (@laurapitel) November 16, 2018
Another dark day for my country. Prominent academics and civil society activists have been detained as part of a witch hunt against the so-called “globalist conspiracy” against the Erdogan government and its ultra-nationalist allies.https://t.co/WUnk4NAJnK
— Karabekir Akkoyunlu (@ulu_manitu) November 16, 2018
Turkey's interior ministry claims to have proof that Kavala “financed and organized” the Gezi protests through Anadolu Kultur and the Acik Toplum Vakfi (translated as Open Society Foundation, but not related to Soros).
Scenes from the Gezi protests in Istanbul, 2013. Photo by Arzu Geybullayeva.
It was May 28, 2013 when a group of environmentalists decided to challenge the decision to demolish one of Istanbul's few remaining green spaces, Gezi Park. They gathered and set up tents in the park. They were soon met with tear gas in a widely-criticised show of police force.
In the coming weeks and months, students, academics, civil society advocates and people from many other walks of life joined the non-violent protests. The Gezi movement became perhaps the largest act of civil disobedience in Turkish history, an unprecedented affront to the government controlled by the conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP). It also emerged as a milestone in Ankara's journey towards authoritarianism.
Emin Ozmen was among hundreds of thousands of Gezi participants. He documented the uprising through photographs that were recently published by Magnum.
Writing about the memories of the protest Ozmen said:
The Gezi protests were, in my point of view, a major turning point and a challenge for Turkish democracy. From the first day in Taksim, I felt that these would not just be simple demonstrations. There was a revolutionary breath in the air. The protests grew very rapidly. The unbelievable violence of the police response – the massive use of water cannons and tear gas – only increased anger and fanned protests in the heart of Istanbul. It was about more than protecting a park from destruction, these events quickly became anti-government demonstrations, all around Turkey. Gezi became the catalyst for a wider sense of awareness. It was a revolt against the increased authoritarianism of the system and the allegations of mass corruption inside the government.
State rhetoric blamed the protests on external factors: the CIA, a Europe jealous of Turkey's rapid development, unspecified foreign forces in cahoots with terrorists, the “interest rate lobby”, Twitter, and even Lufthansa airlines.
Five years on, analysts argue that last week's arrests signify a long-awaited revenge. Andrew Gardner, Amnesty International’s Turkey Strategy and Research Manager said in a statement that the new arrests shatter “any illusion that Turkey is normalizing following the lifting of the state of emergency” which was lifted earlier this year following an attempted coup in 2016.
Turkish authorities have gone after civil society in the wake of the aborted 2016 coup at a massive scale. The country's interior minister says that just short of 218,000 people have been detained over links to the Gulen movement that Ankara blames for the attempt, which was spearheaded by military officers.
But the coup offered a useful pretext for authorities not just to root out a corrosive Gulenist influence, but also to create a “New Turkey” proclaimed by Erdogan repeatedly since then. The “New Turkey” doesn't leave much space for alternative visions of the country's future.
Scenes from the Gezi protests in Istanbul, 2013. Photo by Arzu Geybullayeva.
Improbably, authorities are now conflating the Gezi protests with the Gulen Movement, which Turkish officials refer to as FETO (The Fethullah Gulen Terrorist Organisation) in an effort to eradicate opposition in all its forms.
Ergun Babahan, editor of the independent news outlet Ahval wrote that this trend is not wholly new:
Turkey has singled out a new group, which could be described as the “Gezi terror organization” which they claim used the Gezi Park Protests to sew chaos […] The most important article of the criminal charges filed in 2017 against those who were accused of plotting the July 15th 2016 coup attempt, known as the Akıncı Indictment, explicitly mentions the Gezi Park Protests as ‘actions in preparations for a coup’, masterminded by a group. However, Friday’s arrests were the first to invoke this article.
One of the main features of Gezi was the innovative approach to civil disobedience that the movement gave birth to. According to authorities, protesters such as the “Woman in Red” and the “Standing Man” who garnered global media attention for their brave and creative stands against police repression, were trained and recruited from abroad.
But the Gezi movement spread and endured precisely because it appealed to a broad range of people dissatisfied with AKP rule.
Rather than engage with the protesters, Ankara doubled down, portraying them as enemies of the state. The result is a deepening polarization within society, and, for Erdogan and AKP, a conundrum that a dozen arrests will not solve.
What if Ankara decided to officially view all those who took part in the Gezi protests as traitors, terrorists? It's already detained 200K alleged Gulenists, maybe 3.5M Gezi-ists are next: @WashingtonPoint on Turkey's point of no return @ahval_en https://t.co/P67UUsx5lk
— David Lepeska (@dlepeska) November 17, 2018

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Arzu Geybullayeva


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Winning Taiwanese director calls for independence at the Chinese Oscars · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Director Fu Yue (left) delivers her award remark at the Golden Horse Awards. Screen capture image.
“I really hope one day our country will be regarded as an independent entity. This is my biggest wish as a Taiwanese.” With those words, spoken onstage amid tears at the Golden Horse Film Festival and Awards on November 17, Taiwanese filmmaker Fu Yue caused a firestorm about her country's political status, one that provoked reactions from prominent political figures and other celebrities from Chinese speaking communities in Taiwan, Hong Kong and mainland China.
Her film “Our Youth in Taiwan”, an account of two students who took part in the 2014 Sunflower Movement, won Best Documentary in what is commonly called the “Chinese Oscars” — a traditional award's ceremony that takes place in Taiwan every year since 1962, and where films from the People's Republic of China regularly compete.
Although a loud cheer followed her acceptance speech, some were upset with Fu's pro-Taiwan independence remark and took the chance to protest too. Chinese actress and jury chair Gong Li refused to present the award for Best Feature film; as mainland actor Tu Men handed over the award for best actress onstage, he said that he was honored to be present in “Taiwan, China”, and that he felt like he was part of “one big family on both sides of the strait”.
Reports say that many mainland Chinese award attendees departed early, allegedly in order to avoid been seen in the post-award party.
Many are worried that the incident could prompt China to boycott the Golden Horse Awards from now on, which could mean its end. Such worries are not baseless. Chinese President Xi Jinping has spoken firmly against Taiwan's independence on many different occasions since Tsai Ing-wen and her independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won the Taiwanese presidential elections in 2016. In his speech to the 19th Party Congress in 2017, he said:
We have firm will, full confidence, and sufficient capability to defeat any form of secession plot by Taiwan. We will never allow any person, any organization, or any political party to split any part of the Chinese territory from China at any time or in any form.
Nine-dash-line poster via China Daily.
Not surprisingly, almost immediately after Fu received her award on Sunday, Beijing cut off live coverage of the event on both TV and internet live-streaming platforms. Chinese CPP-affiliated media, including the China Daily and the Central Communist Youth League, reacted by posting a patriotic poster — which says “China can't be less”, alongside a map featuring China, the nine-dash-line, and Taiwan — on their social media pages. Their posts have received many positive responses from a number of celebrities from mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong over the past days.
Outside China’s great firewall, many netizens flooded Fu Yue’s Facebook page with angry comments. The young film director addressed them calmly and expressed hope that genuine communication emerge from the storm. Also on her Facebook page, she said:
對於許多網友（大部分來自中國）在我的臉書上寫下的上萬則回應，其中包括許多怒罵和攻擊，其實我看完並不特別憤怒或難過。
許多媒體昨晚報導《我們的青春，在台灣》是一部「太陽花學運」紀錄片。但其實318運動只是這部片的一部分，片名中的「我們」，指的是一位台灣學生、一位中國學生，和我自己。這部片不只是在記錄我們一起經歷的台灣大大小小社會運動的過程。我最初的構想，其實是想探究：在台灣國內，及台灣與中國、香港之間，懷抱不同國族認同、具有不同政治立場的年輕世代，是否能夠透過對話，來理解彼此的立場與差異，甚至共同合作？…昨晚到今天，有些朋友說：「如今這些網友的留言，看來對妳的創作初衷是最大的諷刺。原本想對話的，現在卻還是化為上萬則咒罵的留言。」
但我不是這樣看的。
中國與台灣之間的公民社會存在著大量的誤解與仇恨，這是長期累積下來的事實。我的創作就是想處理這個問題。如今這個場面，不見得是結果，而或許能是另一場對話的開始。
昨晚頒獎典禮後，在頒獎台上有部分中國領獎、頒獎者接續講出「中國台灣」、「兩岸一家親」等言論。我尊重，但當然不能同意。
我可以理解他們當中許多人做出的反應，或許是出於無奈與恐懼。但如果他們當中有人心中真是那樣想的，我也想誠摯地邀請他們，以及灌入我臉書留言的中國網友們，有機會的話，一起來看看這部作品。
我在頒獎典禮上的發言，並不是「一時激動」，更不像部分中國網友所說的「受到民進黨政府的指使」。這是我自己一直以來就很想為這部作品所說的話。
有些網友說：「從此之後妳不用混了，更不用想踏足中國電影界」。對於日後或許無法再和許多優秀的中國電影工作者交流，我當然也有遺憾。但對於我日後職業生涯所可能面臨的一切後果，我願意承擔，且並不後悔。
另有部分評論說：「講話要看場合！妳個人的自私毀了金馬獎多年來的經營，以後中國政府不可能再讓中國電影踏足金馬」。對於這點，我想說的是：我在頒獎典禮上講的話，其實也是我這部作品中的部分主題，這不是一句「政治歸政治，藝術歸藝術」可以迴避，因為這部片的拍攝對象本身就是政治。我很感謝金馬奬的評審們讓這部作品得獎。作為導演，我必須為我的作品說話，來回應他們的勇氣。
In response to many netizens (majority from mainland China) leaving thousands of comments with name-calling and personal attacks, I am actually neither angry nor upset.
Many media outlets reported that “Our youth in Taiwan” is a documentary about the Sunflower Movement, but it is only one of the themes. The “Our” in the film title refers to a Taiwan student, a mainland Chinese student and myself. It not only recounts what we had gone through in the social movement. My idea from the very beginning was to explore whether it was possible for young people from Taiwan, Hong Kong and China to have dialogue and to develop mutual understanding of their national identities and political stands so that they can find ways to work together?… Since last night, many friends said: “the online comments are mocking your original intention. While you wanted to open a dialogue, you're now receiving thousands of name-calling comments”
However, I don’t see it this way.
The civil societies in China and Taiwan have developed a lot of misunderstanding and hatred for each other over the past decades. I want to address the problem through my work. The current situation should not be viewed as the end but as the beginning of another round of conversation.
Last night, during and after the awards, some presenters and winners kept saying “Taiwan, China” and “one big family across the straits”. I respect their view, but I can’t agree.
I can understand that some of them said it because they didn’t have a choice, or out of fear. For those who genuinely believe in what they've said, I sincerely invite them, as well as those mainland Chinese netizens who flooded my Facebook, to watch my film when they have a chance.
My speech is not an emotional outburst and definitely not “instructed by the Democratic Progressive Party”, as suggested by some mainland Chinese netizens. This is what I wanted to say about this documentary.
Some netizens have said: “From now on, you have no place in the film industry and can never step foot onto the China movie sector.” Of course, it's a pity that I may lose the opportunity to exchange with so many excellent filmmakers from China, but I am willing to bear the consequences without any regrets.
Others have said: “You have to think about what is appropriate for the occasion. Your selfishness has ruined the Golden Horse Awards, in the future the Chinese government might not allow mainland Chinese films to compete.” My response to this is that — what I said during the award is related to the theme of my film. The saying of “politics is politics, art is art” cannot circumvent the film’s subject matter, which is political. I am thankful to the juries of the Golden Horse Award and, as the director of the film, I have to speak out for my work as a response to their courage.
In Taiwan, the incident has also provoked responses, including of Taiwan's own president Tsai Ing-wen, who posted on Facebook on November 18:
我以昨天的金馬獎為榮，它突顯台灣之所以不同於中國，就在於我們的自由與多元，而這正是所有藝術創作能夠盡情奔放的樂土。
金馬獎就是秉持這樣的精神。我們歡迎所有電影工作者來台灣交流工作，在這裡不會有人因為不同言論就消失或被消音，我們也沒有會被網路屏蔽的敏感詞。這就是台灣。但我們也希望這些來到台灣的客人在享受自由的空氣之餘，也能尊重台灣人民的想法。
I am proud of last night’s Golden Horse Awards ceremony. It shows that the difference between Taiwan and China is that we [in Taiwan] are free and diverse. This is a giving land when it comes to arts and creative work. The Golden Horse Awards reflects our spirit. We welcome all filmmakers to come to Taiwan for exchange and work. Here, people won’t be disappeared or silenced because they hold different views. We don’t filter away sensitive words said online. This is Taiwan. We hope that the guests coming to Taiwan and enjoying the freedom here are able to respect Taiwanese's views.
Taiwan has been a de-facto independent state since 1949, when the Kuomingtang fled to the island and established a government in exile after being defeated by Chinese Communist Party in the Chinese Civil War. However, the People's Republic of China maintains the “One China Policy”. Since the Taiwan presidential elections in 2016, Beijing has been redoubling economic and diplomatic pressure as well as making military threats to Taiwan.

