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Support networks essential to safely leave violent partners during Ecuador’s lockdown · Global Voices
Belen Febres

Photo of the Casa de Refugio Matilde Foundation in Quito, Ecuador. Used with permission.
This story is Part II of the writer's report series about people living with violent domestic partners during the COVID-19 pandemic. You can read Part I here.
Although exact percentages vary by country, domestic violence affects an average of one in three women in Latin America. The various factors that perpetuate domestic violence have been aggravated during the pandemic and must be addressed from different angles.
Rosario Gómez, founding member of the Casa de Refugio Matilde in Quito, Ecuador, explains that although reporting the aggressor is commonly thought to be the first step in reducing intimate partner violence, this is not the case. In reality, over 80% of women in abusive relationships do not report their partners in Ecuador, and they require preexisting support before any legal action is taken.
En nuestros 30 años de trabajo hemos luchado por las leyes apropiadas, pero la primera entrada no debe ser jurídica. Se puede llegar a la denuncia, pero solo cuando la mujer esté más fuerte emocionalmente, haya logrado una separación afectiva del agresor, y cuente con apoyo.
In our 30 years we have fought for better laws, but the first safe step [when leaving a violent partner] does not involve going directly to court. Charges should be filed only once the woman is in an emotionally stronger place, is emotionally separated from the aggressor, and can count on support from others.
Daniela Pullas, a lawyer from the Ecuadorian Center for the Promotion and Action of Women (CEPAM) in Rumiñahui, Ecuador, explained that these steps are essential because undergoing legal processes can take months and be exhausting for the entire family. Because of this, CEPAM offers psychological support for women and their children along with free legal assistance.
Gómez added that the Casa de Refugio Matilde takes in women who are at high risk of femicide, but clarifies that not everyone experiences violence at the same level. Therefore, it is necessary to determine each case’s risk level and encourage collaboration between different branches of care to create complementary mechanisms that address different needs. For example, ambulatory care centers offer outpatient consultations for less critical cases.
According to Gómez, both the media and civil society can play a crucial role during confinement by broadcasting radio programs that provide guidance to people experiencing domestic violence, or setting up neighborhood watch networks. It is imperative to break the culture of silence in order to do this.
Family and friends are essential support providers, especially during quarantine lockdowns when it is difficult to access outside services. However, Esteban Laso, psychotherapist and social psychologist, explains that this kind of support must be offered free of judgment and with respect to the victims’ decisions:
Hay que comprender que la terminación de una relación de pareja violenta no ocurre de la noche a la mañana. Es fundamental no cortar el vínculo con la persona durante el proceso, no culparla si regresa con su agresor, y no demonizar a la pareja. Ayudan más las preguntas que facilitan la reflexión que los consejos, pero esto puede ser difícil y requiere un entrenamiento, por eso es importante complementar este apoyo con el trabajo de un profesional especializado.
We have to understand that ending a violent relationship doesn’t happen overnight. It is essential to not cut bonds with the victim, or to blame them if they return to their aggressor, or demonize their relationship. Asking questions that encourage reflection are more helpful than giving advice, but this can be difficult and requires training, so it is important to complement this support with the work of a specialized professional.
Along with emotional support, friends and family can provide practical assistance, such as a safe place to stay, financial support, or help with childcare.
Ana, a 31-year-old Ecuadorian woman whose name has been changed for her protection, told Global Voices that her sister's support was the ultimate deciding factor when finally left her abusive partner:
Después de una de las veces que mi exmarido me pegó, mi hermana llegó con algunas personas y entre todos me ayudaron a salir de la casa. Sin ella, yo no me habría animado porque estaba asustada y no tenía la independencia económica para mantener a mis dos hijas sola.
After one of the times my ex-husband hit me, my sister came by with a few other people and they all helped me get out of the house. Without her, I wouldn’t have done it because I was scared and didn’t have the financial independence to support my two daughters alone.
Gómez explains that eliminating unequal situations like the economic dependency that Ana describes is necessary to reduce violence. In his opinion, civil society made important advances to highlight job insecurity and reposition violence as a public problem. However, he adds that destabilizing social structures that maintain inequality is essential to truly achieve profound change.
According to Pullas, governments must prioritize violence prevention and allocate sufficient resources to do so. Advocacy for this is even more important during the pandemic when government budgets are cut. In addition, it is necessary to ensure greater compliance with existing laws, and to change widespread ideas that perpetuate violence.
For Ana, these cultural norms factored heavily in her inability to leave on her own. As a teacher, now that she has overcome these obstacles, she instills new values in her students:
Te meten en la cabeza que si tienes hijos nadie te va a querer, y hay un miedo gigante a quedarte sola. Además, muchas veces permaneces en el ciclo de la violencia por miedo a que te juzguen, y eso la naturaliza. Esas son las ideas que yo intento cambiar todos los días en mis alumnos.
Society puts the idea into your head that no other man will love you once you have children, and there is a great fear of being alone. Also, people often stay in cycles of violence because they fear judgment from others which then normalizes staying in violent relationships. These are the ideas that I try to change in my students every day.
Lastly, Laso stresses that eradicating violence must be a joint effort, and that, although prevention work is essential, these tasks cannot fall solely on the shoulders of women:
La concientización debe dirigirse hacia los testigos y perpetradores, y no solo a las potenciales víctimas. Los hombres tenemos que recuperar nuestra capacidad de querer y ser queridos. Este es un proceso largo y profundo de transformar nuestra forma de entender lo que es ser hombre y ser humano. Solo así lograremos el cambio auténtico y duradero que tanto necesitamos.
Awareness must also be directed towards witnesses and perpetrators, and not just potential victims. Men have to take back our ability to love and be loved. This is a long and deep process of transforming our way of understanding what it means to be a man and a human being. It's the only way that we will be able to achieve the authentic and lasting change that we need so much.


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Why Hong Kong isn’t dead yet · Global Voices
Lokman Tsui

“2018.7.1” A protest in Hong Kong in 2018. Photo by doctorho (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
This story is an edited version of a post published by the author on Facebook on Friday, May 22, reflecting on the possible consequences of the end of “One Country, two Systems”—a principle written into the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984 to safeguard Hong Kong's political autonomy—following Beijing's proposal of a new draft law.
May 22, Hong Kong. It’s a really bad day. And we have been having lots of bad days in Hong Kong lately. Bad months. Bad everything.
We’ve been living with the coronavirus since January. In November last year, the police attacked my university campus. And it’s been almost a full year since we came out to protest against the extradition bill.
But today Beijing imposed the “national security” law in Hong Kong. This law will give them broad powers to go after anyone they don’t like. Anyone who criticizes them. Anyone who disagrees with them or disobeys them. Or also, anyone who hurts their feelings. Officially, the list of new offences will be “secession, subversion of state power, terrorism and foreign interference.” They say new categories might be added in the future.
I did not sleep well last night. It felt like I was waking up into a nightmare this morning.
Almost everyone I have talked to is speechless.
“I don’t know what to say.”
“I can’t even…”Or just simply “….”.
We have been fighting for our freedom and autonomy. We have been fighting for our right to elect the people who govern us.
The government that is grabbing power in Hong Kong now is a government that censors Peppa Pig and Winnie the Pooh. It is a party that routinely arrests feminists, lawyers, intellectuals and keeps ethnic minorities in concentration camps.
This is what we are fighting against. It is why we are deflated, why we are in despair in the wake of the recent news. We are all very tired.
But let’s be clear: Beijing knows that they are paying a high price—the full price—for this. And we here in Hong Kong have made them pay it.
I’m pretty sure even Beijing would have preferred not to exercise this nuclear option. They would have preferred to let the pro-Beijing party and the rigged Legislative Council in Hong Kong do the dirty work. But we made Beijing pay the full price.
Hannah Arendt teaches us that power is to act in concert. But Beijing is acting solo now. This is not an example of Beijing being powerful—it is Beijing being forceful. It is not political power. It is political violence.
I’m not saying this is a win, or that this is something to celebrate. But we did our part. We made them work fucking hard for it. Everyone in Hong Kong is watching. The Hang Seng stock market index dropped a thousand points this morning already. Taiwan is watching. The United States is watching. Beijing is on notice, in front of the entire world.
So what now? What can we in Hong Kong do? What can anyone do?
I tell myself this is the moment where I need to take care of myself and take care of those around me. Because we need to take this hit, get up, and live to fight another day.
To quote Rocky’s famous cliché:
“[Life] ain’t about how hard ya hit. It’s about how hard you can get hit and keep moving forward. How much you can take and keep moving forward.”
What Beijing does not want you to do is to get up. To keep fighting. To have hope. Though why would anyone in their right mind in Hong Kong have hope right now?
Here’s Rebecca Solnit’s take:
“[Hope] it is not the belief that everything was, is, or will be fine. . . . The hope I’m interested in is about broad perspectives with specific possibilities, ones that invite or demand that we act.”
So what does it mean to act? According to Arendt, to act is to make a beginning. It is to do something surprising and unexpected and that will then have a life of its own because it will have inspired others, because others will follow, because we act in concert.
Maybe it’s time to remind ourselves that Hong Kong has been really good at protesting, at acting, at being creative and surprising.
We surprised the government when half a million of us came out to stop the original national security bill in 2003.
Last summer, we surprised the world with a one million-person march. And then we surprised the world again, this time with a cool two million-strong march. We got the extradition bill killed.
In one of the most capitalist cities of the world, we surprised ourselves by forming labour unions to get ourselves organized and protect ourselves against the government. This paid off when, earlier this year, doctors and nurses surprised the government by going on strike to force them to closes the borders to protect us against the coronavirus.
We let hundreds of Lennon walls blossom and bloom, in Hong Kong and around the world. We started the yellow economic circle to continue to innovate on how we protest. And we swept the district council elections in November 2019.
We refuse to be domesticated. Freedom is never free. But we earn our souls.
Please practice self-care. We have hope because we act. We take the hit, we get up and we live to fight another day.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Lokman Tsui


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‘Born Ya’: Speaking with Jamaican fine artist Judy Ann MacMillan about her new autobiography · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

