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Netizen Report: In India and Jamaica, Women Face Threats for Resisting Misogyny Online · Global Voices
Netizen Report Team

Photo courtesy the Tambourine Army, used with permission.
Global Voices Advocacy's Netizen Report offers an international snapshot of challenges, victories, and emerging trends in Internet rights around the world.
This week, The Guardian newspaper released a series of leaked documents outlining Facebook’s internal policies and practices for moderating content on its platform. Among the many revelations, the stories make clear that sexual and gender-based harassment — ranging from threats of sexual violence to “revenge porn” — remain an endemic problem on the platform and in real life.
Facebook also has increasingly become a space where users document their experiences of such incidents firsthand. This too can carry consequences, especially for women.
One recent example surfaced this week when Varsha Dongre, an Indian Civil Service officer and deputy superintendent of Raipur jail was suspended and transferred to a remote prison (350km away from her current post) for speaking about human rights violations against indigenous Adivasi girls on Facebook. In the post she wrote:
I have seen 14-16-year-old Adivasi girls being stripped naked in police stations and tortured. They were given electric shocks on their wrists and breasts. I have seen the marks. It horrified me. Why did they use third degree torture on minors?
The order calling for her suspension alleges that she made irresponsible statements, cited “false facts” and went off duty without approval. The Indian government has come under harsh criticism from international human rights watch organisations for torture and abuse by the Indian police against Adivasi women. This has come as part of a broader crackdown on indigenous groups and their efforts to resist deforestation of their indigenous land.
Another recent example saw Jamaican activist Latoya Nugent charged under Jamaica’s Cybercrime Law, after she publicly named (on social media) alleged perpetrators of sexual violence. Nugent is part of the Tambourine Army, a group of women and survivors of sexual violence who are using the internet to share their experiences online. The public prosecutor dropped all charges filed against Nugent on May 17.
Social media activist and opposition campaigner Yonatan Tesfaye was sentenced to six years in prison on May 24 after spending over a year in jail in Addis Ababa awaiting trial. The primary evidence against Tesfaye, who was convicted of violating the country’s notorious Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, came in the form of several Facebook posts which the court said amounted to incitement to violence amid the ongoing land rights movement that has seen several hundred protesters killed by Ethiopian police. The screenshot below comes from an English translation (by the Ethiopian Human Rights Project) of the charges filed against Tesfaye. The Facebook post quoted here is one of several that was presented in the filing:
The heads of two independent media sites in Malaysia, KiniTV and Malaysiakini, are facing cybercrime charges for posting a video of a politician criticizing the attorney general. The video was posted last year, and features a politician criticizing the office of the attorney general for failing to identify the role of the prime minister in a corruption scandal around 1MDB, a state-owned investment bank. They face a court hearing on June 15. If found guilty they may face prison terms of up to one year and fines of 50,000 Malaysian Ringgit (around US$11,500). Malaysian officials suspended the licenses of several news outlets for reporting on the 1MDB scandal, in which the prime minister is accused of embezzling $700 million through the bank.
Azerbaijan blocked five independent media outlets, including three online news sites and two satellite TV stations, claiming they “pose a threat” to Azerbaijan’s national security by showing content that purportedly promotes violence and hatred, and violates privacy. Recent coverage by the outlets includes stories about public protests, suicide rates in Azerbaijan and the financial dealings of the private foundation of Vice President Aliyeva, who is also the First Lady. The order also establishes grounds to prosecute employees of these news outlets.
Thai authorities have been at odds with Facebook in recent weeks concerning more than 300 pieces of content on the network that officials say are insulting to the Thai king, and thus violate the country’s notoriously harsh lese-majeste law. Last month, they advised Facebook users to unfollow three prominent writers who were known for their critiques of the king. Now, according to the Bangkok Post, they plan to target even those users who merely view content of this nature. Thailand’s Central Investigation Bureau told the Post that the move was “triggered by police limitations in tracking down producers of illegal content posted on social media outlets such as Facebook and YouTube.”
On May 24, a Colombian court acquitted biologist Diego Gomez of copyright infringement charges in a case that hit a nerve among digital rights advocates across the Americas. A fellow student sued Gomez in 2013 for posting his Master’s thesis on the document-sharing website Scribd. Despite the fact that Gomez intended only to share the paper’s findings with his classmates, and that he earned no profit in doing so, the now 29-year-old could have faced a maximum sentence of eight years in prison.
The lawsuit proceeded thanks minimal legal protections for educational use of copyrighted material in Colombia. Copyright laws in Colombia were reformed in 2007 at the behest of the United States, as part of the two countries’ free trade agreement.
A local social network called KashBook has spiked in popularity in the Kashmir Valley where the Indian government has banned dozens of social networks, including Facebook. Developed by 16-year-old Zeyan Shafiq, who described KashBook as “the answer to social media gag”, the website launched in 2013, but is enjoying a renaissance in the absence of other platforms. The website has been blacklisted in Kashmir on a few occasions, prompting Shafiq and his business partner Uzair Jan to transfer the site to a new server, a fix that at least temporarily allows users to regain access.
Ellery Roberts Biddle, Sahar Habib Ghazi, Leila Nachawati, Inji Pennu and Sarah Myers West contributed to this report.

author: Netizen Report Team


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The Election of Dr. Tedros as WHO Director-General Isn’t Exactly Uniting Ethiopians · Global Voices
Endalkachew Chala

Members of Ethiopian diaspora community protest in Geneva against the newly elected director-general of WHO. May 22, 2017. Image: Ecadf Ethiopia.
Despite an intense campaign waged against him by some of his fellow compatriots, Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus of Ethiopia will be the next director-general of the World Health Organization (WHO).
Commonly known by his first name, Tedros handily defeated Dr. David Nabbaro, the British candidate, after two rounds of voting among WHO member states at the 70th World Health Assembly in Geneva. He is the first African to win the top job.
For Tedros's Ethiopian opponents, however, his election was not a triumphant moment. Critics cite his record as the country's former minister of health and the minister of foreign affairs, saying he was complicit in the Ethiopian government's arrest and torture of political leaders and citizens who challenged the status quo. They fear his victory as director-general of the United Nations’ top public health organization will legitimize the Ethiopian authorities’ actions on a global scale.
Key @DrTedros4WHO campaign lesson. An African in battle needs two armies. One to face the opponent. The other to wade off compatriots pic.twitter.com/BYDi9KDCWX
— Calestous Juma FRS (@calestous) May 24, 2017
For months, opponents have waged a vigorous online campaign to block Tedros's candidacy, culminating in protests in Geneva this month. Just before the vote, members of Ethiopian diaspora groups swarmed the streets around the United Nations Office, hoisting flags and displaying banners with signs bearing slogans like “Killers are not healers!” and “No Tedros for WHO!”
A day before the election, a heckler shouted, “No Tedros for WHO; it is a travesty of humanity and Africa think again.”
#WHA70 interrupted by #NoTedros4WHO campaigner calling Member States to “Think again!” #WHODG pic.twitter.com/PxzNq2ESJC
— Mathias Bonk (@MathiasBonk) May 22, 2017
Meanwhile in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, government supporters waited anxiously for the results of the election, wondering about the fallout of multiple media reports about allegations of a cholera cover-up involving Tedros and the spirited opposition from Ethiopian diaspora groups.
Smear campaign never works for anybody!. Dr.Tedros is highly qualified to lead WHO. @WHO @DrTedros @DrSenait. Cardiologist for Dr. Tedros
— khalid (@khalidshash) May 22, 2017
Fortunately for Tedros’ fans, his opponents were unable to persuade enough WHO members states to withhold their support.
Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus speaks at Chatham House. Photo by Chatham House via Wikipedia image. Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic.
Five months after Tedros’s political party declared a total electoral victory in 2015, the country exploded in protests that lasted almost a year. According to Human Rights Watch, at least 800 people died, and thousands of political opponents were imprisoned and tortured.
Since October 2016 and the declaration of a state of emergency, the Ethiopian government, in which Tedros served until November 1, 2016, has imposed some of the world’s toughest censorship laws.
You won a free election, congratulations. Now, why don't you try that here in #Ethiopia?!
— Nathenael F. Aberra (@EthioLiberty) May 23, 2017
Protesters have demanded more respect and autonomy for ethnic Oromos, who are often left out of the country's decision making.
In fact, ethnocentric attitudes played an important role in Tedros’s remarkable journey to the WHO. Tedros is a top member of the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF), the dominant party within Ethiopia’s ruling regime. His meteoric rise to power started after he finished his doctorate in 1999, when he was tasked with leading the Tigray region’s health department. After two years, he was promoted to Ethiopia’s minister for health by the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, a Tigrayan himself. In 2012 when Meles Zenawi died, Tedros became Ethiopia’s foreign minister.
Tigray is one of the nine regional states that are federated based on ethnolinguistic compositions. For the last 26 years, the Tigrayan elites have taken center stage in Ethiopia’s political affairs, largely due to their control of the country's armed forces and economy.
Though Tigrayans account for only 6 percent of Ethiopia’s population, all senior positions of the national military and security apparatus — as well as the most meaningful positions in other state institutions — are packed with Tigrayan elites. Conversely, most of the elites of the Oromo and Amhara ethnicities, who together comprise 65 percent of Ethiopia’s population, are either exiled or imprisoned.
This imbalance has been controversial for years, and some see the election of Tedros as the normalization of minority rule in Ethiopia. Tedros’ supporters, on the other hand, argue that his critics are merely bigoted and resentful of the success of one of their kinsman on a global stage.
Those who campaigned passionately against Tedros reject the allegation, saying they always root for Ethiopian athletes in the international arena, regardless of their ethnic background. For example, Abbaacabsaa Guutamaa, explained on Facebook:
By the way, we opposed Dr. Tedros not because WHO's Director General office is something that's great & so powerful. In fact, WHO's budget is less than half a good hospital in the US and our opposition was a gesture to fight for justice and meant to capture an opportunity to expose TPLF's crimes to the world using the face of this guy. We have done a good job on that count