author: Oiwan Lam


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Civil society organizations decry new legislation that reduces legal rights in Bulgaria · Global Voices
BlueLink

Citizen protest in Sofia, Bulgaria. Photo: Tihomira Metodieva – Tihich. Used with permission.
This article is based the story “Less Rights for Citizens” by Nansi Borisova for BlueLink, a regional e-magazine covering Central and Eastern Europe. It is republished here through a partnership with Global Voices.
In June 2014, Bulgaria’s civil society celebrated a major victory for nature protection and the rule of law when the country’s Supreme Administrative Court ultimately rejected an environmental permit for a new nuclear-waste storage facility at the site of the Kozloduy Nuclear Power Plant. However, after a September 2018 amendment to Bulgaria’s Administrative-Procedural Code (APC) introduced closed hearings, higher fees for appeals cases, and the removal of appeals cases in some instances — many fear that these civil society victories might be a thing of the past.
Bulgarians have enjoyed access to a court of appeals since 1868 when it was introduced by the Ottoman authorities. Exactly 150 years later, amendments to the APC, adopted initially on 25 July 2018, deny citizens access to the second instance in certain types of cases, particularly where projects of “national interest” and those of high priority to the government are concerned. Under the new law, state fees are calculated as fractional material interest and court fees for appeals cases have been increased 14 times for natural and legal persons—74 times for nonprofit legal entities.
This is the first time in the history of administrative justice that citizens seeking protection in these cases will be charged up to 4500 BGN (2250 EUR). The possibility of closed sessions has also been introduced. And control over the legality of certain acts of government has been transferred to local administrative courts as well.
“Citizens against the mafia” – a slogan raised by activists protesting the administrative law amendments in front of the Parliament in Sofia. Photo: Tihomira Metodieva – Tihich. Used with permission.
The argument for this latest move is to “unload” supreme court judges from “excessive” burden along with “abuse by certain NGOs”. The chair of the Parliament’s Legal Commission, Danail Kirilov, presented the new legal provisions as a “first step of the commitment to reduce the bureaucratic burden on citizens and business”.
However, many are questioning these motives, stating that it is instead aimed at making it more difficult for civil society groups to bring cases to court.
Over 50 civil society organizations, including BlueLink, published an open letter calling for the president to veto the amendments to the APC back in September. Bulgaria’s Access to Information Program (AIP), a group that has been campaigning for citizens’ rights to access information for 22 years, was the main initiator of the request.
The open letter points at the exceptional opacity and procedural violations in the bill’s adoption. There has been no study and assessment of the capacity of the courts and possible problems with abuse of complaints, as stated in the statement of reasons. And no answer has been provided as to why, with a reduced number of cases compared to five or six years ago and an increased number of judges, the schedule of cases in the SAC is now much slower, says the document.
Environmental lawyer and civic rights advocate Alexander Kashumov is convinced that the new legislation weakens the democratic rights of Bulgarian citizens. Photo: Foundation “Access to Information Programme”. Used with permission.
According to lawyer Alexander Kashumov, head of the legal department of the Access to Information Program, these changes have dealt the most serious blow to citizens’ rights in over 20 years. “It is a matter of judicial control on which fundamental human rights are based – taxes, permits, sketches, etc.”, he says.
Bulgarian President Rumen Radev also questioned the latest amendments to the Administrative Procedure Code (APC) because “the justice deficit is felt most clearly in the relations of the citizens and the legal entities with the state bodies“.
President Radev disagreed with the new provisions for closed court cases. According to the head of state, the principle of public court hearings has a dual function. On the one hand, it is a guarantee of a fair trial in which parties are entitled to not only personally participate but also to be protected against the administration of justice in the dark without any public observation. On the other hand, this principle is a guarantee for the rights of citizens to receive and disseminate information.
In his veto’s justification, Radev also expressed his fears that raising fees will significantly limit procedural opportunities for the full protection of citizens and legal persons against unlawful acts of the administration. He is also particularly worried by the fact that the fee of an appeal case for a decision made on an environmental impact assessment is now left entirely to the discretion of the court. The introduction of a proportional fee will make these proceedings inaccessibly expensive as well.
The National Assembly overthrew Radev’s veto on 13 September by a large majority. With 146 votes in favor, 69 against and no abstentions, MEPs largely supported the amendments. Opposition representatives from the Bulgarian Socialist Party said immediately afterward that they have prepared a complaint to the Constitutional Court.
The canceling of the environmental impact assessment for a new radioactive waste repository at Bulgaria’s Kozloduy Nuclear Power Plant (photo by Gogo89873 / Wikipedia) is among the cases where administrative jurisdiction prevented key violations of human and environmental rights.
Commenting on the new provisions, Kashumov warned that local administrations will now more easily defeat ordinary citizens. He believes that the increased fees for appeals cases, the removal of the appeals all together in other cases, and the closed hearings will serve one purpose—to allow for administrative arbitrariness and management under the conditions of tyranny.
Already in 2017 representatives of the civil sector in Bulgaria, as an Access to Information Program (AIP), were against the changes in the Administrative Procedure Code. They continue to support the view that this decision will have a lasting negative impact on the rule of law in the country. We will closely monitor what will be their next steps and who will be paying the bill.

author: BlueLink


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Tokyo Immigration Bureau accidentally highlights the plight of refugees in Japan · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