Fine artist Judy Ann MacMillan. Image courtesy MacMillan, used with permission.
Jamaican artist Judy Ann MacMillan concludes her autobiography with these powerful words:
We spend so much of our lives making the best of the consequences of earlier choices, doubting often whether those choices were the right ones […] At this stage of my life, I am still painting not because I’m in the trap of habit but simply for the love of it. I know that one day the paintbrush will drop out of my hand but if I had never sold a painting, I would still have done it because it helped me to appreciate the extraordinary gift of life and life’s beauty.
Her wry, earthy and contemplative self-portrait is called “Born Ya: The Life and Loves of a Jamaican Painter.” “Born Ya,” is a title taken from a popular song that means “Born Here.”
Self-portrait, “Wearing a Crown of Thorns” by Judy Ann MacMillan, used with permission.
MacMillan, who was born in Kingston, in 1945, is well known for her piercing portraits, expansive yet intimate landscapes, and rich still life paintings, mostly done in oils. Her mentor, the celebrated Jamaican artist Albert Huie, invited her to paint with him when she was still a young girl.
She went on to train at the Duncan of Jordanstone College of Art and Design in Dundee, Scotland, and held her first show in Jamaica at 22. Since then, she has exhibited many times, both at home and overseas. In 2007, she was inducted into the Hall of Fame by the Caribbean Foundation for the Arts for her outstanding contribution to fine art. She currently divides her time between Kingston and her country home in Rockfield, St. Ann, Jamaica.
MacMillan grew up in a comfortable home as the daughter of a successful businessman and a strong-willed mother from rural Jamaica. Unlike most middle-class Jamaican women at the time, she was not interested in settling down as a housewife and mother; instead, she forged her own path.
In her memoirs, MacMillan offers subtle and often humorous insights into Jamaican society, in particular its class structure and relationships between men and women. This is illustrated in her diverse, empathetic portraits of Jamaicans, including homeless people, Rastafarians, rural women, farmers and domestic servants.
Although she has lived overseas and is well-travelled, her greatest love is the island of her birth — painting its landscapes and its people — clearly evident in two of her books, “Still Painting,” and “My Jamaica.”
I conducted a virtual interview (via email and WhatsApp) with MacMillan about her autobiography, her life as a painter and the complexities and contradictions of Jamaican society and class structure.
Emma Lewis (EL): Let's start at the beginning. How would you sum up your childhood?
Judy Ann MacMillan (JAM): Innocent and happy. Even though I was terrified of my parents’ wrath, I felt completely loved, and that security was a good preparation for adulthood.
MacMillan painting with Rocky, her devoted Rottweiler dog. Photo courtesy MacMillan, used with permission.
EL: Jamaica is your home — you were “born ya.” What do you consider to be the island’s unique qualities?
JAM: Jamaica’s physical beauty is its own reason for being. Its culture as climate to a unique degree, because the island is a sensual experience. Few places feel as good on one’s skin as Jamaica. The sea is the temperature of your body, you can stay in it for hours. The combination of temperature and the visual beauty of nature create[s] a seductive harmony that is hard to beat.
MacMillan's mother at her childhood home in West Avenue, Kingston, Jamaica. Photo courtesy MacMillan, used with permission.
EL: Your insights into Jamaican middle-class mores are sharp and witty. Do you think society has changed in any fundamental way in the past decade or two?
JAM: Yes, the class structure has changed enormously. In my youth, the staff in elegant resort villas lowered their voices when guests entered the house. Now they raise them. My insights are from the inside, and that’s where you see that Jamaica’s vision of itself is quite different to the way we are seen by outsiders. For example, Jamaica does not see itself as a poor country, and just as our poor people do not see themselves as poor, our middle class modelled themselves on the English upper class and had no idea that they were middle class. These attitudes are very puzzling to outsiders, and compounded by the insider language of the island — as in the title ‘Born Ya’ — are the source of a great deal of Jamaica’s identity crises, which is puzzling, surprising and very amusing.
EL: Would you describe yourself as a feminist? Is the macho culture still alive and well in Jamaica?
JAM: I would not have described myself as a feminist when I was young because although I respect them intellectually, I considered the lack of a man to take care of me to be a profound failure. But the fact that I was able to take care of myself made me a feminist. The macho culture is very much alive and well, aided by the complicity of the women.
EL: What is your favourite painting, and why?
JAM: It’s impossible to choose one painting out of all my favourites. One of my most admired contemporary painters is Lucian Freud.The humanity in his nudes and portraits has reduced me to tears on occasion.
“My Land” by Judy Ann MacMillan: Landscape, part of the view from the artist's country home in Rockfield, St. Ann, Jamaica. Image courtesy MacMillan, used with permission.
EL: If you had not found Rockfield (your country home), what — or where — would have been your inspiration?
JAM: The museums, the temples of the great paintings of the past are still my inspiration for my work. Finding Rockfield was a result of my ongoing appreciation of nature. That appreciation could have happened anywhere.
EL: In your book, you call yourself a “misfit” several times. Do you think creative people are misfits by nature?
JAM: Yes.
EL: You give short shrift to the “national art” scene in Jamaica. How do you think the Jamaican art community could evolve in a more inclusive way?
“Moses of Riverton City,” a portrait by Judy Ann MacMillan, used with permission.
JAM: I give short shrift to the universal art world of which Jamaica is just a small imitative part. The art world has changed so much from the one of my youth as to be unrecognisable and I don’t have or want a place in it. I wanted to be a painter, not a marketeer — but the art of marketing to the mass market has replaced the art of painting. In these new skills I am at a disadvantage, because I have no idea how to create a brand of myself on the commercial market. Taping a banana to a wall, as happened at last year’s Art Basel, with a price tag of many hundreds of thousands of dollars is where these marketing stunts have led contemporary art.
EL: What is the future of fine art in Jamaica?
JAM: Fine art itself is under intense challenge in Jamaica, as it is elsewhere. The tenets of what used to be known as fine art are in conflict with social improvement, political messages and democratic ideas. Marketing a commercial product has displaced the artist in his garret.
EL: How would you describe the physical act of painting?
JAM: Painting is like dancing on a tightrope. It’s a balancing act of tone, colour, drawing, heart, hand and brain. Keeping all these elements balanced creates a tension that feels impossible while it is going on. But sometimes when the search to put the experience in paint is over, there is an elation that is for me addictive.
EL: Where is the one place where you feel you really “belong”?
JAM: Jamaica, of course.

author: Emma Lewis


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Uyghur human rights advocate Dilnur Reyhan laments lack of Muslim solidarity · Global Voices
Filip Noubel

Dilnur Reyhan. Photo by Ikuha, used with permission
The 11 million Uyghurs living in the western province of Xinjiang in China are a Muslim Turkic nation that has been targeted by Beijing and deprived of their most basic human rights, including freedom of religion, of movement, and also of transmitting their native language since Xi Jinping took power in China in 2012.
While extensively documented, the situation of the Uyghurs has gained very limited support, including in predominantly Muslim countries. To understand why, I talked to Dilnur Reyhan, an Uyghur scholar who lives in France and teaches at Paris National Institute of Oriental Languages and Civilizations (INALCO). She is also the founder and president of the European Uyghur Institute, an NGO promoting Uyghur issues and culture. Reyhan is an outspoken community leader who advocates the defense of human rights and women's rights.
The interview has been edited for brevity.
Filip Noubel: Despite the massive human rights abuses taking places in Xinjiang, there is little, or no show of solidarity from governments in Muslim countries. You first raised that issue in 2019 during the Ramadan by challenging Muslims to react. Have things changed since?
Dilnur Reyhan I published this column in a French newspaper during last Ramadan with a feeling of desperation and disappointment, because until the end of 2019, almost no government of Muslim countries had shown the slightest sign of solidarity with the Uyghurs. What was all the more disappointing was the total indifference of the population of Muslim countries, except in Turkey. Hatred against the West among Muslim populations has blinded ordinary Muslim citizens of different countries to the point of refusing to believe any news brought by the Western media, even when it covers concentration camps for Muslims. On the one hand, China takes advantage of our Muslim identity to justify its camps, on the other hand, the majority of Muslims refuse to believe in it and thus support Chinese policy.
Not much has changed, except in the case of Qatar, because most Muslim countries rely on China economically speaking, and to benefit from transfers of Chinese technology. Besides most of those countries do not have great human rights records, and rarely protect the rights of their own minorities. Finally, China is often seen as a positive counterweight to the West.
But we have seen the case of individuals, such as the Turkish-German football player Mesut Özil raising the issue publicly. This could mean that opinion leaders could make public opinion be more aware.
FN: What about the attitude of the governments of Western countries? Do you see them evolving on the issue of human rights violations in Xinjiang?
DR The attitude of Western countries is a little better than that of Muslim countries. At least 22 Western countries have asked China to close its concentration camps, while 50 countries, half of which are Muslim, have expressed collective support to China. Due to the current Sino-US trade war, Washington is showing a fairly firm attitude against Chinese policies targeting Uyghurs, in particular through sanctions against Chinese companies and officials responsible for these camps, but also through the bill for the protection of the human rights of Uyghurs. In Australia, we see similar signs of policy change emerging.
Sign of Taiwanese solidarity with the Uyghurs during a JUne 4th (Tiananmen massacre commemoration) in Taipei. Photo by Filip Noubel, used with permission.
FN: Are you able to establish alliances with members and activists in China, Hong Kong and Taiwan?
DR The Uyghurs of the diaspora stand in solidarity with the democracy movements of Hong Kong and Taiwan. The Hong Kong people did not forget to connect their movement to the issue of the Uyghurs during their demonstrations in 2019 .last year. One of the representatives of the Hong Kong democracy movement, Denise Ho, who is also a pop star in Asia, even supported the European Uyghur Institute by making a video to call the public to support our organization. In Taiwan, Tiananmen student movement leader and exile Uyghur Örkesh [known as Wuerkaixi in Chinese], links the Uyghur diaspora with the democratic movements in Taiwan.
FN: Uyghur culture and identity have come under serious threat in Xinjiang. What are the tools of resistance Uyghur people can still use in this situation?
DR  Since the establishment of this extended network of concentration camps by China in the Uyghur Region [Xinjiang] , the tasks of the Uyghur diaspora has increased significantly increased. On the one hand, political organizations are working to pressure Western countries to adopt measures  that would force China to close the camps. On the other hand, the protection and safeguarding of the Uyghur language and culture in the diaspora has become vital. Thus, almost everywhere in the diaspora, mother tongue schools have been created for the past three years.

author: Filip Noubel


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Will the ‘Self-reliant India’ scheme bring relief to migrants during the COVID-19 pandemic? · Global Voices
Devika Sakhadeo