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Endalkachew Chala


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The Long and Winding Road of Chile’s Gender Identity Law · Global Voices
Jaime Vidal Melero

“Be Not Afraid”. Photo by torbakhopper on Flickr. Used under license (CC BY-ND 2.0).
The Long and Winding Road isn’t just a ballad by Paul McCartney; it’s also the story of Chile’s gender identity law. The original intent of the legislation was to end discrimination and ease restrictions on trans people in Chile openly living in accordance with their gender identities. But round after round of legislative tinkering have created a draft law that could actually take their rights a step backward.
The process leading to this controversial bill started four years ago, in May 2013, when Chile’s Senate first introduced the gender identity law, known as “LIG.” The original text was presented by two groups: the Equal Foundation and Organizing Trans Diversities (OTD).
According to OTD, the legislation passed through 15 amendment procedures, enduring more than 200 revisions and three different approved drafts. While the bill was being amended, sexual and gender diversity organizations were often barred from contributing to the process, as lawmakers worked to restrict the right to gender identity, proposing various medical and psychological criteria for registering a change of name or sex, and eliminating this right entirely for minors.
Currently, changes to name and sex registration in Chile are approved (or rejected) by a judge. Early drafts of the gender identify law called for removing the judge from this step to make the process easier. But on April 12, 2017, the legislature approved a change that allows third parties to oppose individuals’ requests for changing their name and sex registration, which would effectively reduce trans people’s existing rights.
On May 10, the parliamentary commission sent the bill to the Senate for an article-by-article vote.
¡Al fin!
Proyecto de Ley de Identidad de Género se despacha a Sala! #LIGahorapic.twitter.com/PUiX0vbBBu
— Asociacion OTD (@OTDChile) May 10, 2017
Finally!
Gender Identity Bill sent to the Senate! #LIGnow
As the law moves forward, it's a crucial moment for the future of Chile's sexual and gender diversity, as LGBTQ civic groups try to reach a compromise with lawmakers, hoping to restore aspects of the legislation that have been removed or twisted, says OTD Vice President Franco Fuica, focusing on the clause that allows third-party opposition to registration rights:
El tema de la oposición es uno de los nudos críticos que presenta esta ley, es lamentable que se permita que terceros puedan oponerse. Al parecer saldremos del Senado sin la incorporación de niños, niñas y adolescentes, lo que pretendemos que se pueda arreglar en la sala o en la Cámara.
The issue of third-party opposition is one of the critical aspects of this law. It is lamentable that opposition by third parties is permitted. It seems that we will leave the Senate without the incorporation of children and adolescents, which we intend to have fixed in the Senate or the Congress.
As politicians have wrangled over gender identity legislation, Chile has witnessed several advances in gender diversity in various public and civil spheres.
On April 11, 2017, a judge in the city of Concepción ruled in favor of Alex Tima, supporting his legal change of name and sex. Tima began the registration process in October 2016 with legal sponsorship from the Movilh Foundation. Tima told the newspaper El Ciudadano that he was harassed on a daily basis because his gender identity didn't match his state-issued identification:
En gimnasios no podía entrar al camarín de hombres ni al de mujeres, entonces, no podía disfrutar de las instalaciones. (…) Voy a partir estudiando de cero, sin que me estén preguntando ‘eres trans’, que es lo que no quiero.
At the gym, I couldn't use the men's or the women's changing rooms, so I couldn't use the facilities […] I am going to start studying from zero, without being asked “are you trans,” which is what I don't want.
Legal battles for transgender rights have been especially hard fought in public and educational spaces. For example, Chile's education superintendent recently issued a memo developed with the participation of gender diversity organizations, laying out measures to protect trans people's right to education and non-discrimination. The executive director of Fundación Iguales, Emilio Maldonado, celebrated the document:
Es un hito para salvaguardar a niños/as y adolescentes trans. Sobre todo porque la tasa de deserción desde el sistema escolar de ellos/as es mayor a la de cualquier otro grupo, por lo cual va en la dirección correcta.
This is a milestone in the protection of trans children and adolescents. Especially as they have higher rates of abandonment of the school system than any other group. So this is a step in the right direction.
Desde @TodoMejora esperamos que #LIGahora que se despachó hoy al senado no excluya la identidad de los niñxs y adolescentes de Chile ☝ pic.twitter.com/EFzvTciNRw
— Todo Mejora (@TodoMejora) May 10, 2017
Here at @TodoMejora [Everything Improves] we hope that the LIG, which was sent to the Senate today, does not exclude the identity of children and adolescents in Chile.
Victories like the education memo — the result of advocacy by civil society organizations — are good news for people like Selena, a transgender girl who recently made headlines after sharing her story.
We didn't find schools. For example, in one, I had the highest score but I couldn't get in because of how I am.
Here, they let me into the girls’ bathroom and they accepted me.
I am a transgender girl and I am happy.

author: Jaime Vidal Melero


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After Reelection, Iran’s President Rouhani Abandons Promise to Free Green Movement Leaders · Global Voices
Center for Human Rights in Iran

Mir Hussein Mousavi (right) became the “leader” of the Green Movement after he changed his campaign colours to be the same as those of the protests against what millions perceived were fraudulent elections. Mousavi, his wife Zahra Rahnavard (middle), and another reformist candidate, Mehdi Karroubi (left), were arrested for “inciting sedition.”
This report was first published on the Center for Human Rights in Iran website.
In his first press conference on May 22, days after after being declared the winner of Iran’s election, President Hassan Rouhani refused to commit to ending the more than six-year extrajudicial house arrests of three opposition leaders—a pledge he made during his first presidential campaign.
Asked what he would do to free opposition leaders Mehdi Karroubi, Mir Hosseini Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard, who have been detained for more than six years for leading the peaceful, mass protests against the disputed result of the 2009 presidential election, Rouhani suggested that a solution depended on cooperation from other branches of state.
“The country is ruled by laws and we should all submit to them,” he said on May 22. “The executive, legislative and judicial branches have their own responsibilities. We are moving forward on the basis of the Constitution.”
“I am responsible for the rights of every citizen, even Iranians living abroad,” added Rouhani. “Wherever I see the rights of Iranians being violated, I will take action within my powers. In cases related to the judiciary, I will respond by direct communication or in joint meetings. The next government plans to implement the Charter on Citizens’ Rights. In this respect, the rights of all people are important to me.”
Rouhani made no reference to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, whose adamant opposition to freeing the three has kept them detained in legal limbo.
At a presidential campaign rally at Sharif University in Tehran on May 13, 2013, Rouhani said he hoped he could free the three within the first year of his presidency: “We can provide conditions such that over the next year, individuals who were imprisoned or put under house arrest for the 2009 events are released.”
Chants for freedom for Mousavi and Karroubi were a fixture amongst Rouhani supporters throughout the election campaign, and celebrations of his victory.
Continuous rallies and marches on ValiAsr going north crowds changing in support of Rouhani and Mousavi pic.twitter.com/rE8lk8Cpdt
— Golnar Motevalli (@golnarM) May 20, 2017
Amid Rouhani’s virtual silence on the issue during his first term, other politicians raised it a number of times, including conservative Deputy Parliament Speaker Ali Motahari, who has repeatedly spoken of the need for a solution.
In an interview on May 8, 2017, Motahari repeated his suggestion that the issue could be resolved through negotiation.
“Some steps have been taken towards resolving the house arrests and we have to listen to the reasoning by the opposing side,” he said. “We have to move towards improving the conditions in the country and prevent issues before they turn into a crisis.”
Motahari has previously explained that Khamenei is the driving factor behind the continuing house arrests.
“One of the obstacles against their freedom has been the insistence by some officials that if they do not apologize and repent, it will damage the state and the supreme leader,” said Motahari. “It isn’t wrong to have an opinion about the 2009 incidents different than those of people in power…keeping [Mousavi, Rahnavard and Karroubi] under house arrest for six years is neither compatible with the law nor with religious teachings.”
At the May 22 press conference, the newly reelected president was also asked about his policies on protecting the rights of the artistic community, particularly those in the music and film industries.
“One of the outcomes of this year’s elections was that everyone was at peace with music,” responded Rouhani. “However, we are not too fond of cheap music. Some say that’s fine as well, but in any case, I am certain our new government will give more support to the cultural community.”
“The situation did improve for music and cinema in our previous four years, but we will make greater efforts in the next four,” he added.
Since 2013, when Rouhani was voted into office promising a more open society, numerous state-sanctioned musicians, including popular artists Alireza Ghorbani and Sirvan Khosravi, saw their concerts canceled at the last moment.
Religious conservatives have justified their attacks on musicians by quoting vague statements and decrees by senior religious leaders. Khamenei has himself often warned about the alleged dangers of music, saying it will “lead people away from the path of God.”
Rouhani also said his government would adopt proposals based on educational guidelines provided by the UN 2030 Agenda—vehemently opposed by conservatives—that do not violate Islamic principles.
“The ministers of foreign affairs, science and education wrote to the supreme leader explaining to His Excellency at length that the Islamic Republic of Iran has reserved the right to ignore parts of agenda 2030 that do not conform with our culture and national values,” Rouhani said.
On the issue of women in the workforce, Rouhani said his government would do more to increase women’s employment prospects.
“It’s wrong to think that men have a higher status or that they are more capable than women,” he said.
At the same time, Rouhani echoed Khamenei’s sexist views by claiming certain jobs are more suitable for men than women: “Of course men are better at some professions and women are better at others. (God) has given both their own special qualities.”
“But women are not lower than men and keeping them inside the house does not make sense from social or legal standpoints,” he added.

author: Center for Human Rights in Iran


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An Interview With Anna Veduta, Russian Activist, Expert, and Feminist · Global Voices
RuNet Echo

