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What do Zimbabwe’s internet disruptions say about the state of digital rights in the country? · Global Voices
Kudzai Chimhangwa

Zimbabwe's January internet disruptions sent a chilling message to citizens that internet access is a favor, not a right. Here, two men in Harare, Zimbabwe, rest on a ledge mid-day. Photo by Ethan Zuckerman via Flickr, CC BY-NC 2.0.
Millions of Zimbabweans will remember January 2019 for spiraling prices for basic commodities, a massive fuel price hike, and multiple unexpected internet disruptions which lasted for several days.
When protesters took to the streets of Harare, the capital, to speak out against the dramatic 150 percent fuel price hike, the military responded with a brutal clampdown that took many by surprise. Clashes left scores of protesters injured or tortured and at least 12 dead.
As activists turned to social media to mobilize the protests and draw attention to Zimbabwe’s deteriorating economy, President Emmerson Mnangagwa's administration responded with restricting access to social media and entire networks in certain areas of the country on the grounds of national security.
Between January 14-21, citizens had difficulties accessing their bank accounts or communicating effectively with friends and family. All businesses and shops shut down as soldiers patrolled the streets.
The government issued directives from the president's office, channeled through the Postal and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe (POTRAZ) toward mobile and fixed telephony companies to restrict access to entire networks until further notice.
According to Netblocks internet shutdown observatory, the January disruptions included total network shutdowns that took Bulawayo, and Harare, the capital, offline, and restrictions on access to social media platforms and messaging apps including Facebook and Whatsapp.
The disruptions were partially lifted a few days later, but a ban on accessing certain social media services remained until it was lifted on January 21, hours after the country’s High Court deemed the ban ‘’illegal’’.
Zimbabweans now live in fear that a shutdown can happen again at any time on the government’s whim; authorities seem to view digital rights as a favor granted to citizens rather than a constitutional right.
While Mnangagwa's administration made a public commitment to opening up the media, he seems to follow in the footsteps of former President Robert Mugabe, who was also intolerant of freedom of expression and freedom of information before the military deposed him in November 2017 — effectively ending his 37-year rule.
Government officials have repeatedly described access to social media as a potential threat, hinting that similar actions to the January shutdown would not be ruled out.
In fact, in the aftermath of last January's disruptions, Energy Mutodi, the Deputy Minister of Information, Publicity and Broadcasting Services, said that the government would not hesitate to shut down the internet in the future, referring to citizens as “primitive people (…) who don’t understand the meaning of peaceful demonstrations.”
In early July, the Minister of Information Communication Technology, Kazembe Kazembe, issued a warning on what he termed abuse of the internet and social media in The Herald:
“There is a lot of photoshopping and negative falsehoods which are being peddled on social media. What really has gotten into us as a people? … Let's be very careful with what we see on social media. Not everything that we see on social media is true.”
On paper, Zimbabwe is a signatory to various international and regional protocols committing states to safeguard and promote freedom of expression including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. Zimbabwe is also committed to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Protocol on Culture Information and Sport, which deals with information availability, infrastructure, freedom of media and code of ethics.
Such statements by government officials demonstrate the fragile state of digital rights in Zimbabwe, activists said.
Internet Society of Zimbabwe chapter president, Solomon Kembo, pointed out that the disruptions experienced are an indication that ”the authorities would violate digital rights in future if they sense a security threat as a result of protests”.
”The fact that the government was compelled to lift the ban on a technicality and not on the basis of infringing [upon] digital rights gives credence to the assertion that in the future, the government will possibly issue another blanket internet shutdown using the ‘correct’ office”, he told Global Voices in an interview.
The technicality is based on Zimbabwe's High Court ruling that the state security minister had no authority to order mobile operators to restrict internet access to customers during the January 2019 protests. Internet services were restored after this ruling.
“The shutting down of the internet in January this year set a bad precedent which will ensure this continues to happen in the future. Digital rights are being thwarted in Zimbabwe,” Fidelity Mhlanga, a journalist with the Zimbabwe Independent told Global Voices.
The Zimbabwean government continues to push for measures that would tighten its control over the internet.
In March 2018, Mnangagwa launched the National Policy for Information and Communications Technology, initially introduced by Mugabe’s administration in 2015, which sets out to centralize control over the country’s internet backbone.
The ICT market in Zimbabwe is diverse, with 12 licensed internet access providers (IAPs) and 27 internet service providers (ISPs).
Zimbabwe has five international gateways for internet traffic, namely the state-owned TelOne and Powertel; and private entities Dandemutande, Econet and Africom.
There are five mobile service providers: privately-owned Econet and Africom, and state-owned TelOne, Telecel, and NetOne. Econet dominates the mobile data traffic holding 65 percent of the customer market share as of early 2018.
Currently, the ICT market in Zimbabwe is diverse with various privately-owned service providers. However, the government maintains some level of control over the market through its ownership of two international gateways for internet traffic and three out of the five mobile service providers operating in Zimbabwe: TelOne, Telecel, and NetOne.
In addition, the government asserts its control through POTRAZ, a government parastatal tasked with the regulation of telecommunications and postal services, including the internet. This means they depend on the government for directives.
During the disruptions, these companies all operate under orders from POTRAZ to terminate internet services. Media and ICT consultant Koliwe Majama noted that it remains a matter of concern that privately-owned Econet, the largest mobile telephony and internet service provider, is always quick to abide by any directives to shut down the internet, especially when they government-issued.
If the Mnangagwa administration moves forward with its National Policy for Information and Communications Technology, it will only further assert state control over the ICT market, making it easier for the government to order and impose internet disruptions and restrict access to the internet and mobile networks. In a 2018 Freedom on the Net Report, Freedom House noted:
Section 7 on ‘ICT Infrastructure’ details plans to establish a single national ICT backbone to be owned by various public and private shareholders but ultimately controlled by the government. The section also mandates infrastructure sharing among telecoms, which private telecoms that have invested heavily in their own infrastructure have decried as a form of ‘backdoor nationalization.’ Most troublingly, Section 23.3 creates ‘The National Backbone Company,’ defined by the document as ‘one Super Gateway’ which shall be the entry and exit point for all international traffic.
Additionally, Mnangagwa's administration is pushing for the legislative enactment of the Computer Crime and Cybercrime Bill, which will place restrictions on freedom of expression online —  if successfully passed. The bill was first introduced in August 2015. Its third edition, published in 2017, contains vague provisions that would greatly restrict freedom of expression online if adopted.
For example, Section 16 penalizes the dissemination of communications “with intent to coerce, intimidate, harass, threaten bully or cause substantial emotional distress” with a fine, prison of up to 10 years, or both. Section 17 penalizes the spread of false information “to cause psychological or economic harm” with fines, up to five years in prison, or both.
Zimbabwe has one of the most expensive mobile data in the world. Between October 23 and November 28, 2018, 1 gigabyte cost $75 USD per month, way beyond the reach of ordinary working Zimbabwean citizens who on average earn $50 USD per month.
The Mnangagwa administration's ICT policies and strategies are bound to further thwart Zimbabweans’ right to access the internet: It will make it harder for citizens to express themselves and access and exchange information online, particularly with disrupted internet access.
For Mhlanga, the Zimbabwe Independent journalist, awareness-raising is key in the battle for an open and free internet in the country.
“I strongly believe digital rights are just as important as socio-economic rights. However most Zimbabwean citizens are not aware of their digital rights thus the need to raise awareness going forward,” he said.

author: Kudzai Chimhangwa


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Fake news about “human sacrifices” for the Padma Bridge leads to violence in Bangladesh · Global Voices
পান্থ রহমান রেজা (Pantha)

