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Belgium introduces new passport design featuring characters from domestic comics · Global Voices
Metamorphosis Foundation

Promotional photo collage published by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Belgium. Fair use.
This story is based on news coverage by Meta.mk. An edited version is republished here under a content-sharing agreement between Global Voices and Metamorphosis Foundation.
On January 27, Belgian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sophie Wilmès launched the new Belgian passport. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,  the new passport is more secure thanks to new security and personalization techniques, while the new original design makes it more recognizable “honoring one of the jewels of [Belgian] culture: the heroines and heroes of comic strips.”
The ministry also published a video clip presenting the leafing through the new passport.
The front part of the passport containing the personal data features scenes from the legendary Tintin episode “Destination Moon,” including the iconic rocket, a model of which also serves as mascot at the Brussels Airport.
The new Belgian passport honours one of the jewels of our culture: the heroines and heroes of comic strips whose main theme is travel. The work of Hergé had to be represented, then Tintin will accompany you on your next adventures! 🌏✈ https://t.co/gFU15LnF1T@BelgiumMFA pic.twitter.com/TFLVa3QMKd
— Tintin (@Tintin) January 27, 2022
Internal pages of the passport present stylized scenes from various Belgian comics, and, alongside Tintin and Captain Haddock, one can recognize the flight attendant Natacha, Marsupilami, Billy & Buddy (Boule et Bill), Blake & Mortimer, the Smurfs, Lucky Luke & the Daltons, and Spirou & Fantasio.
The ministry announced that the new passport was made through exceptional collaboration with the publishing houses and right holders, who have agreed to use their famous cartoon figures to illustrate the document.
On the occasion of the launch of the new passport, a temporary exhibition on the history of the Belgian passport will be accessible at the Comics Art Museum from January 28 to March 6, 2022.
🔴 We lanceren een nieuw paspoort met als designthema onze stripfiguren.
Het nieuwe Belgische paspoort is nog veiliger dankzij nieuwe technieken inzake beveiliging en verpersoonlijking.
➡ Meer info: https://t.co/A3RF0xVOcw pic.twitter.com/rX3R0hF6ZP
— 🇧🇪 Belgium MFA (@BelgiumMFA) January 27, 2022
In her official statement, the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sophie Wilmès stressed:
“The Belgian passport is one of the best in the world, it is a source of pride for us, but also an object of desire for counterfeiters. This is why we are constantly working to improve its security. The introduction of this new passport is also an opportunity for us to highlight the 9th art, the comic strip, which is a central element of our culture and our influence abroad. I would like to thank the publishers, authors and rights holders who have agreed to participate in the project. Finally, a very important point for me: the quality and security of the passport have been reinforced, but the price charged by the Foreign Affairs will not increase. In a context of general price increases, this is a strong gesture that will be cost-beneficial for our citizens.”
The ministry charges EUR 65 for adults and EUR 35 for minors, plus possible municipal taxes. The passport is valid for 7 years for adults and 5 years for minors. It can be obtained in 5 working days via standard procedure, or in a day or less through the urgent or super urgent procedures procedures, at extra cost.
The  response by both Belgian  citizens and international comics fans have been overwhelmingly positive.
Your passport: some dead people, an eagle, a mountain
The new Belgian passport: Lucky Luke, Smurfs, Tintin pic.twitter.com/WEsauPxGZZ
— Max Fras (@maxfras) January 28, 2022
French political analyst commented on Twitter that “the new Belgian passport is genuinely very cool,” while US cartoonist and art professor Ben Towle designated it as “amazing!”
Belgian diplomat Michael Cerulus expressed his opinion in typically understated and diplomatic Belgian style.
Let’s say it reflects a shift from a somewhat exclusive and formal character of international travel to a more relaxed and open-minded experience. ;)
— Michael Cerulus (@DiploMichael) January 27, 2022

author: Metamorphosis Foundation


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COVID-19: You can’t have a recovery using the same bad medicine · Global Voices
Siddharth Akali