Photo: Anna Veduta. Edited by RuNet Echo.
RuNet Echo recently spoke to Anna Veduta, the global outreach director for Meduza and the former press secretary for Alexey Navalny, today the most prominent leader of the anti-Kremlin opposition. Veduta described her work for Russia’s anti-corruption crusader, her relocation to the United States, and her experience as a regional expert and feminist.
I moved to the States on August 6, 2014. It was the very day President Putin signed the decree on so-called “anti-sanctions”: legislation prohibiting the import of European and U.S. agricultural goods into Russia. And the first effect this has on me, and continues to happen today, is that people in Russia now ask each other to bring cheese and poultry when coming back from overseas. They want food, not souvenirs.
I expected my lifestyle and my interests to change a lot, when I moved to the U.S. to get a Master’s in International Affairs at Columbia University, but the RuNet never left my life. Once you're in it, it never lets you go.
I still closely follow current events in Russia, and I’m regularly asked to speak about Russia in the United States, where I’m seen as an expert on the region. Today, I work as the global outreach director for Meduza, one of the world’s largest media outlets covering Russia, where I’m responsible for the English version.
So, naturally, there’s no way I’d take my eyes off what’s happening in Russia or on the Russian Internet.
The benefits are pretty obvious. With the West so obsessed with Russia these days, there’s a great need for additional expertise. And that, I think, is why people invite me to speak and to consult on Russia and U.S.-Russian relations. And I’m happy to help! It’s always nice to feel that your services are needed.
One drawback is the amount of disinformation out there. We’re all bored and bothered by the term by now, but “fake news” is unfortunately ubiquitous. And this has made it difficult to explain to people, as someone in the Russian media, that you’re not Kremlin propaganda or one of Moscow’s election-stealing hackers.
The very word “Russian” has become toxic in the U.S. today. It takes a lot of time and energy to get through to people now.
I wish I could say that you’re exaggerating the situation and tell you it’s more complicated, except it isn’t. I can’t speak for most Russians (I haven’t run sociological polls on this or anything), but I can tell you what I see: Russia’s political establishment isn’t homogenous.
Take the siloviki (security agency members) and the kadyrovtsy (Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov’s people). These groups are not united, and very often they’re direct, even hostile rivals. And this is one reason we see certain “fluctuations” in Russia’s so-called establishment, and in the various clans controlling the “Kremlin towers.”
I don’t mean to offer some kind of conspiracy theory, but it’s important to understand that there are various layers of “mystique” here.
As for the divisions you’ve laid out, I’d also describe it as a confrontation between the old world and the new world. Look at what happened with the March 26 protests and what’s followed. We saw a lot of young and vibrant people who very clearly do not care what the establishment has to tell them. Just watch the recent speech by a popular YouTube vlogger in the State Duma.
Veduta with Alexey Navalny. Photo: Anna Veduta. Used with permission
So, yes, they turn to the so-called anti-Kremlin opposition, also known as the “anti-system opposition.” And, yes, here we’re talking about my brilliant former boss, Alexey Navalny, whom I admire deeply.
Why do the young people turn to Navalny? Because he shares their open mind and he, too, realizes that we’re living in the 21st century, unlike the kleptocratic, feudalistic establishment that would rather dream about past Soviet glory. Navalny is tuned in, and he’s constantly learning. He’s showed his cards, and that kind of transparency is what people want. It’s that simple.
Young people don’t fall for the old propaganda; they simply don’t waste their time on it. Just look at the recent stunt by the Kremlin’s PR people, paying some second-rate pop star to strip down to a bikini and sing a song calling protesters “baby boys” and telling them to “stay out of politics.”
Generation X, the one that came before today’s youth, is still largely split on the establishment, and plenty of them are inclined to stick with the Kremlin and its “system.”
Millennials, meanwhile, are closer to the opposition, which I think means they’re simply reasonable and sick of being lied to and robbed. They root for human rights, democracy, and the freedom of the press. Technically speaking, there’s no “opposition” here — it’s a positive set of values.
Generation Z, however, is something incredible. When these people arrived, the Internet was already in place. They think, they analyze, and they draw conclusions in entirely new ways, even when compared to Millennials. The Kremlin establishment lost these people a long time ago, and they didn’t even notice it. Its control over television doesn’t matter here, because there is no TV in their world. But they still have to deal with the country’s struggling economy, its bad roads, corruption, awful healthcare, and generally dismal quality of education.
Because the Kremlin knows nothing about the Internet, and all its attempts to win over this audience are clumsy and unnatural.
In Russia, what are we talking about, when we discuss fake news and trolls? Trolls are commentators who are paid to promote the government’s agenda, and fake stories are lies crafted to resemble the truth by mixing falsehoods and half-truths. It takes some talent to pull this off and make it seem sexy. And yet this doesn’t happen in Russia. Why? Because the people responsible aren’t talented. They have no idea how the Internet works, or what makes things popular.
The problem is with the Kremlin’s state of mind. On the Web, you’ve got to be open minded, global, and ready to learn all the time. You’ve got to be comfortable always on the edge. It doesn’t work if you’re getting your news stories printed out in little red folders, thinking of the Web as a trashcan “invented by the CIA.”
This leads to shoddy work, and young people can easily spot the obvious fakes.
After a recent attempt to use online memes against Navalny, he was absolutely right when he laughed and said, “Guys, these memes are all so last year.” It was embarrassing!
Neither the outdated rhetoric of Soviet propaganda nor the scare tactics of the 1990s will work on a 21st-century audience. That’s why I tell Americans not to be afraid: Russia’s youth are a reason to be hopeful about Russia. They’re more like you [in the U.S.] than the Russian establishment!
Censorship really reared its head in 2011 and 2012, when a lot of people in the so-called “creative class” had to emigrate, as the Bolotnaya Square Case took off, and the Russian free press shut down.
But it’s 2017 now, and we’ve got free and independent media reporting on Russia, though a lot of it isn’t based in Russia anymore. I’m proud to represent Meduza today, but it’s definitely an obstacle to have a newsroom based in Riga, not Moscow. But we had to think outside the box, and this was the solution.
Internet users have learned to circumvent the government’s bans, and millennials and post-millennials have replaced the television with YouTube and Stream channels. And do you know why? It’s because there was nothing for them on TV. They looked, they shrugged, and then they created their own entertainment world.
Photo: Anna Veduta. Used with permission.
I left because I was admitted to Columbia University in New York City. In early 2012, when I’d just started working with Navalny, I was admitted to Oxford University in the UK, a few months after I graduated from Moscow State University. That time, I decided not to take the offer, and I kept my job. Alexey didn’t push me to make a decision at all — he was very supportive, and he advised me to take my time and think things through.
When I finally told him that I’d stay, he said he was happy, and he told me, “One day, you’ll go to Harvard.”
But I always thought life in New York sounded better, and when Columbia rolled around, I didn’t want to pass up the chance at a world-class education again. Navalny was under house arrest at the time, and he encouraged me (through a mediator) to go for it.
And here I am now, three years later.
Well I don’t work for Navalny anymore, but of course I still support him without hesitation. I’m an independent professional, but I also wouldn’t call myself an outside observer. Russia is my Motherland, and I care deeply about it and everything going on there.
So if, by “a member of the opposition,” you’re asking if I wish for a better, democratic future in a free and prosperous Russia, instead of a country hijacked by a gang of corrupt thugs, then yes I’m a member of the opposition.
I’m growing my role as a global informer and a goodwill ambassador for Russia, a beautiful country that we’d all like to see set free. It’s crucially important to me that my colleagues’ talented work reach audiences in the West, where there’s a serious lack of unbiased and reliable information about Russia. This is a global world and we need to be building bridges (though the illegal bridge Moscow is building over the Kerch Strait to Crimea is one too many).
I also want to promote a feminist agenda in Russia and work on projects against domestic violence. Last December, I came out about my own exposure to domestic violence, attracting almost half a million views on social media. This was ahead of Russian legislators’ decriminalization of domestic violence, when the issue needed more attention than ever.
But a lot of the feedback I got was far from supportive. People told me I had it coming, they insulted me, and so on. Even many of the people in Russia with whom I agree on anti-corruption and anti-Putin causes are not receptive to feminist issues, and it breaks my heart.
Of course, women’s issues are overlooked everywhere — how else can you explain the enormously high interest in the Women’s Marches in the U.S. this year? But Russia is a more patriarchal society, where it’s a great challenge just to get the ball rolling on basic issues.
And that just means the prospects for potential feminist breakthroughs in Russia are even bigger.

author: RuNet Echo


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Aussie Tennis Icon’s Star Fades Over Opposition to Marriage Equality · Global Voices
Kevin Rennie