The Padma Bridge is a multipurpose road-rail bridge across the mighty Padma River under construction in Bangladesh. Image by Afzal Hossain via Wikimedia Commons. CC BY-SA 4.0
The completion of a 6.1km long bridge across the Padma River, which will link the southwest region of Bangladesh to the northern and eastern regions, is projected for December 2020. Many are hoping that the new Padma Bridge will change the economic landscape of southwestern Bangladesh.
However, in the backdrop of all of this economic promise is a fake news story about the Padma Bridge which has already led to eight arrests and two deaths.
Fake rumors that claimed the Padma Bridge needed “human heads” for its completion spread quickly on social media:
বাঙালির নতুন গুজবের আমদানী হয়েছে>>>>
কিছুদিন ধরে কিছু গাজাঁখোর মিথ্যুক প্রচার করতেছে – পদ্মা সেতুতে নাকি ১ লক্ষাধিক মানুষের মাথা লাগবে বলে গুজব ছড়াচ্ছে। এটি সম্পূর্ণ অসত্য বানোয়াট গাঁজাখোরী কাহিনী। এসব মিথ্যাচারে কেউ কান দিবেন না– pic.twitter.com/tyTbw16JnS
— ❣ Mr. MD-S A I F..???⚽ (@S_Alam1999) July 9, 2019
There is a new rumor in town. Some stoned people are spreading lies that 100,000 human heads are required to complete the Padma bridge. This is a lie and is completely baseless. Don't pay heed to these rumors.
The rumors have already turned deadly. There have been reports of two deaths in Mohammadpur area of Dhaka and in Ashuganj, Bramhonbaria after mobs suspected them of snatching children as sacrifices for the construction of the bridge. In a few other cases, suspected child snatchers were beaten up in other parts of the country. In a statement to the press the Police super of Laxmipur district told:
যাদেরকে ‘ছেলে ধরা’ সন্দেহে আটক করা হচ্ছে পরবর্তীতে জিজ্ঞাসাবাদে দেখা যায় তারা কেউ মানসিক রোগী বা কেউ ভিখারী। ‘ছেলে ধরা’ খবরটি একটি নিছক গুজব।
Those who were beaten up and we have held for the allegation of child-snatching, are either mental-patient or homeless persons. The “child-snatching” claim is just a rumor.
According to Section 25 of the Digital Security Act 2018, a person may face up to three years in jail or BDT 300,000 (USD 3,550) in fines or both for spreading rumors in electronic form. So far, eight people have been detained across Bangladesh for spreading these rumors on Facebook.
Allegedly, some are basing these rumors on a 2015 article which says that workers from the Chinese construction company contracted to build the bridge sacrificed animals (goats and cows) in the initial phases of the project. According to the Chinese worker's belief, animal sacrifices can please God and serious accidents can be averted. Some are sharing the images of the animal sacrifice as the blood of humans and stories of beheading small children for the bridge.
Versions of this kind of story are nothing new in Bangladesh. There is an old myth that human heads are needed as a sacrifice during any major construction. Facebook user HR Sanvi Ahmed remembers a similar rumor from his childhood during the construction of the Kanchpur Bridge during the late 1970s:
স্কুলে পড়তাম তখন। এক বিকেলে ৪/৫ জন বন্ধু মিলে খুব চিন্তিত। কাঁচপুর ব্রিজ তৈরি হচ্ছে। এখন ব্রিজের জোড়া শক্তপোক্ত করতে মানুষের হাড় প্রয়োজন। যেটা সবসময়ই লাগে বড়বড় সেতু বানাতে। প্রায় ৫০০ মানুষের হাড়। আর এই হাড় সংগ্রহের জন্য মূলত শিশুদেরকেই টার্গেট করা হচ্ছে। স্কুলেস্কুলে কাফনের সাদা কাপড়সহ চিঠি যাচ্ছে। আমাদের স্কুলেও চিঠি এসেছে। শিক্ষকরা প্রতিদিন ২/১ জন করে পাঠিয়ে দিচ্ছে বাচ্চাদেরকে সেতুওয়ালাদের কাছে। এমতাবস্থায় খুব চিন্তিত আমরা। খেলাধুলা বাদ দিয়ে চিন্তা করছি। আমাদেরকেও কিনা পাঠিয়ে দেয়! রাতে ঘুম বন্ধ হয়ে গিয়েছিলো। ছোট মাথা, অনেক বড় দুঃশ্চিন্তা।
I was a school student then. My friends used to discuss the under construction Kanchpur Bridge. Allegedly human bones were required to make the joints of the bridge strong. At least 500 human bones were required for a bridge this big. Human children were being targeted and claims were being sent to the schools. Our school also received such a letter. The teachers are sending 1 or 2 children to the Bridge construction workers. We were pretty worried and scared. If we were also sent. We could not sleep at night. So many worries in our little heads!
Similar rumors surfaced during the construction of the Shah Amanat Bridge over the Karnaphuli river in Chittagong in 2010.
Human sacrifices appear in ancient Hindu mythology. In many ancient texts, it was said that human heads were severed to please the demons before erecting a bridge over a mountain stream. Five thousand years ago Narboli (human sacrifice) was practiced among the Pundra civilization to please the Goddess of agriculture.
Ramsagor lake in Dinazpur District of Bangladesh was completed in 1750. The legend goes that initially there was no water and when Prince Ramnath sacrificed his life in this lake, it was filled with water. Image by Selim Khondokar. CC BY- 4.0
In an interview with the BBC, Susmita Chakrabarti, the professor of the Folklore Department of Rajshahi University pointed towards the myths.
প্রত্যন্ত অঞ্চলের মানুষ পূর্বপুরুষদের কাছ থেকে যেসব গল্প শুনে আসে, কোনো ধরণের যাচাই ছাড়া সেগুলো বিশ্বাস করার প্রবণতার কারণেই এই প্রযুক্তির যুগেও সেসব গল্প সত্যি বলে দৃঢ়ভাবে বিশ্বাস করে।
People are used to these myths carried down from generations to generations. So they fall for such rumors without verifying, even if in this age of technology.
As the Bangladeshi government tries to contain the spread of this story, it has said that they will take stern action against those who are sharing the rumors:
পদ্মা সেতু তৈরিতে মাথা প্রয়োজন এমন গুজব ছড়ানো ব্যাক্তিদের তথ্য দিয়ে এদের ধরিয়ে দিন।
যারা গুজব ছড়িয়েছে তাদেরকে গ্রেপ্তার করা শুরু হয়েছে.. pic.twitter.com/GeFjszSk2u
— Rayahan Habib Khan (@rayahan_habib) July 9, 2019
Please beware of the people who are sharing the rumor that human heads are needed for the Padma Bridge. Police are arresting them already.
The Bridge authority published a statement on 9 July 2019 which rejected the sacrifice rumors and claimed they were spread by “vested quarters”, asking the public to ignore such a baseless story.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: পান্থ রহমান রেজা (Pantha)


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Vietnamese-American musician’s song in support of Hong Kong anti-extradition protesters goes viral · Global Voices
Don Le

Screenshot from video “Sea of Black” uploaded on 2 July 2019 by SBTN on Youtube
A song written by a Vietnamese-American composer who was inspired by the anti-extradition bill protests in Hong Kong has gone viral among both Vietnamese and Hong Kong netizens.
The song was released at the beginning of July 2019, following demonstrations in Hong Kong  demanding the withdrawal of a controversial extradition bill that would allow mainland China authorities to order the arrest and extradition of dissenters, activists, and even journalists. The bill would undermine free speech and other civil liberties currently being enjoyed by Hong Kong citizens.
Truc Ho, a well known musician and composer among the Vietnamese community overseas, described on Facebook how he was inspired to write the song:
Nhớ thứ Bảy tuần rồi sau khi xem tin tức về Hong Kong, Trúc Hồ đã cầm guitar lên và viết những note nhạc đầu tiên cho bài Hong Kong, Sea of black
It was last Saturday when I was following the events in Hong Kong that I held my guitar and wrote the first notes of the song for Hong Kong, Sea of Black.
Vietnamese-American musician Truc Ho (right) in Hong Kong during the Umbrella Movement events in October 2014. Photo from Facebook page of Truc Ho, used with permission
The chorus of of “freedom, democracy is all that we need” and the “the whole world is watching you every step of the way” convey's the song's clear message in support of the anti-extradition protesters.
Truc Ho has a media background and strong interest in human rights movements. He wrote in a Facebook post about his visit to Hong Kong in 2014 to report on the mass rallies which came to be known as the Umbrella Movement:
Sea of Black được viết từ năm 2014, khi đó qua Hong Kong để ủng hộ cách mang Dù Vàng …
Freedom, Democracy is all that we need viết từ những ngày đó… đến hôm nay mới hoàn thành
The journey of ‘Sea of Black’ began in 2014 when I travelled to Hong Kong to support the Umbrella Movement. ‘Freedom, democracy is all that we need’ came from those days. It was until today that the song was completed.
The song has been widely shared on Hong Kong social media and on platforms such as LIHKG, a Hong Kong online forum similar to Reddit which has been used to discuss actions and provide updates on the anti-extradition bill movement.
One Hong Kong citizen left the following comment on YouTube:
As a Hong Konger, I am touched. It's the first time a neighbour country write a song to support our protest. Thank you for giving us strength to carry on.
Other netizens including Hong Kong lawmaker Raymond Chan also shared the song.
Inspired by #HongKongProtests, Vietnamese American Musician & Activist Trúc Hồ composed “Sea of Black” and dedicate it to “those who give their lives to freedom & democracy. In Vietnamese, #freedom is written as “tự do,” corresponding to 自由 in Chinese. https://t.co/yOVQ7ZdGz6
— Ray Chan (@ray_slowbeat) July 3, 2019
Born in Vietnam, Truc Ho fled the country after it was taken over by the communist regime following the Vietnam War. He migrated to the United States where he founded the Saigon Broadcasting Television Network (SBTN), a Vietnamese diaspora media organisation based in California. A former producer of musical variety shows, Truc Ho has also used music as a means to promote human rights in Vietnam.
In 2012, he wrote a song titled “Million Hearts” in support of the campaign to raise awareness about Vietnam's imprisoned bloggers, including Dieu Cay and Ta Phong Tan.
Despite the announcement of Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam that the extradition bill had already been withdrawn, tens of thousands of people continue to take to the streets to make other demands, including Lam's resignation and the enforcement of political reforms.
Watch the music video:

author: Don Le


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Hong Kong anti-extradition protests evolve into district-level demonstrations · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Panic ensues as riot police enter a mall in Hong Kong's Sha Tin district during shopping hours. Image from independent media: United Social Press. Non-commercial Use.
After protestors’ brief occupation of the Legislature on July 1, the anti-extradition protests taking place in Hong Kong since early June have evolved into a series of demonstrations in local districts. While not all of the district protests were about anti-extradition campaign, the issues raised by protesters reflected the escalated tension between Hong Kong and China among grassroots communities in everyday life setting.
The first of these local protests took place in Tuen Mun on July 6, the weekend after the occupation of the Legislature. Tuen Mun is a suburban residential area connected to mainland China through the Western Corridor, and is a popular destination for mainland Chinese on day shopping trips.
On July 6, thousands joined a rally in a park in Tuen Mun to reclaim the park's public space from a group of middle-aged women who often performed song and dance routines there in revealing outfits for an audience mostly comprising elderly men, some of whom would offer the women money. The phenomenon has been going on for many years and a number of local media outlets reported that the profit-making performances were protected by Triads and that some of the performers were from mainland China.
Thousands march towards Tuen Mun park to oppose “dai ma” and noise pollution. Photo: Stand News. Used with permission.
The organizers of the rally accused the dancers of using amplifiers, solicitation and sex work, and demanded that the Leisure and Cultural Services Department (LCSD) tackle the problem of noise pollution, ban obscene activities and solicitation, and ensure that public space was accessible to people of different age groups. Protesters also objected that the dancers were from mainland China.
Though the event has no direct connection to the anti-extradition protests, it was coordinated through the same set of online platforms, including Telegram and the Reddit-like LIHKG. The rally ended with police deploying pepper spray to stop demonstrators from chasing after a man who was accused of assaulting other demonstrators.
Kowloon protest. Image from inmediahk.net. Used with permission.
The second local protest took place on July 7 outside the high-speed railway station near Kowloon's Tsim Sha Tsui district, from where trains run directly between Hong Kong and mainland China.
About 230,000 joined the demonstration, and the massive turnout caused a temporary shutdown of the railway station. The protesters said their goal was to inform mainland Chinese tourists about the anti-extradition campaign, as reports and discussion about the campaign have been censored on mainland Chinese social media and news outlets. A majority of mainland Chinese believe that the protests are backed by foreign powers.
A few hundred protesters lingered in the streets at the end of the protest, and the police dispersed crowds with batons around 11 pm in Mongkok—the site of several rounds of violence clashes between police and protesters during the Umbrella protests in 2014 and the civil unrest in 2016. Six protesters were arrested on the spot.
Mongkok police in full riot gear. Image from inmediahk.net, used with permission.
Organizers of the protest accused police of using excessive force when they were retreating from the streets and journalist watchdogs condemned the police over insults and malicious jostling.
Sheung Shui protest. Photo: Jennifer Creery/HKFP.
The third local protest took place in Sheung Shui, a border town between Hong Kong and China on Saturday, July 13. Protesters said they wanted to “reclaim” Sheung Shui from the mass of parallel traders who travel across the border several times a day transporting goods, including medicine, cosmetics and food to Shenzhen for resale. This activity has transformed the local economy; shops serving local residents’ needs have been forced to close due to skyrocketing rents, and driving up retail prices in the northern suburban New Territories.
As some protesters attempted to block streets near the end of the protest, police deployed batons and pepper spray to disperse the crowds.
The most violent clash thus far between anti-extradition protesters and police took place in Sha Tin on July 14. Thousands of protesters gathered to reiterate the five demands of the anti-extradition campaign, including complete withdrawal of the bill, Chief Executive Carrie Lam’s resignation, removal of the “riot label”, the setting up of an independent investigation on police use of excessive forces in the series of crowd control, and the release of imprisoned anti-extradition protesters.
After a round of clashes in streets, efforts by police to disperse the crowds drove protesters into a shopping mall which is directly connected to the subway station. They were soon to find out, however, that train service had been suspended and there was no other exit. Two teams of riot police entered the shopping mall in full gear around 10 pm, surprising everyone inside the mall, including shoppers and diners. Protesters were forced to take refuge in shops, restaurants and toilets. A few of them fought with police making arrests. The chaos resulted in 28 injuries and the arrest of 47 protesters.
While the police condemned the protesters for “losing their sense” in attacking police officers, the pan-democrats condemned the police for using “kettling tactics” to confine protesters in an enclosed area without any exit route, generating fear and irrational reactions among the crowd, and also affecting others who happened to be shopping and dining in the mall at the time.
Shortly after the clash, pro-Beijing lawmakers urged the Hong Kong government to ban all protests until September. In reaction, the Civic Human Rights Front, the civic coalition coordinating the anti-extradition protests, has called for another rally on July 21 in Hong Kong island to protest against police protest crackdown tactics and use of excessive force.
To read more about the anti-extradition protests in Hong Kong, visit Global Voices’ special coverage page.