“Free Refugees” spray-painted on the pedestrian walkway of Konan Bridge in Minato Ward, Tokyo. Image from Tokyo Immigration Bureau pinned tweet.
On November 20, the official Twitter account of the Tokyo Immigration Bureau sparked an online discussion after pinning a tweet to its Twitter profile featuring graffiti on a bridge in central Tokyo. Although the tweet was intended to speak out against graffiti, what actually caught netizen interest was the message of the graffiti itself. The words read “Free Refugees”, which many understood as tacit criticism of how the official immigration body treats refugees, undocumented workers, and others in detention.
The pinned tweet by the Tokyo Immigration Bureau includes three photos of graffiti written on the bridge with the words “FREE REFUGEES”, along with a message imploring everyone to “stop making graffiti” (落書きは止めましょう):
～落書きは止めましょう～
１１月１９日早朝，港南大橋歩道上にて。
表現の自由は重要ですが，公共物です。
少しひどくはないですか。。。 pic.twitter.com/eHVO1f37jR
— 東京入国管理局 (@IMMI_TOKYO) November 20, 2018
Let's all stop making graffiti.
Found early in the morning on November 19, on the Konan Bridget. While freedom of expression is extremely important, this is public property.
Doesn't this just make you a little sad?
Until November 20, the Tokyo Immigration Bureau Twitter account typically posted anodyne tweets about office hours which generally receive few replies or retweets. However, the pinned tweet on November 20 about refugee graffiti on Tokyo's Konan Bridge received an outsized response, generating nearly 2,000 comments so far.
Japan accepts very few refugees and asylum seekers each year. In 2017, Japan granted refugee status to just 20 out of 19,629 applicants. Asylum seekers are often detained or separated from their families while awaiting a decision about their status.
Criticism of Japan's policy towards immigration detainees is nothing new. Since 2006, fourteen inmates have died in Japanese immigration detention facilities which add up to about one person per year on average. Four of the most recent deaths have been suicides. The focal point for protests by Japanese human rights activists has centered around the East Japan Immigration Center in Ushiku, Ibaraki prefecture because of the high rates of detainee death.
The Tokyo Immigration Bureau also gained notoriety in October for participating in a television program that turned migrant raids and deportations into entertainment.
Many of the replies to the recent tweets pointed out that the graffiti was imploring the Tokyo Immigration Bureau to actually free refugees, visa-overstayers, and detainees from brutal conditions. Others criticized a Tokyo Immigration Bureau that too often mistreats and indefinitely detains refugee claimants and detainees:
落書きは消せば元に戻るが、失われた命は二度と戻らない。
— Kang/コーヒーおかわり (@fire_ree) November 20, 2018
You can always erase graffiti and return things to normal, but a life lost can never come back.
— @fire_ree November 20, 2018
In a tweet shared hundreds of times, Nagoya-based scholar Hibi Yoshitaka called out the Tokyo Immigration Bureau for seemingly criticizing graffiti that in turn criticized the bureau's terrible track record on human rights:
見返して改めて腹が立ってきたから、再リツイート。入管の収容者に対する非人道的な行為について、このアカウントに知らないとは言わせない。それに頬被りをして、良識派のふりで落書きを批判し、固定ツイートにさえしている。落書きが駄目なのは当たり前だが、収容者に対する虐待をやめてから言え。
— 日比嘉高 (@yshibi) November 20, 2018
Just seeing this again made me so angry I retweeted (Tokyo Immigration Bureau). There is no way whoever controls the Tokyo Immigration Bureau Twitter account can be unaware of inhuman acts committed against immigration detainees.
Cloaking their true intentions and pretending to self-righteously tut-tut graffiti, even going so far as to pin the tweet to their profile page. Of course graffiti is wrong, but what about the abuse of detainees?
— Hibi Yoshitaka (@yshibi) November 20, 2018
In his subsequent Twitter thread, Hibi went on to share a link to a variety of books and articles that explained the dire conditions for immigration detainees in Japan, including a November 5, 2018 Tokyo Shimbun article that details how 17 detainees were detained in a cell meant for 6 for 24 hours at an Osaka immigration detention facility.
Hibi also shared an article by a news organization in Nagano prefecture that explained how Japan's immigration authorities are increasingly resorting to more punitive measures such as long-term confinement to control detainees, and that the practice of detaining visa-overstayers is unofficially intended to act as a deterrent to others.
Another popular reply to the Tokyo Immigration Bureau's pinned tweet includes a link to a May 2018 news article by journalist Shiba Rei that describes conditions for Turkish-Kurd refugee claimants in detention in Japan:
東京入管の人権侵害を見かねた人の抗議では？落書きは宜しくないが自殺者を出すような入管の暴力も知ってください。
独房に監禁、医療受けさせず死亡、腐った給食―難民虐待の東京入国管理局(志葉玲) – Y!ニュース https://t.co/Syn5XKule4
— hika_ri (@BioreUV1) November 20, 2018
Is the Tokyo Immigration Bureau completed oblivious to protests about its violation of human rights? While graffiti is wrong, it's important to recognize a violent (immigration system) that results in suicide.
Yahoo! News article title: “Solitary confinement, lack of medical care resulting in death, and rotten food: how Tokyo Immigration Bureau attacks refugee (claimants)
Japan intends to dramatically increase the number of temporary foreign trainees in the coming years. However, since these trainees work for reduced wages, often in precarious conditions, many will likely be tempted to flee their jobs and work under the table, violating the terms of their visa.
This means many more people will likely be trapped in Japan's immigration detention system — detained for long periods of time and possibly risking death.

author: Nevin Thompson


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How Bangladesh’s airport authorities are using YouTube to change public behaviour · Global Voices
পান্থ রহমান রেজা (Pantha)

Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Image by Nahod Sultan via Wikimedia Commons.
If it has been a few years since you have flown through the Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport in Dhaka, Bangladesh, you may notice that a lot has changed. Stories of endless waiting for lost luggage have been replaced with customers receiving their bags at home, and goods being stolen from passengers has become a minor issue. This is thanks, in part, to innovative efforts from executive magistrate Muhammad Yusuf at the Dhaka Airport Magistrate Court, who along with others in his department have begun using YouTube and Facebook to decrease crime and help passengers in Bangladesh's biggest airport.
In 2014, the facilities at the Hazrat Shahjalal Airport were so poor and improperly managed that it was ranked one of the worst airports in Asia. However, along with the efforts of other departments, the Dhaka Airport Magistrate Court and two of its executive magistrates, Muhammad Yusuf and Sharif Muhammed Forhad Hossain, took up the challenge to bring about change.
They launched a Facebook page titled Magistrates, All Airports of Bangladesh featuring helplines in December 2014 to gather complaints from the passengers or anyone who used the airport. The magistrates became harsh with airlines who overbooked passengers and offloaded passengers after they had already completed check-in and immigration process. They conducted mobile courts to punish the airport staffs and contractors who engaged in passenger harassment, baggage cutting, stealing from luggage or illegal money extortion from the passengers. According to reports, the incidents of harassment, irregularities, and crimes in the airport area decreased significantly in the following years.
After Sharif Muhammed Forhad Hossain was transferred, Muhammad Yusuf took up the reigns. He introduced initiatives like “Give The Waste, Take The Money” which minimized passenger littering. Yusuf also created a library in the airport, punishing airport staff for mistakes by making them read books and later testing their knowledge on what they read. The initiative, called “Project TukiTaki (little things)”, is explained in detail in his YouTube video:
According to Yusuf, this has reduced the rate of crimes:
লুকিয়ে বইপড়া অনেকের কাছে বাড়তি একটা চাপ। হঠাৎ হাতে বই দেখলে কলিগরা বুঝে ফেলছে, বাসার লোকজন বুঝে ফেলছে, সে কোন একটা অন্যায় করে ধরা পড়েছে।
To many staffs, reading books is an extra pressure for them. Seeing the books in their hands their colleagues are becoming aware that they have made some mistake (misbehaved or asked money for service). Their family members know that he is being punished for doing something wrong.
Yusuf's latest project is aimed at informing passengers and the public about different rules, regulations, and tips via a YouTube channel. One of the most harassed communities in the airport is the migrant laborers from Bangladesh. They are not usually aware of the rules and regulations regarding what they can bring without duty,  how they can complain and retrieve their lost luggage (or insurance money), how much currency can be carried/brought, who needs to produce the manpower clearance card during exit, what to do if they miss a flight etc.
In various short videos via the Youtube channel, he shares information with passengers in the Bengali language — including useful facts and answering queries submitted in the Magistrates, All Airports of Bangladesh and his own profile page.
In the following videos, Yusuf explains basic concepts about getting to a gate on time, dealing with missed flights etc:
In the next video, he explains the difference between reissuable tickets and one-time tickets, premium vs low-cost carriers, and missed flights and no-shows:
According to the International migration report 2017 published by the UN, there are more than 7 million migrant workers from Bangladesh working abroad in almost all the continents of the world. They send remittance to their families back home which is a lifeline of the economy of Bangladesh. Some travel abroad for work without the registration and clearance from the Bureau of Manpower, Employment and Training (BMET) and later they fail to get government support when they are in trouble in a foreign land. Without the clearance, the immigration officers disallow such persons from leaving the land. To be aware of such rules and the benefits of the BMET card, he uploaded two videos. Here is an example:
It has been only a few months since Yusuf started this YouTube channel and, thus far, he has uploaded more than 30 videos. The videos have been warmly received by audience members who have benefitted from this much-needed information in the local language, and support of this initiative seems to be taking off — just recently his channel reached 57k followers.

author: পান্থ রহমান রেজা (Pantha)


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Egypt hosts the first UN Biodiversity Convention held in the Middle East · Global Voices
Rabiya Jaffery