Image by Rajesh Balouria from Pixabay. Used under a Pixabay License.
Check out Global Voices’ special coverage of the global impact of COVID-19.
As India's nationwide COVID-19 lockdown extends, migrant workers continue to bear the brunt of its negative effects. Many industries have halted production as a result of the pandemic restrictions, leading to skyrocketing unemployment and food insecurity for the country's most vulnerable populations.
On May 12, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the Atma Nirbhar Bharat Abhiyaan (Self-reliant India) relief and recovery scheme as well as information about the new iteration of India's lockdown plan called “lockdown 4.0″.
While the government claims that this new plan provides for the food needs of migrant workers, many critics — including the opposition party — are skeptical.
Under the Atma Nirbhar Bharat Abhiyaan scheme, Modi announced the rollout of a 20 lakh crore INR (265 billion USD) economic reform package, he also asked people to support Indian businesses in order to kickstart the economy. Days after Modi's announcement, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman released details of the economic relief package in a five-part announcement that spread over five days.
The economic relief stimulus package is not entirely new spending but is inclusive of the measures announced by the Reserve Bank of India in March 2020. According to Sitharaman, this package would provide food for migrant workers who could not benefit from earlier food relief schemes. To push for better distribution, the “One Nation, One Ration Card Scheme” is being rolled out by the Ministry of Finance. With the implementation of this scheme, people with ration cards will be able to buy subsidized foodgrains from any Fair Price Shops (FPS) across the country. Currently, the subsidy can only be used at an FPS connected to the home address on a person's ration card. This has been a particularly problematic hurdle for migrants who have been locked down far from their registered address.
Sitharaman has also appealed to the states to ensure implementation of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) which tries to provide jobs for returning migrant workers in their villages.
Social media users swiftly took to the internet to comment on this latest scheme. Some made videos supporting the call from the government to support local businesses. They utilized the hashtags of Janata Army (which corresponds to the previous Janata curfew initiative) and Main Bhi Fauji (I am a soldier as well) in order to highlight the revival of the economy as a war against COVID-19:
Join the Janta Army to build an #AtmanirbharBharat, a self reliant India! Be #VocalForLocal to help revive the Indian economy. All you have to do is- 1. Buy an Indian product & make a post about it 2. Tag 3 friends to motivate them to do the same 3. Use the hashtags #MainBhiFauji and #JantaArmy Let's create a social media chain to save the Indian economy from collapsing. An initiative by @houseoflaxmipati #MainBhiFauji #JantaArmy #LaxmipatiSarees
A post shared by  Abhi&Niyu | Following Love ?? (@abhiandniyu) on
Year 2014 – Make in India
Year 2015 – Skill India
Year 2015 – Startup India
Year 2020 – #AatmanirbharBharat
Scheme Wahi…
Packing Nayi..
— Arjun Modhwadia (@arjunmodhwadia) May 13, 2020
(Same Scheme, New Packaging)
The word ‘aatmanirbhar’ (self-reliance) started trending, and social media was flooded with memes:
New Definition of #atmanirbhar
???????? pic.twitter.com/6X6BuQg86c
— आत्मनिर्भर डॉन EpicRoflDon™ (@EpicRoflDon) May 13, 2020
A post shared by FilterCopy (@filtercopy)
Latest relationship status ? #atmanirbhar pic.twitter.com/hJL449FPAe
— #StayHome (@ExSecular) May 13, 2020
However, the scheme is already being criticized for insufficient government expenditure to curb the falling GDP. This is based on the fact that 20 lakh crore INR is 10 percent of the GDP along with 1.7 lakh crore INR (approx 13 billion USD) package that was already announced in March. The criticism is also based on the fact that the Ministry of Finance has decided to invest in businesses to create jobs for wages as a part of a trickle-down plan instead of providing direct compensation.
Members from the opposition party were quick to voice their skepticism:
The first set measures announced by @FinMinIndia @nsitharaman, after 8 PM speech by @narendramodi, is disastrous & non-existent in terms of benefits to poor migrants, labourers, contract employees, farmers, etc.
1/5#Covid19
— Siddaramaiah (@siddaramaiah) May 13, 2020
Graphics and cartoons flooded Twitter about the Aatma Nirbhar Relief Package:
A Migrant worker wheels son sleeping on suitcase.#MigrantLabours #MigrantWorkers #AatmaNirbharBharatAbhiyan #Corona #Covid_19india pic.twitter.com/ev8eyPu0p0
— mrityunjaycartoonist (@chmrityunjay) May 17, 2020
Brilliant! Privatisation of hunger! The pangs of hunger are the ultimate drum beats of #AatmaNirbharBharatAbhiyan pic.twitter.com/XlkesfnjR7
— Dipankar (@Dipankar_cpiml) May 18, 2020
Poor and the package! @sifydotcom cartoon #PackagePuzzle #lockdown pic.twitter.com/GaCNM7Ki8h
— Satish Acharya (@satishacharya) May 14, 2020
No country for poor ? #nocountryforpoor #migrantworkers #india #covid19 #indians #atmanirbhar pic.twitter.com/3Je1PJWT1v
— PENCILASHAN (@pencilashan) May 13, 2020
(Who will help us to reach home, Mom?- Atmanirbhar (self-reliant), son)
Insight into AtmaNirbhar Bharat Abhiyan by #NirmalaSitharaman .
She made it more clear for us to understand. #AtmaNirbharBharatAbhiyan #JumlaPackage #atmanirbhar https://t.co/SWIO7IW3y0 pic.twitter.com/9AsprJgHAX
— Catalyst (@CatalystVoid) May 14, 20
So far, the Union Cabinet has approved the allocation of food grains for 80 million migrant workers over the next two months, but they are yet to discuss other proposals under the scheme.

author: Devika Sakhadeo


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How identity-driven conflicts fuel Ethiopia’s incendiary social media rhetoric · Global Voices
Endalkachew Chala