author: Oiwan Lam


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Philippine vice president and other Duterte critics charged with sedition · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Senatorial candidates of the opposition coalition together with Vice President Leni Robredo (center, wearing purple) during the campaign period last April 2019. Except for former Senator Mar Roxas (second from left, wearing blue), all the individuals in this photo have been charged with sedition by the Philippine police. Photo from the Facebook page of Otso Diretso.
The Philippine police have filed sedition and other charges against Vice President Leni Robredo and 35 other individuals, in connection with the release of an online video accusing the family of President Rodrigo Duterte of having connections to illegal drug operations. This move is seen by many as another attempt by the government to muzzle dissenting voices.
The charges filed by the Philippine National Police-Criminal Investigation and Detection Group (PNP-CIDG) are sedition, cyber libel, libel, estafa, harboring a criminal and obstruction of justice. The prominent indviduals named along with Robredo include two incumbent opposition senators, two former senators, and four high-ranking Catholic bishops. Robredo is a member of the political opposition.
All of the accused had consistently expressed concern about the human rights abuses committed by state forces in enforcing Duterte’s notorious ‘war on drugs’.
Thousands have been killed by police during drug bust operations since Duterte assumed the presidency in 2016. Human rights groups say the number of killings has already reached more than 20,000, but the police insist that the number of fatalities ranges from 4,000 to 6,000. A resolution adopted by the United Nations Human Rights Council on July 11, 2019 calls for an official UN probe into the extent of the drug-related deaths and other cases of extrajudicial killings in the Philippines.
The case against Robredo et al. stems from the airing of a six-part online video series in April 2019 in which Duterte’s family is accused of being involved with criminal drug syndicates.
The whistleblower in the video, ‘Bikoy’, later came out and identified himself as Peter Joemel Advincula. The police accused him of lacking credibility.
After going missing for several days, Bikoy appeared in a press conference with the police and claimed that the video series was part of a destabilization plot against the Duterte government. He said Robredo and other opposition leaders were involved with producing the video and were conspiring to discredit and unseat Duterte.
Robredo and the other accused didn’t appear in the videos, not did they publicly endorse the series.
Robredo's office said the police's case “is completely baseless and nothing more than plain and simple harassment.”
Senator Leila de Lima, one of the accused, called the police probe “pure hogwash.” Other opposition leaders speculated that the case was filed just days before Duterte's fourth state of the nation address to divert the people’s attention from other pressing issues, such as the continuing drug-related killings, human rights abuses in the countryside, rising unemployment, and Duterte’s inaction over China’s military buildup in the West Philippine Sea (South China Sea).
Bishop Pablo Virgilio David, also one of the accused, told the media that the action by the police is designed is to intimidate  critics of the government:
The intention is obvious: pure harassment and an effort on the part of the PNP [police] to do, not their sworn duty, but what they think will be pleasing to the higher authorities.
In a carefully-worded statement, Davao Archbishop Romulo Valles, who is also head of the influential Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines, vouched for the integrity of the bishops accused of being part of the sedition plot:
They may be perceived as very vocal and very critical in their pronouncements. But that they consciously worked promoting seditious activities and other related crimes, these honestly I cannot believe. These are individuals whose love for country and dedication for the welfare of our people I cannot doubt.
The Free Legal Assistance Group issued a statement defending the human rights lawyers who were named on the charge sheet:
The charges are not only baseless, they are meant to silence and persecute human rights lawyers, opposition leaders, and the church, and to send a message to anyone who dares to criticize this administration.
The charges filed by the CIDG are designed to intimidate, harass and interfere with our lawyers, who are just doing their jobs as human rights defenders.
In the past three years, critics who have faced criminal prosecution include journalists, opposition politicians, activists, and religious missionaries.
Justice Secretary Menardo Guevarra said his office would observe due process and conduct a preliminary investigation based on the complaint submitted by the police.
I have said this before and I will say it again. The DOJ [Department of Justice] is not a weapon for oppression or persecution. We shall go only by the evidence presented before us and we don't care who gets indicted and who goes scot-free.
Duterte’s spokesperson said the president’s office played no role in the case filed by the police.

author: Mong Palatino


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Walk the streets of Japan on YouTube with Rambalac · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

Screencap from ‘Walking in Tokyo Shibuya at night‘, from the YouTube video channel Rambalac.
If you've ever wanted to explore the streets of Japan from the perspective of a pedestrian, YouTube vlogger Rambalac is for you. A non-Japanese resident of Japan, Rambalac has uploaded dozens of videos taken on walks throughout the Tokyo area as well as other parts of Japan.
His most popular video, ‘Walking in Tokyo Shibuya at night’ has so far racked up more than 1.8 million views:
“Not a vlog, no intrusive faces or talking, pure Japan only,” states Rambalac as in introduction to all of his videos. He simply walks the streets of Japan recording his videos with a Panasonic Lumix GH5 mirrorless camera mounted on a Zhiyun Crane V2 gimbal stabilzer. There is no background music and no commentary, although Rambalac will sometimes ask his subjects for permission to keep filming.
On his Patreon account, Rambalac says:
I started filming my walks just for fun and additional reason to go outside. I do not talk, except to people in front of me, or show my face, I prefer minimum editing and no sound effects. Somehow videos got popular, more popular than I expected. Recently I even started streaming that walks for real time feedback trying to make videos better.
While many of Rambalac's walking videos feature Tokyo, he also travels to other parts of Japan. Here he takes an early autumn walk through Gion, a popular tourist and cultural district on the east side of Kyoto:
Here, Rambalac gets out of the city to explore Amanohashidate, one of Japan's “three scenic views” in a rural, remote part of Kyoto prefecture:
Rambalac's most popular videos include a walk through the backstreets of Tokyo at night during heavy rain, and a walk through Tokyo's Akihabara electronics and entertainment district.