Margaret Court and Evonne Goolagong Cawley win the Wimbledon Women's doubles, 1971. Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 3.0 nl)
Aussies love their sports heroes. However, former champion tennis player Margaret Court (born Smith) has received a very hostile online response to her stance, based on her religious beliefs, against same-sex marriage.
“Starts at 60,” a digital media platform for Australians and New Zealanders over sixty, explained the controversy to readers:
Margaret Court has penned an open letter to the Qantas board informing the airline she will no longer fly their skies because of the airlines “active” promotion in favour of same-sex marriage.
Qantas is the national airline with both domestic and overseas services. CEO Alan Joyce is openly gay and campaigns for marriage equality in Australia.
Margaret Court is a Christian minister in Perth, Western Australia. During her playing career in the 1960s and 1970s, she won 24 Grand Slam single titles and completed the big-four Grand Slam in 1970.
Despite these athletic accolades, the feedback on Twitter to Court's remarks on gay marriage has been overwhelmingly negative:
Breaking: Margaret Court still awful person. https://t.co/G0n2TOoBUu
— Titus O'Reily (@TitusOReily) May 25, 2017
Margaret Court you are a sporting legend! But your views to deny people a basic human right of equality absolutely suck! Love wins
— Rowie Webster (@RowieWebster) May 25, 2017
The tone on Twitter was even nasty and abusive at times, though sports commentator Andy Maher managed to contain his rage:
I really want to be white-hot angry about Margaret Court and her bigoted views, but I find myself simply feeling really sorry for her.
— Andy Maher (@AndyMaherDFA) May 25, 2017
With his usual sharp wit, cartoonist Jon Kudelka was prepared to support her freedom of expression:
I absolutely support Margaret Court's right to catch the most homophobic form of transport available if that's what she wants.
— Jon Kudelka (@jonkudelka) May 25, 2017
Nevertheless, Court has some vocal supporters, like Paul Smith, the international business manager at the University of South Queensland, who responded to the Starts At Sixty post:
Pity there weren't many, many more like her to state the obvious. I have stopped using my credit card from QANTAS for the same reasons. I only wish I was throwing the pie in its leader's face.Long, long overdue. ets start a line u for every time he speaks he copes it. He might get the message he needs to turn that culture around BIG time.
Even the stadium named after Court has been caught up in the fallout. The Margaret Court Arena in Melbourne distanced itself from her stance:
pic.twitter.com/hmGV2O2GtV
— Margaret Court Arena (@MCourtArena) May 25, 2017
There have also been numerous calls to change the stadium's name. Two alternatives have even gained popularity. Some want it renamed it after Australian aboriginal tennis great Evonne Goolagong Cawley:
@MCourtArena surely a name change to something like Evonne Goolagong Cawley Arena would be a good move then?
— Weh Yeoh (@wmyeoh) May 26, 2017
Others have advocated naming it after a singer-songwriter pop star who seems born for the honor. Footballer Melissa Barbieri said what many were undoubtedly thinking:
Yes! Game, Set, Match. No more Margaret Court Arena.
Tina Arena Arena. https://t.co/dUoSdlWVkm
— Melissa Barbieri (@Bubs_11) May 26, 2017
Internet users have also pointed out that other airlines operating in Australia, including Qantas’ main rival (Virgin), have a pro-gay marriage policy:
NOBODY SHOW THIS TO MARGARET COURT pic.twitter.com/86IvZHoXXg
— John Johnsonson (@JohnJohnsonson) May 25, 2017
Meanwhile, one Twitter user highlighted the apparent hypocrisy of Qantas for partnering with the airline Emirates, calling out Qantas CEO Alan Joyce:
Margaret Court didnt sign deal that brings multi million$ to UAE, that jails & has death penalty for gays!@Qantas hypocrite Alan Joyce did pic.twitter.com/LZDAfdHxgL
— Nick #BringBackTony (@nickbarnesaus) May 26, 2017
A visiting American singer-songwriter, Ryan Adams, drew the threads together:
Hey #MargaretCourt , A PAGAN who STRONGLY SUPPORTS #MarriageEquality ( get a pre-nup tho ) will play the arena named for you tomorrow
; ) pic.twitter.com/lc4GFCkGuF
— Ryan Adams (@TheRyanAdams) May 25, 2017

author: Kevin Rennie


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Egypt Ups Systematic Efforts to Silence Independent Media · Global Voices
Salma Essam

A screenshot from the result of Mada Masr website accessed from Egypt.
The Egyptian government's efforts to crack down on critical media platforms reached news heights this week when authorities blocked access to the Cairo-based independent news website, Mada Masr.
An “independent and progressive” news outlet that covers a variety of topics including politics, culture and the economy, Mada Masr routinely published stories of critical interest to the public that are seldom reported by other outlets. They have covered the ongoing crackdown on activists and journalists, attacks on Egypt's Coptic minority and the plight of refugees in Egypt.
As of 25 May, users inside Egypt were unable to access the website on the networks of most local Internet service providers. State-run news agency Al-Ahram stated that 21 news websites were banned in Egypt for “supporting terrorism and spreading lies,” according to a high-level security source quoted by the agency. These websites include the Arabic-language edition of Huffington Post and website of the Qatar-based Aljazeera network.
Mada Masr home page. Screenshot taken from USA, on May 26, 2017.
The type of communication blockage used to interrupt Mada Masr is known as a RST injection attack. According to a note from their editors posted on Facebook, this technique uses a third party to monitor and interfere with Internet traffic moving to and from the target website.
While websites have been blocked in Egypt before, this marks the first time the government has publicly announced their decision to do so.
Under the patronage of President Abdelfattah El Sisi, Egypt has taken great measures to curb dissent, through targeting of individual journalists and online activists, and by imposing pro-government media policies. And while officials did not give the Mada Masr team a precise explanation of the blocking, the legality of this act remains in question.
In consultation with Mada Masr, technology and human rights researcher at the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, Amr Gharbeia, explained that restrictions on websites can be legally enforced in two ways, either by an order issued by a high authority or by enforcing anti-terrorism law. The first mechanism can be implemented through a decree by a prosecutor, an investigating judge or by the president during a state of emergency (which is currently in place in Egypt). The second can be applied using Article 29 of Egypt's anti-terrorism law, which prescribes a five-year prison term for anyone who “establishes a telecommunications or internet site to promote ideas or beliefs that encourage committing terrorist acts or to broadcast [information] to mislead security agencies or influence the course of justice with regard to a crime of terrorism.”
However, as Mada Masr was not officially informed of any legal measures being taken against them, Gharbeia speculates that the government may have asked Internet service providers to block the website extrajudicially. With this presumption at hand, Mada Masr said in their Facebook note:
If that is the case, there are two violations, according to Gharbeia: one against freedom of expression and one against the sovereignty of law.
This most recent crackdown on an already-muzzled press will unquestionably leave independent media outlets and anyone who voices criticism against Sisi even more vulnerable than before, all supposedly in the interest of national security.
The decision of blocking 21 websites including Qatar-funded Al Jazeera and Huffpost Arabic have left journalists and activists incredulous. Mada Masr's editor in-chief Lina Attalah told Reuters:
Nothing explains this blockade more than a very clear intention from the authorities to crack down on critical media in ways that bypass the law.
Attalah further told the Guardian:
the main focus now is to try and get the site back up online without it being blocked easily, but in the long run I don’t really know what this kind of fight means for our survival. My gut feeling is that this is not the end, and there’s a way to carry on. But I don’t know how exactly this will happen yet.
Activist Ramy Raoof tweeted:
authorities started phasing blocking websites in Egypt via internet providers incl one of most progressive independent website @MadaMasr pic.twitter.com/ih8sPepMRc
— Ramy Raoof (@RamyRaoof) May 24, 2017
Despite the tense situation, Mada Masr says that it will continue publishing on its website, and via Facebook. Journalist Jack Shenker praised Mada's vision, while tweeting a screenshot of their statement:
Statement from #Egypt‘s fearless @MadaMasr – one of the last bastions of independent journalism in #Sisi‘s dictatorship, blocked overnight pic.twitter.com/PjG6aR0nzL
— Jack Shenker (@hackneylad) May 25, 2017
Egyptian lawyer and human rights activist Gamal Eid supported Mada Masr:
شارك صفحة مدى مصر على فيس بوك، بعد حجبه من أعداء النور والحرية والديمقراطية
احد المواقع الاكثر مهنية ومصداقية في مصرhttps://t.co/OL7pIk7pBL
— Gamal Eid (@gamaleid) May 25, 2017
Join Mada Masr page on Facebook after being blocked by the enemies of enlightenment, freedom and democracy. One of the most professional and credible websites.”
Meanwhile, public life in Egypt continues to be fraught with incidents of violence and conflict. On May 26, gunmen attacked a bus killing 25 Egyptian Coptic Christians. The Sisi regime in response launched an attack on the Libyan town of Derna, reasoning that it is home to terrorist organizations. In a moment like this, and in the persistent turmoil that many Egyptians face each day, free and independent media that cover events in the public interest — not in the interests of politicians — is more important than ever.

author: Salma Essam


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Ethiopian Protester Sentenced to Six Years Behind Bars for Facebook Posts · Global Voices
Endalkachew Chala

Yonatan Tesfaye. Photo shared on Twitter by Eyasped Tesfaye @eyasped
This week in Ethiopia, two prominent human rights advocates and critics of the ruling government were given long-term prison sentences for “incitement” on Facebook.
On May 25, Yonatan Tesfaye was sentenced to six years and three months in prison for “inciting” antigovernment protests in nine Facebook updates.
Breaking: #Ethiopia fed court sentenced former oppos'n Blue party PR head #YonatanTesfaye to six years & 3 months in jail for terrorism pic.twitter.com/LQKqVh1wne
— Addis Standard (@addisstandard) May 25, 2017
The 30-year-old activist has been an outspoken opponent of government’s violent response to the popular protest movement that has challenged Ethiopia’s ruling party and government since 2015. Yonatan had previously served as a press officer for the leading opposition Blue Party before resigning in 2015.
Yonatan was jailed for nine Facebook posts that expressed solidarity with the protesters, called for open dialogue and pleaded for an end to the violence.
The day before his sentencing, Yonatan’s former colleague Getachew Shiferaw, was found guilty of inciting violence for a private message he sent to colleagues through his Facebook messenger app. The former editor-in-chief of opposition newspaper Negere Ethiopia, Getachew was sentenced to one year and six months in prison:
Breaking- #Ethiopia court sentenced #GetachewShiferaw, editor-in-chief of Negere Ethiopia NP, to 1yr & half in jail, time he already served pic.twitter.com/Pzp3dXCK6A
— Addis Standard (@addisstandard) May 26, 2017
The Facebook message that allegedly contained inciting content made reference to a heckling incident targeting late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi at a 2012 symposium in Washington, D.C. In the message Getachew wrote, “since the political space in Ethiopia is closed heckling Ethiopian authorities on public events [sic] should be a standard practice.”
These cases are among many others of less well-known citizens who have spoken out against the regime's violent targeting of protesters demanding protections for land rights and other fundamental freedoms. According to Human Rights Watch, at least 800 people have died at the hands of Ethiopian police, and thousands of political opponents have been imprisoned and tortured during the protests.
Facebook, along with other social media platforms, has had a central role in interactions between authorities and protesters. Ethiopian authorities have blamed social media for waves of protests that began in April 2014 and have continued ever since. In October 2016, Facebook was blocked in Ethiopia as part of the government's state of emergency. But activists — and likely Ethiopian law enforcement — have continued to use the platform via VPN.
Although it is difficult to know the precise number of detainees, dozens of arrests appear to have been triggered by a person posting, liking or sharing a post on Facebook. Others have been arrested for communicating with diaspora-based activists through Facebook messages.
These cases have been compounded by an increasingly common practice in which Ethiopian authorities demand that detainees divulge their Facebook logins and passwords. In some cases, people have been arrested before being charged, forced to hand over their Facebook credentials, and then charged based on what authorities find in their accounts.
Police will arrest activists, force them to hand over their Facebook credentials, and then charge them based on what they find in their private message logs.
Getachew was charged with “inciting violence” after he was forced to give his username and password of his Facebook page. The private chat texts on his Facebook message were presented as evidence in his charge sheet.
Whatever the court decides, friends and family members of Yonatan and Getachew wanted the case to end. So, they would learn their fate, to take their fight to the next stage. But their case, like so many others court cases, had been delayed.
In Ethiopia, it is not uncommon for court cases involving bloggers journalists and politicians to take longer than other cases. This causes exhaustion for defendants and brings pain to their loved ones.
Yonatan and Getachew each spent 18 months in jail before they learned their fate. They were brought before the court at least a dozen times. Their private Facebook accounts were laid bare by authorities. Judges failed to appear in court, and police failed to bring defendants to court on their trial days, causing their cases to drag on for 18 months.
Facebook has been a critical platform for Ethiopian activists and rights advocates working to document and communicate human rights violations. This makes the experience of Yonatan and Getachew an especially chilling story for Ethiopians.


