text:
Tears with truth: The Gambia’s Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission · Global Voices
IFEX

A Gambian sunrise, December 26, 2016. Photo by Mariusz Kluzniak via Flickr CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.
Editor's note: This article by Reyhana Masters is republished through a partnership between Global Voices and IFEX and originally appeared here.
After years of brutal repression, the 2016 elections allowed The Gambia to push the reset button.
Reyhana Masters spoke with Saikou Jammeh of the Gambian Press Union about the country’s Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC), which has riveted the nation since the hearings started.
“You go to any place in public, you find people watching or listening. You go to any government office and you will not get served, because people are watching. Even the people who feel there is no point in having this TRRC, you find they will be the first ones watching it on television,” says Saikou Jammeh.
From the first broadcast of the TRCC on January 7, 2019, the hearings have become “a national obsession.” The hearings have been accessed by Gambians through a diverse array of formats – radio, television, live online streaming and print publications. The public is even able to search the archives of the TRRC website to retrieve recorded interviews.
The tales range from the brutal to the bizarre — from assaults, torture, murder and sexual abuse, to tales of hunting down witches and wizards.
For each story, there are tears shed.
From victims relating the brutality of the torture faced, to witnesses who take the podium to tell the story of their loved ones.
“I interviewed some of the people that appeared before the commission. I visited them in their houses and some of them cried when I talked to them, and in some instances, I came out of their homes crying,” relates Saikou. Even the perpetrators, remorseful about their part in the brutality of their actions, shed tears.
Pivotal to seeking justice for the intimidation, assaults, torture, forced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, the TRRC also revealed the sexual assault of women in a culture where rape and abuse are only whispers.
Former beauty queen Fatou Jallow, of #IamToufah fame, had the nation absorbed with the account of her rape by former president Yahya Jammeh. Her resolve in traveling back to The Gambia, from the country where she lives in exile, to tell her story at the TRRC, kickstarted the Gambian #MeToo movement.
Gambians were equally riveted by the confession of infamous Jungler, Malick Jatta, to the murder of prominent journalist Deyda Hydara.
“For years we tormented the government with questions — who killed Deyda Hydara? where is Ebrima Manneh? For us [the Gambia Press Union], it was our justification for advocating for a TRRC process. It got to the point that Manneh and Hydara were etched into the psyche of every Gambian who cared,” explains Saikou.
His voice breaks slightly as he recounts his reaction to hearing Jatta’s confession: “To be honest, I really didn’t know how I felt at that moment. On the one hand, I was angry. I was also shocked. How can one of my countrymen go that low? On the other hand, I felt a bit of relief. Finally, here is the answer to the question we have been asking for so long.”
Weeks after Jatta’s testimony, Saikou met him again. “Weeks had already passed, and the anger I had stocked up in my heart had dissipated. When I looked into his eyes, I thought I was going to see a lion. I saw someone who actually had some fear.”
Describing such encounters, Saikou relates how: “You go to their homes and you see the human side to them, they are not like some Rambo living in the jungle. They have their wives, they have their kids walking around, they have their brothers there. So you see the human side to them.
“It didn’t stop me from talking about Deyda Hydara. He became a bit upset and said something like he wouldn’t want to be reminded about it all the time, and that it hurts him when he thinks about what he did. I told him that it’s important to me and that I understand if you don’t want to talk about it, and I am going to respect that, but I cannot stop myself from asking because it is important to me as a journalist.”
The concept of a truth commission was envisaged even before President Adama Barrow came into power.
The idea was mooted in 2014 when different political parties were debating the idea of forming a coalition to ensure the defeat of Jammeh at the polls. When they eventually coalesced as the Gambia Coalition in 2016, their election manifesto contained specific clauses on the establishment of a truth commission which reads, in part:
The Coalition Government shall set up a truth and reconciliation commission to enhance the healing of wounds that have caused pain and trauma through a cycle of confession, repentance, forgiveness and reconciliation. The commission will be empowered to recommend remedies for injustice including payment of compensation by the state, as it deems fit.
The united approach, along with promises of institutional reforms and the desire to remedy the tortured past of the country, seems to have played a strong part in Barrow’s surprise victory over dictator Jammeh in the 2016 elections.
Jammeh initially conceded defeat — but then refused to step down. A crisis was averted thanks to pressure and a last-minute agreement brokered by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) that guaranteed “the dignity, respect, security and rights of former President Jammeh.”
This was bolstered by President Barrow’s assurance that, although he intended to set up a South Africa-style truth commission,  he ruled out a political witch hunt, and promised that his predecessor “would be able to live in the Gambia like any ordinary citizen.”
President Barrow’s triumph at the polls set the stage for “righting the wrongs” of the past. For Gambians, this interim leadership provided the reset button for transitional justice, following years of brutal repression.
On July 20, 2017, six months into Barrow’s presidency, the Gambia’s newly appointed Attorney General Abubacarr Tambadou announced that a draft bill to constitute the TRRC was being reviewed by international experts.
In August, a nationwide consultation process steered by Tambadou was initiated. During the two-month process, the government-led delegation reached out to all Gambians, including constituencies often sidelined, such as women, youth, religious minorities, and Gambians in the diaspora.
Bringing youth into the conversation has led to their sustained engagement with the transitional justice process — after the national dialogue.
The vice president of the Gambia Press Union (GPU) at the time, Namory Trawally, was part of it.
As Saikou recalls: “The GPU advocated seriously for the establishment of the TRRC. Newspapers had been burnt down, people had been hurt. We wanted to know who did it. We couldn’t get answers, the state wouldn’t even investigate it. For us, the TRRC was a very important platform for us to finally get answers to some of the questions.”
Bringing youth into the conversation has led to their sustained engagement with the transitional justice process, after the national dialogue. Their too-often unheard voice is coming out in part through the artist collective, Our Nation Our Voice, a movement of young Gambian artists, activists, and transitional justice advocates whose aim is to bring the voices of young Gambians into the process.
Hip hop activist Killa Ace, rapper-singer Awa Bling, Fulu artist Bobo Dimo, poet and youth leader, Lala Tourey, and Bright Stars Entertainment Gambia are touring the country, showcasing their music and a short documentary about the young musicians and activists taking part in the country’s unfolding transitional justice process.
The national consultation also accommodated the naysayers. “There were some voices who felt that there was no need for a commission of inquiry into human rights violations. What was needed as a country was to reconcile and forget about the past and move on. But of course, those kinds of voices, didn’t win,” said Saikou.
The inclusion of reparations in the title was a deliberate decision. The emphasis was to ensure the provision of compensation. Adding to the harm and trauma suffered by Gambians was the loss of the sole breadwinner through arrests, detentions, extra-judicial killings and enforced disappearances. These left families desolate and had a devastating ripple effect.
Saikou explains:
Fathers were killed, mothers were not working, and children had to drop out of school. So, you lost your source of income and you lost assets. When addressing those kinds of issues, it is not enough that someone has come out with the truth about what he has done to you. It may still not be enough for someone to go to prison for three to five years. It is very important that children who had to drop out of school be given an opportunity to return.
The exclusion of the word “justice” was equally calculated. There is no doubt that the word would have kept perpetrators at bay.
The integrity of the TRRC has been hard to fault in terms of diversity in composition. Of the 11 commissioners, four are women. They represent the legal, religious, and civil society sectors. The chairman, Lamin Sise, was a senior adviser to Kofi Annan when the latter was the United Nations Secretary-General.
The families have, however, criticized what they consider a lack of justice. They were particularly irked by the release of the four Junglers who confessed to numerous atrocities. The stock answer by Minister Tambadou was that prosecutions would have to wait the scheduled two years until the truth commission had completed its work. As he said in a press conference, “We cannot, therefore, preempt the work of the TRRC by taking action against anyone at this stage,” adding that he understood this would be a “bitter pill to swallow” for victims and their families.
Through the hearings, the country’s wounds are continually reopened, with the hope of eventual healing. For many, that healing requires justice in the form of Jammeh and his cohort being held accountable for the atrocities they committed.
Fatoumatta Sandeng, the spokesperson for the “Jammeh2Justice” campaign, strongly believes in the process: “By bringing Jammeh to justice, we also serve notice to tyrants across the continent that we the people are determined to fight impunity.”
President Barrow says he will take action, based on the commission’s recommendations, on completion of the TRRC process. This, of course, depends on whether his political career outlives the initial tenure of the TRRC, which is two years. It can be extended by the president.
However, even though the coalition he leads may be crumbling, his popularity may be waning and he may be facing an uncertain political future, President Barrow will be etched in his country’s political landscape as the man who paved the way for truth, reconciliation, and reparations in The Gambia, after the reign of a tyrant.
Editor's note: This post has been lightly edited for style and format.

author: IFEX


text:
Why the often deadly Nepalese custom of ‘Chhaupadi’ needs to end · Global Voices
Benju Lwagun