author: Nevin Thompson


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Armed mobs attack anti-extradition protesters in a suburban Hong Kong subway station · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Mobs stormed the Yuen Long Subway station on 21 July 2019. Screen capture.
On 21 July, hundreds of people gathered outside a suburban Hong Kong subway station and attacked anti-extradition protesters and commuters with metal rods and wooden sticks — causing at least 45 injuries.
At around 5 to 6 p.m., a mob dressed in white started to gather outside the Yuen Long subway station carrying metal rods and wooden sticks.
As protesters returned home after an anti-extradition rally attended by 430,000 people, the mob stormed into the subway station and began attacking protesters who were not wearing white-colored outfits (protesters from the rally mainly wore black).
A video published on Twitter by Hong Kong Free Press shows people in white assaulting protesters and commuters. Another video posted by Jun Pang shows the mob randomly and violently beating up an individual. The mob even entered a train car and screams can be heard as they attacked passengers, as shown in Denise Ho's video on Twitter. Some netizens believe the mob attacks were perpetrated by members of an organized crime syndicate called the triad who run their operations out of the Yuen Long area of Hong Kong:
Internet video shows triad members in Yuen Long of #HongKong gather & pose threat to peaceful protestors.
How long #HKSAR government & @hkpoliceforce can go to tolerate these triad members? Have they got a non-objection notice of gathering? pic.twitter.com/RzqoN4CJHZ
— Craig Choy (@CraigChoy) July 21, 2019
Pro-Beijing lawmaker Junius Ho was spotted shaking hands and giving a thumbs up to some members of the mob:
“All of you are my heroes”: Pro-Beijing lawmaker Junius Ho appears to applaud, give a “thumbs up” & shake hands with men in white. https://t.co/9xSgQ38X8i It came as 100s of masked men in white shirts assaulted anti-extradition protesters & MTR passengers in Yuen Long. pic.twitter.com/ZTAv9XWzvB
— Hong Kong Free Press (@HongKongFP) July 21, 2019
So far, no arrests have been made and the public has cast blame on the police for failing to quickly respond to distress calls. On social media, netizens claimed that they had filed reports to the police that went unanswered. At 11:00 p.m., the subway station authorities announced that West Rail Line trains would not stop at Yuen Long because of the gathering crowds. Train services resumed at 11:25 p.m. and riot police arrived at 11:30 p.m.:
Police officers again came under fire as Yuen Long questioned where they were when the thugs attacked citizens in the MTR station earlier. “You are supposed to protect us. Where have you been?” #antiELAB pic.twitter.com/POGCpztlmh
— Jeffie Lam (@jeffielam) July 21, 2019
The government issued a statement condemning both anti-extradition protesters on Hong Kong island and the Yuen Long mobs for causing the violent scenes. The police in charge said that the violence was a conflict between two political groups.
JUST IN: @hkpoliceforce briefing on #YuenLong attacks.
Q: Why did the men in white attack people?
A: I believe people had different political views and disputes, while left to physical clashes
Q: How will you follow up on the assailants? pic.twitter.com/cbhU7e5lET
— Xinqi Su (@XinqiSu) July 21, 2019
At least 45 people were hospitalized and one was left in critical condition as a result of the mob attack. Among the injured is pro-democracy lawmaker Lam Cheuk Ting, 2 journalists from Stand News and Now TV and a pregnant woman.
Ex-TVB journalist Ryan Lau. Photo: StandNews.
Former journalist Ryan Lau was also attacked and received stitches on his head. He wrote down what had happened on Facebook:
昨天本來是安穩的一天，我沒有去遊行，整天都和小朋友在家玩。直到晚上看到元朗站的直播，才決定出發去幫忙。
睇住元朗嘅市民無辜被毆打，求助無門，作為香港人，我諗我只能夠盡力去幫助他們離開。到達現場後，先載了三位年輕人回家，折返了解仲有無人需要幫助時，就發生了事件。
呼籲大家逃走時，回頭發現有市民落單被圍毆，情況危急，無奈跑回頭想把他拉走。可惜，是不自量力。被四五人圍毆，鐵通打在頭上，血不斷淌，咁大個仔未見過咁多血。打了不知多久，有人走來幫忙叫停，anyway，感謝他。然後就不贅了。
漫長一夜，謝謝很多朋友的問候，原諒我未能逐一回覆。聽得最多的一句，係話「小心呀，屋企有大有細⋯」但係，正正係「有大有細」，我地先要勇敢去守護，不是嗎？
Yesterday I did not attend the rally and was playing with my kids at home. In the evening I saw the live-streaming in Yuen Long and decided to go there and see if I can help out.
When watching Yuen Long residents being attacked without any help from authorities, as a Hongkonger, I just wanted to help them to leave the scene. I arrived and drove three young people back home. I was attacked when I returned.
At the time, I urged people to leave, then I saw a person was attacked by a group of people, I went up to pull him away. But I was not strong and was beaten up by 4-5 people with metal rods. I had never seen so much blood coming out from wounds in my life. I didn't know how long I was beaten before someone came up to stop them. Anyway, I should thank him.
Such a long night, I have to thank all the friends who are worrying about my condition. I could not answer you all. The most frequent message was “be careful, you have kids and old people to look after at home”. But actually because of the kids and the elderly, we have to be brave and protect them. Shouldn't it be like that?
To read more about the anti-extradition protests in Hong Kong, visit Global Voices’ special coverage page.


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It’s not just President Jair Bolsonaro who defends child labor—wealthy Brazilians think it’s fine too · Global Voices
Global Voices Brazil

A child works on a junkyard in Brazil. Photo: Marcello Casal Jr, Agência Brasil, publication permitted with attribution.
A live broadcast by Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro on July 4 sparked an online debate about child labor on the Brazilian internet. Bolsonaro does live broadcasts through his social media channels every Thursday evening since he took office in January 2019.
This time, the president mentioned that when he was around 9 or 10 years old, he used to grind corn and crop bananas in his father's farm, emphasizing the fact that it “didn’t do him any harm.” He also narrated how he learned to drive tractors and use shotguns early in his life and wrapped up by declaring that the only reason that he wouldn't introduce projects decriminalizing child labor was “because he would be massacred for it.”
Brazilian law dictates that any form of labor is forbidden to children below the age of 13. By 14, children are allowed to work as apprentices with restrictions to night shifts and hazardous occupations. Only teenagers above the age of 16 are qualified to sign contracts.
Although the president affirmed he wasn't planning to propose changes to those laws anytime soon, child labor nonetheless became a topic of discussion on Brazilian social media over the past week following his remarks.
Federal judge Marcelo Bretas, who works on the Car Wash operation in Rio de Janeiro, and is a declared Bolsonaro supporter, recounted his own experience of working as a child on a reply to a thread started by the president's son, federal deputy Eduardo Bolsonaro:
Aos 12 anos de idade, em 1982, com minha CTPS assinada, comecei a trabalhar numa pequena loja da família.
Tinha jornada e tarefas a cumprir, e aprendi desde cedo o valor de receber um salário (mínimo) após 1 mês de trabalho.
Tenho muito orgulho disso!
— Marcelo Bretas (@mcbretas) July 7, 2019
At age 12, in 1982, with a signed contract, I started to work at a small family store. I had a working day and tasks to fulfil, and learned from an early age the value of having a minimum wage after a month of working. I am very proud of this!
Bia Kicis, a former federal prosecutor and currently a federal deputy with the president's political party, also shared her memories:
Aos 12 anos de idade eu fazia brigadeiros para vender na minha escola.E o mais interessante era que eu não precisava mas eu sentia uma enorme satisfação de pagar as minhas aulas de tênis com o esse dinheiro. Eu me sentia criativa e produtiva.
— Bia Kicis (@Biakicis) July 8, 2019
When I was 12, I used to make brigadeiro [a Brazilian dessert] and sell it in my school. The most interesting part was that I didn’t need it, but I had great pleasure paying off my tennis classes with that money. I felt creative and productive.
Those experiences are considerably far from what the International Labour Organization (ILO) defines as “child labor.” According to ILO, child labor is the work that “deprives children of their childhood, their potential, and their dignity, and that is harmful to physical and mental development.” It adds that child labor refers to work that “interferes with their schooling.”
Ajudar a avó a secar louça uma vez na semana não é trabalho infantil. Isso aqui é: pic.twitter.com/vobKcmVuBY
— pugliesigabie (@gabiefernandes) July 9, 2019
Helping out your grandma to dry the dishes once a week is not child labour. This is:
The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) says that there are currently 2,5 million children and teenagers, between the ages of 5 and 17, working in the country. The Public Prosecutor's Office says it receives around 43,000 complaints related to child labor every year.
Poverty is the leading cause of child labor, Brazilian economist Monica de Bolle has said on a popular Twitter thread. She says that, although working children help low-income families to survive in the short term, in the long term it hinders the country's productivity and economic growth, jeopardizing social development.
Países que mais utilizam trabalho infantil tendem a ser os mais pobres do mundo, o que os prende em armadilha de pobreza e subdesenvolvimento.
Countries that most use child labour tend to also be the poorest. [Child labour] traps them into poverty and underdevelopment.
De Bolle also maintains that, while in the short term child labor seems to help decrease inequality, in the long run, it furthers it as it traps children and adults in a cycle of poverty. There is also evidence, she notes, that child and unpaid labour widen gender disparities.
The internet debate revealed that different social classes in Brazil have different understandings of what “labor” means. The official Twitter account of Tortura Nunca Mais (“torture never again” in Portuguese), a human rights group formed after the end of the US-backed military dictatorship (1964-1985), said:
Os relatos orgulhosos de quem ‘trabalhou’ na infância tem em comum o detalhe de ter sido no negócio da família (a lojinha, a empresa do pai, etc.). O que está mais próximo dos afazeres domésticos do que, propriamente, do trabalho infantil.
— Tortura Nunca Mais (@gtnmsp) July 7, 2019
What the proud testimonies of the people who have “worked” as children have in common is the detail that it was at the family business (the little store, the father’s company, etc). This is more akin to household chores than to actual child labour.
Essa foto do fotógrafo João Roberto Ripper mostra um menino trabalhando em carvoaria na Fazenda Financial, em Ribas do Rio Pardo, MS, em 1990.
Se vc acha que a luta contra o trabalho infantil é pra impedir vc de vender brigadeiro pra pagar aula de tênis, vc não entendeu nada. pic.twitter.com/UIi45AaIJL
— Quebrando o Tabu (@QuebrandoOTabu) July 9, 2019
This picture by photographer João Roberto Ripper shows a boy working at a coal mine at a farm in Ribas do Rio Pardo, state of Mato Grosso do Sul, in 1990. If you think that the struggle against child labour is meant to prevent you from selling chocolate in order to pay for your tennis lessons, you didn’t understand anything.
The misconception about child labor shared by a significant part of Brazilian society stems from a lack of knowledge about its adverse effects, says prosecutor Patrícia Sanfelici, who works with labor law, in an interview to news outlet UOL. Sanfelici coordinates the Prosecutor's Office working group that combats child and teenage labor and exploitation. She says:
A alternativa adequada e justa para a criança será sempre a educação e o cuidado que ela merece. A gente não pode pensar de outro modo. A Constituição brasileira assegura proteção integral, absoluta e prioritária da infância. Se a gente entende que a infância deve ser protegida, a gente deve protegê-la como um todo.
The appropriate and fair alternative for a child will always be education and the care that they deserve. We cannot think any differently. The Brazilian constitution assures full, absolute and priority protection of childhood. If we understand that childhood should be protected, we must protect it as a whole.

author: Global Voices Brazil


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How US arms supplies to Saudi Arabia threatens Sudan’s hard-won peace · Global Voices
Guest Contributor