Unity Park in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, December 2019. Photo by Ras Addisu via Flickr CC BY-SA 2.0.
Heads of states from several eastern African countries gathered in October 2019 in Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, to celebrate the grand opening of Unity Park, an urban park located within the imperial palace.
The park — the personal initiative of Ethiopia’s reformist Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed — contains Ethiopia’s historical, ethnic and culture galleries. It also maintains a display of a colossal wax statue of Ethiopia’s past rulers including Emperor Menelik II and Emperor Haile Selassie — two monarchs whose combined reigns lasted about 70 years.
The park aims to tell the story of all Ethiopians and celebrate the country’s diverse ethnicities, religions, cultures, historical figures, and endemic plants and animals.
But a quick scroll through the news about the park’s opening on social media revealed politicized, nationalistic reactions with two mutually exclusive narratives that fell largely along ethnic lines of the two major ethnolinguistic groups: Amhara and Oromo.
At the core of this divide is two mirror-opposite reactions to the unveiling of the monuments that depict two emperors sitting on their thrones — adorned with imperial regalia: They represent entrenched fault lines in Ethiopian politics.
Wax Statue of Haile Selassie. Photo courtesy of Edom Kassaye.
Amhara nationalists were largely pleased even though some slammed it, describing it as Abiy’s vanity project — Abiy himself identifies as Oromo.
Meanwhile, several Oromo politicians and campaigners were furious — particularly, prominent opposition politician Jawar Mohammed, who was irked. Jawar said that building wax statues for Emperor Menelik II and Emperor Haile Selassie is an affront to Oromos and to all other ethnic groups crushed by the emperors.
Emperor Menelik II is widely regarded as the first modern Ethiopian monarch who transformed the Ethiopian State. He is venerated as a symbol of freedom and forgiveness; he is also blamed for kicking people in southern Ethiopia off their land and privileging Amharic language and Christianity.
The next day, Jawar along with Lencho Leta, a veteran politician and a founding member of Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) led a pilgrimage to the east-central district of Hetosa of Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region, to visit the Anole Martyrs memorial monument, the historical site that signifies an enduring grievance of Oromo nationalists over what they call Emperor Menelik’s II brutal killings, cultural marginalization and loss of their ancestral land in the late 19th century.
Weeks later in a television interview, Jawar said:
As long as they elevate Menelik, we will dig out his crimes and make generations know about his crimes, as long as they elevate Haile Selassie. … we are going to do that.
This was not a one-off case.
After Abiy lifted the oppressive lid off the nation in April 2018 — ending 27 years of dictatorship — controversies about cultural events, flags, political rallies, monuments and the significance of past rulers began to take up the bulk of Ethiopia’s social media conversations — which were often laced with inflammatory language.
It is a recurring pattern.
Briefly, it runs like this: A government official, opposition leader, journalist or prominent celebrity opines about a historical figure’s significance, let’s say, Emperor Menelik II, on one of the popular social media platforms. Within minutes, social media platforms are swarmed by hundreds of supportive or scathing responses.
Wax statue of Menelik II. Photo courtesy of Edom Kassaye.
These culturally-charged exchanges reinforce an atmosphere of resentment across numerous online spaces among different Ethiopian ethnic groups — or more accurately, their elites. These jabs entrench the feeling that one’s ethnic group is threatened with extinction as the object of another’s aggression.
Multiple TV stations that sprouted after April 2018 as a major part of Ethiopia’s fast-changing media landscape have tended to echo and amplify this division — with fatal consequences.
For example, communal violence rocked Oromia after Jawar wrote on his Facebook page alleging that government authorities had plotted to assassinate him in October 2019. The regional coup plot in the Amhara region in June 2019 can also nominally be connected to ultra-nationalist social media narratives.
In many cases, an army of Facebook and YouTube personalities, government supporters, opposition figures, political parties and diaspora journalists often participate in or seed inflammatory information into an already complex, confusing and heightened social media ecosystem — often as a way of gaining support for their causes.
Two opposition figures, Jawar Mohammed, member of Oromo Federalist Congress and Eskinder Nega, a former political prisoner and a chair of a recently formed political party, Balderas for Genuine Democracy, are spokesmen who stand out for the way they use social media to garner support.
Jawar, with nearly 1.9 million Facebook followers — often enthusiastic supporters — positions himself as a defender of Oromo interests. With a massive following, he commands symbolic importance to the Oromo youth movement known as Qeerroo and is generally portrayed as their leader.
This widely shared meme was used to mobilize residents of Addis Ababa to support Eskinder's call for a protest demonstration in the capital in October 2019. It presented Eskinder as a benign but courageous defender of the residents of Addis Ababa from a virulent-looking person dressed in a flag of Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).
Eskinder, on the other hand, has become increasingly reliant on Twitter as a means of bolstering support. Although Eskinder was late to join Twitter, he developed a sizable following and his comments often provoke furious reactions from detractors. His embrace of the platform is seen as a political imperative as mobile devices and mobile connectivity have become more widespread.
Eskinder routinely uses his Twitter handle to accuse Qeerroo members of committing genocide against religious and ethnic minorities in Oromia. His framing of Qeerroo resonates with thousands of Twitter accounts that represent Amhara nationalists and Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church followers.
Although Jawar and Eskinder dominate two different platforms — Facebook and Twitter — their negative chemistry is equally apparent.
Both manage to articulate sharply opposing views on issues like Ethiopian federal structure, the legal status of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa, an enclaved multi-ethnic city within the border of Oromia, the history of Emperor Menelik II and the Ethiopian constitution.
A widely circulated meme presents Eskinder as a nonviolent person while framing Jawar as a violent person.
They aim to strengthen their already solid connections with their followers on social media. The reactions, comments, retweets and shares on Facebook and Twitter are higher than any other opposition figures.
And for all the differences between Eskinder and Jawar, they both do their fair share of injecting misleading information into Ethiopia's information ecosystem.
Often, Eskinder spins and overblows Ethiopian exceptionalism, destruction of historical sites and emphasizes atrocities committed in the Oromia region.
For instance, in the following tweet, Eskinder wrote approvingly that Amharic was selected to be included among the working languages of the African Union. But  Amharic was never selected:
YES to AMHARIC, Ethiopia's. working (offiical) language for over 700 years,as one of the working languages of the AFRICAN UNION…..AMHARIC is the embodiment of AFRICA'S long history of NATION BUILDING……this is not about a language,its about AFRICA'S place in world HISTORY pic.twitter.com/0hvK19tFRw
— Eskinder Nega (@eskinder_nega) February 10, 2019
Since September 2018, the two have been locked in a long-running battle that played out most recently in November 2019 in the United States, when both toured to raise funds from members of Ethiopian diaspora groups for their political projects in Ethiopia.
If Qeerroo is a rebel without cause, you would still be rotting in Weyane's gulags! Ungrateful! https://t.co/ekMS9rKxtu
— Jawar Mohammed (@Jawar_Mohammed) September 15, 2018
No moment better captured the rivalry and the ideological contestation between the two men than their tour in the United States as their supporters played a game of cat-and-mouse throughout their tours.
Jawar’s tour had come on the heels of several tumultuous days in which communal violence spread across Oromia, which led to the death of 86 people after his allegation on Facebook sparked off a chain of reactions that started with his supporters gathering in front of his residence in Addis Ababa.
His detractors say his Facebook post caused the death of 86 people — and Eskinder, in particular, pinned the responsibility on him.
Jawar denied that his posts had anything to do with the violence, claiming instead that his actions actually prevented worse violence.
As he traveled across the United States, his supporters showed solidarity, coordinating town hall meetings and raising funds in various US cities with sizable Oromo populations.
People opposing Jawar, — most of whom are members of Eskinder’s support base — held a series of rallies opposing Jawar’s town hall meetings.
Like Eskinder, Jawar also has a habit of using questionable persuasion techniques. He often accuses authorities of the Amhara regional state of being nostalgic for Ethiopia’s imperial era and highlights violence that targets minorities in the Amhara region.
After he completed his US tour, Jawar accused authorities of Amhara regional state of organizing and funding what he described as a “hateful, shameful and violent campaign.”
As proof of his accusation, he accompanied his note with a photograph that showed a top-level Amhara regional state official, Yohannes Buayalew, posing with Yoni Magna, a diaspora-based social media personality who is notorious for his rants, insults and conspiracy theories.
The attempt is to insinuate that Amhara regional state officials have worked with Yoni Magna, — who was also seen at one of the demonstrations.
Some people did openly hurl bigoted slurs used to refer to an individual of Oromo ancestry during the protests, but there is no evidence to suggest that these rallies were in fact organized and funded by Ethiopian authorities.
A screenshot of Jawar Mohammed's Facebook post, posted on November 25, 2019. A top-level Amahara regional state authority Yohannes Buayalew (right) poses with Yoni Magna (left).
Until now, inflammatory language has been confined to writing, memes, short clips, graphics and pictures. But as the role of social media gains ground, the terrain of ethnic tension has expanded to YouTube music videos.
Earlier this year, Ethiopian lawmakers approved the Hate Speech and Disinformation Prevention and Suppression Proclamation, to curb the spread of hate speech and disinformation to promote “social harmony” and “national unity.” Rights groups, however, say the law is dangerous for freedom of expression because it contains broad and vague definitions, and provisions that do not align with international human rights standards.
In a flood of Afan Oromo and Amharic language music videos, singers promote nationalistic narratives that assert the superiority of their group — sometimes even promoting conflict with the other group.
Some of the most nationalistic expressions in songs focus on the homeland, flag and historical figures. Praising Emperor Menelik II as a liberator or denouncing him as a monster has long been a recurring theme.
In fact, there is a Facebook page that went up in 2013 to highlight the atrocities committed by a soldier of Emperor Menelik II.
But the launch of Unity Park elicited several Oromo music videos that focus on ethnic origins of government authorities.
Because the park is Abiy’s project, some songs portray him as a person who committed ethnic treason by honoring Emperor Menelik II. One song depicted him as a sellout; another one questions if he is an Oromo at all.
Caalaa Daggafaa, an Afan Oromo singer, accused Abiy of being a sellout for praising past monarchs. He rails against the statue of Menelik II, whom he described as a monster.
In the same video, he pays respect for the armed forces of the Oromo Liberation Front, describing them as heroes doing a tough job by continuing the struggle for the emancipation of the Oromo people.
Meanwhile, Amharic singers deliver odes to Menelik II, describing him as a unifier and liberator.
In one music video, Dagne Walle, a rising Amharic singer, swings toward the camera, wielding his rifle while humming that he has inherited valor from Menelik II — alluding to the emperor as his father.
Footage of crowds with traditional cloth armed with rifles, stomping their feet while waving Ethiopian flags, and a roaring lion punctuates the music video, titled “Wey Finkich” (“Hell No”).
These songs rack up a huge number of views on YouTube — reaping advertising dollars while hardening ethnic polarization.
This article is part of a series called “The identity matrix: platform regulation of online threats to expression in Africa.” These posts interrogate identity-driven online hate speech or discrimination based on language or geographic origin, misinformation and harassment (particularly against female activists and journalists) prevalent in digital spaces of seven African countries: Algeria, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Sudan, Tunisia and Uganda. The project is funded by the Africa Digital Rights Fund of The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).

author: Endalkachew Chala


text:
Foreign Correspondent’s Club of Japan accused of censorship after taking down Tokyo Olympics parody · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan sign at the organization's previous location in Yūrakuchō, Tokyo. The FCCJ has since moved to a new, more central location in the Marunouchi neighborhood of Tokyo, overlooking the Imperial Palace. Photo by Nevin Thompson.
The leadership of Japan's oldest press club for foreign journalists has been accused of censorship after an image parodying the Tokyo Olympics has been removed from the website of its monthly magazine. The president of the press club, who also sits on the Tokyo Olympics media committee, says it was merely a case of copyright infringement.
The cover of the April 2020 issue of Number 1 Shimbun, an in-house magazine for members of the Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan (FCCJ), and read mainly by journalists reporting on that country, featured an image of the Tokyo Olympic emblem depicted in the shape the novel coronavirus that causes COVID-19.
Former cover of the April 2020 issue of Number 1 Shimbun before the parody image was removed. Screencap from Internet Archive, saved on May 17.
After reportedly receiving complaints from the Tokyo Olympic Organising Committee that the cover image was “insensitive to athletes“ the president and other members of the board of the FCCJ decided, on May 21, to remove the image from Number 1 Shimbun's website.
Speaking on a press conference broadcasted on YouTube on May 21, FCCJ President Khaldon Azhari stated that the board's decision to remove the Number 1 Shimbun cover image from the website was because of copyright infringement.
“A lot of us at the FCCJ were very unhappy about the decision to remove the image,” said David McNeill, the former Japan correspondent for The Irish Times, British magazine The Economist and other publications, and a former editor of the Number 1 Shimbun, in an interview with Global Voices.
“Right up to the moment that FCCJ president Khaldon Azhari gave an online press conference on May 21 to explain the decision, there were people telling him not to do it, ” McNeill said.
The decision to remove the parody image was criticized on Twitter by a number of journalists, such as Tim Hornyak, who covers technology in Japan:
The board of the Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan decides to pull the cover of its April magazine, which parodies the 2020 Olympics logo as a coronavirus particle, after the Olympic committee called it offensive. This is freedom of expression in Japan @fccjapan pic.twitter.com/C48MHpn1QA
— Tokyo-StayHomeSaveLives-tronic (@robotopia) May 21, 2020
With a print circulation of just 1,000, the reach and the power of the FCCJ and the magazine are overestimated, McNeill said. “Now the current issue has become one of the most-read magazines and covers in the history of the Number 1 Shimbun,” he added.
Gearoid Reidy, who reports on Japan for Bloomberg, had a similar thought:
I mean, it’s likely I never would have seen this image if it wasn’t for the Tokyo 2020 complaint and *I’m a member of the FCCJ* https://t.co/s5UUUhy3Jf
— Gearoid Reidy (@GearoidReidy) May 20, 2020
Others took the issue more seriously. Following the removal of the image, several journalists condemned the decision in a statement that was published by Shingetsu News (SNA)'s Michael Penn, a former FCCJ vice-president and former board member:
[…] The undersigned journalists are appalled by the fact that the Club authorities did not meet their responsibility to defend freedom of the press, which was their most sacred duty. By their words and actions, they have undermined free expression in Japan and emboldened the enemies of democratic debate. […]
In an email interview with Global Voices, Khaldon Azhari said he “doesn't agree” that the take-down constituted an attack on freedom of expression. “I and my board repeatedly said in the FCCJ's 75-year history we have always stood as a beacon for the freedom of the press in Japan,” he said.
In email correspondence with Global Voices, Azhari confirmed what he had said in a May 21 YouTube press conference, that the FCCJ received a letter from the Tokyo Organising Committee that claimed that the magazine cover image was “clearly exploiting the design of the [official Tokyo Olympic Games] emblem” and was an “infringement of copyright.”
“In Japan, the law and rules on the copyrights (sic) are more strict than other countries,” said Azhari to Global Voices. “This is why we at the [FCCJ] board sent the case to our lawyers to give a legal consultation.”
Azhari said that the FCCJ's lawyers concluded that the cover design likely constitutes copyright infringement under Japanese law.
“Some journalists in the club didn't buy this and considered the request to remove the design as an attack on the freedom of expression […],” said Azhari. “But the [Tokyo Olympic Committee]'s letter also said that to deliberately paint the emblem in a negative light by associating it with the COVID-19 virus, a serious threat that has resulted in thousands of deaths worldwide, is in direct opposition to the ideals of the Olympic movement.”
The Tokyo Olympic Organizing Committee lists Azhari as a member of the media commission on its website, which was perceived as a conflict of interest about the decision to pull the magazine cover. Azhari objected.
“I was surprised to know I am a member,” said Azhari. “There is (sic) no payment or privileges whatsoever from the Olympic committee for the [FCCJ] president.”
David McNeill suggested that there was no need for the FCCJ to immediately take down the image. Instead, McNeill said, the FCCJ could have promised to investigate the issue, which would have left more time for consultations with the membership.
“Still, I'm not on the board so I don't have to worry about being sued,” said McNeill. “The FCCJ doesn't have a lot of money to pay for legal costs.”
The lack of financial resources points to a bigger problem for the FCCJ, which was first established in 1945 following the end of the Second World War.
“The FCCJ needs to find a solution for its financial problems,” McNeill said. “The decision to acquiesce to the Tokyo Olympic Committee is a blow to the morale of the FCCJ and to its reputation, just when its membership, relevance and, in turn, revenues are declining.