Mass Community Health Teaching – Street Theater discussing chhaupadi. Image from Flickr by Possible/Nyaya Health. CC BY 2.0
While each year many countries, including Nepal, join the international campaign 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based violence, some remote villages in Nepal’s mid and far-western regions continue to lose young girls and women due to a centuries-old tradition called chhaupadi (pronounced Chow-pa-dee).
On 1 December 2019, Parwati Budha, 21, was found dead in a small non-ventilated menstrual hut in Achham district in the far west of Nepal after being banished from home during her monthly cycle. Police suspected that her death was due to suffocation caused by excessive smoke from attempts to heat her shelter during the cold night. More than 15 girls have lost their lives in the past decade due to this malpractice.
Despite laws that have criminalised Chhaupadi, the tradition still stands, emboldened by a society that is deeply entrenched in patriarchal notions. Any defiance on the woman’s part is immediately met with social ostracisation. https://t.co/IsHQoOmXB2
— Pawan Pandey (@paw_001) November 24, 2019
Chhaupadi is a form of menstrual taboo which prohibits practicing Hindu women and girls from normal family activities while menstruating. During their period, women are considered “impure” and are forced to live alone in huts or mud cowsheds. They are not allowed to enter their houses, meet their family — especially male family members — and are not given access to temples. They are barred from consuming milk, yogurt, butter, meat, and other nutritious foods, and cannot use warm blankets during wintertime and are allowed only a small rug.
During menstruation women that observe chhaupadi live in poorly constructed, unhygienic and non-ventilated huts, these women face life-threatening health risks such as diarrhea, pneumonia, and respiratory diseases. They also face the danger of attack by wild animals, or even abuse and rape.
Discrimination during menstruation is illegal and inhuman. 44% of women in Nepal’s remote mid & far west face this every month.
We're using the next #16DaysOfActivism to use data to talk about gender-based violence concerns in #Nepal.#orangetheworld #GenerationEquality #UKaid pic.twitter.com/Ookq47Jbiw
— DFID Nepal (@DFIDNepal) November 27, 2019
This practice has long been criticized as it violates the basic human rights of women because of the physical and mental trauma it inflicts on them.
The Nepalese Supreme Court banned chhaupadi custom in 2005, but it's still practiced and women continue to die each year, sadly many cases go unreported. In August 2017, the country was forced to announce a new law after a spate of highly publicized deaths of women practising chhaupadi. As per the law, anyone forcing a woman to follow the custom is liable to a three-month jail sentence or Rs 3,000 ($30) fine or both, however, it has never been implemented. Despite criminalisation, the practice still exists today due to illiteracy, superstitious beliefs and community endorsement.
Reports indicate that many people’s representatives, human rights activists and teachers participate in the criminalised practice in various parts of Achham, Bajura and Bajhang districts in Nepal.
Such a sad sad reality of the society that we live in where women have to lose their life just because they menstruate, they are discriminated just because of their normal biological cycle ?#16daysofactivism #Menstruation #Chhaupadi #GBV
— SOCHAI Youth For Nutrition (@Sochai_YFN) December 2, 2019
This time, Parwati's case didn't receive much attention from the concerned bodies and the media. Several awareness programs and campaigns have taken place in the past but not enough efforts have been made to bring this issue to an end. The United Nations Women funded project implemented by an INGO “Restless Development” titled “Abolition of Chhaupadi in the Far- and Mid-Western Regions of Nepal” claims that the project reached more than 45,000 women and it reduced the proportion of women and girls sleeping in a Chhaupadi hut (from 19.4 percent to 5.5 percent). However, girls like Parwati continue to die each year.
The work to eradicate the chhaupadi system requires the will to act in a wide range of policy areas. Also, the law and other legislation need to embrace a zero-tolerance policy for effective implementation. It also requires the involvement and collaboration of a broad variety of actors from the public and private sectors, human rights organizations through public education, awareness-raising campaigns and victim support.
Rewati Raman Bhandari, a former lawmaker and a draftee of the bill which criminalises chhaupadi, stated that the tradition seems to be stronger than the law as “the push to eradicate the practice — from villagers, the police and local politicians — was still far too muted.”
We must act to end practice of #chhaupadi in #Nep
al https://t.co/3J1vMggRHH
— Heem S. Shakya (@heemshakya) November 24, 2019
Despite legal reforms and women rights advocacy, social ills of Chhaupadi is continuous taking lives of Nepali girls/women. A serious issue to address. https://t.co/4SZgL9nwJD
— Narayan Ghimire (@naran_ghimire) December 2, 2019

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Benju Lwagun


text:
Astrophysicists in Ethiopia hop on ‘astrobus’ tour of cosmic possibilities · Global Voices
Amanda Lichtenstein

Astrobus Ethiopia 2019 will launch its cosmic tour in northern Ethiopia, just ahead of Ethiopia's first-ever satellite launch in December 2019. Photo courtesy of Astrobus Ethiopia.
Ethiopian officials say they will launch their first satellite into space this month. In the week leading up to the historic launch, a team of 24 astrophysicists, scientists, artists, and innovators will hop on “Astrobus Ethiopia” and tour eight cities in northern Ethiopia offering hands-on workshops in science and the arts.
Departing from Addis Ababa on December 7, the group will connect with over 1,000 high school students per city at venues arranged by local universities to teach a range of workshops that encourage abstract and critical thinking. In total, they intend to reach over 8,000 students and spark their curiosity.
“The main idea here is to deliver scientific and abstract ideas that are accessible and relevant to our everyday lives, and to make connections in new and exciting ways,” Nebiha Shafi told Global Voices in a video call.
An astronomer from Ethiopia, Shafi currently works in South Africa and studies galaxy evolution. But her heart is also in public outreach — especially to encourage more girls and women to get into science.
A girl looks through binoculars during an Astrobus Ethiopia workshop in 2017. Photo by Carla von Münchow, courtesy of Astrobus.
Shafi, along with cosmologist Yabebal Tadesse, who works in Germany as a freelance data scientist, have been part of Astrobus Ethiopia since its debut in 2017. Tadesse, who explores “the universe using the cosmic microwave background data,” said the idea for Astrobus Ethiopia struck him when he saw a photo on Facebook of the “Astro Truck,” an astronomy outreach project in Senegal.
Tadesse called Shafi right away and proposed the idea of doing something similar, but expanded the scope to include arts and innovation in addition to astronomy outreach. The two, together with their colleagues, immediately began to imagine the design of the project and answered a call from Astronomy for Development — a branch of the International Astronomy Union (IAU) — for funding.
“We talked to our friends, our colleagues, and everybody was excited, especially by the combination of innovation and art — it's not just science,” Shafi said.
It would take two years, however, to get the project off the ground, due to the political instability in Ethiopia between 2015-2017. “The stability situation at that time was a concern, with lots of demonstrations happening in the regions we planned to pass through, so we had to wait some time, and on top, we also wanted a partner inside [Ethiopia], because most of us were outside at that time, to [help us] with logistics,” Tadesse said in a video call with Global Voices.
The two gathered a production team and partnered with the Ethiopian Space Science Society, the first of its kind in Ethiopia.
Established in 2004 with 47 founding members, the ESSS now has 10,000 members, 19 branches and 100 school space clubs throughout Ethiopia. The ESS established the first East African Entoto Observatory and Research Center, and, as a member of the IAU, they were the perfect partner for Astrobus Ethiopia. Most of the Astrobus team members also work with the Ethiopian Space Science Technology Institute, whose motto is, “We explore the Universe for the benefit of our people!”
The Astrobus Ethiopia 2019 tour will mirror a lot of the same goals as the inaugural 2017 version in Ethiopia. The group of 24 artists, scientists, innovators and storytellers will bring young people together to learn about the stars, planets, galaxies and cosmos, but also about storytelling, photography, music, film, agriculture, and fashion. The team produces educational materials in three main local languages: Amharic, Oromo and Tigrina.
Astrobus Ethiopia has produced learning materials on astronomy and astrophysics in local languages such as Amharic and Oromo.
During the 9-day tour, students from at least 10 different high schools will gather at local university venues to learn, connect, and engage with new ideas. While many on the team are astrophysicists and cosmologists, Shafi and Tadesse said that their mission is more about critical and creative thinking than anything else.
Astrobus leaders will teach students how to approach challenges head-on, the way most innovators work in their respective fields — whether it's design, fashion, poetry, engineering, astronomy or the arts. Tadesse explained the importance of learning the “vocabularies of the challenge,” to understand and interpret, combine and compose, to create new ideas and solutions.
“We need to learn how to transfer knowledge, and transfer of knowledge requires abstract thinking” to solve problems, Shafi said.
For many students, this will be their first time holding a telescope or using drones or binoculars to study the universe. To get more equipment into the hands of curious young people, Astrobus Ethiopia has launched a fundraising campaign.
A student looks through a telescope during the Astrobus Ethiopia 2017 tour. Photo by Carla von Münchow, courtesy of Astrobus Ethiopia.
The group will wind their way back to Addis Ababa, the capital, just in time for Ethiopia's historic launch of the satellite into space, which has been announced for December 17, in Addis Ababa. The team plans to be there to celebrate Astrobus’ achievements as well as Ethiopia's national advancements in space science and technology.
“We want to tap into that, how by thinking slightly different, we sometimes can improve the system,” Tadesse said, adding that Ethiopia's latest advancements in space science and technology should be highlighted more. For example, this year's Nobel Prize in physics went to the discovery of an exoplanet orbiting a star, and the IAU asked Ethiopia to name one.
“Whatever we see happening in the country, not just nationally, but internationally, we're saying everything starts from something — a single idea that then gets transformed,” Shafi said. “Nothing is too big and there's no idea which we call small.”

author: Amanda Lichtenstein


text:
Encounters with devils, angels and saints on the streets of the Czech Republic · Global Voices
Filip Noubel