Photos (clockwise from left): Sudanese protestors in April 2019 by M. Saleh (CC BY-SA 4.0); map highlighting Saudi Arabia in green and Sudan in orange by PlanespotterA320 (Public domain via Wikimedia Commons); Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and King Abdulla of Saudi Arabia attend the opening session of the Arab Summit in Qatar (by Tribes of the World (CC BY-SA 2.0).
By Mohamed Suliman
On June 3, 2019, thousands of Sudanese protesters continued pro-democracy protests demanding civilian rule in Sudan, armed with nothing but peaceful disobedience. In contrast, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), acting on behalf of the Transitional Military Council (TMC) temporarily in charge of Sudan, were ready to shoot and kill on that fateful.
Around the same time that month, the United States Senate voted to block sending $8 million worth of arms to Saudi Arabia—a block US President Donald Trump has said he intends to veto.
Saudi Arabia strongly supports the RSF. RSF leader Mohamed Daglo is a trusted friend and an ally of Saudi Arabia. In May 2019, Daglo met with the Saudi crown prince Mohammed bin Salman and assured him of continued cooperation with Saudi Arabia in their ongoing war in Yemen.
The Saudis supply RSF with money and arms, so when the US supports arms deals with Saudi Arabia they’re essentially supporting RSF as well. Saudi Arabia, a strategic ally of the US in the region, has tried to secure gains at the cost of the Sudanese people’s dream.
The Sudanese revolution broke out in December 2018 under the banner of “Fall, That’s All!”. Sudanese citizens demanded the ouster of President Omar Bashir and his regime, which had held power for over 30 years. In mid-April 2019, Bashir was ousted and the TMC took over as Sudan’s de-facto leaders.
On June 3, 2019, the RSF used brutal force to disperse peaceful protesters holding a sit-in and calling for democratic and civilian-led government in Sudan. Initial reports on this massacre confirmed that at least 100 people were shot to death, their bodies thrown into the Nile river, and women were raped in the streets.
In an attempt to obscure their crimes, the RSF and the TMC shut down the internet across the country.
The RSF is made up of members from  the notorious “Janjaweed,” well known for their role in atrocities committed in Darfur. International rights organizations have issued several reports about their heinous crimes, including “Men With No Mercy,” by Human Rights Watch. HRW also placed RSF leader Daglo on the “partial list of individuals who should be investigated by the ICC.”
In addition to supporting Sudan’s RSF, Saudi Arabia is also involved in an ongoing war in neighboring Yemen. In 2015, they launched a military intervention there to support the government in its attacks against Houthi rebel groups. The Saudi-backed coalition is made up of nine countries from the Middle East and Africa, including Sudan, with RSF as an outspoken ally.
Many human rights groups have condemned and criticized the war in Yemen for ongoing human rights violations, with 14 million people at risk of starvation. Since 2018, 6,872 civilians had been killed and 10,768 wounded, primarily by Saudi-led coalition airstrikes, according to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.
It is no secret that Sudan’s RSF is recruiting child soldiers to fight in the Yemen war. Daglo assured the Saudi Arabia that Sudanese forces would remain in Yemen to defend the security of Saudi Arabia.
American arms are now in the hands of Saudi crown prince Mohamed bin Salman, who not only orders the killing and torture of journalists such as Jamal Khashoggi, and also fully supports a Daglo and his militia who kill protesters, rape women and recruits children as soldiers.
As a Sudanese citizen, I find it really embarrassing that a great nation like the US—that has been built on the principles of freedom and justice for all—keeps sending arms to Saudi Arabia.
I, for one, stand with all the ongoing efforts in the US at all levels to put a halt to the selling of American weapons to Saudi Arabia. This is both a moral and practical stance American people should take in order to maintain their long-term interests with regard to Sudanese citizens.
I have two wishes: That no new massacre will occur in Sudan; and that the US will stop sending arms to Saudis who protect and support a war criminal who will likely prevent my first wish from coming true.
Mohamed Suliman is a Sudanese citizen living in the U.S. He was one of the coordinators of a campaign that changed the US tech sanctions policy on Sudan, and now tracks Chinese companies that export tear gas to the Sudanese regime. He also coordinating a project to remove the RSF content from the Internet.

author: Guest Contributor


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Acute water shortage hits Chennai in India · Global Voices
Anumeha Verma

Water pots lined up for filling in Chennai, India. Image from Flickr by McKay Savage. CC-By-2.0
In northern India, millions of people are facing the wrath of monsoon floods. But in southern India, it's a different story. Chennai, the capital of Tamil Nadu, had recorded abysmal rainfalls last year as the Southwest monsoon ended early. An ensuing dry spell of 200 days, when the skies refused to open, pushed the city from the frying pan into the fire.
As per the South Asia Drought Monitor, the drought situation in the southern parts of the country is far worse than people realize. More than 44 percent of India is facing drought-like conditions, of which over 17 percent is facing ‘severe dry’ conditions.
Home to about 9 million residents, Chennai is among the six fastest-growing cities in the world. Its denizens are no stranger to natural calamities. The city has seen recurring droughts and floods but the recent lack of rainfall was a new low point.
Over the summer, freshwater became a rare commodity in the city. The taps ran dry and the municipal corporation was unable to provide water at all.
12 July saw the first train from Vellore arrive at the city with 2.5 million liters of water. Even though more water is scheduled to arrive from the neighboring cities, it is unlikely to fulfill the current deficit.
To help Tamil Nadu overcome the water crisis, Railways has dispatched 25 lakh litres of water today from Jolarpettai in Vellore to Villivakkam in Chennai.
The special arrangement will continue in operation until the water shortage is resolved in Tamil Nadu. pic.twitter.com/y56WMqi7MV
— Piyush Goyal (@PiyushGoyal) July 12, 2019
Long before the government decided to import water to alleviate the dire straits in the city, the people of Chennai had already turned to water tankers to quench their thirst. This summer saw women waiting in long queues on the streets with plastic pots, waiting for their turn to get water.
Even the workforce has been affected. Several IT companies have already asked their employees to work from home because they were unable to provide water at their offices. Needless to say, the daily lives of people have been turned upside-down.
Rajani Vaidyanathan, an internationally acclaimed journalist tweeted:
The southern city of #Chennai is one of India's largest and richest. Yet millions now rely on water trucks as taps have run dry. There's a scramble when the truck arrives – sometimes it can even get tense. In the area we visited families get 5 buckets a day.#ChennaiWaterCrisis pic.twitter.com/stj3EUluj2
— Rajini Vaidyanathan (@BBCRajiniV) July 12, 2019
When the rains finally arrived on 15 and 16 July, even though intense, they were like a drop of water on the parched earth. The city depends on four main reservoirs to meet its water requirements. These are Poondi, Cholavaram, Puzhal, and Malayambakkam. However, these reservoirs do not even hold one percent of the water of their total capacity.
The water crisis in Chennai did not come about in a day. A 2016 report by CareEarth Trust, an NGO working to preserve biodiversity, pointed out that the wetlands of Chennai are now just a pale shadow of what they used to be. Within just four decades, the overall share of wetlands in the city’s geography went from a whopping 80 percent to a paltry 15 percent.
Three rivers, four water bodies, five wetlands, and six forests have completely dried in #Chennai despite having better water resources and rains than any other metro cities, the report said. #groundwater #watercrisis #WaterCrisisinChennai https://t.co/HKc2BNmsoB
— Firstpost (@firstpost) June 20, 2019
The rapid expansion of Chennai into a burgeoning urban settlement without diligent planning has done little for the water bodies. It has resulted in depleted forest covers, drying up of water bodies and more demands on the remaining fresh-water resources.
As the harsh realities of the water crisis hit home harder than ever, people share their frustrations on the lack of planning that has led to this critical point. Sanjoy K Roy from New Delhi tweeted:
#ChennaiWaterCrisis citizens and politicians alike are to blame for the crises. Limited future planning, bankrupt governments and zero vision. The city needs major investment into desalination plants as do all coastal cities which could become net exporters of water.
— Sanjoy K Roy (@SanjoyRoyTWA) June 24, 2019
Environmentalist and entrepreneur Sandip Burman tweeted:
The 2nd most populous country in the world lacks data and planning to tackle climate change. We have the #ChennaiWaterCrisis in front of us proving the same. Time to call for environment intervention yet? #TimeForChange #WaterCrisishttps://t.co/Dv0s615NQB
— Pradip Burman (@PradipBurmanIND) June 26, 2019
The unprecedented water crisis of Chennai has also set alarm bells ringing across other big cities. People fear that their city might be the next to suffer from water scarcity. Journalist Anusha Puppala tweeted:
What happened in #Chennai can also happen to #Hyderabad & also other cities as well. Before we regret let's talk about water conservation methods so that our future generations don't suffer #WaterScarcity .Do share ur ideas on same?#ChennaiWaterCrisis #ChennaiWaterScarcity pic.twitter.com/5ulRkIdhVl
— Anusha Puppala (@anusha_puppala) June 25, 2019
Tarun Kumar from Bangalore tweeted:
High time for people and goverment to be worried about water scarcity and environment changes. Today it is chennai tomorrow it will be bangalore or delhi or some other city. We can not let this continue. #SaveWater #ChennaiWaterCrisis #Bengaluru
— tarun kumar (@KumarTarun9331) June 26, 2019
Their concerns are not out of proportion. Last year, Niti Ayog, a think-tank of the Government of India had tabled an alarming report. As per the report, 21 cities in India, including Chennai, might run out of groundwater by 2020. Almost 100 million people all over the country are going to be affected. Considering that 2020 is just around the corner, the future may look pretty grim.
Paul Pradeep Chris from Chennai tweeted:
Manapakkam pond clean-up by citizens..
As the water crisis is becoming more, people are coming out to clean & restore water bodies..#cleanup #SaveWater #manapakkamPond #ChennaiWaterCrisis #environnement #Chennai #Manapakkam #TrashTroopers #water #ValasaiVenghais #PaulPradeep pic.twitter.com/Qz66XCUyc1
— Paul Pradeep Chris (@cnpaulpradeep) June 23, 2019
Hopefully, the current alarm would finally help put the water crises into perspective. It certainly has made the looming water security issues become as real as it gets.

author: Anumeha Verma


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Is Mandarin Chinese the language of East Africa’s future? · Global Voices
Susie Berya