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In India, Medical Treatment and Justice Remain Elusive for One Survivor of Domestic Violence · Global Voices
VideoVolunteers

Screenshot from YouTube Video
This post was written by Srishti Malhotra and Madhura Chakraborty and originally appeared on Video Volunteers, an award-winning international community media organization based in India. An edited version is published below as part of a content-sharing agreement.
The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act was passed in India in 2005 to ensure the safety of women against domestic violence. However, a decade later women like Rajvati, from Singoli village in the central Indian state of Maddhya Pradesh, remain without justice. In August 2016, the 22-year-old mother of a 2-month-old infant was attacked by her husband with an axe. The resulting injuries included a severed vocal chord, and she remains without the ability to speak because the nearby government hospital does not have adequate medical facilities to operate on her.
“My daughter, Rajvati, had told me her husband and in-laws were harassing her for dowry,” her mother Chidilal Satnami recalls. “When she tried to reason with them, saying that I [Chidilal] will not be able to arrange for the money because of my disability, they reprimanded her and asked her to meet their demands by any means possible.”
Rajvati was married to Ramesh Choudhary in June 2015. It was difficult for Rajvati’s disabled, unemployed father to arrange for the marriage and dowry, but he managed somehow. Soon after marriage, Rajvati’s husband and in-laws demanded more dowry to buy him a motorcycle. Rajvati knew this would not be possible. Her marital relationship worsened and her husband began to accuse her of having an extramarital affair with his brother, her brother-in-law. In the midst of this, Rajvati gave birth to a son in June 2016.
But the situation did not improve, and violence would soon change Rajvati's life forever. Video Volunteers community correspondent Rekha Bhangre from Seoni district in Madhya Pradesh met with Rajvati and her family in September 2016 to talk about her experience:
Seeing Rajvati chatting with her brother-in-law, Ramesh attacked her with an axe in a fit of jealous rage. She sustained fractures and nerve damage, and her voice box was completely severed. A police case was filed and Ramesh was arrested immediately. So grave were Rajvati’s injuries that she had to be rushed to the government hospital in Jabalpur 154 kilometres away. As Ramesh and his family refused to bear any of the expenses for her treatment, Rajvati’s family had no option but to stay at the government hospital for treatment, despite the lack of adequate infrastructure. Since the attack, Rajvati’s in-laws have prevented Rajvati from seeing her infant son.
Rajvati’s story is unfortunately not exceptional (see past Video Volunteers reports). As of 2015 Madhya Pradesh registered the third highest number of domestic violence cases in India, according to National Crime Records Bureau data. Furthermore, the data reveals that crimes against women have an appalling conviction rate of under 22%. The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act has been praised for its comprehensive approach to the issue, with provisions of shelter and guarantees of the right of residence and compensation for the survivor. And yet, implementation is lagging, as Rajvati’s case amply demonstrates.
For instance, in Rajvati’s case, she was in the Jabalpur Hospital and Research Centre for months. So long and slow is the legal process, that she has yet to receive any compensation. Her father had to fund her treatment by taking out loans. Though her husband was imprisoned the day after the incident and remains in jail, the court hearing against him has still not begun. Although Rajvati is unable to speak, she has given a written statement affirming that her husband had demanded 50,000 rupees from her parents to buy a motorcycle. He had threatened to kill her if she failed to give him the money.
Not much has changed since the time the video report above was shot in September 2016. Though Rajvati was recently released from the hospital and returned to her home in Singoli village, she is unable to speak and has difficulty eating. She has to go to Jabalpur for check-ups twice a week. The Jabalpur Hospital authorities have told her that they are awaiting equipment that will enable them to operate on her larynx. Her son will be turning 1 year old soon, but continues to live away from her, at her in-laws’ home. Nor is she financially or physically capable of caring for him at present.

author: VideoVolunteers


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The Male Romper Gives the Caribbean Blogosphere a Lot to Ponder · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

A colourful, romper-related Facebook status update by Trinidadian artist Darren Trinity Cheewah.
The Caribbean has caught Romphim fever. While the guys aren't necessarily rushing out to buy the new “rompers made for men,” Internet users are certainly discussing it on social media.
In a region that has a reputation of being intolerant of alternative lifestyles, the male romper is being perceived as something only gay men would wear, so the fashion trend has, unfortunately, fanned that flame. But several female Facebook users advised their male counterparts to take it easy — after all, it was just a piece of clothing that didn't actually have the power to make them epicene. From Jamaica, Corretta Singer advised:
Dear Men,
Deep breaths…Calm down…no one is going to force you to wear a romper.
1. It's not going to suddenly become a mandatory uniform that you HAVE to wear in public for society to accept you. (*side eye*)
2. We all know you don't want to have to be put in a position to experience what women go through on a daily basis, by wearing clothes that make you feel exposed and vulnerable. (God forbid)
3. How fragile is your masculinity if you think an item of clothing is SUDDENLY going to make you effeminate?
Here are some simple solutions:
1. If you don't want to wear a Romper….DON'T WEAR A ROMPER
2. If you feel like you want to wear a romper…WEAR A ROMPER AND OWN DAT SHIT!!!
She then posted a photograph of actor Sean Connery in his role as James Bond…wearing a romper. Similarly, Trinidadian Petranilla London posted a photo of Sir Winston Churchill in a romper, adding, tongue firmly in cheek, “OMG!!!!!!!!! WINSTON CHURCHILL WAS GAY!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! WE HAVE TO CHANGE THE NAME OF OUR HIGHWAY!!!!!!”
One of Trinidad's main roadways is the Churchill-Roosevelt Highway.
Compatriot Franka Philip shared the post of “Churchill… rocking de romps…” as a nod to London, who “is on a campaign to show the folks who are calling overalls/rompers gay that they're overreacting a bit”.
Jumping into the fray was Loop News, which did a post featuring five Caribbean entertainers who rocked the jumpsuit.
Philip suggested, though, that the more pressing question to ask was, “Why are so many men and people who feel they know men so insecure about what masculinity should look like?”
On the heels of several instances of violence towards women in the region, much of the recent online discussion has involved the topic of the “macho” way in which Caribbean men are typically socialised.
There were some men who had no problem with going against the grain, though. Facebook user Niki Lakatoo boldly asked, “Where in Trinidad selling rompers. I will sooo ware [sic] that shit & not give a f@$k about people.” Indeed, one commercial photographer, who called the romper trend “social media gold”, was “dying to get in on the front end of the rompers craze before it truly blows up”, and invited male models to message him for a lifestyle shoot.
While one Facebook user referred to shooting of a different kind, that didn't stop one man from modelling his humourous take on the trend — oilfield rompers — particularly relevant to Trinidad and Tobago because of its energy-based economy.
The popular Facebook page Kermit the Ranker called out the double standards around the Romphim with a meme:
Meme by Kermit the Ranker, widely shared on Facebook: “Welcome to Trinidad, where men bash rompers but show off their ‘bumpers’.”
Some businesses saw the whole hullaballoo as an opportunity to attract social media attention. One pharmacy chain in Trinidad and Tobago posted a Facebook update for a romp-comp (a romper competition):
A Facebook post by a pharmacy chain, using the romper craze to attract customers: “First male to shop at any branch of Pharmacy Plus wearing a romper wins a two-month supply of Alive Multivitamins.”
Artist Darren Trinity Cheewah had a field day with a few romper-related, colourful Facebook status updates:
Public Facebook status update by Darren Trinity Cheewah: “I'll rock a onesie normal, normal.”
Public Facebook status update by Darren Trinity Cheewah: “Just stitched a T-shirt and joggers together: romper game on.”
Public Facebook status update by Darren Trinity Cheewah: “A ‘manty’ is what you wear under your ‘romphims'? #Asking for a friend.”
Facebook user Marvin Gaskin, meanwhile, was troubled by the fact that “Trinidad [is] a country falling apart in many ways, but men wearing rompers getting far more attention than important issues in social media”.
Cheewah cleverly summed it up:
Public status update by Darren Trinity Cheewah:
If you still talking rompers, I'm over-all LOL.”

author: Janine Mendes-Franco


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‘Untranslatable’ Blog Shines a Light on the Unique Vocabulary of Small Languages · Global Voices
Gwenaelle Lefeuvre