Traditional encounter with Saint Nicholas and a couple of devils in Prague 2 on the night of December 5. Photo by Filip Noubel, used with permission.
On the evening of December 5, the streets and squares of the Czech Republic fill with unusual characters: devils, angels and saints wearing tall hats. December 5 is eve of Saint Nicholas Day, and marks a special celebration for Czech children in the festive month of December.
Saint Nicholas was a 3rd-century Christian bishop born in the Greek city of Myra, now located in Turkey. The Christian hagiography has added many legends to his biography over the centuries. According to a rather gory one, a butcher kills three little children and pickles them in a barrel to sell as ham when Nicholas is passing through their city. Sensing the treachery afoot, he resurrects the children. This is perhaps among the main reasons that in the Czech Republic and other Central European countries, as well as in Belgium and the Netherlands, Saint Nicholas’ festival is closely linked to children.
In the Czech tradition, Saint Nicholas walks the streets and sometimes knocks at doors, accompanied by an angel and a devil, and asks parents if their children have or have not behaved well that year. If the report is positive, the angel pats the children and offers them treats. Children who have misbehaved get a symbolic scolding from the devil.
The festival is considered a family affair, and many young people dress up as one of the three characters and roam the streets to entertain and/or scare children in a light-hearted way. The feast has been so popular that it was widely observed in Czechoslovakia even during the Communist era, when public religious celebrations were banned, as it was considered to have partly pagan roots. Today, it is celebrated by local municipalities, but “unofficial”, spontaneous trios still walk around and keep the tradition alive.
Below are some photos taken in the evening of December 5, 2019, in Prague showing different ways in which Czechs marks the feast of Saint Nicholas.
Professional devil on Wenceslas Square in Prague. Photo by Filip Noubel, used with permission.
Municipal trio on Wenceslas Square in Prague. Photo by Filip Noubel, used with permission.
The devils are checking on children's behavior. Wenceslas Square in Prague. Photo by Filip Noubel, used with permission.
Apparently this kid behaved well and earned his treats. Náměstí míru in Prague. Photo by Filip Noubel, used with permission.
Spontaneous trio. Náměstí míru in Prague. Photo by Filip Noubel, used with permission.
The devil and Saint Nicholas posing. Náměstí míru in Prague. Photo by Filip Noubel, used with permission.

author: Filip Noubel


text:
Hong Kong protest artwork: Yellow Objects · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Cropped from the “Yellow Object” exhibit. Public domain image.
Street posters and graffiti have been an essential component of the prolonged anti-government protests in Hong Kong. This month, a group of 18 designers has a joint exhibition titled “Yellow Objects”.
The exhibition shows 18 posters following the theme “yellow object is ______” and it provides a maker space for participants to draw their own version of “yellow and black” street posters to display in the exhibition space.
The term “yellow object” has become an Internet meme in Hong Kong after a group of riot police officers was videotaped kicking a protester in a dark alley in Yuen Long on 21 September 2019. The next day, the superintendent of the police operation, Vasco Gareth Llewellyn Williams, told reporters that the video “shows what appears to be an officer kicking a yellow object on the ground”. A journalist yelled out on the spot, “He is a human, not an object!”
One of the 18 “Yellow Object” posters. Public domain image.
The incident is another example of the dehumanization of protesters by the police force, which previously used the word “cockroaches” to refer to protesters during operations. Pro-establishment groups and media outlets further spread the term on social media. Many have pointed out such dehumanising terms could create hostility and incite the police into the use of violence when dealing with peaceful protesters.
One of the 18 “Yellow Object” posters. Public domain image.
At the same time, the verbal violence against protesters has also inspired a huge amount of street art. The city landscape has brought the 18 graphic designers together for the exhibition:
Inspired by this emerging, painfully beautiful cityscape, 18 graphic designers speak up with the language of visual arts, in the format of poster in yellow and black.
The exhibition “ YELLOW OBJECTS” is a mockery of the brutal and ruthless authority that refers human being as object, and a reminder to defend and uphold human dignity. […]We hope that the audience could bring the message back to their community, by putting up these posters in their neighbourhood. It will be a perfect demonstration of our outcry for freedom, that will not be silenced by violence.
“Protect our kids”. One of the 18 exhibit. Public domain.
The exhibition is being hosted by Openground Cafe from November 21 to December 8, 2019. The exhibits are all copyright free for download and distribution.
Entrance of the exhibition space via Openground Cafe's Facebook page.

author: Oiwan Lam


text:
Parody song remembers Eastern European fighters in WWII’s Battle of Britain · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

Collage of portrait photos of RAF pilots Josef František, Stanislav Fejfar and Douglas Bader. Public Domain, via Wikipedia.
The British education TV series “Horrible Histories” by the BBC makes parodies of famous pop songs which help infuse general knowledge of historical events. It is based on a series of illustrated books. The videos are available online.
One of the music videos is called “RAF Pilot Song”. Paradoying British boy-band Take That's famous hit “Relight my Fire,” it tells the story of the Battle of Britain, when around 3,000 aviators of the Royal Air Forces, with the help ground crew and newly-developed radar technology, prevented Nazi invasion of Great Britain.
The video, published in 2012, is alternatively titled “The Few” in reference to the then British Prime Minister Winston Churchill's famous speech in which he said: “Never, in the field of human conflict, was so much owed by so many to so few.”
Hold fire! Is that some foreign chaps
Risking their necks?
That’s right, some of the bravest men
Were Polish & Czech!
The song addresses lesser-known facts about the battle, which lasted for four months in 1940, such as the participation of pilots who had escaped Nazi-occupied Eastern Europe.
It directly refers to two airmen: Josef František (1914-1940), who fought against the Nazis in the air forces of Czechoslovakia, Poland, France, and then the United Kingdom. He was the highest-scoring non-British Allied ace in the Battle of Britain, with 17 confirmed victories and one probable, all gained in a period of four weeks in September 1940.
Also mentioned by name is RAF captain Stanislav Fejfar (1912-1942), who first served in the air forces of his native Czechoslovakia. After his country succumbed to the Wehrmacht, he escaped, serving in the French forces in 1939 and then in the UK.
RAF Wing Commander George Blackwood, who was awarded the Czech Military Cross, said that without the help of Eastern European soldiers, the RAF would not have won the Battle of Britain. In their home countries, the contribution of those fighters is a mark of pride and celebrated in museums, books, and comics.
The second part of the song tells the story of British fighter ace Douglas Bader (1910-1982), who is referred in a verse as “Binky” (the pilots indeed had some curious nicknames). Despite having had both legs amputated after a plane crash in 1931, he rejoined the RAF following the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939. He is credited with 22 aerial victories, four shared victories, six probables, one shared probable and 11 enemy aircraft damaged.
Many of the pilots of the Battle of Britain were 19-year-olds who went into the cockpit straight after high school. The fight left more than 1,500 casualties for the RAF, and over 2,500 dead, plus a thousand captured aircrew, on the side of German Luftwaffe. Almost 15 thousand British civilians were killed and over 20 thousand injured on the ground.
In August 2019, two members of “The Few” died: the ace pilot Archie McInnes, just hours after his 100th birthday, and Canadian Squadron Leader John Hart at the age of 102. The last four surviving members of the group include Flight Lieutenant William Clark, Flying Officer John Hemingway, Wing Commander Paul Farnes and Flight Lieutenant Maurice Mounsdon.
It is with a heavy heart & incredible sadness to advise the tragic news that Battle of Britain hero Archie McInnes sadly passed away last night, just hours after celebrating his 100th birthday amongst friends & family. An inspiration & hero of a man – rest in peace dear Archie ? pic.twitter.com/AEi88AhvEi
— Jonny Cracknell (@jonnycrackers82) August 1, 2019
Battle of Britain has been frequently alluded to in pop culture, with the heavy metal song “Aces high” by the band Iron Maiden being probably the most-known example. This 1984 classic song features another famous 1940 Churchill quote: “We shall fight on the beaches.”

author: Filip Stojanovski


text:
Chinese netizens slam Huawei’s legal bullying of former employee with a series of codes · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