Fu Huaginag, Chinese Ambassador to Djibouti, congratulates a language class student during a graduation ceremony at the Institute of Diplomatic Studies in Djibouti, June 14, 2015. Some of the graduating students spent the last nine months studying Mandarin. Photo by US Air Force Sgt. Maria Bowman/Combined Joint Task Force: Horn of Africa.
The introduction of the Mandarin Chinese language to East African school curricula signals China’s growing influence in Africa as a global superpower.
In January, Kenya’s Curriculum Development Institute announced that in 2020, Mandarin will become part of Kenya’s school curriculum as an optional subject in elementary schools. Kenya is the latest East African nation to follow the Chinese-language trend in schools after Tanzania, Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe and South Africa, among others.
As China strengthens its already robust trade and infrastructural ties with Africa, Chinese-government funded Confucius Institutes (CIs) and Confucius Classrooms (CCs) are on the rise in East Africa. As of 2018, China has established 27 CCs and at least 51 CIs all over Africa.
China has sponsored CIs since 2004 and hundreds have also been established in the United States, Australia, and Canada.
A simple map of all the Confucius Institutes on the African Continent. For interest there are 51 in total; South Africa has 5, while Kenya has 4. Map made using @cmapit Thanks to @xniyi pic.twitter.com/QGWmBuXuVS
— Queye Haach (@QHaach) July 1, 2019
East African leaders have generally supported the idea that becoming familiar with Chinese languages and culture improves job competitiveness and facilitates better business relations with China.
Uganda, however, is the only East African country that has added Mandarin as a compulsory subject. Instead of contracting out Chinese teachers, Uganda's Ministry of Education Uganda will offer a 9-month program to train 100 local secondary teachers how to read, speak and write Mandarin at Luyanzi College, who can then teach the language in other secondary school classrooms.
In 2016, Luyanzi became the first secondary school in Uganda to teach Mandarin. Ugandan Ayub Sooma and his Chinese wife of 20 years, Wang Li Hong Sooma, co-own and manage Luyanzi College, a private school. Sooma, who has also served as chairperson of the Uganda-China Friendship Association, believes it is necessary to learn Mandarin in order to enjoy the benefits China has to offer.
Yet, Ugandan-Chinese relations have also been strained due to complaints of ongoing, unfair trade and labor practices.
Tanzanian President John Magufuli announced in May 2019 that Mandarin has been added to the national Certificate of Secondary Education Exams (CSEE) and students will be able to sit a Mandarin language exam. Just like Uganda, local teachers are receiving training to become adept at Mandarin and teach it in secondary schools.
In early July 2019, the Muslim University of Morogoro, in eastern Tanzania, launched a CI Chinese language center. At the inauguration, Ave Maria Semakafu, deputy permanent secretary of the country's Education Ministry, informed the audience that Marangu Teachers College in Kilimanjaro, northern Tanzania, may also offer Mandarin as a major course. Ongoing negotiations between Tanzania and China could lead to a Mandarin program at Marangu Teachers College that will enable teachers to learn Mandarin similar to Swahili and English degree programs, like those offered at the University of Dar es Salaam and the University of Dodoma, who currently offer a Mandarin degree.
Learning Chinese language has become a trend in Tanzania in recent years. The picture shows a Tanzanian Chinese language teacher giving guidance to students on learning Chinese language at the Confucius Institute at the University of Dar es Salaamhttps://t.co/4kKTEds5VY pic.twitter.com/azywvNk2od
— Confucius Institute Online (@chinese_cio) August 2, 2018
Rwanda also recognizes the importance of CIs and CCs in their bilateral relationship with China. Last month, Rwanda hosted the 12th round of “Chinese Bridge,” a Chinese language proficiency competition organized for secondary students. Students from secondary schools throughout Rwanda participated.
China's relationship with East Africa goes back thousands of years and at times, China has also recognized the importance of learning Swahili as part of its ongoing trade and business relationship. In East Africa, 144 million speak Swahili, a Bantu language that originated along the Swahili Coast as a trade language between Arabs and East Africans. The African Union recognizes Swahili as one of several official languages and there's been some discussion about making Swahili the “lingua franca” adopted by other African nations.
During the early 60s, the Communication University of China offered Swahili language classes in solidarity with the socialist vision of Julius Nyerere, the first president of Tanzania, but that ended in 1966 when China went through its own education reforms during the Cultural Revolution. The Shanghai International Studies University (SISU) in eastern China recently introduced a BA degree program in Swahili language studies.
China is not the only nation to promote its language and culture in East Africa: European nations have long done the same through agencies like the Alliance Française, British Council and Goethe-Institut.
For all of the concern about the growth of #China‘s Confucius Institutes in #Africa, their presence is still relatively small compared to the French and the US who have double, almost triple the number of language/culture institutes on the continent, according to @DevReimagined. pic.twitter.com/Jc2jkFc4TM
— Eric Olander 欧瑞克 (@eolander) April 11, 2019
But CIs affiliate themselves with local schools and tertiary institutions, whereas other nations’ cultural institutes remain independent and separate. Some educators and analysts have criticized CIs as promoters of Chinese propaganda, and note that the Chinese government pumps over $10 billion annually into CIs to improve China’s “soft power” abroad.
Educators have also sounded the alarm about CIs omission of conversations on human rights, repression of critical inquiry and promotion of political propaganda. Some US officials have raised the possibility that they might even threaten national security. The US recently passed regulations requiring CIs based at US institutions to register as “foreign agents” and forcing universities to choose between funding from the US Pentagon or CI for Mandarin language courses.
Confucius Institutes… spread propaganda and sometimes manage to squelch discussion of topics embarrassing to China, such as the conquest of Tibet and the camps in Xinjiang Province, https://t.co/3apiQYiCd2
— Eric Wamanji (@manjis) July 19, 2019
As a result of these concerns, some students have been pulled out of CI and CC programs in Australia and Canada. Sweden and Germany have also shut down several CIs as a result of recent controversies over their intention and agenda.
So far, however, East African authorities have not expressed worry over the influence of CIs and CCs, or concern with how Mandarin might affect Swahili or other indigenous languages.
Still, netizens have expressed their concern about the nature of CIs in Africa:
This is a great piece:
Much ink has been spilled on the effects of China’s engagement with Africa on the economic front, but little has been said about its cultural diplomacy — and the Confucius Institutes that are at the forefront of this: https://t.co/4Ot8ekzf11
— Samira Sawlani (@samirasawlani) May 31, 2019
What constitutes Chinese imperialism? As Chinese gov't run Confucius Institutes bring #Mandarin to #Uganda, but Uganda's exports to China decline, who gains? https://t.co/qVS8prDJqG
— Noma (@TheNomes13) March 25, 2019
Chambi Chachage wonders whether Mandarin may replace Swahili as a national language:
@ShangweliBeria Is Chinese taking over from Kiswahili as one of the two official languages in Tanzania? #Daressalaam pic.twitter.com/BWIYsqspJm
— Chambi Chachage (@Udadisi) August 5, 2016

author: Susie Berya


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Life in Panghsang, a Chinese enclave in Myanmar’s Wa region · Global Voices
The Irrawaddy

An aerial view of Panghsang. Photo and caption by Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy
This article by Myo Min Soe is from The Irrawaddy, an independent news website in Myanmar, and is republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.
Nestled in the hills of eastern Shan State near the China-Myanmar border, Panghsang is the capital of the Wa Region, a self-administered area approved by Myanmar’s Constitution. It is home to Myanmar’s largest and most well-equipped ethnic armed group, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), with an estimated 30,000 troops and 10,000 auxiliary members, according to Myanmar Peace Monitor.
In April, the army celebrated the 30th anniversary of its foundation in Panghsang, with columns of troops parading in the city square. Founded in 1989, the UWSA signed a ceasefire with Myanmar’s then-military government—the State Law and Order Restoration Council—in the same year after splitting from the Communist Party of Burma. It also founded the United Wa State Party and the Wa State People’s Government while pressing the Union government to recognize their region as a state of Myanmar.
Despite its location on the Myanmar side of the border, on a stroll around town, you may believe you’re in China. On the streets of Panghsang, most people communicate in Mandarin. Chinese characters, along with Myanmar and Wa translations are emblazoned on shopfronts. Yuan is the currency of choice here. For good cell phone signal, you’d better connect with a Chinese network. Street signs are written in Myanmar and Chinese. Stores are stocked with goods imported from China.
The most palpable thing about Panghsang, however, is its development. Contrary to its surrounding rugged mountainous areas, SUVs whoosh past on wide and well-paved roads. The electricity supply is uninterrupted and high-rise constructions are mushrooming. Police vans do occasional patrols. For all their reliance on the opium crop in the past, Wa leadership is trying to shed the bitter, bygone days, claiming that drug elimination is now their priority and they are working with opium-substitute crops like rubber and tea. All outsiders need approval from both Myanmar and Wa authorities to visit the region.
Here are some photos from Panghsang:
A tea plantation in Mai Mao. Photo and caption by Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy
A supermarket in downtown Panghsang. Photo and caption by Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy
Trading in Yuan, the currency of choice in Panghsang. Photo and caption by Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy
A street scene in downtown Panghsang. Photo and caption by Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy
A UWSA soldier on guard. Photo and caption by Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy
A border gate to Wa region seen from Yunnan side. Photo and caption by Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy
A border gate to China’s Yunnan province. Photo and caption by Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy
The Panghsang skyline. Photo and caption by Myo Min Soe / The Irrawaddy

author: The Irrawaddy


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Online photo collection gives inside glimpse of Occupation-era Japan—and saga of Japanese-American internment · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