The Convention of Biological Diversity, 2018. Source: Ahmed Saba. Used with permission.
The first United Nations Biodiversity Convention held in the Middle East will take place November 17-29, 2018, in Sharm El Sheikh, Egypt, for the 14th Conference of the Parties.
Originally launched in 1992 as part of the Rio Earth Summit, the Convention on Biological Diversity is a global agreement among 196 nations that represent the “global community's growing commitment to the conservation of biological diversity, sustainable use of its components and fair use of benefits arising from genetic resources.”
While several important success stories have emerged over the years in sustaining biodiversity and the communities that rely on ecosystems for their livelihoods, World Wildlife Fund International's recent Living Planet report shows that biodiversity continues to decline worldwide, with devastating consequences for people and the planet.
There is a strong indication that the planet has entered into its sixth mass extinction — triggered by human activities impacting forests, wetlands, rivers, oceans and other critical ecosystems.
In addition, it is now also evident that most of the 20 Aichi Biodiversity Targets — set in 2010 to address some of the biggest environmental challenges we face and due in 2020 — will not be achieved.
“Global efforts to reverse nature loss have lacked urgency, political commitment and effective delivery so far,” said Marco Lambertini, director general of WWF International in a statement made at the Convention.
“Protecting and restoring nature and biodiversity is fundamental to our health, well-being, economies, and continued and growing prosperity around the world,” Lambertini continued.
As the first biodiversity conference to be hosted in the region, this year’s Conferences of the Parties (COP) provides a unique opportunity for discussion on conserving nature in the Middle East, the current gap in efforts to prevent further environmental degradation and how this directly impacts human lives in the region.
“COP14 focuses on issues critical to the Middle East,” says Kishan Khoday, the team leader in the Arab region of Climate Change, Disaster Risk Reduction, Energy and the Environment with the United Nations Development Programme:
These include the role of biodiversity and ecosystems in countries affected by conflict and displacement and how nature-based solutions can help prevent crisis and speed recovery by reducing social vulnerability.
Jordan and Lebanon, for instance, both host over one million Syrian refugees, generating new strains on the economy and also creating severe implications on critical watersheds and groundwater systems — many of which are in proximity to refugee camps and host communities.
Gaps in government policies to mainstream ecosystem resilience and conservation into the management of refugee host communities exacerbate the problem. Communities must use strategic environmental assessment tools to identify and manage ecosystem risks in partnership with governments.
Khoday adds:
COP 14 and the work supported by the CBD, UNDP and partners more broadly help to scale up and replicate successful conservation initiatives in the region to address the growing fragility of land, water and other ecosystems essential for sustainable peace and prosperity.
Up to 12 percent of marine biodiversity in some areas of the Arabian Gulf may be lost before the end of the century if countries in the region do not take measures to address overfishing, pollution, and habitat destruction.
According to scientists from the University of British Columbia and the University of Western Australia, a business-as-usual climate scenario will severely affect species richness (the number of different species in an ecological community) off the coast of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). This may lead to significant economic consequences in the future — especially in rural coastal communities that rely heavily on fisheries for food and employment.
Among the eight countries that comprise the Gulf, the UAE is expected to perform the worst, with a projected loss of above 40 percent of its catch potential.
“This is unlikely to have major economic consequences because the UAE is not very dependent on its fisheries. The marine fishing industry generates around 1 percent of its GDP,” Mariam Khalfallah, a Ph.D. student with the Sea Around Us research initiative at UBC, tells Global Voices:
On the other hand, Bahrain could lose almost 9 percent of its catch potential by 2090, which will significantly affect Bahraini coastal communities.
Among those most affected by the loss of natural resources and habitats will be women particularly from rural communities.
A panel was held on the second day of COP to discuss gender-sensitive environment actions and the role of women in the Arab world as biodiversity protectors and resilience actors.
Professor Yomin Elhamaky, president of Liberal Forum Egypt and lead speaker of the panel explains:
Women are amongst those most severely impacted when communities are displaced because of the destruction of biodiversity — which is why it is essential that any and all efforts of conserving natural resources and habitats take into account gender-sensitive climate action.
According to the Women’s Environmental Network, women make up the majority of the world’s poor, tend to have lower incomes, and are more likely to be economically dependent than men — all of which greatly limits their ability to cope with difficult environmental conditions.
Elhamaky adds:
But, despite cultural sensitivities and traditions, Arab women are not a liability and can play an extremely important role in sensitizing change when it comes to awareness, which this part of the world lacks, about the role nature plays in our lives.
Because the impact of biodiversity loss is not always linear and immediate, there is a massive gap in public awareness about the consequences of environmental stress — an obstacle that is being discussed as one of the biggest challenges in taking urgent actions at the COP.
Dr. Gamal Gomaa Medani, assistant secretary general of the Arab Federation for Wildlife protection, says:
It’s a global problem but — speaking as a scientist working in the Arab world — one of the biggest challenges on the CBP gaining the highest political relevance in this part of the world to speed and scale the work toward a sustainable future is how little people understand the importance of biodiversity.
Medani warns:
If people don’t understand how they will be affected, they will never care.

author: Rabiya Jaffery


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Made-in-China fake news overwhelms Taiwan · Global Voices
I-fan Lin

Tsai Ing-wen, Taiwan's first female president. Photo by Taiwan Presidential Office via Flickr (CC BY 2.0).
Since 2016, when Tsai Ing-wen of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was elected as Taiwan's president after the pro-independent Sunflower Movement, waves of disinformation have engulfed traditional and social media platforms in Taiwan — and much of it can be traced back to China.
Taiwan has been ruled independently for decades, and Tsai decided to reject the “One China, different interpretation”, an agreement signed in 1992 between the former ruling Kuomingtang and Beijing that helped improve the strained relationship between Taiwan and the People's Republic of China.
Since Tsai's decision, that relationship has taken a turn for the worse. Beijing has suspended diplomatic contact with Taiwan, imposed economic sanctions, forced other countries to cut ties with Taiwan and has bolstered its military presence in the Taiwan Strait.
In parallel, a series of fake news campaigns have captured Taiwanese media, with experts tracing several of these stories back to China.
Last year, Taiwan’s National Security Bureau revealed that a significant volume of disinformation that had circulated on Taiwan social media networks came from “content farms” with China's Communist Party. This was confirmed a few months ago by the Investigative Bureau of Taiwan's Ministry of Justice.
Various media outlets, including Chinese dissident media outlet Mingjing, referred to a leaked document from Chinese authorities affirming that Beijing had launched an information war, using disinformation, online harassment and trolling campaigns to manipulate public opinions in Taiwan.
Taiwanese media outlet Mirror Media also referred to the leaked document, concluding that Beijing's objective is to divide Taiwanese society.
Technical research has also supported these reports. Programmers who run a fact-checking bot in an application called the LINE app, a messaging platform hugely popular in Taiwan, told Taiwanese online magazine  Business Weekly that at least 20 percent of the disinformation sent to them comes from China.
Many of these rumors and fake news target the personal life of Tsai. Soon after her 2016 election victory, a fabricated story was posted on Reddit and quickly became one of the hottest topics in Taiwanese media. The story falsely claims that when Tsai was asked why she never married, she replied: “I wouldn’t buy a whole pig just so I could have a sausage.”
Eventually, Reddit users found out that the image came from various Chinese online forums like Tianya and had first appeared in 2011 when Tsai first ran for president. Around 2016, a journalist from Gizmodo reached out to the Taipei Economic and Cultural Office who confirmed this quote was false.
Tsai, the Taiwanese president, is the subject of a viral fake news campaign, identified as fake by Gizmodo.
Although this fabricated story had circulated widely in China and became a hot topic on Reddit, it was never really taken seriously in Taiwan as it cuts against Taiwanese mainstream values.
But others have gained more ground. Also in 2016, a rumor that Tsai was of Japanese descent circulated on Facebook. This piece of disinformation first appeared on Tianya in 2015 and it reappeared on Taiwan's social media in 2016. The rumor triggers memories of the Japanese 1885-1945 colonial era — those Taiwanese who were educated to recognize themselves as Chinese see Japan, and its once-colonized Taiwan, as an enemy from World War II.
A similar example is a piece of fabricated news that 2,000 important art pieces in the National Palace Museum in Taiwan will be sent to Japan for a 50-year exhibition contract, which circulated in July 2018.
In addition to President Tsai Ing-wen, other DPP politicians have also become targets of disinformation.
Screenshot from a viral video showing a Chinese representative from the Chinese consulate in Osaka, Japan, explaining evacuation efforts to stranded Chinese tourists during Typhoon Jebi in September 2018.
In September, when Typhoon Jebi struck Japan's Kansai region, a story that undermined senior DPP member and Taiwan’s ambassador in Japan, Frank Hsieh, triggered a chaotic chain of events that culminated in the death by suicide of a Taiwanese diplomat stationed in Osaka.
Propaganda from several state-affiliated media outlets in China claimed that the Chinese consulate in Osaka had arranged evacuation buses from Kansai airport exclusively for stranded Chinese tourists. Some reports claimed that Taiwanese people were required to identify themselves as Chinese in order to get on the buses.
In fact, the buses had been arranged by Japanese authorities. As this clarification traveled much slower than the fake story itself, Taiwanese traditional media, along with internet celebrities, had time to cook the story and made the impression that many people demanded Frank Hsieh to step down for not providing adequate assistance to Taiwanese tourists during the disaster. Amid the furor, Taiwanese diplomat Su Chii-Cherng died by suicide. Japanese media reported that Su suffered from criticism due to disinformation.
Later, it was discovered that much of the related social media content churning the fake story came from Beijing.
Disinformation continues to follow Frank Hsieh. In a fabricated photo that circulated recently, a screenshot of a TV interview by Hsieh was doctored to include the quotes: ‘until all staff in the Osaka office die, I will not resign.’ As the font used in the lower banner can only be found in the Simplified Chinese version of Microsoft Word, the fabrication is believed to be done in mainland China.
A fake photo with changed words in the lower banner.
Other fabricated news stories target DPP's China policy. A photo showing pineapples dumped in a dam has circulated widely in Taiwan that came with a message:
After DPP became the ruling party, our government becomes impotent. Now China refuses to buy fruits from ‘independent’ Taiwan. The farmers work hard for nothing. It is so sad.
Though the Council of Agriculture pointed out that this photo was taken in China and not Taiwan, its circulation has successfully drawn a correlation between the drop in pineapple sales and DPP's China policy, as reflected in the farmer protest in Taipei in July.
A photo showing pineapples dumped in a dam has circulated widely in Taiwan that came with a false message. The photo was actually taken in China, not Taiwan.
In Taiwan, the popularity of bulletin board systems (BBS) and closed-group messaging apps like LINE have fueled the spread of disinformation.
BBS, a platform style popular in the 1990s, still plays an important role in distributing information in Taiwan. PTT, the biggest and most influential bulletin board system, operates as a non-commercial and open-source platform similar to Reddit with more than 1.5 million registered users. Over 150,000 users are online during peak hours, and more than 20,000 articles and 500,000 comments are posted every day, according to Wikipedia. Some consider PTT a hotbed for rumors and, to combat them, its engineers have been testing and adjusting the platform's algorithms.
LINE is the most popular messaging platform in Taiwan and, like WhatsApp, people use it to share information via closed groups. Recently, a coalition of civic tech organizations developed a bot to fight disinformation on LINE, but most users tend to believe the information they receive because it typically comes from trusted family and friends.
These cases demonstrate Taiwan's vulnerability to disinformation generated in China. Understanding how to defend freedom of expression and safeguard Taiwanese people from being manipulated by systemic disinformation attacks has become a crucial item in the public agenda.