author: Nevin Thompson


text:
COVID-19 diaries from Wuhan: ‘You can go outside for two hours’ · Global Voices
Winston Chiu

People on the riverbank. (Photo credit: Guo Jing. Used with permission.)
The following post is the fifteenth in a series of diaries written by independent filmmaker and feminist scholar Ai Xiaoming and feminist activist Guo Jing. Both are living in Wuhan, at the initial center of the COVID-19 pandemic. Here are the links to the first, second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth and eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth parts of the series.
Check out Global Voices’ special coverage of the global impact of COVID-19.
This installment was written between March 28 and March 31, 2020. The original Chinese diaries are published on Matter News.
武汉的地铁在停运了两个多月后，今天重新开始运营了。我的小区对面就是地铁口，不过少有人出入。
我和大家一样都在期盼着出小区。下午，我买的大麦茶到了。取快递的时候，我问了一下保安什么时候可以出去，他让我问网格员。他给我指了指小区墙上的公示牌，有一个上面有网格员的电话。
我打电话给网格员，她说，无疫情社区的居民每天可以凭绿码（健康码）去超市买东西，一次出门的时间为两个小时。可是，现在有很多超市依然不对个人开放。
我们社区是无疫情社区，离我们最近的对个人开放的超市所在的社区不是无疫情社区。而且，现在超市严格控制进入的人数，一次只能进5个人，要排很久的队。所以，网格员建议现在还是不要出小区。
我今天终于厌烦了胡萝卜。可惜我家里还有几根胡萝卜，我还是得把它们吃完。不过，胡萝卜正式成为第一种我未来一段时间不想再吃的食物。
After a two-month suspension of service, the subway in Wuhan began operating again today. There is a subway entrance right in front of my community, but very few people go in and out.
Like many others, I want to get out of our residential district. When the barley tea that I ordered was delivered to my community this afternoon, I went to pick it up and asked the security guy when we can leave. He said that I should ask the grid controller and pointed to a telephone number pinned on the bulletin board.
I called the grid controller. She told me that residents with a “green” health code in communities without recently confirmed case can go shopping in supermarkets for two hours. However, many supermarkets are not open to individual customers.
Our community has no recent confirmed cases, but the closest supermarket is located in a district with confirmed cases. In addition, there is always a long line outside the supermarkets as they only allow a maximum of five people to shop inside. Therefore, the grid controller suggested that I avoid leaving our district for the moment.
I am so tired of carrots, but I still need to finish the last few carrots stored at home. Carrot is officially on my list of least desirable foods for the near future.
最近几天我多次被问到：“武汉封城后，人与人之间的关系有什么样的变化？”我没有一个简单绝对的答案。封城后，人们自觉地和他人保持一定的距离，很多人不再出门，但也有人带着恐惧和担忧做志愿者，为需要的人送物资。一些在外的湖北人被拒绝住酒店，但也有人主动为湖北人提供住处。有的城市拒绝复工的湖北人进入，但也有城市欢迎复工的湖北人。
中午，有住户艾特物业主任，“请问，现在可以出小区，去超市买东西吗？”
物业主任回答说：“你如果有健康码和复工证明就可以出小区。”
有人问：“请问现在住汉口，可以回小区吗？”
物业主任说：“只要有健康码，可以。”
两个住户都表示感谢。
I have been asked several times recently, “How did social relationships change after the lockdown of Wuhan?” I do not have a simple answer. After the lockdown, we consciously keep social distance. Many people do not leave their home anymore. However, some have overcome their fear and anxiety and worked as volunteers to deliver supplies to people in need. Some from Hubei Province (the province where Wuhan is the administrative capital) are rejected by hotels outside of Hubei. However, some reach out to offer help. Some cities ban people from Hubei entering and returning to work. Other cities welcome them.
Today around noon, a resident sent a message to the estate manager, “Can we go outside and shop in supermarkets?”
The manager said, “If you have the (green) health code and certificate to return to work, you can go outside.”
Another person asked, “I am staying in Hankou (another part of Wuhan city) now. Can I go back to the community?”
The manager said, “If you have the (green) health code, you can come back.”
They thanked the manager.
这场疫情会对我有什么样的影响？我现在也无法说清楚。这场灾难会在我们很多人身上都留下不可磨灭的痕迹。
我们会走在某条路上的时候想起它2020年的样子，我们会在吃到某种菜的时候记起封城这段时间天天吃它的无奈，我们会偶尔梦到此时的人和事。
我对武汉这座城市依然不会有特殊的感情，但我会记得在这个地方经历了一场封锁，也无法忘记这段时间空荡荡的街道。
这几天武汉的外卖订单在增加。3月26日，奶茶订单3天增长近8倍。人们承受了太多的苦，一杯奶茶成为现在难得的甜。
路上多了一些拉着行李的人，不知这是他们的归途还是启程。
I cannot tell how this pandemic has affected me yet. This disaster will leave indelible marks on many of us.
When we walk down a street, we will think about what it looked like in 2020. When we eat a certain dish, it will remind us how we were reluctant to eat it during the lockdown. We will dream about who we met and what happened during the lockdown.
I probably will not develop a special connection with this city, but I will remember that this city experienced a lockdown. I will not forget those empty streets.
The number of takeaway orders in Wuhan has increased in recent days. On March 26, it was reported that the number of milk-tea orders has grown eight times compared to three days before. We have experienced a lot of bitterness, and a cup of milk tea has become a rare sweetness in life.
I saw some people carrying their luggage on the streets. I do not know whether they were coming back or leaving.
让人们保持“正常”的一个功能是社会的稳定。对那些在疫情期间失去亲人的人，有一些人觉得领完骨灰自己找个地方哭最好，不然就会乱。
本来，在亲人去世时办葬礼，当众哭再正常不过了，可是此时的正常却又被颠倒了，这是极端情况下被认定的“正常”。
社会连他们的哀悼痛哭都承载不了，那我们的社会是多么的不正常。社会如此地不正常，生活在其中的我们怎么做一个“正常人”呢？
社区志愿者昨晚在群里说：“各位好，今天我询问了门口的值守人员，现在凭健康码登记后就可以出去购买生活物品，药店也在慢慢放开，有需要的人可以自行购买”。
有人问：“你好！请问老年人也可以出去看病买东西吗？”
志愿者回复道：“你只要健康码是绿的就可以出去”，他又补充说，“凭绿码出去，限两个小时内。一次一户一人，现在还不是所有超市都对个人开放，如果不是非买不可的，最好还是不要频繁出门，外面还是不安全，特别是老人和小孩。出门请做好防护，注意排队距离，尽量不去拥挤的地方，如果不是必要尽量等到4月8日。”
看到这个消息，我激动地眼里泛起了泪花。我在支付宝上申请了健康码，准备今天出门。
我中午11点35分出小区，门口的保安问我出门做什么，我说：“买东西”。他让我用微信扫一个二维码，原来是要看微信上的健康码，我的微信没有绑定手机号，就还没有在微信上申请健康码。保安用体温枪给我量了体温，让我登记了一下信息，包括房间号、体温、出门的事由和时间，叮嘱我说：“出门时间是两个小时”。
我只有两个小时，要在13点35分回来。我骑了一辆共享单车，在熟悉的街道上骑着，却有种陌生感，我像是乱入地球的外星人，兴奋而紧张。我急于想要再次亲眼看看这“外面的世界”。
我骑车到江滩的入口，到江边走一走。江边的人比封小区前要多一些，有带着小孩玩的家长，有散步的情侣，有钓鱼的人。
前几天，有人问我：“解封后第一件事想做什么？”我说：“到江边走一走，喊一喊。”吃跑了，我走到江边，稍微犹豫了一会儿，然后对着长江大喊：“啊……”。接着，有两个人也跟着叫，其中一个人还连叫了三声。看来大家都被困得太久了。我又喊了几声，有点神清气爽的感觉。
People have to act “normal” in order to maintain social stability. Some people believe that those who have lost their relatives or friends in this pandemic should keep their tears private after they receive the ashes of their relatives or friends, so as not to destabilize society.
It is normal to cry in front of others during a relative's funeral. However, this norm has been denounced under these extreme conditions. Grief is not accepted by society. In such an abnormal society, how can individuals behave normally?
A community volunteer sent a message to our chatroom: “Hi, I asked the community staff at the gate today, and they told me that we can go shopping with a (green) health code. Some pharmacies are open now and you can go and buy necessary items.”
Someone asked, “Can the elderly go to see doctors and shop?”
The volunteer replied, “You can go out with a green code.” He added, “Only one person per household can go out and for two hours each at a time. Currently not all supermarkets are open to the public. If you don't have urgent needs, it's better not to go outside too often. It is not safe outside, especially for seniors and children. When you go outside, please wear protective gear and keep social distance from others. It is better not to go somewhere crowded. If it is not necessary, please hold on until April 8.”
I was so excited to see the message that tears came out of my eyes. I applied for the health code on Alipay and prepared to go out today.
I went out at 11:35 AM. The security guy checked my purpose of going outside. I said, “shopping”. He asked me to scan a QR code with “WeChat” to check my health code. As my WeChat is not linked to my mobile phone number, my health code could not be applied through WeChat. The security guy took my temperature and asked me to fill in a form, including room number, temperature, purpose of going outside, and the time of going outside. He reminded me, “You only have two hours.”
I only had two hours. I needed to go back at 1:35 PM. I took a bicycle and rode along streets that should be familiar, but looked foreign to me. I was like an alien arriving on Earth, excited and nervous. I was eager to see the “outside world.”
I rode to the entrance of the river park and walked along the river bank. There were more people there than before the lockdown — there were parents playing with kids, lovers strolling along the bank and people fishing.
Several days ago, someone asked me, “What is the first thing that you want to do when lockdown is lifted?” I said, “I want to walk by the river and yell.” After I ate some food, I walked towards the river, I took a breath and yelled loudly at the Yangtze River, “Ah~~~”. After me, two others yelled, too. One of them yelled three times. It seems that we have been stranded for too long. I yelled again and again. I felt refreshed after that.