Caption: “General MacArthur alights from a C-54 at Atsugi airfield, 20 miles out of Tokyo, / for his first glimpse at Japan.” Photo was likely taken by a Photo Division SCAP photographer and in turn collected by Ted Akimoto during his time in Japan with SCAP. Courtesy of the Theodore Akimoto Family Collection. CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
A collection of photos available online provides a glimpse of a postwar Japan living under Allied occupation forces and struggling to rebuild.
The Theodore Akimoto Family Collection features more than 250 photographs, some taken by Theodore Akimoto, with others collected by the photographer during his time serving with General Douglas MacArthur, the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP), who ruled Japan as a virtual dictator for several years after the war.
“Ted Akimoto taking a photograph”. Caption: “Our cameras were bulky 4×5 Speed Graphics. Nothing was automatic. You took a wood film holder / which held one piece of film on each side, placed it in the back, pulled out a slide, put in a flashbulb, / figured out your exposure and cocked the shutter, set the f stop, focused and then shot your photo! / After that you put the slide back into the holder, removed the holder, reversed the holder, placed it / back into the camera and removed the slide and put in a fresh flashbulb!” Courtesy of the Theodore Akimoto Family Collection. CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
The Theodore Akimoto Family Collection is hosted by the Densho Digital Repository, which preserves photographs, documents, newspapers, letters and other primary source materials of Japanese Americans incarcerated in the United States following the start of World War II. Theodore Akimoto, an American citizen, was interned with his family before joining the U.S. military and eventually serving in Japan during the occupation.
Of the Theodore Akimoto Family Collection, the Densho Digital Repository says:
The Theodore Akimoto Family Collection consists of materials from Theodore Akimoto's time with the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, Military Intelligence Service, 71st Signal Service Battalion, and Photo Division SCAP. The majority of the images document Ted Akimoto's time as a U.S. Army photographer during the occupation of Japan.
According to Theodore (Ted) Akimoto in a narrated series of slides, not all of the images in the Theodore Akimoto Family Collection were taken by Akimoto himself but instead come from a variety of military units tasked with documenting the postwar occupation of Japan. All images are licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.
Caption: “The effectiveness of our firebombs is evident everywhere, especially in the / industrial areas where a forest of smokestacks and concrete walls are all that stand.” Courtesy of the Theodore Akimoto Family Collection. CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
At the time of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour on December 7, 1941, the Akimoto family lived in Los Angeles, California. According to the 2016 All Things Considered segment broadcast on American National Public Radio (NPR), the three brothers in the family—Victor, Johnny, and Ted Akimoto—attempted to volunteer for military service the next day. Shortly after that, however, the family were removed from their Los Angeles home at gunpoint and, like thousands of other Japanese Americans, would be interned in remote camps, losing all of their possessions.
The three brothers eventually enlisted in the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, a military unit made up entirely of the children of Japanese immigrants who volunteered for service and served in Europe. Victor and Johnny Akimoto would die in Europe, while Ted was sent to Japan after the war as an official photographer for General Douglas MacArthur in Japan.
Caption: “The Ginza 1946″. Courtesy of the Theodore Akimoto Family Collection. CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
The collection provides some insights about the pace of postwar recovery in Japan. The above photo, taken in 1946, shows Ginza, a once prosperous shopping district in central Tokyo, still largely in ruins, with very rudimentary infrastructure. The image below, taken a year later, shows Ginza largely rebuilt, with more cars, transport trucks, buses and other vehicles on the road.
Caption: “The Ginza 1947 / The Ginza in 1946 and a year later. Notice that the corner building has a Tokyo PX sign-in / the 1947 photo. Also the lack of motor traffic except for GI vehicles in 1946.” Courtesy of the Theodore Akimoto Family Collection. CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
The collection also demonstrates how far the country had to yet to go to achieve the prosperity and success that would occur during the postwar boom of the Japanese economic miracle. Rural regions still suffered from the effects of flooding, as the following image demonstrates.
Japanese refugees paddle on a makeshift raft through the flooded village, circa 1945-1947. Courtesy of the Theodore Akimoto Family Collection. CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
While the annihilation of Japanese cities of the wartime years may have ceased in 1945, destruction still continued. In July, 1948, the regional city of Fukui, which had largely been rebuilt after being firebombed to the ground in 1945, was leveled once again by an earthquake. American occupation forces played a key role in providing disaster relief.
“FEC-48-5331. 28 July 48 / Fukui, one month after earthquake: / One month after the disaster which / came to the southern Japanese / coastal towns, when the earthquake / of 28 June 1948, struck mercilessly / and without warning late in the / afternoon, Fukui already shows / promise of an early reconstruction / period. With experts estimating / that six years will be necessary / to complete this job, the Japanese / have begun to rebuild their homes. / Photographer – Dargis / Photograph by U.S. Army Signal Corps.” Public domain.
The collection also features photographs taken in Korea at the end of the war, as Allied troops liberated the country.
Caption: “In Korea, the populace awaits the arrival of American troops at the end of the war.” Courtesy Theodore Akimoto Family Collection. CC BY-NC-SA 4.0
Ted Akimoto would go on to teach photography and art for 30 years at a high school on a U.S. military base in Germany, and died in 1989. The Theodore Akimoto Family Collection is now preserved online by the Densho Digital Repository.
Japanese woman with a heavy backpack. Courtesy Theodore Akimoto Family Collection. CC BY-NC-SA 4.0


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Poorly regulated and rich in reach: online technologies in Ukraine’s elections · Global Voices
Tetyana Bohdanova

A polling station in central Kyiv, Ukraine, during parliamentary elections on 21 July 2019. Photo (c) by Maxim Edwards.
On Sunday July 21, Ukrainian voters went to the polls to vote in a snap parliamentary election, called after President Volodymyr Zelensky, elected in March 2019, announced a controversial decision to dissolve the parliament during his inauguration.
Online misinformation, cyber-attacks, and the overall threat of external interference in the election were not last minute concerns; these issues were raised several months before the election. Ultimately, the election passed without major disruptions; Zelensky’s Servant of the People party took a majority of seats in parliament. So while some of these concerns turned out to be unjustified, the role of the internet in Sunday’s elections was more important than ever; according to 2019 data from the country’s State Statistical Service, 26 million Ukrainians are online and at least half that number actively use social networks.
Ukrainian social media users have always actively discussed political topics online; the 2014 Euromaidan protests were famously sparked by a single Facebook post. This year, which also included a presidential election in March, was no exception. According to analysis by Internews Ukraine and data analytics company Singularex, Sunday’s elections provoked a tsunami of activity on social networks, with election-related posts surging immediately after the announcement of the parliament’s dissolution.
The most widespread hashtags were #вибори2019 (“2019 elections”); supporters of Servant of the People used the hashtags #зробимоїхразом (“let’s beat them together!”) and #зедепутат (“Ze[lensky]Deputy”), while supporters of the Golos party led by popular singer Svyatoslav Vakarchuk used #КомандаЗмін (“team of change”).
Interestingly, social media users were not too optimistic about the upcoming elections, with negative rhetoric towards all parties dominating 42% of Facebook posts identified as “political” during the analysis, while positive rhetoric was found in only 15% of the posts.
The dynamics of elections-related Facebook posts in Ukraine during May 1 – July 17, 2019, according to analysis by Internews Ukraine and Singularex. Used with permission.
Nevertheless, with Facebook becoming the country’s leading social network after the 2017 ban of Russian social media sites, negative rhetoric hardly deterred politicians from targeting the country’s 13 million active Facebook users. This tactic comes as no surprise given that the success of Zelensky’s presidential campaign on a few months before was partially attributed to engaging with younger voters online. At the same time, parties and candidates also actively used Instagram, YouTube, Twitter, and messaging platforms such as Viber and Telegram.
Alongside the increasingly sophisticated targeted advertising services provided by Facebook and other platforms, current Ukrainian election legislation does not distinguish between online and offline campaigning. It does not establish clear mechanisms for candidates to report nor for regulators to monitor expenses allocated towards Internet advertisements. Such legal loopholes provided for very little oversight over electoral contestants’ online activity, especially in the sphere of political advertising.
In fact, according to election observers, this year Ukrainian politicians used social media and particularly Facebook for campaigning more actively than ever before, with 40,427 political ads published on the social network during the active campaign period. In total, this cost all election contestants more than $1,800,000.
The growth in number of ads identified by Facebook as “political” during active campaign period in Ukraine. Graph by OPORA. Used with permission
Having reviewed interim campaign finance reports by political parties, domestic watchdog OPORA noted substantial discrepancies between the data from Facebook’s advertisement library and the amounts which some Ukrainian political parties had declared they had spent on online advertising.
Moreover, alongside campaigns by parties and candidates, OPORA recorded an increase in the use of promoted posts with elements of so-called “black PR” (deliberate spreading of negative information against particular candidates), sometimes by Facebook pages not clearly affiliated with any political force. At the same time, a coalition of media monitors stressed that over half of the political parties and their leaders used hate speech and aimed to discredit their opponents in their Facebook posts.
Alongside advertisements on social media, the five parties expected to take seats in parliament used a variety of other online methods to engage voters. For instance, some urged voters to provide their phone numbers, subscribe to mailing lists, join Viber or Telegram messenger channels, engage with their messenger bots to receive information about the party or observe elections, or install mobile applications. Most of these mechanisms would provide subscribers with information about the party and its candidates, their election platform, and the latest news, as well as basic information about voting. In addition, some parties also used their websites to actively recruit members, volunteers, and candidates.
A screenshot of the European Solidarity party’s online voter sign up form, with a consent box to use voter data “for the mailing list and other”.
For example, although Ukrainian internet users sometimes debate the risks of their data being collected by Russian online platforms and tools, it seems that very few think about how their data is being collected and used by domestic actors.
All five leading political parties during the election asked voters for their contact information online. Among them, only two parties (Golos and Servant of the People) provided users with detailed privacy policies outlining such details as what would happen with their data after elections or the use of cookies on their websites, though only Servant of the People asked for users’ explicit consent for processing their personal data in a separate field. Two parties (European Solidarity and Fatherland) asked users to join their mailing list but did not provide much detail about how their data would be processed. One party (Opposition Platform – For Life), whose main website uses a simple HTTP protocol, failed to specify how the data provided by users would be utilized at all. Given that new technologies constantly provide politicians with new forms and methods of campaigning, election observers have already called on the Ukrainian authorities to update legal regulations around online political advertising and other methods of digital campaigning.
However, the fact that two newly established political parties went as far as to develop detailed privacy policies for their online supporters indicates that the Ukrainian public’s consciousness around data privacy and security is slowly changing for the better.

author: Tetyana Bohdanova


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Trinidad & Tobago’s history of government relations with gang leaders exposed · Global Voices
Jada Steuart