The image is derived from Marco Verch's image: Huawei logo under a magnifying glass (CC: AT)
Huawei, the most prominent tech giant in China, is considered to be one of the most successful national brands which has established a monopoly status in the domestic market boosted by patriotic buying. However, recently the corporation was under fire for staging the criminal prosecution of its former employee, Li Hongyuan, who was detained by the Shenzhen police for 251 days after the company accused Li of extortion, a charge for which Li was later acquitted.
As netizens rallied online for Li, other cases of Huawei’s bullying of former employees and critics emerged and the web censor started blocking the discussions on social media. Netizens then used a series of codes to mock Huawei's corporate bullying practice:
Huawei code that's trending now: 985, 996, 035, 251, 404.
Hire people from 985 universities.
Make them work 996.
Fire them at age 35.
Sue ex-employee for getting the compensation they are entitled to. Li Hongyuan was detained for 251 days.
Censor all social media discussions.
— Chenchen Zhang??♀ (@chenchenzh) December 1, 2019
[Editor's Note: 996 stands for a 9 am to 9 pm workday, 6 working days a week.]
The incident was exposed after a court ruling document circulated online on 28 November. According to the document, Li Hongyuan, a former Huawei employee, was arrested by Shenzhen police on 16 December 2018 after Huawei accused him of extortion. He was detained for 251 days.
The court dismissed the charges due to “unclear criminal facts and insufficient evidence”. Li had negotiated with the company secretary for an employment termination compensation of about 300,000 yuan (US$42,430 dollars) and he had recorded his negotiation with the company secretary on tape. As the charge was acquitted Li received 100,000 yuan (US$14,100 dollars) compensation for his illegitimate detention.
Li later revealed to local media outlets that he had met a number of former Huawei employees in the Shenzhen detention center facing similar charges. One widely reported case was Zheng Meng. Zheng was arrested by Shenzhen police during his touristic visit in Thailand on 30 December 2018 and detained in Shenzhen for 90 days on extortion. He was in the process of negotiating with the corporation over his unpaid leave compensation.
Apart from employees, a number of netizens who criticized Huawei’s products were arrested for spreading rumors by Shenzhen police. For example, Wang Hao, who worked for a tech media outlet, was arrested in early November 2018 and detained for 252 days for criticizing Huawei mobile phone Mate 20. His charge was acquitted eventually but he had not received any compensation for his illegitimate detention.
As netizen uproar continued, the web censor stepped in to block the discussion on Chinese social media platforms. Prominent tech blogger William Long’s post on Weibo was blocked on 30 November and the blogger expressed his frustration on Twitter:
昨天在微博发的《华为13年老员工离职索要赔偿被关押251天》的信息被微博屏蔽了，我这里宣布，从今天开始，我将不会再购买华为的任何一件商品，这种企业真是令我感到恶心。
— 月光博客 (@williamlong) November 30, 2019
The post “Huawei former staff of 13 years was detained for 251 over employment termination compensation” was blocked on Weibo. Here I declare, I would never buy any Huawei product starting from now. This corporate is really disgusting.
Key term Huawei and Li Hongyuan had deemed unsearchable on major Chinese social media platforms:
华为李洪元事件，微博和微信在大规模删帖，现在不确定这是不是华为公关部的作为。有些时候，负面信息本身就可能被指令删除。但不得不说，这一事件，将孟晚舟事件一年来华为积累起来的认同感和支持率，消耗的差不多了。作为旁观者，觉得这真是蛮可惜的局面。 pic.twitter.com/dkgkMt2CTi
— 王局志安 (@wangzhian8848) December 2, 2019
Weibo and Wechat had deleted massive content related to Huawei and Li Hongyuan incident. It is unclear if the censorship comes from Huawei public relation department. The censor authority could always step in the curb the spread of negative information. Huawei had lost the public support it had accumulated since the Meng Wangzhou incident. What a shame.
Coincidentally, 1 December was the anniversary of Huawei’s CFO and Executive Director Meng Wanzhou’s house arrest. The executive is in Canada awaiting U.S-extradition trial over alleged bank fraud and Chinese propaganda had prepared feature reports to criticize the “politically motivated” legal action. Only this time, Chinese netizens did not orchestrate the reports with patriotic sentiment. Instead, they took the opportunity to slam Huawei. @Tullymonster77 screen captured some typical comments on Chinese news threads:
华为251算是彻底翻车了，群众纷纷表示孟晚舟抓得好。
党国的鸡血白打了?????? pic.twitter.com/8DBPl41lGR
— 荣誉非国民（公务繁忙，适度戒推中） (@Tullymonster77) December 1, 2019
Huawei 251 incident has turned things all around. People all said it is just to arrest Meng Wanzhou. The party-state propaganda is in vain.
Below are some of the comments in the screen captures:
孟晚舟就算死在監獄也不值得同情了。
No one will be in sympathy with Meng Wanzhou now, not even if she died in jail.
加拿大人，和我們中國人有啥關係？
(Meng is a) Canadian, she has nothing to do with Chinese people.
加拿大人還是太友好了，應該直接給粥公主關進看守所才對，只帶個狗圈讓她隨便溜躂還便宜她了。
Canadian are too friendly. They should have put the princess into detention center. Now she can walk around with a collar. Such nice treatment.
這家黑社會企業，怪不得美國查，在大陸有黑社會罩著，你們陷害了多少人，快倒閉！
Such a mafia corporate. No wonder the U.S has to investigate on it. It is protected by the triad [Note: traid is an organized crime syndicate] in China. How many people have they framed? Hope to see it go bankrupt soon.
On 2 December, Huawei responded on the incident with a statement:
华为有权利，也有义务，并基于事实对于涉嫌违法的行为向司法机关举报。我们尊重司法机关，包括公安、检察院和法院的决定。如果李洪元认为他的权益受到了损害，我们支持他运用法律武器维护自己的权益，包括起诉华为。这也体现了法律面前人人平等的法治精神。
Huawei has the right and duty to report illegal behavior to the law enforcement. We respect law enforcement authorities including the decision made by the public security police, the prosecutor and the court. If Li Hongyuan believed that his right was infringed, he could use legal means to defend his right and sue Huawei. This would enact the spirit of equality in front of law.
Clearly Huawei is not apologetic over Li's 251 days detention. And netizens continued to slam Huawei by spreading the codes: 985, 996, 035, 251, 404.


text:
A march to revive student unions in Pakistan · Global Voices
R Umaima Ahmed

Widely used poster by PRSF Islamabad-Rawalpindi. Translation of slogans: Free Education. Revive Student Unions. We are students not terrorists.
Student Solidarity Marches were held across Pakistan on November 29 and saw participation from teachers, lawyers, labourers, transgendered people, activists and members of political parties. It was led by members of the Student Action Committee (SAC) and the Progressive Students Collective (PSC). A day after the marches, some leaders and participants were arrested and charged for sedition, despite having previous support from the prime minister of Pakistan.
Alamgir Khan Wazir (Ali Wazir’s nephew) has been picked up by d “Na Malooms” a few hours ago from Punjab University. This is extremely condemnable & Sharamnak we demand immediate release of Alamgir and the perpetrators must be charged for this Un lawful Act. #ReleaseAlamgirWazir pic.twitter.com/fHe3p03Uo7
— Mohsin Dawar (@mjdawar) November 30, 2019
[Author's note: The term Na Maloom is usually used for people in the First Information Report not identified in a crime. But now leftists, progressive and politicians have started using this term for security agencies because they cant be named, and they do not ‘pick’ people legally and then no one can trace them.]
Akhtar Khan, a lecturer of the Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, has been taken into custody under the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act for speaking about human rights violations against Pashtuns and expressing support for the Student Solidarity March.
Akhtar Khan, a lecturer at Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, has been jailed by FIA under the draconian cyber crime act for his Facebook posts, where he recently wrote on HR violations against Pakhtuns & supported the #StudentSolidarityMarch. #ReleaseAkhtarKhan pic.twitter.com/cpMAVcz7OO
— Ammar Rashid ☭ (@AmmarRashidT) December 3, 2019
This year’s march was the second organized by the Progressive Students Collective which was not only larger in size but also better organized. A charter of demands was also released after the march which included the restoration of student unions, demands to reduce fee hikes, to stop surveillance of student organizations, to end harassment of students and to provide better education facilities.
A students’ union is a student organization formed in educational institutes and is often provided office space on the campus. It is dedicated to social, organizational, representation and academic support activities for its members. Student unions were active in Pakistan; however, in 1984 then-President of Pakistan General Zia Ul Haq placed a ban on student unions because of alleged violence on campuses between Left and Right factions. After President Zia ul Haq’s death, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto’s government removed the ban in 1989, but as students again got involved in violence the Supreme Court of Pakistan placed a complete ban on these activities in 1993.
The marchers carried posters with their demands; some participants recited poems and raised revolutionary slogans. Photos of the march were widely shared on social media under the hashtag #StudentSolidarityMarch.
Women rights activist Asma Aamir endorsed the revival of student unions:
Many politicans today once were the part of student unions becuase student unions are the nursery for young leadership. Therefore, I fully endorse the students demand for “Revival of Student Unions”. #StudentsSolidarityMarch #YouthPoliticalParticipation#RestoreStudentUnion
— Asma Aamir (@asmaaamir87) November 29, 2019
Even Prime Minister Imran Khan Tweeted in favour of student unions:
Universities groom future leaders of the country & student unions form an integral part of this grooming. Unfortunately, in Pakistan universities’ student unions became violent battlegrounds & completely destroyed the intellectual atmosphere on campuses.
— Imran Khan (@ImranKhanPTI) December 1, 2019
Chief Minister of Sindh Syed Murad Ali Shah announced that his government would restore student unions in the Sindh province.
During Faiz Mela, an event organized every year in Lahore to commemorate the memory of the poet Faiz Ahmed Faiz, students began reciting lines from the revolutionary poem “Sarfaroshi ki Tamana” by Indian poet Bismil Azimabadi’. The revolutionary undertones of the poem garnered more attention for the students who were agitating for student unions, many of whom were criticized.
Just a day before the Student Solidarity March, the University of Punjab declared two students persona non grata and cancelled the admission of one of the leaders of the march, Husnain Jameel Faridi. Some students from Balochistan University Quetta were reportedly also expelled, however, the reasons are not clear.
Husnain Jameel said he will not bow down and join the march:
I am marching tomorrow at the #StudentsSolidarityMarch, because I refuse to be a passive victim. I will keep fighting against this system til the students can study on campuses with dignity and justice.
Join us tomorrow & be part of this historic movement!
— HUSNAIN JAMIL FARIDI (@HUSNAINJAMEEL) November 28, 2019
Public Relations Officer of The Punjab University Khurram Shahzad refuted the claim, while The Punjab University also tweeted in the matter.
It has been noticed that,misinformation has been spread on #SocialMedia regarding #FaizMela.PU has not expelled any Student regarding any participation in that type of activity. But Individuals who are misguiding the public and targeting the University, will not be tolerated.
— University of the Punjab (@pu_lhr_official) November 28, 2019
After the march Twitter hashtags started surfacing against it on social media. One was #StudentsMarchExposed, while an account named ‘Insafians Power Official’ supposedly a follower of Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf (PTI) started a trend against liberals after the march.
Progressive Students Collective has released a statement against the campaigns that have been launched against them:
We would like to reiterate that our politics is solely based on the rightful and constitutional demands of student rights and considering us pawns of any anti-national sentiment is a dire misappropriation of our cause. Our demands are constitutional and we make it clear as daylight that we will frame our politics and struggle well within the legal and constitutional framework.
Socio-political and economic conditions of Pakistan are not stable which was the driving force for students to organize this march to demand the revival of Student Unions; however, some segments of society think they are working on an Anti-Pakistan and Anti-Islam agenda so should be condemned and stopped.

author: R Umaima Ahmed


text:
Morna, a music style from Cabo Verde, recognized as World Heritage · Global Voices
Dércio Tsandzana