author: Winston Chiu


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COVID-19 on the front lines: An interview with Ecuador’s Red Cross · Global Voices
Gabriela Mesones Rojo

The Ecuadorian Red Cross team delivers humanitarian aid to local communities. Red Cross photo, used with permission.
Tathiana Moreno, Essential Areas Manager at the Ecuadorian Red Cross, oversees efforts to keep the Ecuadorian population healthy every day.
According to official figures at the time of publication, there are 33,582 confirmed cases and 2,799 COVID-19 deaths in Ecuador. In Ecuador, medical personnel make up 20% of the deceased. However, similar to many other parts of the world, government figures are difficult to rely on due to a lack of efficiency or transparency.
Before joining the Ecuadorian Red Cross, Moreno worked at the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and at the Ministry of Health. During a phone interview with Global Voices, she offered a direct look at her humanitarian work from inside one of Latin America’s pandemic epicenters. Note: The interview has been edited for clarity and length.
Gabriela Mesones Rojo (GMR): How is the Ecuadorian Red Cross managing during the pandemic?
Tathiana Moreno (TM): El primer cambio es que ya no trabajamos con voluntarios, a pesar de haber aumentado muchísimo el ritmo de trabajo. Actualmente estamos manejando fallecidos confirmados por COVID-19 y fallecidos presuntos de COVID-19, de acuerdo a la disposición mundial del manejo digno de los cadáveres. También empezamos un servicio de captación y donación de sangre a domicilio porque con las medidas de cuarentena han cerrado los bancos de sangre. Es un protocolo que sólo se está haciendo en Ecuador y la Cruz Roja Ecuatoriana provee el 80% de la sangre a nivel nacional.
También organizamos un programa de agua, saneamiento e higiene, principalmente en Santo Domingo, Santa Elena, Guayas y Cañar donde también hay un problema de dengue. En Guayaquil, la zona de mayor contagio es un barrio de clase muy alta, en el que mucha gente estaba volviendo de viaje; mientras que la zona de mayor mortalidad por COVID-19 son los barrios más pobres. Se da a entender que hay una vinculación con el acceso a servicios, principalmente la falta de agua.
Esta semana también activamos un proyecto piloto, un centro de triaje respiratorio, para ayudar a la descongestión de los hospitales en donde pueden ser atendidas las personas con problemas respiratorios. Vamos a empezarlo en Quito, y si resulta lo ampliamos a nivel nacional.
Hacemos telemedicina y apoyo psicosocial a nuestro personal y hemos afianzado nuestro apoyo a la población migrante en 22 albergues. También hemos coordinado cursos online de prevención y control de infecciones y de Bienestar emocional ante el COVID-19 y prevención en confinamiento. Todo esto conlleva una logística enorme con costos altísimos.
Tathiana Moreno (TM): The first change we made is that we no longer work with volunteers, despite the huge increase in the pace of work. We are currently handling both confirmed and presumed COVID-19 deaths in accordance with worldwide customs for respectful handling of the deceased. We also started an at-home blood collection and donation service because blood banks are closed for quarantine measures, which is a protocol that is only being carried out in Ecuador. The Ecuadorian Red Cross provides 80% of blood nationwide.
We also organize a water sanitation and hygiene program mainly around Santo Domingo, Santa Elena, Guayas, and Cañar, where they are battling a dengue problem in addition to COVID-19. In Guayaquil, the area with the highest outbreak is concentrated in a very wealthy neighborhood, where several people were returning from trips; but areas with the highest COVID-19 mortality rates are in the poorest neighborhoods. This implies a connection with lacking access to basic services — specifically access to water.
This week we also began a pilot project setting up a respiratory triage center where people with respiratory problems can be cared for in order to decongest hospitals. We’re starting it in Quito, and if it works out we will expand nationwide.
We provide telemedicine and psychosocial support to our staff, and we’ve strengthened our support for migrant populations at 22 shelters. We’ve also put together online courses on topics like infection prevention and control, emotional wellbeing in the face of COVID-19, and prevention during confinement. All this involves enormous logistical planning and very high costs.
Ecuadorian Red Cross team. Red Cross photo, used with permission.
GMR: How have you coordinated the procurement of the necessary medical equipment when reports state that there is a shortage at the national level?
TM: Está resultando muy complicado encontrar lo que necesitamos. Las ambulancias sí están usando los implementos de seguridad, pero han sido sumamente difíciles de conseguir. Antes de la llegada del virus a Ecuador, la caja de mascarillas N95 costaba $3,95. Hoy día una sola mascarilla N95 cuesta $4. El traje completo de bioseguridad (el traje, las botas, los batones, los lentes, los guantes) tiene un costo de $64. Eso quiere decir que cada atención que hacemos, que incluye a un conductor de ambulancia, paramédico y asistente son mínimo $200 que van a la basura después de cada atención. Esto no lo cubre el estado, porque la Cruz Roja se maneja con fondo propios, tanto el equipamiento como la capacitación.
TM: It's becoming very difficult to find what we need. Ambulances are indeed using safety equipment, but it has been extremely challenging to obtain. Before the virus arrived in Ecuador, an N95 mask box cost $3.95 USD [translator’s note: Ecuador’s currency is the US dollar]. Today a single N95 mask costs $4. The complete biosafety suit (suit, boots, batons, glasses, gloves) costs $64. That means that each care run we do, which includes an ambulance driver, paramedic, and assistant, is a minimum of $200 that goes into the trash after each use. This isn’t covered by the state because the Red Cross handles its own funding for both equipment and training.
TM: Cruz Roja tiene un programa para migrantes desde hace un año y medio aproximadamente y tenemos una relación muy estrecha con la comunidad migrante. La Cruz Roja abrió una línea para la captación de donaciones para migrantes en situación de calle, vulnerables, sin redes de apoyo y dependientes del trabajo informal. El gobierno por ley ha sacado un decreto que impide poder cobrar servicios o botar a gente de una casa por temas de arriendo mientras dure el estado de excepción, pero los registros nos muestran que muchos migrantes y ecuatorianos están siendo afectados. Tenemos bastantes personas regresando a Venezuela por trocha debido a esta situación.
TM: The Red Cross has had a migrants program for around a year and a half, and we have a close relationship with the migrant community. The Red Cross opened a line to collect donations for migrants who are homeless, who are vulnerable, without support networks, and dependent on informal work. The government, by law, has issued a decree that prevents people from charging for services or evicting people because of rent issues while the state of emergency lasts, but records show that many migrants and Ecuadorians are still being affected. We have many people returning to Venezuela on foot because of this.
Do you have a record of how many people are seeking to return to their country of origin?
TM: Nuestro registro oscila entre 40 hasta 700 personas que buscan salir por trocha diariamente. Esto no son cifras oficiales, sino que son registros que hacemos a través de alianzas con cancillería y otras estructuras migratorias. Esta situación se ve principalmente con la comunidad venezolana, porque son quienes han venido en las últimas oleadas migratorias a Ecuador. Hablamos de personas que tienen menos de un año en el país, y por ello sus vínculos de pertenencia y sus sistemas de apoyo son más débiles. La población colombiana puede tener una historia de 10 a 12 años en Ecuador y la comunidad Haitiana creció después del terremoto del 2010, así que ya están afianzados al país. En cambio la comunidad venezolana siente una vulnerabilidad y un temor muy grande. Muchos testimonios hablan de como le tienen miedo a que si mueren y son cremados en otro país y que sus familiares no se enteren.
TM: Our registry indicates about 40 to 700 new people per day try to leave on foot. These are not official figures but records that we track through alliances with the Foreign Ministry and other migratory structures. This is seen mainly with the Venezuelan community, because they are the latest migration waves to arrive in Ecuador. We are talking about people who have been in the country for less than a year, and therefore have weaker membership ties and support systems. The Colombian population may have a history of 10 to 12 years in Ecuador and the Haitian community grew after the 2010 earthquake, so they are already more firmly rooted in the country. However, the more recent Venezuelan community feels vulnerable and fearful. Many report feeling scared of dying and being cremated in another country without their relatives being notified.
Ecuadorian Red Cross team delivers humanitarian aid to communities in populated regions across the country. Red Cross photo, used with permission.
TM: En el caso de la provincia de Guayas, una de las zonas más afectadas, tuvimos a 53 personas contagiadas, 1 fallecido y 1 en estado crítico ya en recuperación. Muchos tenían miedo de contagiar a sus familiares, así que habilitamos un espacio para que ellos pudieran hacer la cuarentena. La situación es muy dura y compleja. No es una situación lejana tampoco, estos son nuestros colegas, compañeros de lucha.
A nivel nacional tenemos un total de 4 fallecidos vinculados con COVID-19. La última persona que falleció no estaba ni siquiera en en primera línea de atención, sino haciendo telemedicina desde su casa. Pero el contagio es tan alto que igual se enfermó.
Esta situación nos ha permitido repensar la vida, nuestro papel, nuestras funciones como institución. En la Cruz Roja creemos en la humanidad, en aliviar el sufrimiento humano en toda circunstancia. Estos tiempos nos demuestran la importancia del cruz rojista y que más que nunca que nuestros principios están vigentes.
TM: In the province of Guayas, one of the most affected areas, we had 53 people infected, one deceased, and one in critical condition who is now in recovery. Many were afraid of infecting their relatives, so we set up safe quarantine spaces for them. This situation is very hard and complex. It isn’t a distant situation either, these are our colleagues and comrades in struggle.
Nationwide we have a total of four deceased personnel linked to COVID-19. The last person who died was not even on the front line, but conducting telemedicine from home. But the contagion is so high that he still got infected.
This situation has allowed us to rethink life, our role, and our functions as an institution. At the Red Cross we believe in humanity, in alleviating human suffering in every circumstance. These times show us the importance of the Red Cross, and how now more than ever our principles are valid.

author: Gabriela Mesones Rojo


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Not just a number: Online memorial honors Brazil’s COVID-19 victims · Global Voices
Fernanda Canofre