Photo by Andy Simmons and used under a CC BY-ND 2.0 license.
A blog called Untranslatable is setting out to provide language lovers with a selection of words from around the world that are difficult or impossible to translate.
These words exist in every language: they express situations or feelings, often complex or very specific. Some of these untranslatable words are already well-known by now (like the famous Portuguese saudade), and others are deeply rooted in a particular culture (for example, the Spanish sobremesa). But they all share the stubbornness with which they resist all attempts at simple translations. One word or expression will not do, so a full explanation and sometimes some context are necessary to grasp the depth of the notion expressed in that one word.
These unique words have long been collected in lists online. But while such lists often stop at Japanese, German, French, Portuguese or Finnish, Untranslatable's creator and linguist Steven Bird decided to focus on small languages.
For example, the blog shares words in the Mwotlap language from Vanuatu like:
“vakasteglok” – Take care of your own parents, in recognition of all the care they've given you in your younger years.
And words in Hunsrik language spoken in parts of Brazil such as:
“kwadi” – The laziness one feels after warming oneself in the sun on cold days.
In Bird's own words from the blog's About page:
They shed light on other cultures, reveal different patterns of thought, and spark our curiosity. Sometimes, they influence how we analyze and classify the world around us […] the linguists contributing to this site want to share more of these ‘untranslatable’ words, and in the process, show why these small languages are distinctive, valuable, and powerful.
Speakers of the “treasure languages” cherished by Untranslatable are invited to submit their favourite word here.

author: Gwenaelle Lefeuvre


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In the Age of Trump, Fewer Lenders in the US Want to Provide This Med Student With Student Loans · Global Voices
PRI/PRX's The World

Julio Ramos is a teacher in south Texas who has wanted to be a doctor since he was 12 years old and saw his mother being treated for breast cancer. Credit: Courtesy of Julio Ramos
This story by Reynaldo Leanos Jr. originally appeared on PRI.org on May 17, 2017. It is republished here as part of a partnership between PRI and Global Voices.
Roughly 11,300 people applied to Loyola’s Stritch School of Medicine in Chicago this year. They interviewed about 600 people. About 160 were accepted — the odds of getting in were less than 2 percent.
And 10 of the students they accepted are undocumented, brought to the US as children. They have DACA status, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, which gives them a temporary work permit and a chance to become physicians.
One of them is Julio Ramos.
Ramos, 24, is a middle school biology teacher in Brownsville, Texas, in the Rio Grande Valley. He applied to medical schools last year — becoming a doctor is his lifelong dream — and was accepted to two institutions. Loyola’s Stritch School of Medicine in Chicago was his first choice, but when they called in February, the news was bittersweet.
“I got a call from Dr. Nakae, who I love. She’s an advocate for social justice and for undocumented students,” says Ramos. He was in.
But Dr. Sunny Nakae, assistant dean of admissions and recruitment at Loyola’s medical school, gave him unexpected advice: She suggested he attend Mount Sinai in New York City instead. They could better help him pay for school.
Most medical students pay for their studies by applying for federal student loans, which DACA recipients are not eligible for. The cost of tuition at Loyola is about $30,000 a semester, and that doesn’t include living expenses.
In the past, Loyola has collaborated with private lenders and foundations to help fund their DACA students’ education with loans. As immigration policies shift, the lenders have told the school they can’t be sure their investments will pay off. If the Trump administration ends the DACA program, students like Ramos will no longer have work authorization, which means they could not practice medicine. To lenders, this means they might be unable to repay their loans.
He’s a middle school biology teacher in Brownsville, Texas, at the moment, but Julio Ramos’ dream is to become a medical doctor. Credit: Courtesy of Julio Ramos
“They saw these students as investments in underserved communities,” says Mark Kuczewski, chair of the department of medical education at Loyola. “Unless they can be relatively assured that the student will be able to go on and practice and get licensed, which requires the work permit that comes with DACA, it’s hard for these nonprofits to use their community investment funds in this way.”
Several weeks after the first call, Ramos received an email from Loyola reiterating what Nakae had told him.
“I had to send a personal message to each of our DACA recipients who were accepted in this cycle, letting them know that we currently do not have funding options in place and that they needed to pursue their own private loans and work on assembling their own new packages for this year,” says Nakae. “We would let them defer if they weren’t able to put together the funding.”
For the last three years, the school and its partners have provided a combinations of loans and scholarships for seven to 14 undocumented students in each class.
Kuczewski says other medical school usually only accept one or two DACA students through scholarship programs. Loyola has been able to bring in more DACA students by adding private lenders to the mix.
Nakae says even medical schools that are able to fund their DACA students through institutional loans, grants or scholarships are concerned about what the Trump administration will do. Students also need to complete a residency — in which a hospital employs them — in order to become licensed physicians. And there are no guarantees hospitals will be willing to do that.
Kuczewski and Nakae are also coming up with a back-up plan to fund their current DACA students, whose loans might be in jeopardy if the Trump administration terminates the program. They are also looking for support for scholarships to help fund newly admitted DACA students.
“We’re working to explore other options with other foundations and moving more towards a philanthropic type thing rather than a loan-based program,” says Nakae.
Five of the 10 undocumented students who were admitted to Loyola this year decided to go elsewhere. One partner might be able to help with tuition for two students, says Kuczewski, but the school so far cannot help the others. But he doesn't want the uncertainty to dictate students’ futures.
“It would be terrible if 10 years from now we looked back and the administration never did anything to the students [who are] DACA recipients, but we all stopped making opportunities,” says Kuczewski.
In the meantime, Ramos has decided to attend the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai in New York City this fall. The medical school awarded him a combination of loans and scholarships to pay for his medical education. He’ll finish his last year of teaching later this month and then go back to being a student.
And he’s trying to figure out how his undocumented parents can see him at a white coat ceremony this September in New York. It’s a welcome ceremony for first-year students who commit to caring for patients. Ramos’ parents are worried that if they travel past border patrol checkpoints in Texas, they could be detained and deported.

author: PRI/PRX's The World


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On the 45th Anniversary of Okinawa’s Return to Japan, People Protest US Presence · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

“People raise the ‘Never Surrender’ signs at the rally against Henoko relocation at Okinawa Cellular Stadium Naha.” Photo by Flickr user RyuFilms. Image license: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 2.0 Generic (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0).
May 15, 2017 saw the 45th anniversary of the return of Okinawa to Japan from American possession. The month of May was marked by protests in Okinawa about the ongoing construction of an American base in a relatively pristine bay, and fears that Japan's newly passed anti-conspiracy legislation may make it more difficult for groups of Okinawans to protest the US presence there. Continuing demonstrations against the US military presence in Okinawa have received little attention outside of the territory itself.
Following Japan's defeat in World War II, the United States administered Okinawa until 1972. It was developed into a base for the American military in the Western Pacific; despite accounting for just 0.6% of Japan’s territory, Okinawa is home to over 70% of American military installations based in Japan. US military bases occupy at least 18% of the main island of Okinawa.
The bases are a legacy of the trusteeship that lasted until 1972, during which time the United States needed facilities to support its war against North Vietnam. Since 1972, bases on the island and the US military presence in Japan in general exist according to the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) and Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan,  known in Japan as Anpo joyaku (安保条約) or Anpo (安保).
Areas colored red represent bases in Okinawa. Image by Keiko Tanaka using the image from Wikipedia.
While the American military presence provides a significant economic windfall for the residents of Japan's poorest prefecture, on a crowded island the bases generate considerable noise and take up a lot of space. There have been efforts over the years to move the bases to other locations.
The 45th anniversary of Okinawa's reversion to Japan sparked renewed protests — and opposition to one new base in particular, which is under construction.
In 2013, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and then-governor of Okinawa, Hirokazu Nakaima, signed an agreement to build a new US Marine base at Henoko Bay, a relatively pristine area that will be destroyed by landfill to create the facility. The decision triggered ongoing protests and civil disobedience that briefly made national news, just as Okinawa marked the 45th anniversary of its return to Japanese sovereignty.
According to a recent interview with a former mayor of Henoko, military use of the area has always been based on the agreement that locals can use the land too. The new base prevents that.
In April 2017, work commenced to fill in parts of Henoko Bay, triggering protests at the gated entry to the construction site. Japanese police cracked down on protesters who showed up to protest the base's construction.
＜5月22日（月）の辺野古＞ゲート前での座り込みや工事車両に抗議する人たちへの不当弾圧が続く – チョイさんの沖縄日記 https://t.co/NuACMPJYOu pic.twitter.com/pcjyItMq9c
— 脱原発の日実行委員会 (@datugennohi) May 23, 2017
Unjust oppression continues againsts protesters conducting a sit-in at the Henoko gate blocking construction vehicles.
One video posted to Facebook, showing excessive police response to the protest, has been viewed thousands of times. The video was uploaded to YouTube by “rapping activist” Ogesa Taro, who also provided photos and updates about the protest, sometimes accompanied by poetry, on his Twitter account.
この国には絶望しているけど、
その絶望を分かち合える人々がいる限り、
希望はまだ残されている。
ここは民主主義の最後の砦で最前線。
あきらめることをとっくにあきらめた人々よ。
次の時代のために、今、誇り高く踊ろう。
もう一歩、あともう一歩だ。#いつでも愛とユーモアを pic.twitter.com/BCsl4YXd8n
— 大袈裟太郎 (@oogesatarou) May 26, 2017
While I despair of this country
As long as there are people who share this sense of despair
My hope stays alive
This is the final bastion of democracy.
[…]
Much of the protests in the month of May have been fuelled by the decision to fill in parts of Henoko Bay with rock, to make way for a seawall and helicopter landing pad.
辺野古新基地建設K9護岸工事の様子
１０ｔダンプ4台で捨石を運んでは海に投入していた。
捨石は写真のように白煙を上げて海に落ちていく。海が汚れていくのは明らかである。船団とカヌーチームはこの状況に胸を痛めながらも抗議を続けた。 pic.twitter.com/dRWwIsKi1F
— susuda (@nyansusu) May 26, 2017
Here's what's happening right now at the Henoko construction site:
Four 10-tonne dump trucks have dropped loads of rock in the ocean. As you can see in the images, the rocks release a lot of dust that is polluting the waters of the bay. It hurts the hearts of the canoe and boat teams out on the water who are continuing their protests.
In April, Okinawa governor Onaga Takeshi sought an injunction to stop work on the seawall, with no success so far. By the end of May, Onaga had once again formally asked for the proposed Henoko base be relocated to Guam, a request he has made in the past.
グアム移転再検討、辺野古も見直しを　翁長知事が現行計画に疑問 https://t.co/oFyW9efSOY ryukyusimpo pic.twitter.com/zVQOWCIg7S
— motw41 (@motw41) May 26, 2017
Okinawa governor Onaga once again questions plans to go ahead with construction of Henoko base, asks for plan to be reevaluated, and base be moved to Guam instead.
While protests will continue, there are fears about how much power the police will have to stop them going forward. Japan justs passed its controversial anti-conspiracy legislation in late May, which gives police wide powers to place almost any group under surveillance.
? 2017.05.25 – 止めよう！辺野古埋め立て、『共謀罪』は廃案に！総がかり行動 at. 札幌 https://t.co/PHQlppXJnY pic.twitter.com/pH7toEed9z
— 渋谷 和也 (@kazu_big) May 25, 2017
[Banner and Twitter caption] Stop land reclamation in Henoko Bay! Repeal the conspiracy law. (Collective action in Sapporo, Hokkaido).