Cesária Évora csings morna. Screenshot from YouTube (user alcom34)
Morna, traditional music and dance from Cape Verde, was approved by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.
This was announced by Cape Verde’s Minister of Culture, Abraão Vicente, on 7 November:
Caros cabo-verdianos, tenho a sorte, a honra e o privilégio de vos comunicar que hoje o comité técnico dos peritos da UNESCO aprovou o dossier da morna a Património da Humanidade…A nação já pode celebrar: a morna já é Património da Humanidade.
Dear Cape Verdeans, I have the good fortune, honour and privilege to inform you that today UNESCO’s technical committee of experts has approved Morna’s World Heritage dossier…The nation can celebrate now: Morna is already World Heritage.
Cape Verdean singer Cesária Évora (1941-2011) was one of the best-known performers of the genre and was dubbed “the queen of Morna”.
Cape Verde's official UNESCO application page says:
A Morna é um genéro performativo de Cabo Verde que reúne a voz, a música, a poesia e a dança. É uma expressão musical cuja prática não faz distinção de género. Usualmente cantada por uma só pessoa é acompanhada por instrumentos acústicos destacando-se o violão. Surgiu no século XIX, evoluindo do cruzamento de estilos musicais com fortes raízes africanas, o landum, com melodias oriundas da Europa.
Trata-se de uma canção melódica, quaternário, geralmente usando esquemas tonais menores clássicos. Nessa canção apela-se ao sentimento, versando temas vinculados ao amor, saudade, sofrimento, desprezo. Geralmente pode-se escutar a morna em ambientes informais onde decorrem as famosas tocatinas, contudo, é nas famosas «noites caboverdianas» que se pode escutar este género musical.
Morna is a performative genre from Cape Verde that combines voice, music, poetry and dance. It is a musical expression whose practice makes no gender distinction. Usually sung by a single person, it is accompanied by acoustic instruments, especially the guitar. It appeared in the nineteenth century, evolving from the mixing of musical styles with strong African roots, the landum, with melodies from Europe.
It is a melodic, quadruple song, usually using classical minor tonal schemes. This song appeals to feelings, dealing with themes related to love, longing, suffering, contempt. Usually one can listen to Morna in informal contexts where the famous tocatinas take place, though, it is on the famous “Cape Verdean nights” where one can listen to this musical genre.
Cape Verde’s Cultural Heritage Institute said on Facebook:
A aprovação da Morna, segundo a Comissão da UNESCO, vai aumentar a consciencialização das pessoas sobre a importância da cultura cabo-verdiana e, especialmente, do crioulo cabo-verdiano, aumentando a auto-estima e o orgulho da população das ilhas, em torno das suas diferentes expressões culturais.
A coesão social será também reforçada, conduzindo ao desenvolvimento de novas formas de colaboração entre os grupos musicais, investigadores e instituições públicas e privadas.
A aprovação criará também novas oportunidades para a troca de conhecimentos entre gerações e as pessoas das diferentes regiões do arquipélago e da comunidade imigrante e demonstrar, ainda, a diversidade cultural da música e da cultura do atlântico.
The adoption of Morna, by the UNESCO Commission, will increase people's awareness of the importance of Cape Verdean culture and, especially, of Cape Verdean Creole, increasing the self-esteem and pride of the people of the islands about their different cultural expressions.
Social cohesion will also be strengthened, leading to the development of new forms of cooperation between musical groups, researchers and public and private institutions.
The acceptance will also create new opportunities for the exchange of knowledge between generations and people from different regions of the archipelago and the immigrant community, and will also show the cultural diversity of the music and culture of the Atlantic.
The decision should be formally adopted by UNESCO in December at a ceremony in Colombia.
The announcement was celebrated by numerous people. Jaqui Marques da Silva, a resident of the capital Praia, said:
Very memorable and historic day for Cape Verdean culture. A reason for all of us to be very proud. Although it belongs to all of us, because Morna is the greatest expression of the Cape Verdean soul, I congratulate Abraão Vicente Stephanie Duarte Vicente and the whole team who, in a committed way, worked so that the dream could be realized. To our musicians, without exception, my congratulations.
A MORNA, ANTES DO RECONHECIMENTO DA UNESCO,
JÁ ERA, PARA NÓS, PATRIMÓNIO DA HUMANIDADE
A Cidade Velha foi declarada, em 2009, Património da Humanidade, em grande medida, porque Cabo Verde foi o berço da morna, do crioulo e da nossa crioulidade. É por isso que a decisão da Comissão Técnica do Património Mundial em recomendar a inscrição da MORNA na Lista de Património da Humanidade é apenas um reconhecimento de algo que já é, que já era.
Não deixa de ser muito importante essa recomendação, porém o mais importante é o reconhecimento que quem criou a Morna tem desse ato de criação.
Tudo isto para dizer que há muito que celebrei a Morna como Património da Humanidade. Que todos celebrem, com orgulho e patriotismo, esse filho querido e amado da nossa crioulidade.
MORNA, BEFORE THE RECOGNITION OF UNESCO,
…WAS FOR US ALREADY HERITAGE OF HUMANITY…
The Old City was declared a World Heritage Site in 2009, largely because Cape Verde was the cradle of Morna, Creole and our Creole. That is why the decision of the World Heritage Technical Committee to recommend the inscription of MORNA on the World Heritage List is only a recognition of something that is, and already was.
This recommendation is still very important, but the most important thing is the recognition that those who created Morna have this ability for creation.
All this to say that I have long celebrated Morna as World Heritage. May everyone celebrate with pride and patriotism this dear and beloved son of our creolity.
For Jorge Martins, it is the highest point of Cape Verdean culture on the ascent:
Que grande notícia! Cabo Verde deu mais um passo importantíssimo na afirmação da sua identidade.
A nossa cultura foi merecidamente premiada e os nossos artistas que sempre lutaram para a preservação, promoção e divulgação desta nossa rica tradição, estão todos de parabéns!
Viva a morna!
Viva as nossas ricas tradições!
What great news! Cape Verde has taken another very important step in the consolidation of its identity.
Our culture was deservedly awarded and our artists, who have always fought for the preservation, promotion and spreading of our rich tradition, are all to be congratulated!
Long live Morna!
Long live our rich traditions!

author: Dércio Tsandzana


text:
Multiple measures failed to control mis- and disinformation in Tunisia’s 2019 elections · Global Voices
Yosr Jouini

On October 23, 2019, Tunisia's newly elected president, Kais Saied, was sworn in before parliament. In the second round of the presidential election, Saied garnered 72 percent of the votes (2.7 million votes), beating his rival, business magnate Nabil Karoui, who obtained 1 million votes. According to estimates by the polling company Sigma Conseil, 90 percent of voters aged 18 to to 25 years old voted for Saied.
Tunisia's election commission announcing results of the second round of the presidential poll on October 14, 2019. Photo by the election body [Public Domain].
In spite of a generally low youth voter turnout, the increase in youth participation in the second round of presidential elections reignited the debate over the influence of the internet, and particularly social media, in the outcome.
In the months leading up to the elections, mis- and disinformation spread widely across social media platforms, on Facebook in particular. Observers of the political scene noted the rise of political party- and candidate-affiliated Facebook groups and pages with substantial numbers of followers. Pages without stated ties or affiliations were also actively involved in spreading political disinformation and sponsored content praising certain parties and candidates.
Civil society groups, tech platforms, national institutions, and media professionals all adopted measures to counter the spread of mis- and disinformation during the electoral period. However, in light of the lack of transparency on the part of tech platforms, and the legal void surrounding the regulation of political ads on social media, these measures proved insufficient.
On September 2, the start date of the presidential election campaign, Access Now, along with 14 local civil society groups addressed an open letter to Facebook, asking the company “to implement effective measures for transparency and accountability towards [its] users in the context of the upcoming Tunisian elections.”
The letters’ signatories called on Facebook to take measures ‘’to allow voters to understand how political actors are using Facebook to influence election outcomes,’’ including by allowing public access to information about the number of ads sponsored, the amount of money spent on each ad campaign, the demographics of the targeted audience, and enforcing an ad authorization process on political advertisers.
Coordinated inauthentic activities targeting Tunisia on Facebook
On October 3rd, Facebook announced the removal of 163 Facebook accounts, 51 Pages, 33 Groups and 4 Instagram accounts that were involved in ”coordinated inauthentic behavior” originating from Egypt targeting ten countries including Tunisia. This is the third time this year that Facebook removes accounts involved in ”inauthentic behavior” targeting Tunisia. In May of this year, a press release announced the removal of accounts responsible for similar activity originated from Israel. In January, the company removed 783 Pages, groups and accounts for engaging in coordinated inauthentic behavior tied to Iran targeting multiple countries including Tunisia.
Following the elections, Facebook responded to the open letter, stating that they have taken measures globally and in the MENA region to fight against misinformation, combat hate speech, and prevent foreign interference, AccessNow told Global Voices.
The company also said they had introduced a new authorization process for political and election-related ads in over 140 countries and territories, including Tunisia, and had made its ad library available in a number of countries outside the EU and North America, including Tunisia.
However, these measures are still not providing voters with sufficient information for them to understand who is trying to influence them and make informed decisions. This lack of transparency also makes it harder for national institutions to oversee political ad spending.
“The level of information granularity provided to users appears to depend in which country the ad is running,” reported a Privacy International analysis published in October 2019.
Facebook says that political ads are archived in its Ad library for seven years. However, Global Voices reviewed the ad libraries of three Facebook pages created in early September, at the start of the first round of the presidential election. These unofficial Facebook pages are a subset of the many that supported then-presidential candidates Abdelfattah Mourou, Salma Elloumi and Abdelkarim Zbidi, and they all ran political ads during the campaign. There are many other pages that supported the 23 other candidates that ran in the presidential election.
Today, the ad libraries of these three pages do not list any of their previous political ads.
This unofficial page supporting then-presidential candidate Abdelfattah Mourou ran political ads when campaigning for the first round of the presidential poll started in September. Screenshot taken and published on Twitter on September 6 by Mona Elswah.
“The issue lies within the inability of Facebook to determine or distinguish between those pages that have political, cultural or social content,’’ Dima Samaro, MENA policy associate at Access Now told GV. She explained:
Screenshot [taken on December 5] of the Ad Library of the above-mentioned Facebook page supporting Mourou. The library shows no record of the political ads posted during the presidential campaign.
The Ad Library that Facebook has built failed to provide any measures of transparency, and has only been functioning on a few pages. Ad Library of Facebook only shows the current running ads, but no details would be found on any of the previous/ non-current running ads, or even on any of those pages that have been taking down or its content.
This unofficial page supporting then-presidential candidate Salma Elloumi ran political ads when campaigning for the first round of the presidential poll started in September. Screenshot taken and published on Twitter on September 6 by Mona Elswah.
Screenshot [taken on December 5] of the Ad Library of the above-mentioned Facebook page supporting Elloumi. The library shows no record of the political ads posted during the presidential campaign.
The use of sponsored posts on Facebook also drew the scrutiny of the Independent High Authority for the Elections (ISIE). Nabil Baffoun, ISIE’s president, pointed out in a press interview on October 7 that during an electoral campaign, the authority takes into account presidential candidates’ social media advertisements. Electoral campaigns and their financing are subject to the provisions of the Tunisian Electoral Law. In particular, Baffoun confirmed that sponsored pages appearing during the election campaign fall within the scope of Article 143 of the electoral law, which allows the ISIE and the Court of Auditors to impose sanctions for electoral violations, such as exceeding the spending limit and breaches of electoral silence.
In fact, on October 9, ISIE announced the cancellation of a portion of the votes obtained by the candidate of an electoral constituency representing the Tunisian diaspora in France, for breaching electoral silence through political advertisements on Facebook. The commission said that the candidate of 3ich Tounsi, a registered non-profit organisation that filed non-partisan electoral lists during the elections, obtained 207 votes as a result of this advertisement, directly impacting the electoral results in the constituency. No further explanation was given by the ISIE as to how this assessment was made.
This decision was criticized by candidates of the electoral list in question. The Tunisian Association for the Integrity and Democracy of Elections (ATIDE) also called for the electoral commission to adopt transparent measures by publishing its reports monitoring the use of Facebook in relation to the elections. ATIDE also called on the newly elected parliament to “put in place a decisive and comprehensive legal framework on social media advertising during the elections”.
Tunisia's national institutions, civil society groups and media organisations all launched initiatives aimed at countering the spread of mis- and disinformation during the election period.
A journalist reporting from a polling station on Election Day on October 13, 2019. Photo by the election body [public domain].
In August, the electoral commission (ISIE) and the Independent High Authority for Audiovisual Communication (HAICA), the country's broadcast regulator, issued a joint decision comprising four chapters and 49 articles establishing the rules for media coverage of election campaigns. These required local and foreign broadcast media covering the elections to respect the principles of equal opportunity and equity between candidates. The rules did not apply to electronic media.
In partnership with the Council of Europe, HAICA also hosted capacity-building workshops as part of efforts to help media professionals develop the necessary skills to exercise their role in providing reliable and high-quality information.
Several fact-checking initiatives were also launched.
HAICA, along with the public broadcaster and the Tunisian Press Agency (TAP), launched a fact-checking platform dedicated to exposing misleading information spread online.
Privately-owned digital media websites also launched their own fact-checking initiatives. A few months before the elections, Business News launched BNCheck, a fact-checking platform reporting that continues to operate. Online magazine “L’Economiste Maghrébin” launched the #FactCheckTNDecides hashtag to verify statements and facts given by presidential candidates during televised presidential dabaes.
During a debate reflecting on L’Economiste Maghrébin's fact-checking experience, journalists highlighted the high financial costs of fact-checking, citing the need for additional recruitment, specialized software and training for journalists.
The relationship between technology, elections, and democracy will develop further in the long term. The spread of disinformation and the rise of foreign interference, among other concerns, have become significant threats for tech companies, national institutions, journalists and voters.
In Tunisia, the shortcomings in the current legislation and the lack of safeguards to prevent future incidents, indicate that cooperation between involved parties and joint efforts to develop countermeasures are crucial in upholding the integrity of elections, and the country's democratic process in general.
This article is part of a series of posts examining interference with digital rights through methods such as shutdowns and disinformation during key political events in seven African countries: Algeria, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Tunisia, Uganda, and Zimbabwe. The project is funded by the Africa Digital Rights Fund of The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