COVID-19 emergency response activities, Madartek, Basabo, Dhaka. Image via Flickr by UN Women Asia and The Pacific. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.
Jocelyn Medallo, Nadeen Madkour and Siddharth Akali co-authored the post.
We are beginning 2022 with the world reeling under rising Omicron cases. It has been two years since the World Health Organization declared the coronavirus a public health emergency of international concern. And we still have pressing questions around how we shepherd ourselves out of the pandemic, and through the recovery: Who will provide the funds? What will they be spent on? How will we make sure they reach those who need it the most?
International financial institutions (IFIs), like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and various regional development banks, have positioned themselves as key players for the global recovery from the economic and social impacts of the pandemic. In 2020, when the first wave of the coronavirus started sweeping the globe, economic experts urged countries to spend and borrow, and they did. IFIs shortened their disbursement timelines to address this urgent demand, and formally or informally did away with many of their environmental and social safeguard requirements.
These institutions have already provided billions of dollars of public money for the pandemic response, promoting a positive image of their funding going to the public sector and to groups that face marginalisation. However, a different narrative emerges from grassroots communities.
Since the early stages of the pandemic, civil society groups from around the world have been calling for a human rights-based approach from the IFIs. Frontline medical workers, journalists, and others directly affected by  IFIs’ COVID-19 response have been raising concerns about the risks of exacerbating human rights violations, shrinking space for democratic participation, environmental damages, dilution of environmental and social standards, corruption and mounting debt. Now, there is growing evidence that many of these risks have actualised.
There is a concerning lack of transparency on how IFIs money was spent and what impacts it had on the ground for grassroots communities. However, a series of national-level case studies by members and partners of the Coalition for Human Rights in Development, have been trying to dig in, find the receipts and evaluate impacts and outcomes. “Missing Receipts” — a new collaborative overview of these national and global reports — documents several shortcomings in IFI-funded pandemic responses, and raises serious concerns about whether, and under what conditions, IFI financing is an appropriate solution for the ongoing crisis and future global emergencies.
Screenshot from the report ‘Missing Receipts,’ used with permission.
The research unearthed implementation problems including corruption, crony capitalism, and exclusion of those who needed support the most.  Concerningly, women, Indigenous peoples, low-income populations, people with disabilities, and frontline medical workers were often excluded both from the shaping of IFI supported programs, and benefiting from them, as well.
Many developing, lower- and middle-income and post-colonial countries went into the pandemic already in a state of vulnerability born out of neoliberal prescriptions. For decades IFIs have been pushing forward debt-based financing, extractivism-based economies, privatization of basic services, and flexibilizing labor markets. This led to the hollowing out of the public sector, elimination of social protection programs, and enabled corporate capture. IFIs did not take responsibility for these actions and the resulting poverty and inequality. Nor did they change course in their pandemic response. Instead, IFIs vigorously promoted the “private-sector-first” paradigm, focusing on leveraging private investment over supporting countries in rebuilding state capacity for resilience in the long run.
IFIs have pumped out a significant amount of money as part of their pandemic response: civil society’s Early Warning System (EWS) COVID-19 tracker has identified at least 1,500 known projects totaling over 160 billion USD from 15 development banks’ disclosed financing. But the EWS shows that the amount spent on direct benefits to people is significantly lower than what went to the private sector. And while most IFI support was delivered to countries rather than to companies, that is not the full story, since the money that went to the public sector was largely passed on to large corporations.
High-level policy conversations about crisis response, development and financial architecture should incorporate such information from the grassroots and their allies about the actual impact of IFIs’ financing during the pandemic.
Back in 2020, author and activist Arundhati Roy reminded us that, “historically, pandemics have forced humans to break with the past and imagine their world anew.” She suggested that the coronavirus pandemic is a portal, and we can choose both how we walk through it, and also what kind of world we want to walk into.
Today, as countries begin to grapple with the long-term effects of the pandemic, with millions more individuals living in poverty, even more entrenched inequality, a mounting economic and debt crisis, and new waves of COVID-19 continuing to make the news, many are asking: Where did the money from IFIs go? How will our governments pay for these debt obligations? What social programs will be cut in exchange? Is there a better way to weather crises? Is this sustainable development?
To answer these questions, IFIs have to show the receipts. We, the people, need to see where the money went and what impact it had. We also need IFIs to remedy the projects that excluded marginalised groups, where funds were pilfered, or where living beings and the planet were harmed. There has to be meaningful accountability. Governments, academics and high-level policy forums must demand IFIs show the receipts before giving them a bigger role in the pandemic and the recovery.
And as news of the Omicron variant floods our news feeds, we, as civil society, have to remember the pandemic’s portal is still open. We could choose to walk through it, dragging the carcasses of dead ideas of international financial institutions which replicate economic imperialism, misogyny, and ecological crisis. Or we can walk bravely, with love and generosity, ready to imagine and fight for another world where the institutions providing development and crisis financing are community-led, democratic, equitable, and embrace a human rights-based approach.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Siddharth Akali