author: I-fan Lin


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Pakistan’s Prime Minister Imran Khan sets the ‘war on terror’ record straight on Twitter · Global Voices
R Umaima Ahmed

U.S. President Donald Trump and Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan. Image via Wikimedia Commons. Public Domain/CC-BY.
A heated Twitter exchange between Pakistan’s Prime Minister Imran Khan and U.S. President Donald Trump over the past few days has stirred controversy on social media — the two going tit-for-tat on matters better suited for diplomatic channels.
“Pakistan doesn't do a damn thing for us”, said U.S. President Donald Trump in a recent interview with Fox News.
Trump: “[Osama bin Laden] lived in Pakistan. We're supporting Pakistan. We gave them $1.3 billion dollars a year, which we don't give them anymore by the way. I ended it, because they don't do anything for us. They don't do a damn thing for us.” pic.twitter.com/t65RNoASaR
— Paul Joseph Watson (@PrisonPlanet) November 18, 2018
Trump added that credit goes to the SEAL Team Six for capturing and killing Osama bin Laden — a wanted terrorist and head of Al-Qaeda —when they raided his compound in Abbottabad in 2011 and found him hiding in a mansion very close to Pakistan Military Academy — suggesting that Pakistan was merely harboring Osama bin Laden and other Al-Qaeda members with impunity.
Trump’s tirade is the latest in a long history of lack of trust between the two countries post-September 11, 2001, when two hijacked commercial airplanes rammed into the World Trade Center in New York City. A third plane crashed into the Pentagon and another was shot down near Washington D.C. These four airplanes were flown by 19 members of Al-Qaeda.
After the attacks, then-president George W. Bush declared war against terrorism and put nations around the globe on notice by adding: “Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists.”
Pakistan agreed to cooperate with the United States on the protracted war on terror, becoming a strategic ally while suffering major casualties and economic losses.
Public and private accusations and counter-accusations have been a routine part of Pakistan-U.S. relations since 2001, yet Pakistan has given the U.S. significant support in the war against terror and the U.S. has also given significantly to Pakistan through the Coalition Support Fund.
Pakistan’s Prime Minister Imran Khan responded to Trump's accusations by tweeting:
Record needs to be put straight on Mr Trump's tirade against Pakistan: 1. No Pakistani was involved in 9/11 but Pak decided to participate in US War on Terror. 2. Pakistan suffered 75,000 casualties in this war & over $123 bn was lost to economy. US "aid" was a miniscule $20 bn.
— Imran Khan (@ImranKhanPTI) November 19, 2018
3. Our tribal areas were devastated & millions of ppl uprooted from their homes. The war drastically impacted lives of ordinary Pakistanis. 4. Pak continues to provide free lines of ground & air communications(GLOCs/ALOCs).Can Mr Trump name another ally that gave such sacrifices?
— Imran Khan (@ImranKhanPTI) November 19, 2018
Instead of making Pakistan a scapegoat for their failures, the US should do a serious assessment of why, despite 140000 NATO troops plus 250,000 Afghan troops & reportedly $1 trillion spent on war in Afghanistan, the Taliban today are stronger than before.
— Imran Khan (@ImranKhanPTI) November 19, 2018
Pakistan’s Human Rights Minister Ms. Shireen Mazari also tweeted:
The illegal killings by drone attacks; the list is endless but once again history shows appeasement does not work. Also, whether China or Iran, US policies of containment & isolation do not coincide with Pak strategic interests. https://t.co/tFBe9BentG
— Shireen Mazari (@ShireenMazari1) November 19, 2018
In response to PM Imran Khan's tweet, Donald Trump responded:
Of course we should have captured Osama Bin Laden long before we did. I pointed him out in my book just BEFORE the attack on the World Trade Center. President Clinton famously missed his shot. We paid Pakistan Billions of Dollars & they never told us he was living there. Fools!..
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 19, 2018
….We no longer pay Pakistan the $Billions because they would take our money and do nothing for us, Bin Laden being a prime example, Afghanistan being another. They were just one of many countries that take from the United States without giving anything in return. That’s ENDING!
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 19, 2018
In a reply tweet, Imran Khan said that Pakistan will do what is best for its people:
Trump’s false assertions add insult to the injury Pak has suffered in US WoT in terms of lives lost & destabilised & economic costs. He needs to be informed abt historical facts. Pak has suffered enough fighting US's war. Now we will do what is best for our people & our interests
— Imran Khan (@ImranKhanPTI) November 19, 2018
As soon as the world leaders began sparring on Twitter, Pakistani citizens weighed in on the controversial exchange: some praised Khan for standing up to the ‘do more’ demands of the U.S., while others condemned him for responding at all.
Sadaf Khan Nawaid said:
Prime Minister Imran Khan Destroyed US President Trump Narrative about Pakistan.
Finally Pentagon admitted
Pakistan Critical Partner to US
South Asia Strategy.#NayaPakistan #PMIK pic.twitter.com/eX7lNFzhkN
— Sadaf Khan Nawaid (@sadafnawaid) November 20, 2018
General Ghulam Mustafa, a retired Pakistan army officer had this to say:
PM Pakistan Imran Khan trumps US President Trump in Twitter battle, FO weighs in diplomatically, whole nation joins in, Army Chief adds army’s weight compelling Pentagon into firefighting. Something different about this Pak, finally ready to do what’s good for Pakistan only IA.
— Gen Ghulam Mustafa-R (@_GhulamMustafa_) November 20, 2018
Michael Kugelman, deputy director of the Asia program and South Asia senior associate at The Wilson Center chimed in:
By choosing poise over pique, PM Imran Khan has responded like a true statesman in his rebuke to Trump's latest #Pakistan comments. That said, the PM's response reflects an oft-repeated narrative that is valid to a degree, but also misleading and rife with selective omissions.
— Michael Kugelman (@MichaelKugelman) November 19, 2018
A number of memes circulated to lighten up the mood:
Hello @realDonaldTrump @narendramodi 2 Small Man's Big Man @ImranKhanPTI Here How Chatrool Of you Both ??#PrimeMinisterImranKhan#DonaldTrump pic.twitter.com/F5fIfHjHky
— Abdullah Khan (@Iam_TeamIK) November 19, 2018
Oye!!
Trump!
Correct yourself first then blame us. Imran Khan #PMPakistan pic.twitter.com/aWfC11OsDr
— Imran Durrani (@Wafiaman) November 19, 2018
Former president of Pakistan Gen. Pervez Musharraf wrote in his memoir, “In the Line of Fire”, that the Americans told him: “If we chose the terrorists, then we should be prepared to be bombed back to the Stone Age.”
Since then, Pakistan has become a strategic ally in the “global war on terror,” which has cost Pakistan over 70 thousand deaths, economic loss, and social destruction.

author: R Umaima Ahmed


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#QanoonSabKayLiye: A social media campaign promoting legal awareness in Pakistan · Global Voices
Anushe Noor