author: Yosr Jouini


text:
#StandWithYuli: Solidarity for deported Indonesian domestic worker Yuli Riswati who covered Hong Kong protests · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Screenshot of a video interview with Yuli Riswati. YouTube video by singintaiwan.
Award-winning Indonesian writer, citizen journalist, and migrant domestic worker Yuli Riswati, who covered the protests in Hong Kong since June, was deported on 2 December 2019 for having an expired work visa.
Yuli has been working in Hong Kong as a domestic worker for 10 years. But she is also a photographer and writer who documents the situation for Indonesian migrant workers in Hong Kong. She was recognized by the Taiwan Literature Award for Migrants in 2018 for her work about the impact of sexual violence and trauma experienced by Indonesian migrant workers.
Since June, she spent her days off covering the weekly rallies in Hong Kong to inform her fellow Indonesian workers about the protest movement. She said her aim is to help migrant workers understand the protests instead of being misled by online disinformation.
Hong Kong-based civic groups believed that her arrest and deportation were politically motivated and they organized a solidarity protest for Yuli on 7 December:
Though Yuli Riswati was deported by Chinese authorities to indonesia, I am still touched when I see this tag #StandwithYuli. Today #Hongkongers are going to hold a protest for this brave Indonesian sister at center Edinburgh place, 3pm. pic.twitter.com/xQHHNpGaSx
— 真回安然 ☪ Cui Haoxin (@ismaelan) December 7, 2019
Yuli was arrested by the immigration authorities at her workplace because of an expired work visa on 23 September, after news reports were made about her and her stance in support of Hong Kong people. She has a valid contract for two years which she signed early this year but forgot to renew her visa which expired in July. She said she forgot to do this because she had to renew her passport first.
According to the International Domestic Workers Federation, immigration authorities often allow those with expired visas to continue working as long as employers will guarantee the contract and explain the situation in writing. Yuli and her employer did this but she was still arrested.
Her petition was denied and she spent 28 days in a detention center where she was lured into withdrawing her appeal for visa extension:
I wrote that I withdraw my visa because I am being detained for too long and don’t know when I can go back. Again the officer said I cannot write that because the lawyer will give them troubles. In the end, against my will, I have to write I withdraw the visa, and I will go back to Indonesia to apply for a visa again.
Many groups inside and outside Hong Kong expressed support for Yuli. PEN Hong Kong believes Yuli was persecuted to discourage other non-permanent residents from being involved in the protests:
We condemn this action which may be intended to intimidate non-permanent residents and deter them from involvement in or documenting and commenting on political events in Hong Kong.
The group also questioned the haste in deporting Yuli. “We are shocked by the speed and apparent irregularities with which this took place, and will try to pursue this case.”
During a protest organized on 7 December, Yuli spoke by phone and shared her ordeal inside the immigration detention center.
She said over the phone during the rally today that she was strip-searched on her first day at the Castle Peak Bay immigration detention center and forced to remove her clothes in front of a male doctor on her second day (a serious affront to a Muslim like herself, she added).
— Elaine Yu (@yuenok) December 7, 2019
She thanked those who showed solidarity and supported her case:
a woman who was locked up because she tried to tell the story of a people who have done nothing but treat her people like second-class citizens — she thanked us
she thanked us and we are so undeserving of her thanks
— hk wuliff ??? (@hkwuliff) December 7, 2019
Some of her photos were displayed at the rally site:
there’s a cool set of photographs taken by Yuli! #StandwithYuli pic.twitter.com/XR88ebQFoa
— hk wuliff ??? (@hkwuliff) December 7, 2019
A ‘wall’ of support for Yuli:
Thanks everyone who showed up at the #standwithyuli rally today (& those who supported us but wasn’t free)! pic.twitter.com/9WX4n2Iguc
— ????????☝ (@ginkgoesd328) December 7, 2019
A petition drafted by the Yuli Support Group has four demands addressed to the government:
Why had Yuli been subject to detention and deportation without being convicted by the court of law?
The Immigration must address and improve the horrible treatments in the detention centres.
The government must stop all oppression on the people in resistance.
The government must respect the freedom of participation in politics by foreign domestic workers, including the freedom of speech and political participation.
Nickolas Tang has an appeal to fellow Hong Kongers:
Yuli stood with Hongkongers’ fledgling struggle for liberation. It’s time for us to show our solidarity with her by fighting for a Hong Kong where all migrant workers are treated fairly and with dignity.
Below are some photos from the solidarity action for Yuli on 7 December
Source: Flickr photo of International Domestic Workers Federation, (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Source: Flickr photo of International Domestic Workers Federation, (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Source: Flickr photo of International Domestic Workers Federation, (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

author: Mong Palatino


text:
Will Algeria disrupt internet access as election day nears? · Global Voices
Farah Souames