“The uncountable” — a memorial dedicated to the history of every victim of the coronavirus in Brazil. Screenshot.
On May 23, Brazil passed Russia to become the second worst-hit country from the COVID-19 pandemic in the world, behind only the United States. Two days before, it had registered its deadliest 24 hours yet: 1,188 dead from the disease, according to the Ministry of Health. As of May 25, COVID-19 has taken 23,473 lives in the 200-million nation among 374,898 cases confirmed.
Brazilians are gradually becoming accustomed to statistics breaking records each day. On May 6, when the total death toll reached 8,500, newscaster William Bonner, the anchor of TV Globo's 50-year-running prime-time news show Jornal Nacional, took a moment to reflect on what the numbers meant:
Oito mil vidas acabaram. Eram vidas de pessoas, amadas por outras pessoas. Pais, irmãos, filhos, amigos, conhecidos. Aí o luto dessas tantas famílias vai ficando só pra elas, porque as outras pessoas já não têm nem como refletir sobre a gravidade dessas mortes todas, que vão se acumulando todo dia.
Eight thousand lives have ended. Those were lives of people loved by other people. Parents, siblings, children, friends, acquaintances. And then, these families’ grief stays just with them, because others are no longer capable to reflect on gravity of so many deaths pilling up daily.
Bonner's words resonated with many Brazilians who feel the human stories are getting lost behind the staggering figures. But one group of artists and writers decided to make sure they aren't forgotten.
“Inumeráveis,” or “the uncountable,” is an online memorial created by Brazilian artists Edson Pavoni and Rogério Oliveira that honors the lives of those who have died in the pandemic. Launched on April 30, it lists people's names, their ages, and a short obituary. About 20 people care for the site, be it by doing research, writing, or reviewing.
In a conversation with Global Voices over WhatsApp, Pavoni said:
Você acorda e 68 pessoas morreram; você acorda no outro dia e 120 pessoas morreram; acorda no outro dia e 200 e tantas pessoas morreram. Depois de um tempo, esses números vão perdendo o significado, vão se tornando um tipo de relógio, de aviso, outra coisa que não pessoas. E a gente vai se tornando insensível.
You wake up and 68 people have died; you wake up the next day and 120 people have died; another day and it’s more than 200 people dead. After a while, those numbers start to lose their meaning and become a kind of clock, a warning, anything but people. And we become desensitized.
Pavoni had the idea for the memorial after his exhibition in Lisbon was canceled. He says he wanted to find a way to work the theme of “connection” while under social isolation. He then reached out to Oliveira, who was also unsettled by the growing numbers on the news.
The memorial's first obituaries were about the in-laws of a mutual friend — Edgar Farah, 81, the proud owner of a beige Volkswagen Beetle, and his wife Eunice Farah, 77, who spent this year's carnival partying with her children and grandchildren.
The list has currently just over 600 names — a long way still from the plus 20,000 deaths Brazil has so far recorded. Among them, there is  25-year-old Agatha, who loved cats and was attending nursing school while working at a health center at one of Rio's favelas.
And of legendary Brazilian composer and musician Aldir Blanc, or 101-year-old Julia Nieto Parra, who was born on a coffee farm, saw electricity come to homes and streets and had 17 grandchildren.
In a conversation with Global Voices, Pavoni noted that Brazilians are so overwhelmed with their own financial stability amid the crisis that it's easy for the statistics to become background noise. He says:
Os números não são suficientes. Eles não são suficientes para cada indivíduo entender como sociedade a profundidade das transformações e do momento histórico que a gente está vivendo.
The numbers are not enough. They are not enough for each individual to understand the depth of the transformations and the historical moment we are living through.

author: Fernanda Canofre


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Southern African leaders meet to address urgent security threats in Mozambique · Global Voices
Kudzai Chimhangwa

Cabo Delgado boundary bridge, north of Mozambique, August 4, 2009. Photo by F. Mira via CC BY-SA 2.0.
The Southern African Development Community (SADC)'s body focused on politics, defense and security met in Harare, Zimbabwe, on May 19, to discuss the security situation in Mozambique, — where insurgents have unleashed a reign of terror, killing civilians and attacking infrastructure in the northern region since 2017.
This meeting comes on the heels of Mozambique’s most recent fight against the insurgency without any regional support.
On May 13, Mozambique’s First Defense and Security Forces (FDS) surprised insurgents when they intercepted three vehicles — allegedly stolen — in the district of Mocímboa da Praia, said Amade Miquidade, in a statement to the press in Maputo. During these clashes, the FDS killed 42 alleged insurgents and destroyed their vehicles. Two days later, an insurgent group tried to invade the district again. FDS forces clashed with insurgents and shot eight insurgents while others were injured.
SADC states have been urged to support Mozambique’s government to fight against terrorists and armed groups attacking civilians and infrastructure in Cabo Delgado Province in the northeast of the country.
Armed groups claiming ties to ISIS have been attacking civilians since 2017 with local police and government workers bearing the brunt of armed attacks. The insurgency has killed more than 1,000 people in Mozambique. The Islamist armed group is known locally as Al-Sunna wa Jama’a (ASWJ).
In an official communique, SADC leaders collectively condemned what it termed “terrorist attacks” and committed unspecified support to Mozambique.
The urgent meeting known as the “Troika Summit” was convened by Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa and attended by Botswana President Mokgweetsi Masisi, and Zambia President Edgar Lungu, both members of SADC's security body.
Mozambican President Filipe Nyusi opened the meeting by briefing attendees on the security situation in his country.
“The extraordinary organ Troika Summit plus Mozambique urged SADC member states to support the government of Mozambique in fighting the terrorists and armed groups in some districts of Cabo Delgado,” read aloud Zimbabwean Foreign Affairs and International Trade Minister Sibusiso Moyo at the meeting.
Mnangagwa expressed pointed out that the threat of terrorism in the past decade had significantly increased. He told the summit that any attack on a SADC member state is an attack on other members.
SADC leaders offered reassurance that the region remains “relatively stable, despite the occurrence of some worrying situations, including the acts of terrorism perpetrated in Cabo Delgado.”
This netizen on Twitter was not so sure:
It's really worrying that it is happening practically on our doorstep and there's silence from SADC.
— IAmJobeMondise (@IamAfrican2221) May 24, 2020
Mnangagwa said at the meeting:
Regions that previously did not perceive seriousness of the threat, or seemed immune to terrorism, are being targeted by terrorists. The threat is now becoming increasingly complex, blurring boundaries between political, religious and ideological extremism and crime. In addition, the modus operandi of the terrorist groups and their networks are intricate and elaborate.
Mnangagwa had met with Nyusi last month to deliberate on Mozambique’s security situation, amid reports that he had already deployed elite troops to help deal with the insurgency.
Security analysts believe that Tuesday’s urgent SADC summit was meant to rubberstamp Zimbabwe’s reported deployment of troops to Mozambique in retrospect. The Zimbabwean government, however, denied the reported military intervention.
At the meeting, Mnangagwa said:
The possible impact that these developments have on the peace and security of the people of Mozambique and the entire region are indeed dire.
There is no indication yet of whether the security body had briefed other member states on the situation.
South African-based private military contractor Dyck Advisory Group, run by former Rhodesian (Zimbabwean) military officer Lionel Dyck, has provided military assistance to Mozambican security forces by attacking with helicopter gunships.
Although Mozambique has never confirmed the presence of military mercenaries, Russian mercenaries have appeared in combat operations, sparking an active debate. Nyusi’s government has reportedly dismissed the attacks as basic criminal acts but an increase in attacks has forced Maputo to acknowledge the reality of this threat.
Tuesday’s urgent SADC security meeting was driven by this regional threat to place the situation on the agenda. South Africa, Zimbabwe and Tanzania, have urged Nyusi to acknowledge the scale of the threat amid fears of the insurgency spilling over into neighboring countries.
After the Troika Summit, South Africa plans to discuss providing assistance to combat the Islamist insurgency, according to the minister of international relations and cooperation, Naledi Pandor.
The situation in Mozambique could become what Nigeria is today with Boko Haram — the Islamist militant group that has claimed hundreds of terrorist attacks and kidnappings in northern Nigeria, according to British researcher Alex Vines.
The regional bloc has long been criticized for failing to acknowledge the gravity of the situation, more so after the African Union (AU) expressed concern over the insurgency in February.
SADC troika was held some few days ago. But it would seem the response is quiete slow as this problem began in 2017.
— | M M A M A K W A| (@That_TT_) May 24, 2020
AU Peace and Security Commissioner Smail Chergui urged the AU to assist Mozambique, but the issue will likely get tabled because the SADC regional bloc is supposed to be the first to intervene, in accordance with AU protocol.
SADC member states may also be unable to intervene because they have already deployed troops and resources to counter COVID-19.
Journalist Marcelo Mosse urged regional leaders to consider an intervention in Mozambique that goes beyond a military approach:
Now that SADC is ready to intervene in Cabo Delgado, the region must avoid a purely militarized approach. Poverty and social exclusion must be addressed. Education. Sanitation. And can local people get more direct benefits from Oil and Gas?
— Marcelo Mosse (@MarceloMosse) May 24, 2020

author: Kudzai Chimhangwa


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While Pakistan combats COVID-19, a locust swarm is devastating food supplies · Global Voices
Quratulain Tejani