author: Nevin Thompson


text:
Plagiarism Scandal Involving the Minister of Science and Education Still Stirs Croatia · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

Croatian minister of Science and Education Pavo Barišić (foreground) with Prime Minister Andrej Plenković in the background. Photo from the website of Government of Republic of Croatia which allows reuse with attribution.
Croatian citizens are fed up with public officials with undeserved academic credit, gained thanks to plagiarism.
In January,  Croatia’s parliament-appointed Committee for Ethics in Science and Higher Education (CESHE) concluded that the current Minister of Science and Education, Pavo Barišić, copied another scholar's work without attribution in a 2011 academic paper.
Barišić claimed that it's a matter of a footnote mishap which was corrected in translations of the paper published in Spanish and German, as well as the online version of the Croatian paper.
Among many others, internationally renowned molecular biologist Ivan Đikić called upon Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenković to replace the minister who “deceived the prime minister and the public by claiming it's just a printing mistake”. Đikić published an extensive analysis, with argumentation that the minister plagiarized a text by Stephen Schlesinger, “unethically appropriated ideas” from several books without quoting the sources, copy-pasted contents from Wikipedia, and that even his corrections were inconsistent and faulty.
In February, fact-checking website Faktograf determined that Barišić made the corrections and apologized to Schlesinger after he was caught in the act of plagiarism, and that his explanations of the whole case were misleading and manipulative.
Online petition “Stop to Plagiarism in Croatia”, initiated by 19 academics from Croatia, including some working in the USA, UK and Australia, has received 11,639 signatures so far.
Mnoge službeno utvrđene činjenice pokazuju da je plagiranje raširen problem u akademskom, obrazovnom i javnom djelovanju u Republici Hrvatskoj. Plagiranje i slični oblici etički neprihvatljivog ponašanja dugoročno uništavaju znanstvene, obrazovne i odgojne ustanove, te vode opasnom slabljenju društvenog povjerenja.
Želimo javno izraziti duboku zabrinutost zbog takvoga stanja i zahtijevamo od Vlade i Sabora da podrže politiku nulte tolerancije na plagiranje i osobito strogo sankcioniraju sve slučajeve plagiranja počinjenih od osoba na javnim funkcijama u Republici Hrvatskoj.
There is a vast body of evidence that shows that plagiarism is a widespread problem in Croatian academic, educational and public life. Plagiarism and similar kinds of ethically unacceptable behavior have lasting damage on research and educational institutions; further leading to a serious decline in trust.
We would like to express deep concern about this state of affairs and ask the Croatian Government and Parliament to enforce a policy of zero tolerance to plagiarism. In particular we ask for a sanctioning of instances of plagiarism committed by those who hold a public office.
Faktograf quoted constitutional expert Sanja Barić, who noted that the prime minister should not contradict or ignore the decision of the CESHE. However, the tainted Barišić still holds the post of Croatian minister of science and education.
In recent months, official tweets by the Croatian government about science and education have often received comments from citizens who question their credibility.
reći ću samo 3 riječi – plagijat, barišić, đikić https://t.co/SQU78YkjTj
— neger///plastik (@LMoronko) February 16, 2017
Parent Tweet: ‘Prime Minister of [the] Republic of Croatia: This is a strong signal of government's support aimed at education and acquiring key STEM skills for the youth.’
Tweet: I have only 3 words for you — plagiarism, Barišić, Đikić.
On May 12, Faktograf published a denial issued by the minister's lawyer, claiming their assessments were inaccurate and that his client is not a plagiarist. Faktograf then fact-checked the claims in the denial, and confirmed they are not based on facts.
At a public event on May 15, the initiators of the online petition reiterated their demands for removal of confirmed plagiarists from the parliament, the constitutional court and the government. Professor Đikić said that widespread plagiarism is like cancer in society — and a form of stealing — which must not be tolerated anywhere.
However, having mentioned the case as an example of unsuccessful attempts to influence him while discussing possible changes in his cabinet after the ongoing local elections, the chances are slim that the prime minister will remove Barišić from the post of science minister.

author: Filip Stojanovski


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When Journalists Are Attacked, Macedonian Authorities Are Dangerously Slow to Act · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

Injured journalists enter an ambulance after an attack at a pro-government protest. Photo by Twitter user @forty_tw0, used with permission.
Macedonian authorities take their time processing the criminal cases of attacks on journalists, in a pattern contributing to the atmosphere of impunity and intimidation.
During the previous year, dozens of cases of physical violence against journalists, arson of their cars or property, and other attempts to intimidate them went unsolved. In fact, the Association of Journalists of Macedonia published a report in April 2017 that said the main means for control of media in the country are government money and violence.
At the end of January 2017, former Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski failed to persuade the ethnic Albanian parties to join his government coalition. The leader of VMRO-DPMNE, the longest-ruling Macedonian political party, then publicly called upon “the people” to take to the streets and prevent the formation of new government, which would include his erstwhile Albanian partners and the opposition Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM).
“All those who plan to wait in front of the TV in their slippers, believing someone else would do their job in defending the country are sorely mistaken,” Gruevski proclaimed. The rhetoric included messages to deal with all kinds of “traitors,” which alongside political opponents and NGOs, are often understood to include independent journalists.
Soon after his call, Gruevski's supporters organized a series of protests under the motto “For United Macedonia”. From the beginning, some participants verbally accosted journalists from media outlets that aren't under the influence of VMRO-DPMNE.
On February 28, words became kicks when Aleksandar Todeski and Vladimir Zhelcheski, reporters from independent media outlet A1on, were attacked, their bodies and equipment left broken. Twitter user @forty_tw0 was on site and published photos of the aftermath:
Двајца новинари од а1он сериозно претепани на протестот на дпмне!!! Во моментов ги носат во Ургентен Центар! pic.twitter.com/J9L2ms4k0D
— 42 (@forty_tw0) February 28, 2017
Two A1on journalists were seriously beaten at the DPMNE protest!!! At the moment they're taking them to emergency room!
The perpetrators ran away, and the only police officer who had begun to chase after them was ordered to stop by his superior officer.
The Journalistic Trade Union, Association of Journalists of Macedonia, and the informal Journalist Network, consisting of over a hundred journalists from the Balkans, issued condemnations, requesting speedy investigation and processing by the state authorities.
Almost three months passed before state prosecutors summoned the injured journalists to give a statement on May 19. On of them, Aleksandar Todeski, explained:
Кажавме се што имавме да кажеме во однос на нападот, односно како се случи нападот. Повеќе од јасно е што се случуваше затоа што имаше фотографи колеги и снимки од камерите не Градски трговски центар. Знаеме дека е фатен и идентификуван еден од напаѓачите, а другиот бил со качулка и наводно бил со очила и затоа не можеле да ги идентификуваат. Биле на распит во полиција, пуштени се на слобода и имам информација дека едниот работи во Град Скопје. Чудно е што рочиштето трае толку долго, затоа што од инспекторот веднаш беа доставени материјали, а нас не викаат по речиси три месеци.
We gave our testimonies about the attack and how it happened. It's more than clear, because there were photographs from colleagues and video recordings from the cameras of the City Shopping Center. We know that one of the attackers was caught and identified, while the other wore a hood and glasses and allegedly the police couldn't identify him. They were questioned, and allowed to go free. I received information that one of them is employed in the local government of City of Skopje. It's strange that the process is taking so long, because the inspector had submitted the evidence promptly, while we were summoned after almost three months.
During the following weeks, attacks on journalists and NGO activists took the form of public spitting by a group of young men. They posted videos of their actions online, in what appeared as an attempt to incite further violence. These incidents stopped abruptly after one of their intended victims, instead of waiting to be spat on, slapped one of the offenders. Media controlled by VMRO-DPMNE published that video too, trying to portray him as aggressor.
Meanwhile, because neither state institutions nor protest organizers would guarantee the safety of journalists, several independent media declared that their crews would not cover these events. When in the following weeks some of them started sending reporters again, verbal and physical assaults continued. For instance, on March 10, journalist Hristijan Banevski received a blow on the head with a flag pole.
Then, the violence escalated significantly. On April 27, a mob — which allegedly included disguised members of security forces, according to some local journalists’ investigations — attacked the parliament, attempting to lynch legislators from the new parliamentary majority. During the several hours while they rampaged through the building, they also targeted journalists from blacklisted media, injuring over 20 people.
One journalist directly affected by the violence on “Bloody Thursday” was Dimitar Tanurov. On the evening on April 27, he went to parliament and started taking photos and videos with his mobile phone. At least five members of the mob accosted him, hitting him and trying to grab his phone, while demanding that he stop filming. The beating intensified after one of them saw from Tanurov's press card stating that he works for the independent news agency Meta.mk; they called him a “traitor” connected to George Soros.
Soros is a liberal billionaire and foundation chair who has been celebrated and criticized for promoting democracy through his organizations. VMRO-DPMNE previously announced the start of “de-Sorosoisation” in Macedonia, a newspeak term meaning a purge of all they designate as enemies. Editors note: Global Voices is a grantee of the Open Society Foundations, which are part of the Soros network.
Dimitar Tanurov after the attack. Photo used with his permission.
Tanurov managed to exit the building and go to a nearby hospital, where he was diagnosed with a concussion. Tanurov then reported the attack to police.
However, Tanurov's case was not filed as a violent assault, but as a mugging due to his phone being taken from him. During the following weeks, while on sick leave to recover from his injuries, he made repeated visits to the police, bringing them new evidence such as photos of identified attackers from videos made during that evening. He had been trying to reclassify the case from theft to violence.
A whole month after the assault, Tanurov has not been summoned to give a statement to the prosecutor. He told Global Voices:
Сè уште не можам да закрепнам од тоа што се случи, и еден месец подоцна. Сè уште ги имам кошмарите и сум под терапија. Случајот се води како „разбојништво“ а од обвинителство се уште немам добиено ниту повик за идентификување на напаѓачите ниту да дадам изјава што конкретно се случи вечерта.
I still can't recover from what happened, even though a month has passed. I still have nightmares and I'm in therapy. The case is classified as a ‘robbery’, and I still haven't been contacted by the public prosecutor to identify the attackers, nor to give a statement about what actually happened that evening.
One of his assailants, identified on the security footage at the parliament, has allegedly fled the country. A judge refused to grant permission to the police to conduct a search of the perpetrator's house.
Some of the other affected journalists spoke publicly about their horrifying experiences in the parliament, but very few made official reports to the police because they don't think there will be any consequences.