Forcing any person to work against their will is an offense, punishable with imprisonment which may extend to 5 years, or with fine, or with both. (Section 374(1) of the Pakistan Penal Code) . Image from the Facebook page of Insaaf Camp.
Pakistan ranks in the bottom tier in the category of the civil justice system. A 2017 World Justice Project survey conducted in collaboration with Gallup Pakistan, states that confidence in the judicial system is very low among Pakistanis and the state-supported court system fails to handle even the small fractions of disputes that do come to it for resolution. However, a social media campaign featuring the hashtag #QanoonSabKayLiye (Law for All) aims to change the situation by increasing legal literacy in Pakistan.
The campaign was initiated by Insaaf Camp, an organization that runs legal awareness workshops and camps on the ground. It is the project of a non-profit organisation, Courting the Law which is an online legal guidance portal.The #QanoonSabKayLiye campaign is actually a series of Facebook and Twitter posts that explain the rights and obligations of the citizens under the Constitution of Pakistan. Laws related to marriage, sexual harassment, traffic, corruption etc are included in the campaign.
Giving false evidence intentionally in any stage of a judicial proceeding is an offence, punishable with imprisonment which may extend to 7 years and fine. (Section 193 of the Pakistan Penal Code)#QanoonSabKayLiye #CourtingTheLaw #InsaafCamp #KnowTheLaw #Pakistan pic.twitter.com/JBmqUuxhLq
— Insaaf Camp (@InsaafCamp) November 16, 2018
Farhan Shafi; Co-Founder Insaaf Camp. Used with permission.
Global Voices talked to Farhan Shafi, Co-Founder of Insaaf Camp about their #QanoonSabKayLiye campaign. According to Shafi:
Our aim is to increase access to justice and spread legal awareness in Pakistan and to disseminate legal knowledge. Our idea was to post about law in a way a common person can easily understand. We wanted them to know what obligations they have under law and what rights are to be protected by the state. For this purpose, we post both in Urdu and English to avoid any language barriers.
He also added:
We want our posts to reach more people in rural areas and we have been successful in that, so far. Urban developed cities like Lahore, Islamabad, Quetta, Peshawar and Karachi only form 29% of our following – this puts 71% of people following our page in lesser developed cities and rural areas. With more than a million people reached, we feel confident that we are reaching our intended audience.
When asked about the feedback the campaign has received, Shafi stated:
The campaign also received some criticism:
Some feedback we have received has been concerns on the lack of enforcement of the laws we post. While solving this completely will take time, we aim to launch other social media campaigns which will be aimed at enforcement of laws and providing justice to victims. We will raise awareness on instances of human rights abuses in Pakistan and bring them to the notice of the relevant authorities. We will also post a follow up when action is taken to ensure that society is aware of laws being actively enforced.
However, the project hopes to expand:
This campaign is a part of a much larger effort. We require a lot of effort and we invite volunteers as we know that actions like these can go a long way when done by many.

author: Anushe Noor


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After a bloody attack on an opposition leader, critics of the Serbian regime express fears of a descent into fascism · Global Voices
Marko Angelov

Serbian politician Borko Stefanović showing his bloody shirt during press conference on Nov 24, 2018. Photo from Alliance for Serbia Twitter profile.
On the evening of Friday November 23, 2018, a group of masked thugs armed with bats and steel bars attacked Borko Stefanović, the president of the political party Serbian Left and a founder of opposition coalition Alliance for Serbia.
According to news site Istinomer Vesti, the masked thugs also brutally beat two Serbian Left party activists. Boban Jovanović ended up with two broken teeth and a cut lip, while Marko Dimić suffered numerous blows to the head. All three had to be taken to hospital for emergency care. Stefanović and the party activists were scheduled to attend a political event in the city of Kruševac in Central Serbia.
According to a statement released by Serban Left:
“A group of attackers armed with rods intercepted Stefanović in front of Local Community Rasadnik in Kruševac, pinned him to the asphalt and brutally beat him. After Jovanović and Dimić tried to aid him, the attackers assailed them as well.”
On learning about the attack, opposition members and other netizens took to social media to alert the public about the situation. In particular, they shared photos from the crime scene. Former mayor of Belgrade Dragan Djilas tweeted:
Napad na Borka je napad na svakoga od nas ko slobodno i drugačije misli od ove vlasti. Pozivima na linč Aleksandra Vučića i njegovih medija otvoren je lov na sve nas. Napad na Borka je direktna posledica stvaranja jezive atmosfere u kojoj svi živimo. pic.twitter.com/WibtwtRJ22
— Dragan Djilas (@DraganDjilas) November 23, 2018
The attack on Borko is an attack on anyone who thinks freely and differently than this government. The calls for lynching by Aleksandar Vučić and his media declared an open [hunting] season on all of us. The attack on Borko is a direct consequence of the creepy atmosphere under which we all are forced to live.
According to Srđan Milivojević of the Democratic Party (DS), the event which Stefanović and the activists were supposed to attend was a regularly scheduled public forum of the Alliance for Serbia, attended by its leaders, so the attack also targeted members of the Dveri movement, the DS, the People's Party and other member parties. Milivojević told Danas daily that three more people were injured in the attack.
The Alliance for Serbia blamed the attack on their members, saying it was a consequence of the smear campaign being perpetrated by the regime of President Aleksandar Vučić against his political opponents on a daily basis.
The following night the Serbian police announced that they had arrested two suspects identified only by their initials and ages—M.Ž. (30) and D.G. (31). The suspects will be detained for 48 hours, after which they will be taken to the relevant prosecutor's office where appropriate criminal charges will be laid.
Even before the police had made their announcement, however, President Vučić held a press conference breaking the news about the arrest of the attackers. “The state reacted urgently and did its job, showing that Serbia is not a banana republic in which you can hit anyone for any reason,” Vučić said, adding that he did not have the right to demand a more rigorous sentence, as this would constitute interference in the independence of the judiciary.
At a press conference held by the Alliance for Serbia on Saturday morning Borko Stefanović, who appeared wearing a bandage, stated that the incident should be considered attempted murder, as the attackers intentionally hit him on the back of his head with metal bars, and then kicked him in the head with their boots. “It was all premeditated and organized,” he said.
At the conference, Stefanović showed the bloodied shirt he was wearing at the time of the violent attack. Expressing gratitude for the numerous expressions of support from colleagues and collaborators, he stated that “We will fight to ensure that Serbia doesn't remain a country of bloody shirts, and a country where the blood of those who think differently from the regime is spilled.”
Many Serbian social media users viewed the attack as an indication of the country's descent into open fascism. Comparing the situation with the trajectory of the Nazi party in Germany, renowned film director Srđan Dragojević tweeted that “we are entering 1936,” a period of the intertwining of party and state.
Upozoravali su ljudi da je ovo fašizam, smejali ste se.
— Siromasni vitez (@Siromasni_vitez) November 23, 2018
When some people warned that this is fascism, you just laughed at them.
Others shared similar comparisons, alluding to the start of the Nazi's purges of compatriots they designated as undesirable:
Četvorica sa šipkama su napala Borka Stefanovića.
Ne mogu ništa argumentima.
Idu na fizičku likvidaciju.
Na Stbiju je pala kristalna noć…
— Aleksandra Ćurčić (@sanja0073) November 23, 2018
Four men with metal bars attacked Borko Stefanović. They can't use arguments, so they move to physical liquidation. A Crystal Night has descended on Serbia.
During the 1990s, current Serbian president Aleksandar Vučić used to serve as Minister of Information in the government of dictator Slobodan Milošević. Comparisons between two regimes were also abundant.
Razlika izmedju Slobinog rezima i Vucicevog je ta , sto je Sloba koristio policiju i db za razracunavanje sa neistomisljenicima . A Vucic je okupio kriminalce , navijace , razne lazne patriote , i bitange svih vrsta.
To opozicija treba da zna , i da jednom skine “bele rukavice”.
— Van Helsing 1244 (@drugdjura) November 23, 2018
The difference between the regimes of Slobodan Milošević and Aleksandar Vučić is that Milošević used the police and state security to deal with people who disagreed with him. Vučić surrounded himself with criminals, football hooligans and various fake patriots and hoodlums of all kinds. The opposition must acknowledge that, and once for all take off the ‘white gloves.’
At the Saturday press conference, Borko Stefanović echoed some of this discourse. “We have to deal with this together! They stalk in from the darkness. While we are together, they won't be able to attack in such a fascist, cowardly manner, from the back,” he said.

author: Marko Angelov


text:
Students rally for academic freedom on the eve of the final call for Central European University to stay in Hungary · Global Voices
Marietta Le

Students in Budapest protest with a banner with the acronyms of academic institutions under threat in Hungary “Free Corvinus, ELTE, MTA, CEU.” Photo credit: Anna Vörös. Used with permission.
NOTE: The author of this article is a Central European University (CEU) graduate student. Global Voices is a grantee of the Open Society Foundations, which is funded by George Soros.
This week marks the last and final call for Central European University (CEU), a private university founded in 1991 by financier and philanthropist George Soros, to stay in Hungary. The institution, which has been located in Budapest since 1993, has been in legal limbo since April 2017 when a controversial amendment to Hungary's existing higher education laws was passed by the government.
Students organised a protest on Saturday 24 November, and occupied the main square in front of the Parliament in Budapest to defend academic freedom in the country.
In late October, Michael Ignatieff, CEU's president and rector, announced that the institution was not going to wait until January 1, 2019, for the government to sign off on the document that would secure the university's place as a Hungarian-American academic institution in Hungary. The Central European University instead gave the Hungarian government a new deadline of December 1, 2018, and started establishing a campus in neighboring Austria's capital, Vienna where first-year students would transfer for the 2019 academic year.
The university is bracing itself for the move to another country. “University” in this case means all the people affected by the move, including students, PhD students, researchers, professors, and staff, some of whom have been working at the CEU in Budapest for more than a decade.
In Hungarian academic circles, the conversation in the past weeks has been dominated by the topic of academic freedom. Budapest's Corvinus University is facing a reform that would organize the university's activities according to more of a profit-making structure, and drastically curb the number of state-sponsored students. At the same time, ELTE University's Department of Social Sciences went on strike and sparked discussion of Gender Studies as a result of the closing of the programme. In addition, the Hungarian Academy of Sciences is fighting budget cuts announced by the Hungarian government.
Students, researchers, professors, and their allies rallied on Saturday to call attention to the struggle for academic freedom in Hungary. According to media reports, the rally attracted thousands, and speakers at the event represented ELTE, Corvinus, CEU and the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.
Protesters marching through #Budapest now in support of #CEU, the Soros-funded university that Orban seems determined to force out of #Hungary. pic.twitter.com/ppsZCvB2oU
— Dan McLaughlin (@DanMcL99) November 24, 2018
Speakers addressed the issue of academic freedom and the April 2017 law which forces CEU into exile and also called for solidarity with workers since the announcement last week of a new law that exposes workers to exploitation through overtime. The list of problematic regulations looks endless in Hungary, and the speakers, many of whom are social scientists, also criticized the amendment of the Basic Law (Constitution) that criminalizes homelessness in the country.
Speakers and protesters did not miss the opportunity to criticize Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán for giving asylum to former Macedonian prime minister Nikola Gruevski, a fugitive from the law who was sentenced in his own country to two years in prison on corruption charges.
“Mafia government chasing CEU away, but hosting politician criminals!” Photo credit: Anna Vörös. Used with permission
As the closing of Saturday's march, the Students4CEU student movement occupied Kossuth Square in front of the Parliament under the banner “Free University”. Students are celebrating academic freedom with open lectures and screenings throughout the week.
It’s cold. It’s raining. But we’re not leaving until the Hungarian gov stops its attacks on academic freedom. Join us starting tomorrow at 11 for lectures, film screenings & discussion at our very own #SzabadEgyetem (free university) pic.twitter.com/hB2anmZjKA
— Students4CEU (@Students4Ceu) November 24, 2018
The occupation of Kossuth Square will end on December 1. For Central European University to remain fully based in Budapest, this is the last and final call.