Anti-government protesters gathered in the capital Algiers on July 6, 2019 to mark the 57th anniversary of Algeria's independence. Photo by the author and used with permission.
Since February 22, Algerians have been taking to the streets in the country’s different wilayas (provinces), to protest against corruption, unemployment and the country’s political elite. The popular movement, “Hirak”, started when ageing president Abdelaziz Bouteflika announced his bid for a fifth term in office. Bouteflika later dropped his plan to run again for president, and after 20 years in power, resigned on April 3.
However, Algerians have continued to protest against what they describe as remnants of the Bouteflika regime who are still in power and also against a government decision to go ahead with the presidential election scheduled for December 12. Protesters fear that the poll will be rigged, and many consider it a ploy designed to keep the old regime in power. The five candidates standing in the election are either former members or supporters of Bouteflika's administration.
The five contenders in the presidential race are former prime ministers Ali Benflis and Abdelmadjid Tebboune, former culture minister Azzedddine Mihoubi, former tourism minister Abdelkader Bengrine, and Abdelaziz Belaid, head of the El Mostakbal Movement party.
While campaigning across the country, some candidates have been chased out of certain districts. Some protesters who have interrupted campaign events have been arrested and sentenced, stirring further anger and criticism.
On November 30 Algeria also witnessed pro-election demonstrations which were much smaller than the weekly Friday protests rejecting the elections.
The protests in Algeria have brought the country back into the spotlight after decades of international media isolation. This is not the first time massive protests have engulfed Algeria—this happened as well during the 1988 black October riots and the civil war that started in 1992. But this time the protests have been live-tweeted, YouTubed and live-streamed on Facebook by tech-savvy social media users.
The country’s lack of a robust media landscape has driven protesters and activists to break through the wall of fear and use social media platforms to broadcast live reports on what’s happening in the streets. Amateur footage of the protests is being widely circulated on Twitter, Facebook and Instagram, as well as broadcast by foreign media outlets.
The independent media sector in Algeria is not well developed; the few independent media outlets that do exist are subject to severe restrictions from the Algerian authorities. Traditional outlets are considered government mouthpieces, unable to cope with the ongoing transformation of the Algerian society. Protesters have expressed their lack of trust in the majority of media outlets with slogans such as “Where is the press?” ( وين راهي الصحافة؟  ).
The authorities have responded to this upsurge in the use of social media to report on what's happening on the ground by disrupting access to networks and social media platforms.
Anti-government protesters in the capital Algiers on July 6, 2019. Photo taken by the author and used with permission.
Social media platforms are not banned in Algeria, and this helped to spread word of the protests quickly, despite the slowness of the country's internet. However, Algeria has a poor record on press freedom, ranking 141 in this year's  World Press Freedom Index.
The country has also blocked access to the internet over the last couple of years in an ineffective attempt to prevent cheating during the national baccalaureate exam.
Yes despite the documented cases of arrests and lawsuits targeting independent journalists and bloggers, the media crackdown in Algeria has long been overshadowed by the activities of other authoritarian regimes in the region, such as Egypt.
Since the start of the Hirak, the crackdown on media and internet freedoms intensified. On February 22, the government imposed regional internet blackouts that affected several regions in and around Algiers, including Bordj Menaiel, Tizi Ouzou, and east of Chlef. The blackouts and internet disruptions continued until the second week of the protests on March 2.
On June 12, independent news websites Tout sur l’Algérie (TSA) and Algérie Part were rendered inaccessible for a couple of days, in what TSA’s director described as a ‘’deliberate act of censorship.’’ Neither the authorities nor the Internet Service Providers (ISPs) provided an explanation. Unlike state media, which has larged ignored the national uprising, both TSA and Algérie Part, along with other independant websites, have been providing extensive coverage of the weekly protests.
There have also been attempts to suppress the nationwide anti-Bouteflika marches in the name of ‘’public order’’ and ‘’protecting national security.’’
Despite the internet disruptions and the crackdowns, however, the protest movement continued to grow, culminating in Bouteflika’s removal from office in April. But as the protests against Algeria’s political elite have continued, so have the disruptions to the internet.
On June 16 and 17, social media services and messaging apps, including Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, WhatsApp, Skype and Viber, were blocked. The disruptions also coincided with the national baccalaureate exams.
On August 9, state-owned Algerie Telecom and other ISPs blocked access to Youtube, Google Translate and other Google services for a few hours after a former defence minister published a video calling on army leaders to ‘’realize the demands of the people.’’
On September 14 and 15, Netblocks also documented internet blackouts in several regions across the country, including parts of the capital Algiers.
⚠ Alert: Internet shutdowns registered across #Algeria amid widening protests against military influence; network data show disruptions consistent with those used during Bouteflika regime; incident ongoing #Algérie #TiziOuzou #Bouïra #Sétif #Jijel ?
? https://t.co/Lx7XjlA6qP pic.twitter.com/eeCiOp0nsI
— NetBlocks.org (@netblocks) September 14, 2019
For more than 42 weeks, Algerians have been taking to the streets to demand the removal of the ruling elite, an end to corruption and to the military’s influence in politics. Tensions are running high as the December 12 presidential election approaches, and with the advent, in recent days, of street demonstrations by pro-government supporters. Will the authorities once again resort to disrupting access to the internet as polling day nears? Algeria’s internet freedom record suggests that this is not unlikely in the least.
This article is part of a series of posts examining interference with digital rights through methods such as internet shutdowns and disinformation during key political events in seven African countries: Algeria, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Tunisia, Uganda, and Zimbabwe. The project is funded by the Africa Digital Rights Fund of The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

author: Farah Souames


text:
11 birthdays in a prison: Interview with the daughter of Vietnamese dissident Tran Huynh Duy Thuc · Global Voices
The 88 Project

Tran Huynh Duy Thuc. Source: Facebook
This edited article is from The 88 Project, an independent news site covering Vietnam, and is republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.
Mr. Tran Huynh Duy Thuc is one of the most prominent political dissenters in Vietnam and has a comprehensive political reform vision for the country.
He is an engineer and entrepreneur from Ho Chi Minh City. He founded EIS, a successful Internet phone service company in Vietnam with two branches in Singapore and the U.S. It was the first Vietnamese company to invest in high technologies abroad. Thuc founded the Chan research group to study the economy, politics, and society of Vietnam and some other countries. He blogged about social, political, and economic issues in Vietnam under the pen name Tran Dong Chan.
2019 marks 10 years of Thuc’s 16-year imprisonment sentence, an absurd amount of prison time used to punish an intellectual and a successful business professional who cares for and fights for his own country. 29 November 2019 was Thuc’s 11th birthday spent in prison. The 88 Project had the opportunity to interview Ms. Tram Tran, Mr. Tran Huynh Duy Thuc’s daughter, to learn more about his current condition, his well-being, and the possible appellate procedure that the family and Mr. Thuc have been pursuing.
The 88 Project: Could you tell us more about Mr. Thuc’s health? Has the prison staff made any trouble for Mr. Thuc’s daily life in the prison?
Tram Tran: Currently, my father’s health is still stable. Even though he is in prison, he still tries to exercise, follow a vegetarian diet, and eat moderately in order to stay healthy. At one time, the time my father was allowed to spend outside of the cell and the time he was allowed to use electricity was reduced, so he did not have enough lighting for reading. But my family sent complaints and fought along with my father so that he could use a battery-operated flashlight to read books and to spend time outside. Thanks to the constant attention and voice of the community at home and abroad, now he has been able to use his flashlight and be outside his cell for the time allowed by the law. However, my father is still facing a lot of difficulties that hinder his mental wellness.
Ms. Tram Tran, Mr. Tran Huynh Duy Thuc’s daughter
The 88 Project: Has Mr. Thuc been able to stay informed of external information sources? Recently, a lot of activists, freelance journalists, or even civilians have been strongly oppressed by the local government because of their expression.
Tram Tran: Regarding the access to outside information, the prison rules still allow my father to watch three official news channels and read official newspapers during his daily activities time. In addition, my family has still been trying to buy more newspapers and books to send regularly to my dad in the monthly parcels. Every month, my father is allowed to call home for about five minutes, and everyone in the house tries to quickly update him the situation outside, then asks about each other’s health, but cannot exchange much more. So, in recent times, the family has not had the opportunity to know his comments about the situation of increasing persecution these days.
However, a long while ago, my father told the family that in 2019 the anti-Chinese movement will take place strongly and loudly. And up to the present time, people have seen that it is happening with the typical example of the current struggle in Hong Kong. He said that facing this present time, one cannot help but feel insecure and discouraged. But Vietnamese people who lost hope should keep their faith. This moment in time is like the freezing point – at 0.99 degrees Celcius the water still looks like water, but as soon as the temperature reaches 0 degrees Celcius, it will freeze immediately. The change of the world will happen in the same way.
The 88 Project: Can the family visit and contact Mr. Thuc properly? Is there any hindrance to update him on the political news and current oppressive climate in Vietnam? Can you still receive letters and articles written by Mr. Thuc?
Tram Tran: From the end of 2018 until now, letter communication between my father and the family has been repeatedly intervened in and restrained by the prison management. Before that, he could write letters and attach them with several commentaries and articles concerning the political conditions of Vietnam and the world.
However, in July 2018, when the authorities found out that these letters contained his opinions and ideas, they quickly intervened, unlawfully read the letters prior to postage, and reportedly destroyed every one of them. Not long after that, even letters that only concerned family matters were intentionally prevented from being sent.
Moreover, even letters and parcels that the family sent to Mr. Thuc were also subjected to heavy scrunity. The authorities opened the packages and read every information in the letter or the parcel. Letter communication used to be the most important form of communication between my father and the family. Many of his observations and opinions were well-received by Vietnamese public.
Since being repeatedly harassed, the family had to abandon this method of communication.
The 88 Project: How has the cassation (a type of appellate) review of Mr. Thuc’s sentence been? As far as we are concerned, only a state judicial agency, such as the People’s Supreme Court, the People’s Supreme Procuracy, the High People’s Court, or the High People’s Procuracy can initiate the cassation review?
Tram Tran: The appeal for the cassation review has been sent to all competent authorities for a long time, but our family has not received any response from them up until now.
This legal fight is not strictly a cassation matter either. On 7 July 2018, my father made a “Request for remission of remaining penalties,” based on Article 63 of the Criminal Code 2015’s new approach to national security crimes, which only punishes a person who intended to commit the crime of overthrowing the people’s regime with one to five years of imprisonment.
We believe that the Criminal Code 2015 has created a very important right on the path of demanding justice for those who have been wrongfully convicted of “overthrowing the people’s regime,” especially in the case of my father. He already made a formal request for legal assistance from attorneys to carry out necessary procedures in accordance with the 2015 Criminal Procedure Code.
On 8 April 2019, my grandfather – Mr. Tran Van Huynh – sent a petition to the Standing Committee of the National Assembly and the Chairperson of the National Assembly to ask them to perform the function of supervising the implementation and application of laws in accordance with the Constitution.
The 88 Project: What is the goal of the appeal? Is Mr. Thuc aware of the appeal, and what is his opinion?
Tram Tran: Our objective is to require the regime to abide by the laws and legislations enacted, which must be applied and respected in practice. That is why my father strongly opposed the biased and arbitrary judgment, and our family will consistently use the law to protect his rights and demand justice. Whether by appeal for cassation review or by a resubmission request, we will fight until his release, to ensure that human rights are honored in Vietnam.
The appeal for cassation review and resubmission of penalties was actually carried out in accordance with my father’s wishes. This is his way to fight for democracy: protect human rights through the rule of law. The family and my father have learned about many special amnesty opportunities for him. My father understands the values of this method, but he still wants to fight and be freed by using the law. He believes that, only then, his case can become a precedent and a premise for the law to be truly respected. That, in turn, will bring the chances of freedom to many other prisoners of conscience, who were also punished because of their fight for human rights.