City Hall in Port of Spain, the seat of the Port of Spain City Corporation, one of the state agencies named in the alleged award of state contracts to gang leaders. Photo used with permission.
On July 16, 2019, the Trinidad and Tobago Guardian newspaper released an investigative report revealing that the government gave contracts to seven gang leaders amounting to almost $6 million TT, or $890,000 US. The report is based on findings released from the Special Branch of the Trinidad and Tobago police service.
Identifying the gang leaders by their aliases or initials, like “Doggy” and “SR”, the article details who got the construction contracts, how much they were worth and which government offices issued them. The majority of the contracts — many of which amounted to more than $200,000 TT or $29,000 US, with some additional payments after — related to road work and drain construction in the gangs’ respective neighbourhoods. One section of the report highlights the relationship between the Port of Spain City Corporation and a leader in one of the country's most notorious gangs, Rasta City.  Contracts given to them since 2015 amounted to over$600,000 TT or $88,872 US.
This is not the first time that the questionable government relations with gang affiliates have come to light.
On June 29, 2017, when Marlene McDonald was sworn in as the new Minister of Public Utilities, the country's Integrity Commission had already started an investigation on her for allegedly starting — along with her spouse — a fake nongovernmental organisation to access public funds. Adding insult to injury, at the swearing-in ceremony, McDonald was flanked by her spouse and a “community leader” — a euphemism commonly used to refer to gang leaders in Trinidad and Tobago. Three days later, she was fired.
This is the first time, however, that a police report has confirmed contracts between the state and local gangs. According to law enforcement, the revelation has resulted in increased violence in neighbourhoods where these gangs operate. Commissioner of Police, Gary Griffith, commented on the issue at a press conference after the Guardian exposé was published, confirming that a conflict that week between two gangs was, in fact, a feud over a government contract to fix box drains in the area.
This is not the first time that Griffith has spoken out. Just over four months into his tenure, in January 2019, he said in a CNC3 television interview that to combat gangs, the country must stop issuing state contracts. At the time, he strategised with authorities to overcome the issue.
Griffith has stated in the last few weeks that these contracts with known gang leaders make police work a lot more difficult. He attributed state contracts — under various administrations — as one of the main reasons the country's gang culture has thrived over the last 15 years.
The controversy over state contracts for known gang members has caused an uproar. Agencies like the Port of Spain City Corporation and the Diego Martin Regional Corporation were named in awarding some of these contracts, though the parliamentarians in those constituencies have said they were unaware.
In a press conference on July 19, Prime Minister Keith Rowley said that the government was working with the police to get all the information necessary to prosecute gang members via the administration's recently passed Anti-Gang Act, which criminalises gang activity. He made it clear, however, that the gathering of evidence and charging of gang members is the job of the police.
Griffith later challenged the prime minister, saying, “You do not try to feed an enemy and then after tell law enforcement to deal with the enemy”.
Both the prime minister and his cabinet have said that the issue has to be dealt with through the law. Since the report came out, Minister of Rural Development and Local Government, Kazim Hosein, has said there will be an audit into the situation.

author: Jada Steuart


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After two straight weeks of protests, Puerto Ricans force governor to resign · Global Voices
Ángel Carrión

Protesters rejoicing in the rain on July 22 in San Juan, Puerto Rico. Photograph taken by Fabián Rodríguez Torres and shared on his Instagram account (@fabianfrt). The author published a Facebook post in which he grants permission to the general public to use the picture, which was widely circulated on social media. This particular image was taken from the Twitter account of social worker Larry Emil Alicea-Rodríguez (@larryemil).
The governor of Puerto Rico, Ricardo Rosselló, has resigned after two weeks of massive protests and intergenerational civil unrest. In the abscence of a secretary of state, Secretary of Justice Wanda Vázquez will become governor. Rosselló's resignation is effective as of 5:00 p. m. on August 2.
This self-convened and growing national movement erupted as a result of an intricate corruption scheme and a leaked Telegram chat containing sexist, misogynistic, homophobic and body-shaming language, along with the discussion of public policy among members and non-members of Rosselló's cabinet.
The leaked Telegram chat was preceded by the federal arrests of high ranking members of Rosselló's administration, including the former Secretary of Education, Julia Keleher, on charges which include money laundering, wire fraud and theft, among others.
The 14 consecutive days of demonstrations included daily protests at the governor’s mansion. The protests soon spread to many other municipalities of Puerto Rico. The largest was held on July 22, estimated to have attracted as many as 600,000 people in San Juan alone.
#FunFact of this march in #PuertoRico. It wasn’t scheduled by any organization. It happened organically in social media by #PuertoRicans who wanted to protest against #Rosselló, demanding his resignation. #ParoNacional #News #ParoNacionalPR #RickyRenuncia ?:@NoticentroWAPA pic.twitter.com/gpLBXPhbPY
— Cristina Corujo (@cristina_corujo) July 22, 2019
But the activity wasn't limited to Puerto Rico. Several protests were convened in countries where Puerto Ricans are resident, including Spain, Argentina, Slovenia, France, The Netherlands and the United States.
The protests also included cultural and artistic interventions. Journalist Victoria Leandra created a Twitter thread that highlights some of the creative ways Puerto Ricans found to protest:
??THREAD: All the original ways in which Puerto Ricans have said #RickyRenuncia
— Victoria Leandra (@leandrareports) July 20, 2019
The police have been accused of using excessive force, violating the police reforms ordered by Federal Courts. It must be said that the protests in Puerto Rico have been exceptionally peaceful, as pointed out by cultural anthropologist and essayist Rima Brusi on Twitter:
500000 marching, and only five arrests, at the very end? I’d say the protesters were not only non-violent- they were remarkably disciplined, creative and restrained. #RickyRenunciaYa pic.twitter.com/T1DyXaJRHQ
— Rima Brusi (@RimaBrusi) July 19, 2019
Protesters also returned the following day to areas where protests were held to help clean up:
Things they won’t show you in the media because they want you to think the worse:
1- people cleaning the damage done last night
2- a united people giving each other a hand pic.twitter.com/Q0hBD7HYCP
— next latina to accept an EGOT ?? (@TheJosieMarie) July 16, 2019
But several days before the news broke of Rosselló's resignation, Xiomara Torres Rivera, a columnist writing for the jounalism project Todas, reminded readers that the real work would start once the governor left office:
Hoy somos foco de atención porque nos atrevimos a accionar la palabra, a transformar nuestros disgustos en movilidad. La exigencia de renuncia es solo el principio. Nos queda un camino largo de reflexión para tomar otras decisiones y no mirar atrás. Para atrevernos a exigir el país que nos merecemos. Una auditoría ciudadana, una cancelación de la deuda, una educación con perspectiva de género, un sistema de salud y retiro digno y un esquema de gobierno con personas que pongan las necesidades de la gente primero. Se nos va la vida y no estamos dispuestas a perder una más.
Today we are the focus of the world's attention because we dared to turn words into action, to transform our anger into mobility. To demand [the governor's] resignation is only the beginning. We have before us a lot of reflecting to do to be able to take other decisions and not look back. To dare to demand the country that we deserve. A citizen audit, a cancellation of the [public] debt, an education with gender perspective, decent healthcare and retirement and a government with individuals who put the needs of the people first.
Global Voices will continue to cover this developing story.

author: Ángel Carrión


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Media in North Macedonia claim a Russian band has plagiarized a song by Balkan superstar Toše Proeski · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

Collage with screenshot images from the music videos “Bože čuvaj ja od zlo” featuring Toše Proeski and “Bože” featuring Zemlyane. Fair use.
A series of online articles in North Macedonia have blamed the Russian rock group Zemlyane for plagiarizing a 2007 song made famous by the late Macedonian pop star Toše Proeski.
Starting on Friday 19 July 2019, several Macedonian outlets have been posting different versions of the song to prove their point, topped by headlines such as “Russian band plagiarized Toše's song, they promote it as their own,” or “Toše has become a victim of plagiarizers: a Russian band stole his song.”
While certain media outlets put the word ‘stole’ in quotation marks, others used terms like ‘appropriation.’ Dozens of such articles expressed outrage, including the newspaper Nova Makedonija that cried out  “Shame on you for stealing and destroying Toše's song.”
The song in question is called “Bože čuvaj ja od zlo” (“God, protect her from evil”) made popular by the Macedonian singer Toše Proeski (1980-2007) who died in a car accident shortly after its release. References to death and parting in the lyrics have since added to its inherent emotional charge among fans.
Proeski's death at the age of 26 came as a shock in the Balkan region, because he was one of the few music stars who became a celebrity due to the high quality of his performance, but also because of his integrative approach. Unlike most stars from the Balkans, he sang in different local languages, published his albums in several countries, and cooperated with musicians from Greece, Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Italy, and the UK. Coming from humble origins, he used his celebrity to support humanitarian causes, and starting in 2004 he served as UNICEF National Ambassador for Children.
The website VBU Muzichki registar (“VBU Music Register”), which operates as an authoritative public database for Macedonian music production (with functionalities similar to IMDB), has documented over 20,000 tracks by over 3,500 performers, and lists the data for all the participants in the making of the album “Games beyond borders” which features the song. Accordingly, the author of the music is Miro Buljan, a renown Croatian composer, while the author of the lyrics is Antonija Šola, a famous Croatian actress, singer and songwriter known across the region. The album and the song were released in two versions, in Macedonian and in Croatian.
The song by Zemlyane, published on 26 February 2019 is called “Bože” (“God!”). The Youtube video description claims its text was written by Vladimir Kiselev, and that the author of the music is Vladimir Trushin.
The Russian band, whose name can be translated into English as “Earthlings,” was established in 1978. It has enjoyed a long career, as well as great popularity particularly in the early 1980s as part of the “VIA” (vocal-instrumental ensemble) wave. At the time it introduced Western rock elements in the Soviet music industry.
In 2014 a fan published a video including the Croatian audio version of the song “God protect her from evil”  with a dubbed Russian translation in honor of Toše Proeski. She wrote:
Мой перевод. Потрясающий певец! Наслаждаемся прекрасной мелодией, текстом, смыслом и голосом!
My translation. An awesome singer! Enjoy the beautiful melody, the lyrics, the meaning and his voice!
Other fans have provided translations of this particular song into 15 different languages from Arabic to Ukrainian via the platform LyricsTranslate.
While no music or court expert has been quoted by the media to allege plagiarism, the music and the lyrics of both the ‘originals’ and the Russian song are strikingly similar. For instance, the chorus in Macedonian reads:
Боже, не ми треба ништо друго
Дур’ сум жив под ова небо
Топла постела и очи што ги знам
Боже, ангели од небо прати
Таа нема да се врати
Чувај ја од зло, таа нема никој свој…
God I don't need anything else
While I'm alive under this sky
A warm bed and the eyes I know
God, please send your heavenly angels
She won't return
Just protect her from evil,
She has no one on this world.
While the chorus of the new song by Zemlyane reads:
Боже мне так мало надо света
Лишь спросить ответ от неба
Ей сказать прости, держи, но отпусти.
Боже как же надо мне немного
Знать светла её дорога
Не оставь в пути, помоги и защити,
Не оставь её – помоги в пути
Защити её в пути.
God, I need so little light
I just ask the answer from the sky
Forgive her, hold her, but let go.
God, how do I need a little
Know the light of her road
Do not leave her alone on the way,
help her and protect her…
While reusing melodies across borders and making song covers for commercial purposes is not uncommon in Central and Eastern Europe, within the music industry this is usually done with attribution of the original authors. For instance, when the Russian band The Peace Dukes made a cover of a song by Yugoslav/Serbian band Bajaga i instruktori, they stated that clearly in the description of their video. Publicly known copyright infringement cases in the region usually involve the material rights (piracy), and not the moral rights (misrepresenting other people's songs as one's own).

author: Filip Stojanovski