author: Marietta Le


text:
Despite threats of arrest, rap song criticizing military rule goes viral in Thailand · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

This part of the music video refers to the violence directed against critics of the Thai military and the frequent clashes between supporters of political parties. Screenshot of YouTube video.
A rap music video criticizing the military-led government of Thailand has gone viral despite threats by authorities to investigate the artists behind the popular song which was denounced by the prime minister as “inappropriate”.
Released on October 22, the five-minute music video “Prathet Ku Mi” (What's My Country Got) by the group “Rap Against Dictatorship” garnered 600,000 YouTube views in just two days. As of this writing, it has over 40 million views.
The group of 10 rappers, with some of whom preferring to remain anonymous, collectively wrote the song which criticizes state violence, government corruption, and ongoing military rule.
Led by General Prayuth Chan-ocha, the army staged a coup in Thailand in 2014. A new constitution was drafted ensuring that the military continues to dominate the state's bureaucracy even if civilian rule is restored. Prayuth announced that elections will be held next year, but the government has imposed several restrictions on political campaigning.
The rap group was praised for their bravery and creativity in depicting the country’s situation. Below are screenshots of some parts of the music video:
This refers to the 2016 constitution which supposedly would facilitate the country's transition to democracy but it only reinforced the dominance of the military. Screenshot of YouTube video.
This part of the music video refers to the army coup in 2014 and the continuing military dictatorship in Thailand. Screenshot of YouTube video.
Prime Minister Prayuth was the army chief who led the military coup in 2014. Screenshot of YouTube video
The background features a group of people who appear to be cheering for something. Near the end of the video, it's revealed that it actually refers to the mob and paramilitary forces that attacked and killed dozens of Thammasat University students who were protesting against military rule in 1976.
The music video recreates one of the brutal scenes of the Thammasat University massacre in 1976. Screenshot of YouTube video
Asked about the decision to include the brutal tree-hanging massacre at Thammasat University in the video, and whether this glorifies violence, director Teerawat Rujintham explained in an interview with Prachatai website that:
Sometimes we also have to present violence using a straightforward method, so that people will feel and see certain truths.
Society that lives under fear and self-censorship doesn’t work. If we believe in something, we must be brave enough to fight and take a stand for it.
Thai authorities led by Prayut criticized the song for “disrespecting” the country and police chiefs threatened to investigate the rap group and charge whoever promotes the song in social media. So far, no arrests have been ordered.
Instead, the government launched its own rap song celebrating innovation and progress, but it failed to generate buzz on social media.
It is possible that the Prayut government, sensing the popularity of the song among young people, is being careful not to further inflame public sentiment at a time when it is trying to get the support of voters.
Indeed, many Thai netizens and leaders of various political groups have expressed support to the rappers:
I always say soft power like music and literature is a critical force to push the society towards progressive future. Rap Against Dictatorship has done a great job with #ประเทศกูมี. They show the world that we Thais do not surrender to the Junta’s rule. https://t.co/Z0QkDurDlS
— Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit (@Thanathorn_FWP) October 26, 2018
In an interview with Coconuts news website, “Rap Against Dictatorship” responded to critics who accused them of tainting the global image of Thailand:
To the people who say we’re ‘ruining Thailand’s reputation’, I ask what looks worse: turning a blind eye on the problems that everyone already knows about anyway or recognising our problems and starting a conversation to look for solutions?
Watch the full video of ‘Prathet Ku Mi’

author: Mong Palatino


text:
Indonesian school teacher faces jail time for documenting sexual harassment · Global Voices
Juke Carolina

A webcomic by Gump n Hell retelling the plight of Nuril. Used with permission. Captions translated below.
A woman was sentenced to six months in prison by Indonesia's Supreme Court in early November for recording a sexually explicit phone call she received from her boss, who had been harassing her at work.
Public outrage over the verdict has forced the Office of the Attorney General to temporarily suspend her imprisonment.
Baiq Nuril Maknun, a 37-year-old mother of three and teacher at Mataram in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) Province, was reported by the school’s head master for defamation in 2017 after she recorded a phone conversation in which he boasted of his sexual relationship with another teacher at the school. After she shared the recording with another colleague, it circulated on a WhatsApp messaging group. Indonesian law does not address the legality of recording a phone call without both parties’ prior consent.
Nuril said that the head master, who is named Muslim (it is common in Indonesia for a person to be known by a single name) would harass and proposition her, often bragging about his sexual relations with another teacher at school. On several occasions, she said he invited her to meet him at a hotel for a “tryst”. She did not report the harassment, for fear of losing her job.
But then she began to hear rumors that she herself was maintaining an extramarital relationship with her superior. She decided to record her phone conversations with her boss, in an effort to gather evidence of what was happening, in case she should need to assert her innocence. But the recording was posted by one of Nuril’s colleagues on WhatsApp and eventually reached many members of the school community. Muslim was forced to resign, but was later hired by a local-level youth and sport agency.
A webcomic by Gump n Hell retelling the plight of Nuril. Used with permission.
Comic translation, by panel, starting at top left. 1. Baiq Nuril, a former administrative teacher of SMAN 7 state high school, mother of three, a sexual harassment victim. 2. The man has verbally harassed her since mid-2012. Tired of being accused of having extramarital affairs with the man, she recorded one of his calls, but didn't report it out of fear of losing her job. 3. Her colleague posted the recording on a WhatsApp group. Out of shame, her boss pressed charges against her using UU ITE. 4. Mataram District Court dismissed her from all charges, but Supreme Court punished her, while her harasser got a promotion within the City of Mataram. 5. The children discuss how other sexual violence victims are being sidelined by the justice system.
In retaliation, Muslim sued Nuril for defamation. The Mataram District Court acquitted Nuril and declared her to be a victim of sexual harassment. But the prosecution appealed the ruling in the Indonesian Supreme Court which found that Nuril had violated the Electronic Information and Transactions (UU ITE) law, which falls under Indonesia's criminal code.
The court found that Nuril was guilty under two sections of Article 27 of the ITE law. The first criminalizes “deliberately and without permission creating/ distributing/ making available online a pornographic content”, while the second addresses “deliberately and without permission creating/ distributing/ making available online an online content that contains insults/defamation.”
In addition to serving a six-month prison sentence, Nuril was ordered to pay a fine of 500 billion Rupiah (nearly USD $34,000). Public school teachers in NTB province typically earn USD $125 per month.
Various groups have helped launch the #SaveIbuNuril campaign aimed at defending Nuril’s freedom. Indonesians call someone “Ibu” as a sign of respect and affection for a female teacher, or an older maternal figure.
An online petition demanding President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) grant amnesty to Nuril has been signed by more than 162,000 people.
But despite the overwhelming public support for Nuril, Jokowi says he won't intervene with the Supreme Court's decision. He has advised Nuril to seek a case review or apply for grasi (presidential clemency) when her punishment is in force.
The Institute for Criminal Justice Reform (ICJR) criticized the president's statement and questioned his commitment to protect women and other victims of sexual harassment in the country.
A crowdfunding campaign was also initiated to pay Nuril’s fine. As of this writing, the campaign has already raised USD $22,500.
Nuril’s case has further highlighted the need to review Article 27 of the UU ITE law. According to the Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network (SAFENet), this provision is often used by those in government to silence their critics. SAFENet has monitored 245 cases linked to the UU ITE law, 174 of which are defamation-related.
Responding to the petition to reform the UU ITE law, Indonesian Minister of Communication and Information (Menkominfo) Rudiantara emphasized that while he sympathizes with Nuril's plight, he insisted that the law needs no revisions. He added that the police should track down the real culprit who spread the recording made by Nuril. His response worried digital rights groups, who fear the vague law will not be amended and that more victims may face the same fate as Nuril in the future.
When I spoke with a representative of the Association of Victims of UU ITE (PakuITE), they explained why the law is repressive:
The application of UU ITE is ineffective, the articles of the law are open to many interpretation. They're unnecessary, and methodically used to target critics and those who are vocal against the governments’ policies, those who seek justice. The government is actively asking the inputs from the public regarding their work performances. But how can we do that if we're risked being punished for our online updates? Our data shows that 90% of the time the law is being used to counter sue, to threaten, and used as vengeance, and to silence individuals.
Succumbing to the public pressure, the Office of the Attorney General decided on 19 November 2018 to postpone Nuril’s punishment.
In the meantime, there have been no legal measures taken against Muslim, despite the first instance court ruling and evidence that he sexually harassed multiple teachers who were once among his staff. Mataram, the city where he is now employed as chief of the Division of Youth and Sport, has vowed not to take action against him.