author: The 88 Project


text:
A 1990s Macedonian film set in 2019 foreshadows a xenophobic future · Global Voices
Filip Stojanovski

Scene from the film “Goodbye 20th Century” (1998). Promo photo from its IMDB entry, Fair Use.
As the year preceding 2020, 2019 has been a popular go-to date for creators of science fiction. Over the course of this year, hundreds of articles (like this one, and this one) have reminded us that classics such as Blade Runner (1982), The Running Man (1987) and Akira (1988) are set in a dystopian version of the present year, and assessed the accuracy of the predictions (flying cars, human clones, World War III) they made.
But few of those stories have mentioned a little-known film called “Goodbye, 20th Century!,” a 1998 Macedonian production that was the country's submission to the Academy Awards that year (it failed to make the nominees of Best Foreign Language Movie).
The film consists of three interconnected stories set in 1919, 1999 and 2019, with that last as the opening segment. It begins with a view of a devastated Mad Max-like landscape and a warning sign that reads “access forbidden to foreigners,” while a title card says: “Macedonia, Balkans, year 2019… Only the animals survived!”. We then follow the protagonist Kuzman, an immortal man who wanders about seeking a way to end his life.
Kuzman's story is underpinned by the horrifying consequences heightened nationalist sentiment — an issue that still haunts the region 20 years since the end of the Yugoslav Wars — with touches of end-of-the-century hysteria and biblical motives.
The film received mixed reviews in the United States and had a very short run in cinemas outside of North Macedonia. At that time, a few US critics found the film “bizarre” for its gratuitous violence and sex scenes (at one point the male protagonist has sex with his sister in a bathtub full of apples). Its three-story-structure was considered “confusing and insular,” with too many obscure contextual references for the non-Macedonian viewer. Others acknowledged that it all might have been a reflection of the atmosphere of despair, destruction, and lunacy afflicting the region at that time. Another critic said the movie was “like it was made by a couple of precocious 13-year-old boys obsessed with incest and bullets and splattering blood.”
The film is fully available online in HD with English subtitles.


text:
Ahead of 2020 elections in Ghana, citizens fight against extreme surge in data costs · Global Voices
Kofi Yeboah

Man on a cell phone in Ghana. Photo by Arne Hoel via The World Bank.
As Ghana prepares for presidential elections in 2020, about 75 percent of the population access the internet via mobile phones.
On October 1, 2019, when the government's proposed increase in Communication Service Tax (CST) took effect, Ghanaians took to Twitter with the hashtag #SaveOurData to demonstrate their displeasure — directing their rage mostly toward Ghana's telcos as well as the government.
The tax was proposed as an upfront deduction on the purchase of any prepaid card as well as any other electronic communication services including the cost of internet data and SMS. This also means consumers are taxed whether they use a particular communication service or not. For example, the CST charge is pre-taxed on providing communication services such as SMS, calls, internet, etc to subscribers before they actually use these services.
This extreme surge in internet data costs will inevitably exclude those who can't afford data. Therefore, they cannot participate in political debate and dialogue on social media and mobile platforms.
Many tweets from the ongoing #SaveOurData online protest accuse Ghanaian telcos of being the mastermind behind the recent exorbitant data charges. However, the increase in data prices is a result of the government's increase in the CST from 6 percent to 9 percent. Previously, the CST tax was paid by the telecommunications companies, however, it is now paid by users in full since the increase took effect in October.
The lead convener of the online protest, Saddick Adams, an award-winning sports journalist in Ghana, tweeted:
Dear Valued Telcos,
We in #SaveOurData campaign are NOT protesting “Unusual Technical Challenges”.
We are fighting CONSISTENT excessive charges. We are calling for a drastic reduction in anti-poor data prices. An end to exploitation of market power and reckless service
— Saddick Adams (@SaddickAdams) December 2, 2019
The #SaveOurData campaign group awaits approval from the Ghana Police Service to protest against the high data charges and promises to march to the Ministry of Communication and telecom offices:
#SaveOurData is trending and I assure it will not end here on Twitter. We are walking to the Communications Ministry and all the Telcos soon.
We are not angry enough
— Saddick Adams (@SaddickAdams) December 2, 2019
The telecoms company, MTN Ghana Limited, in particular, has been accused of ripping off ordinary Ghanaians of their meager income with high data charges, and their reputation has been shattered by the online protest:
Nathanial Obeng (@obengnat), a journalist, and marketer, tweeted:
Dear @MTNGhana , our plea is not about your one day technical fault but rather how expensive data has become in the country.@ameyaw112 @SaddickAdams #SaveOurData pic.twitter.com/4HSVIk1rTl
— Nathaniel Obeng ? (@Obengnat) December 2, 2019
Nungua Mia Khalifa (@BlackDelite) also accused MTN Ghana of robbing Ghanaians with their high data charges:
Dear @MTNGhana,
Your network is big across Africa.
You are the biggest running mobile money network.
The largest network usage in Ghana.
What at all again do you want that you keep robbing us of the little cash we raise from our hustles?#SaveOurData
— Nungua Mia Khalifa. ?? (@BlackDelite) December 2, 2019
Social media during elections in Ghana plays a critical role in convincing voters and disseminating political messages. It directly impacts how voters make their final decision, helps hold leaders accountable and encourages greater and more informed participation. An active social media presence further boosts voter turnout, empowers political activists, and strengthens certain previously marginalized voices.
Internet shutdowns are common during elections in a number of countries around the world, especially in Africa. A few months prior to the December 2016 elections in Ghana, the Inspector General of Police, Ghana, indicated that the government was considering limiting access to social media networks to prevent and control the spread of fake news and misinformation and to maintain peace. But a more subtle way of disrupting access to internet services is to increase taxes on data to prevent citizens from participating in national and political online discourse.
The recent spike in internet data charges will likely reduce the number of people who engage in political discourse via social media platforms during the election period in Ghana.
A recent report published in November 2019 by the University of Exeter provides an overview of the mixed impact of social media on politics in Ghana:
The fact that elections – from party nominations to presidential and parliamentary contests –
are often extremely closely fought also means that, while a politician cannot rely on social media alone, an efective use of platforms such as Facebook and WhatsApp can help to
make the difference between winning and losing. Given the (perceived) importance of social media to politics, there is heavy investment in this space.
A significant majority of journalists interviewed for this report estimated that over 80 percent of their leads for stories aired or radio and TV were sourced from social media.
Unsurprisingly, the incumbent government hired over 700 “social media communicators” to amplify their party message on several social media platforms. They were paid small allowances and given phone credit to disseminate propaganda messages and respond to political opponents. In an interview captured in the University of Exeter report, with one of the ruling party's communicators, pointed out how they used social media to “magnify” the little mistakes of their political opponents to win the 2016 elections:
“Because [the NDC] couldn’t use social media effectively, they did some projects
but it looked as if they did nothing […] When we noticed a little mistake from them, it was
what we hyped on social media. We used [social media] extensively and it contributed
about 40% to our victory.”
The increased CST will exacerbate inequalities in representation and voice. Groups such as rural women, citizens with little or no formal education and others who cannot afford smartphones or mobile phone credit, are vulnerable to exclusion.
According to the government, the increased income from CST aims to strengthen cybersecurity, protect users of information technology and combat money laundering, among other financial crimes.
This CST tax increase from 6 percent to 9 percent is levied on charges payable by a user of an electronic communication service provided by the telecom operators.
Currently, Ghanaian mobile users are subject to pay several taxes (value-added tax-VAT, national health insurance levy-NHIL and an additional CST of 9 percent) on services such as calls, SMS, and data usage.
Historically, an amendment by the government to increase CST is always aimed at pushing telecoms in Ghana to pay more taxes. However, that additional tax burden is always passed on to the consumer by the telecommunications companies.
Therefore, it was not surprising that the Ghana Chamber of Telecommunications issued a statement indicating that the increase CST will be “borne by the customer:”
CST, as specified in Act 998, is a consumer tax and will thus have to be borne by consumers. This will require modifications of what customers pay in total for communication services. As intended, the incidence of the modification will thus be on consumers. It will increase the cost of telecommunication services.
In Ghana, young, affluent and educated people are more likely to have access to the internet — which creates a huge gap. The high cost of data keeps many citizens offline —, especially women.
One gigabyte (GB) of internet data in Ghana costs the equivalent of $3.60 United States Dollars, which is more than 2 percent of the monthly average income. It certainly does not meet the United Nations’ “1 for 2″ threshold for internet affordability.
The online protests led the government to ensure telcos stop upfront deductions – calls, SMS, internet data, etc, but the CST is still in place and has not been eliminated by the government.
Bright Simons, a long-time consumer rights activist argues in his recent blog post that “jacking up CST rates, as the government has been doing recently, however, is clearly and painfully contributing directly to the falling value of data and voice vouchers that consumers all over Ghana keep lamenting about.”
A report by Deloitte indicates that eliminating CST on mobile data and halving it to about 3 percent on other services such as calls and SMS reduces barriers to mobile usage and promotes digital inclusion.
Savings from CST all together will be passed to consumers and create an additional 1.3 million connections to the internet.
It would also increase productivity by up to 0.5 percent, generate over $200 million USD in additional investments in 2020 and increase economic growth.
The increased CST creates a huge barrier to affordability and compounds existing digital inequalities disproportionately felt in rural areas and among women, the elderly and citizens with little or no formal education.

author: Kofi Yeboah