Migratory Locust. Image by Sergio Boscaino via Flickr. CC BY 2.0.
Like many countries around the world, the COVID-19 pandemic has hit Pakistan's economy and highlighted issues with inequality, regional conflict and growing unemployment. For Pakistan, these issues are compounded by an army of locusts that has been ravaging the food supply since June 2019 — threatening infrastructure already made fragile by the effects of the pandemic.
Swarms of desert locusts made international headlines after arriving in Pakistan from Iran in June 2019. According to the Food and Agricultural Organizations of the United Nations (FAO), these locusts are disastrous as “a swarm the size of Paris eats the same amount of food in one day as half the population of France.”
In November 2019, locusts reached Karachi marking it the first locust attack in the city since 1961. The locust army had already destroyed cotton, wheat, maize, and other crops when the government of Pakistan declared a national emergency in February this year. The decision to protect crops and farmers with a national action plan (NAP) and a budget of PKR 7.3 Billion (US$ 45.49 million) was jointly taken by officials and federal ministers.
According to NDMA, locust has affected 28 districts in Balochistan, 11 in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 12 in Punjab and 2 in Sindh https://t.co/oN8MMQqyhv
— Radio Pakistan (@RadioPakistan) May 18, 2020
Farmers are worried about feeding their children and about agricultural production. Many people from the province have raised concerns over the alarming situation and people have taken to social media to express their fears.
The locust attack in Pakistan is a serious issue and an agricultural crisis in the making. As decorative as we would think this farmer looks…what he is actually wants us to realize is the intensity of the current situation. pic.twitter.com/hq5b8b6D9r
— Fakhr-e-Alam (@falamb3) May 15, 2020
A frightening first-hand video of the swarm by a witness driving from Sibi, Balochistan to Sindh in southeastern Pakistan has been making the rounds on Twitter.
Driving from Sibi towards Sindh through a swarm of locusts #nightmare (via WhatsApp) pic.twitter.com/IXsQtddNjK
— Asad (@asadisbored) May 9, 2020
While many are scared about the forecasted food shortages, many are holding the federal government and the agricultural departments responsible. Manoj Genani, a freelance journalist believes the situation has worsened due to the negligence of the government and the concerned authorities:
In this pandemic situation, plant protection department has forget #locusts, they could have start biological spray in the region earlier but haven’t done so far, small farmer is worried in #Sindh it may cause a huge loss of crops#ClimateChange @pid_gov @FAO @FAOPakistan @IUCN pic.twitter.com/Kw3qMBLVim
— Manoj Genani (@genanimanoj) May 10, 2020
Pakistan is primarily an agrarian economy which contributes to about 24% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). A significant proportion of its 220 million population depends on the agricultural industry, either directly by farming and irrigation or through the supply chain and export of the crops.
Economy of Pakistan is already down due to COVID-19 n now agriculture is also facing huge loss of Farms because of Locust whch ll be more harmfull for crops of Sindh..#YaAllahKhair#SaveSindhfromlocust pic.twitter.com/t64wi8QkS9
— Zuhaib mojai Rajper (@MojaiZuhaib) May 12, 2020
According to the 2018-2019 Pakistan Social and Living Standards Measurement survey report, almost 16% of the Pakistani population was already at risk of moderate to severe food insecurity.
The country’s agricultural supply chain inefficiencies put millions at risk of malnutrition, especially in the impoverished and highly neglected areas of Sindh and Balochistan. And the situation has deteriorated since the COVID-19 outbreak.
Aamer Hayat Bhandara, a farmer from southern Punjab, says the shortage of labourers, transport and clear government strategy during the lockdown are affecting the food system in Pakistan.
Hashim Bin Rashid and Mohsin Abdali write about the root of the food crisis in Pakistan at Pakistan left review:
The complete shutdown of agricultural trading markets, especially those that purchase outputs from farmers, has led to significant losses for farmers. With the movement of goods suspended, crops ready for harvest, including grain, have been left to rot in the fields.
Wheat and flour is a staple in Pakistani cuisine, and many poorer households depend on it to meet their nutritional needs. The locust swarm has hit during the harvest season for Rabi crops — of which wheat is just one — and is a serious threat to Pakistan’s population.
24% of the population of Pakistan lives below the national poverty line which means a whopping 38% of people are dependent on wheat and flour. Farmers are worried that their children will starve and have been pleading with the government to take timely action, requesting insurance coverage against infestation.
Chairman of the Pakistan People's Party, a leading opposition political party in Pakistan, warned of a possible famine if timely action was not taken by the federal government.
The locust plague has also threatened other agricultural economies, with countries in Africa struggling to fight it. In Asia, the crisis has enacted cooperation on the regional level with Pakistan's neighbouring countries offering help to combat the infestation.
In February, despite the severed trade ties with India over the conflict in Kashmir, Pakistan was reportedly considering importing pesticides from its neighbour. In most recent news, India has also sought help from Pakistan and Iran proposing a trilateral partnership between the countries.
China also extended its full support to Pakistan by sending around 300 tons of locust control pesticides and donating 350 vehicle-mounted sprayers in the last three months. Iran and Turkey have also offered their expertise to Pakistan to fight the plague.
The Iranian Ambassador to Pakistan, Syed Mohammad Ali Hussaini, has urged Pakistan and India to work in cooperation with Iran to fight the common enemy. He believes that sharing knowledge, expertise, and best practices will help the three countries eradicate the locust infestation and protect the already fragile food infrastructure.

author: Quratulain Tejani


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A Yorùbá language activist strives for linguistic diversity in digital spaces  · Global Voices
Adéṣínà Ọmọ Yoòbá

Priestess at the Ọ̀ṣun shrine in southwestern Nigeria. Image by Carsten ten Brink, November 15, 2018 (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0).
Editor’s note: This personal essay was written following a Twitter campaign organized by Global Voices sub-Saharan Africa and Rising Voices where each week, a different language activist shared their perspectives on the intersection of digital rights and African Languages as part of the project, “The identity matrix: Platform regulation of online threats to expression in Africa.”
All groups of people in the world are identified by a unique culture and identity. Unfortunately, colonial incursion in Africa disrupted the pride that most Africans feel for their cultural identities — one of which is the erroneous narrative that Africa’s history only commenced after the intrusion of European explorers.
This narrative is no longer tenable due to the ground-breaking work of African historians, like Kenneth Dike, who employs oral narratives of our cultures instead of written histories. In addition, the codification of Yorùbá literature in print and digital books reinforces the historicity of the language.
Yorùbá, a tonal language, is spoken by some 30 million people in southwestern Nigeria, and in the neighboring countries of Benin, Togo and Sierra Leone. The language has about 100,000 speakers in the United Kingdom and some 190,000 in the United States.
Yorùbá is not listed among the endangered languages of the world, but is the Yorùbá language and culture safe? Will the coming generation identify with the Yorùbá culture or even speak the language in 100 years?
These questions motivated me to establish the Yobamoodua Cultural Heritage, an advocacy organization focused on the revival and documentation of the Yorùbá language in digital spaces.
“No man is an island” — or has a monopoly of knowledge. My people say ibi tí ọgbọ́n ẹnìkan pin sí ni ti ẹlòmìíràn ti bẹ̀rẹ̀ (“where one person’s wisdom terminates, there another person’s wisdom commences”).
For our world to advance, it needs to tap into diverse knowledge present in other regions of the world just like the adẹ́mu (“the palm wine tapper”) taps wine from the palm tree for everybody to consume. Besides, there are a million ways of doing the same thing. We say kò sí ibi tí a ì í kó ẹdìẹ alẹ́, omi ọbẹ̀ ló dùn ju ara wọn lọ (“we cook stews everywhere, only that one is more appetizing than another”).
Cultural values are core principles and ideals upon which an entire community exists. This encompasses all elements in the worldview of a people: Customs, made up of traditions and rituals; values or beliefs; and culture or a group’s guiding values. Cultural elements include food, folktales, fashion, philosophy, medicine, music, concepts, et cetera.
Language has been described as the conveyor belt of culture. Èdè ẹni ni ìdánimọ̀ ẹni (“one's language is one's identity”). Identity is embedded in the culture — the creative expression through which we tell our stories, remember the past and imagine the future.
Alas, the Yorùbá language is relegated to the rear on the internet and often gets trampled or ignored.
You cannot, for instance, mention a government agency or representative who is of Yorùbá origin in a tweet in the Yorùbá language and expect a reply. A rare reply often comes with a directive: “Please tweet in English.” When this happens, it makes me feel silly for tweeting in my language and looks as if I am communicating in a medium that no one is willing to hear.
And what about tacit hate speech or rather — “language hate” — that drives the Nigerian internet? I recall that I sent a direct message to an influencer who happens to be a Yorùbá man who writes his name in the Yorùbá language with the diacritics. Yet, he decided to ignore my candid questions — perhaps because I chose to write in the Yorùbá language!
But these encounters will not stop me from using my language — a store-house of experiences that must be preserved on the internet — because ‘ẹnìkan kì í pa ohùn mọ́ agogo lẹ́nu’ (“no one dares to silence the sound of the gong”). Anyone who attempts to stop me from communicating in my native lingua franca, attempts to halt the diffusion of my culture, and such a person hinders my right to freedom of expression.
Culture is a glue that brings people together, creates social solidarity and drives a vibrant community. Above all, economic benefits through cultural knowledge and creativity support thriving economies.
And culture is a right — both offline and online.
Yobamoodua Cultural Heritage is out to manifest this right to use the Yorùbá language to disseminate the Yorùbá cultural heritage. The right to access information on the internet in the language of the Ọmọ Káàárọ̀-o-ò-jí-ire (Yorùbá people, referencing the culture of greeting), the right to use the Yorùbá language on all digital platforms.
My tweet for the week centered on the Internet Universality Indicators or the ROAM principles promoted by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). ROAM principles are four frameworks that measure compliance of the internet with human rights, openness, accessibility and multi-stakeholder participation.
I highlighted how sustainable development goals (SDG) — the blueprint by the United Nations to achieve a “better and sustainable future for all” — will only be successful if the internet is open to everyone.
Every language and culture has the right to be freely and readily available online. However, this is not currently the case. The English language accounts for almost 50 percent of the content online.
Most languages, like Yorùbá, are not readily accessible online due to a digital divide exacerbated by slow, expensive internet access in Africa.
This has also, sadly, hindered participation to promote cultural and linguistic diversity online.
For four days, I have been tweeting about the Yorùbá language & its Rights on the Internet. I've presented background info on the development of the Yorùbá orthography, its acceptance & how we have been employing tools on the digital space for advocacy. #IdentityMatrix #Yoruba
— GV SSAfrica (@gvssafrica) May 15, 2020
Lack of adequate support from government agencies and other organizations is a setback to the revival efforts by language and cultural heritage activists. Most funding opportunities are only available from external grant bodies and agencies — few come from within the continent.
Likewise, there are no government policies in Nigeria to push forward language resurrection activities and language activists are often left to carry the heavy cross alone.
On my Twitter handle (@yobamoodua), I share the ancient knowledge of my ancestors to educate and motivate my followers to preserve our precious cultural heritage. I usually dedicate Wednesdays for questions and answers and usually, the winner receives a token of airtime data as a prize.
As a way of making terminologies which never existed in Yorùbá available, Yobamoodua is creating new science and technology vocabularies. To further this initiative, I plan to organize a pioneering summit on the Yorùbá meta-languages before 2020 ends.
The knowledge of the world needs to circulate and this is why I created educational resources on climate change in the Yorùbá language, as well.
To meet SDGs, we must create an environment for indigenous languages to flourish. Our world will advance when the internet becomes home to multiple languages. With a sense of belonging and pride, Yorùbá speakers like myself will sense that our culture and identity is safe online for generations unborn.

author: Adéṣínà Ọmọ Yoòbá