author: Juke Carolina


text:
On contemporary art in the Balkans: An interview with Jon Blackwood · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

Igor Toshevski, Territory, Plostad Makedonija, Skopje, 2009. Copyright the artist.
Jon Blackwood is a curator of contemporary art, writer and lecturer at Gray’s School of Art, Robert Gordon University in Aberdeen. He divides his time between Scotland and the Balkans, researching contemporary art in the ex-Yugoslav space, in particular in Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. His book Critical Art in Contemporary Macedonia (2016) is the first in-depth study of the contemporary alternative art scene in Macedonia in English.
In his interview with Global Voices, Blackwood explains his quest as an art researcher and his efforts to connect the different parts of Europe by challenging stereotypes about the Balkan region:
Filip Stojanovski (FS): How does the “Western” art world perceive the ex-Yugoslav or the wider Balkan art world?
Jon Blackwood. Courtesy photo.
Jon Blackwood (JB): It’s hard to give a definitive answer to this one. I don’t really think the old binaries of “West” and “East” are helpful anymore, for as the Cold War period recedes into history these binaries mean less and less. Probably a more useful distinction is “the EU” and “the Rest of Europe”.
There are small, very dedicated groups of scholars from Scotland, England, France, Germany, Austria and North America who are very active in the ex-Yugoslav region in the field of visual culture. Beyond that, I am afraid there is still a lot of misunderstanding and ignorance generally.
In terms of the art world, interest has grown a little in the last few years. I started working intensively on the art history of Yugoslavia, and the post-Yugoslav contemporary art worlds around 2006 simply because I had been challenged by what I had seen, and equally baffled by the almost complete lack of English language material on it. This has begun to shift decisively in the last decade.
For example, in the last two to three years, the Tate has established a Russia and Eastern Europe Acquisitions Committee and is beginning to show names like Braco Dimitrijević from Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Sanja Iveković from Croatia, regularly in its permanent displays.  MOMA’s extraordinary contemporary show of Yugoslav architecture also shows they are now really paying attention to the region. There are other players like calvert22 in London, and Nottingham Contemporary in the East Midlands, that also continue the long-standing, but rather sporadic UK interest in Yugoslav art which started in the early twentieth century with the work of Ivan Meštrović.
FS: What challenges do you face as a researcher who is not actually based in the Balkans, and needs the information in English?
JB: English language sites like Global Voices, Meta.mk, and Balkanist, as well as independent journalists like Vladimir Petreski on Twitter, are critical to researchers like me in the Balkan region. Only a few international newspapers offered serious coverage of the political and diplomatic personalities involved in the protests and political upheavals in Macedonia from 2015 to 2017.
Only in times of extreme crisis, such as the Kosova situation from 1999-2001, are Macedonian affairs covered seriously. I am also convinced that the journalistic coverage in our newspapers was because of increased diplomatic involvement from the US/EU in resolving the political deadlock of 2016 to 2017 and in the focus on the terrible conditions facing many migrant people as they passed through Macedonia, rather than a serious interest in internal Macedonian affairs.
FS: What are the main findings of your research in the ex-Yugoslav space?
JB: I suppose the big surprise for me when I first started working in the region was how much Yugoslavia still existed culturally at some levels, even if it was long finished politically and legally. Back in the 2000s, there was still some sense of a Yugoslav cultural space: People in Skopje were interested in novels published in Ljubljana and artists in Split and Dubrovnik were interested in hearing about what was going on in Novi Sad. In 2018, I’m afraid that this is no longer so much the case.
In Macedonia, as you know, the system for cultural funding and the cultural infrastructure is largely unchanged from Yugoslav times — just it subsists on about one-fiftieth of the money that it did before 1991. In the parts of ex-Yugoslavia still outside the EU, I have the sense that institutions, although they exist, have (with a few exceptions) ceased long ago to fulfill the functions they were established for.
The result is that artists have had to establish their own cultural infrastructures and ecosystems in response to the failure of these institutions and try to make work in that way. It's also true to say that Belgrade has a thriving self-organised art scene which subsists on minimal public funds topped up with grants from bigger international cultural funds and some embassies.
Obsessive Possessive Aggression, ContraContraBeacon, 2016. Copyright the Artists. OPA used Morse code, with a light mounted on the roof of the Gallery of Contemporary Art in Skopje, to deliver a subliminal political message during times of political crisis and deadlock in Macedonia.
FS: What are top priorities in regard to enabling the development of art in the region?
JB: The biggest problem I think in the different republics of ex-Yugoslavia is the loss of an engaged audience. The audience for contemporary art has been eaten away through the linked processes of conflict, impoverishment, destruction of working conditions for the working and middles classes, a marked decline in education standards, economic polarisation, migration/exile, and the anti-intellectual, ahistorical politics of ethnic nationalism. When so many citizens have to focus so much of their effort on just survival, it’s little surprise that people have lost the habit of going to art galleries or taking an interest in other cultural manifestations such as theater, dance, or ballet.
In any case, the contemporary artist, wherever she or he is from, is obliged to be a nomad. High-profile artists always manage to work on projects abroad whilst remaining rooted in the communities that they grew up in. There are examples of this from all across the former Yugoslav space and, in this way, these artists are working in exactly the same way as their counterparts globally.
However, this is a very small minority of active artists; most either are obliged to take a non-art job soon after graduating from the Academy and do their work in what spare time they have or give up altogether due to lack of opportunity. With a lack of a functioning domestic market, it is more important than ever that young graduates from the non-EU Western Balkans are prepared as much as possible for the expectations of differing EU and global marketplaces and how to access them effectively.
If future governments in the region wish to help grow and encourage younger artists, then even a small fund enabling them to travel to make a show internationally or make a short study trip relevant to their practice would be a huge step forward. Small money spent on an initiative like this could potentially deliver major results in the years ahead, from young people whose talents may be lost altogether to art. Cultural tourism is becoming a multi-million dollar business in Europe but it can never thrive without a healthy grassroots and cultural infrastructure.
FS: How has your work been received in the different parts of Europe that you have been covering?
JB: People like me have to be aware of what a delicate position we are in, in ex-Yugoslav countries. In my case, initially, I didn’t speak any local language or know much beyond general information about the territory that I had decided to enter, and this took time, effort and serious engagement to overcome. Many are weary of people like me coming to countries like Bosnia, Serbia, or Macedonia, promising the earth and then disappearing, having done little more than write another line on the CV. So initially there was a little suspicion of motivation, and ironic encouragement, I suppose.
Response to work completed has been largely favorable. My work has been based largely on personal contact and discussion, with archive and library work where appropriate. My book Critical Art in Contemporary Macedonia, published in 2016, has attracted a lot of informal comment, much of it very positive. Of course, there are always questions about the line-up of artists and curators that one chooses to work with and talk about, but that’s only to be expected with such a project.
I suppose the biggest pleasure I have had is in showing work by contemporary artists from the region in Scotland. I curated a show of contemporary video art from Macedonia at Gray’s School of Art, where I work now, and then a show by six Bosnian women video artists in Perth, in 2017.
Jon Blackwood (back row, second from left) with the Macedonian artists who took part in the exhibition “Captured State” at Summerhall in Edinburgh, in 2017, with Richard Demarco, founder of Summerhall.
In 2018, people’s eyes are very jaded in such a hyper-visual world and artists and curators have to fight much harder than ever to maintain the audience’s attention. Introducing the likes of Igor Toshevski, OPA, Ephemerki, and Verica Kovacevska to an Edinburgh audience for the first time was a great experience and it has sharpened people’s interests in the region, generally.
This was the exhibition Captured State at Summerhall in Edinburgh and I will work with the same space for another show, this time from Bosnia-Herzegovina, in 2020- we are just starting on that one now.
Jon Blackwood pictured at the Marko Cepenkov Cultural Centre in Prilep, with Borko Lazeski's re-worked National Liberation Struggle fresco. The fresco was completed in 1990-91 and is a replica of the work lost at Skopje railway station during the tragic earthquake of 26 July 1963.
2019 will be a big year for my work on Macedonian art, I suppose, as a number of projects I have been working for a while, on will come to fruition. I will produce an introductory book in English on the work of the legendary Macedonian modernist and fresco painter Borko Lazeski (1917-1993) who is one of my artistic heroes from the region. With the help of the Scottish Funding Council’s Global Challenges Research Fund, I have had two wonderful summers researching his work and I hope to do that justice in the text I will write, and to help raise Borko’s profile to the international level his inspiring drawings, frescoes and paintings deserve.
In the summer of 2019, I will mount an exhibition of three young Macedonian artists in Aberdeen, as part of a new exchange programme between Macedonia and Scotland. I hope to offer young curators in Macedonia the opportunity to work with three young Scottish artists later in the year, in Skopje. I am really excited now that these projects are at the point of fruition.

author: Filip Stojanovski