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How Sri Lanka Is Coping With the Worst Flooding in a Decade · Global Voices
Rezwan

More than 100 killed in a recent flooding disaster in Sri Lanka. Screenshot from the YouTube video of World is One News.
The island nation of Sri Lanka is currently facing the worst flooding and landslide disaster in a decade. Triggered by the southwest monsoon that typically arrives in late May, heavy rains caused the rivers Kalu, Kelani, Gin, Nilwala, and Attanagalu Oya to spill over their banks in 15 districts, located in the country's southern and western regions.
According to the May 28, 2017 advisory of the Sri Lankan Disaster Management Center, 126 people were killed and almost a hundred people went missing because of the floods and mudslides. Over 400,000 people have been affected since last Friday (May 26), and about 100,000 people were relocated to 304 safer locations.
The rains subsided on Saturday (May 27) and water levels in some areas began to recede. Health and sanitation are a huge challenge in the affected areas which continue to be inaccessible.
Below are some images and videos which show the extent of the flooding disaster:
RT BasnayakeM: Heavy Flood in Morawaka Town #lka #srilanka pic.twitter.com/HYDrLY4qcX
— Sajith Abeywardhana (@sajithswa) May 26, 2017
Flood in Tawalama Town up to 24 feet water level.#lka #srilanka #LKA #Srilanka #Galle pic.twitter.com/at9ovDfuNP
— Farhaan Nizamdeen (@greatgalle) May 26, 2017
Twitter users like Azzam Ameen and Sri Lanka Tweet have been updating about the flood situation regularly. Many are using the #FloodSL hashtag to monitor the impact of the disaster.
Sri Lanka’s deadly floods could exacerbate dengue crisis, warns Save the Children as more rainfall is on the way #lka #FloodSL
— Azzam Ameen (@AzzamAmeen) May 27, 2017
Today morning Neluwa bus stand in flood situation water level up 20 feet #lka #srilanka #Galle #Srilanka pic.twitter.com/ykb606iBpB
— Farhaan Nizamdeen (@greatgalle) May 26, 2017
Galle moragoda village also flood due to Moragoda Ela water levels exceeded in yesterday.#lka #srilanka #LKA #SriLanka #Galle #FloodSL pic.twitter.com/fOSACAGenQ
— Farhaan Nizamdeen (@greatgalle) May 26, 2017
The government has stepped up relief efforts. More than 1,600 soldiers from the Sri Lanka Army has been engaged in flood and landslide relief operations in the affected areas. The airforce deployed five aircrafts for rescue operations and another five are being readied to transport emergency supplies to residents trapped in flooded villages.
All schools in flood affected areas of Western and Southern provinces will remain closed tomorrow: CM #Lka #SriLanka
— Manjula Basnayake (@BasnayakeM) May 28, 2017
Sri Lanka has issued a global appeal to UN, the International Search and Rescue Advisory Group (INSARAG) and neighbouring countries to provide assistance for the affected people. An Indian naval ship carrying medical supplies with 125 personnel docked in Colombo, the country's capital, on Saturday and two more will arrive soon.
Various organizations and startups are also coming forward to help. Facebook pages like Help Flood Victims in Sri Lanka and 2017 Disaster Relief – Information Desk- Sri Lanka are providing important information about the flood situation and humanitarian relief. Some are using Twitter to campaign for flood relief:
People who wanna put up your hands and help. We need volunteers and donors. Join in. #FloodSL #Flood2017 #SriLanka #RT #Help pic.twitter.com/NDDu3XKMIa
— Logan ⚓ (@KawdaBoy) May 26, 2017
If any search & rescue team needs aerial drones for their operations, Please contact 0774844639 #flood2017 #FloodSL #SLDisasterRelief #lka pic.twitter.com/5IzpMmYUfl
— Champika Wijerathne (@chamiyeah) May 26, 2017
For anyone looking to donate dry rations and essential items for #FloodSL victims – pic.twitter.com/y67BHmy9r5
— Gopiharan Perinpam (@gopiharan) May 26, 2017
We are in the Keleniya and Himbutana areas today. Please call 0777449729 or 0777843841 today if animals in that area need help#FloodSL #lka
— KB (@Acidulouskb) May 28, 2017
Taxi hailing app PickMe (Sri Lanka) is asking people in distress to share their location via the app so that the Disaster Management Center will be notified.
#lka #FloodSL #Rescue Give your location to the Disaster Management Center via @PickMeLK pic.twitter.com/X1nBGydCum
— PickMe (Sri Lanka) (@PickMeLK) May 27, 2017
Last year, in the aftermath of the disaster that cyclone Roanu brought, PickMe introduced a “flood relief” button that allowed users to call for a vehicle to pick up relief and donations which were forwarded to the Sri Lankan Red Cross free of charge. They also introduced an “SOS” button which led to over a thousand requests and 150 successful boat rescues for those trapped by floods and landslides.
The combined efforts of the government and ordinary Sri Lankans who are maximizing various social media platforms are bringing stranded residents to safety and sustaining them through relief operations. This has helped prevent the further loss of lives as Sri Lankans now face the long road to recovery.

author: Rezwan


text:
Lost in Translation in Central Asia: My Tokol’s Car Is a Toyota · Global Voices
Nurbek Bekmurzaev

“You know that your daughter will also have children and God grant they will not end up in the position I am in.” Kamila lays into lover Kairat in the Kazakh film Tokal.
The following post is part of a special Global Voices project, ‘Lost in Translation in Central Asia’, that explores the quirks of the region's languages.
I first came across the term tokol when my friend was discussing what car she wanted to buy. Her first choice was a Toyota RAV4, but the distant relative who had promised to help her find a seller objected. He explained to her that the Toyota RAV4 had a reputation as car that men bought for their tokol.
The anecdote explained how deeply embedded the institution of tokol is in Kyrgyzstan's socio-cultural landscape. The closest possible translation of the Kyrgyz-language word is “younger wife”. But that does not quite do justice to this socially loaded term which has an equally socially loaded equivalent in neighbouring Kazakhstan — tokal.
Listen to a native Kyrgyz speaker say, “Me and my tokol have two sons together”:
While polygamy has a long history in both countries, the modern-day tokol is less a second wife and more a woman on the side, who may fulfil the roles of wife, paramour and counsellor simultaneously, all the while keeping a low profile so as not to destroy the man's ‘first’ family.
Tokol wives face public stigmatization, especially among women, who often view them as seeking happiness at the expense of men’s primary families.
A popular Russian-language song on YouTube I am a Tokal, and I Don’t Have a Soul, addresses this stereotype and describes a tokal as ‘the premature child of our country”.
While a tokol, or tokal, is by no means the second wife as envisaged in Islamic tradition, men do use use the Islamic ritual of nikah to legitimize their extramarital relationships in the two countries where polygamy remains illegal.
This fact came to the fore in 2012, when draft legislation designed to protect victims of bride-kidnapping was voted down in the Kyrgyz parliament. The draft law aimed to fine religious clerics who bless marriages that are not registered with the state. The dramatic vote divided men and women lawmakers.
The male legislators, explained one woman MP, were not necessarily supportive of the crime of bride kidnapping, but rather “voted to defend their private interests”, that is, their right to a mullah-endorsed tokol or two.
The Toyota RAV 4, seemingly a part of the tokol institution in Kyrgyzstan. Creative commons.
Tokol women do not enjoy the same civil rights or social status as a man's legal wife. Their children are also at the back of the queue when it comes to matters of succession and inheritance, although there are exceptions, such as when men take on a tokol for the explicit reason of prolonging their blood line through male offspring.
Unverifiable speculation suggests Kazakhstan's long-ruling autocrat Nursultan Nazarbayev, who had three daughters by his official wife Sara Nazarbayeva, may have gone down this route.
It is quite fitting then that Kyrgyz and Kazakh people also use the word tokol, or tokal as an adjective to refer to cattle that cannot grow horns. Like hornless cattle, tokol women find themselves at a disadvantage, fulfilling all the traditional roles of a wife but lacking the ability to secure fair treatment for themselves and their children.
This hornless state is never more apparent than in the case of a separation from their male partner, or his death — legal rights are for legal wives.
Less than a quarter of women said they would agree to be a tokol according to a poll taken by the Kyrgyz website limon.kg, yet for rich men entering late adulthood in both Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, a tokol has become an expectation.
The issue is explored dramatically in the recently released film Tokal directed by a Kazakh director Gaukhar Nurtas and centred around an affluent and happy Kazakh family, that finds itself on the brink of falling apart when the family patriarch Kairat embarks on an affair with a younger woman, Kamila.
The situation gets complicated when Kamila gives birth to the son that Kairat was unable to have with his first wife, Bota. At the heart of the film is the question of whether the tokal institution can be considered a Kazakh tradition, or just a luxury that a well-to-do man allows himself.

author: Nurbek Bekmurzaev