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Jerusalem Christians: ‘We shrunk from 20% to 2% of population due to Israeli violence’ · Global Voices
Raseef22

Palestinian Christians have been the target of Israeli aggression, which has driven a large percentage of the religious minority away. Image used under Attribution-NonCommercial 2.0 Generic (CC BY-NC 2.0)
This article was originally published on December 21, 2021 by Raseef22. An edited version of the article is republished by Global Voices under a partnership agreement.
As tensions escalate in Jerusalem in the wake of Israel's latest wave of evicting Palestinians  from the city, it is important to note that Israel's targeting of Arab civilians has not been limited to Muslims alone. It has also reached the Palestinian Christians of Jerusalem, which prompted Christian leaders to let out a cry of distress: “Our existence is shaky and our future is in danger.”
According to figures released in 2017, Jerusalem is has a population of 901,300 people, made of around 342,000 Arab citizens in East Jerusalem, nearly 345,000 Jews in West Jerusalem, and 215,000 Jewish settlers in East Jerusalem. The Christian presence is limited to 15,800 people (12,600 Arab Christians and 3,200 non-Arab Christians).
According to the Al Quds International Institution (QII), an Arab NGO that seeks to safeguard the city of Jerusalem, preserve its Arab identity, and save its Islamic and Christian sanctities from Judaizing and Israelizing schemes, the Christian population in Jerusalem is in the neighborhoods of the Old City, Beit Hanina, Beit Safafa, Mount of Olives (Jabal al-Zaytoun), Shu’afat, Dahiat al-Barid, Sheikh Jarrah, Kafr ’Aqab, al-Matar and Semiramis.
Since 2012, in conjunction with the escalation of attacks against Christian communities and sanctities in Jerusalem, the churches of Jerusalem have repeatedly made calls for help against Israel’s attempts to “undermine” the Christian presence in the city. The recent attacks, plots, and violations against them have been viewed as “unprecedented” and particularly worrying.
In late December, Father Francesco Patton, Custodian of the Holy Land of the Catholic Church and Chief Custodian of the Christian Holy Places in Jerusalem, said in an article under the title: “Holy Land Christians are at Threat of Extinction: Israeli radicals are waging a war of attrition against peaceful believers who have no desire to fight. We need outside help to survive”.
Patton explained that while the Christian presence in Palestine dates back to more than two thousand years, it has become “threatened and our future is at risk. Where once we numbered 20 percent of the population of Jerusalem, today the Christian community counts for less than 2 percent.”
Father Patton accused “radical local groups with extremist ideologies” of making “the lives of many Christians unbearable” by repeatedly committing “hate crimes” and offences against priests, monks and worshipers alike.
In conclusion, he urged that “radical groups cannot be permitted to undermine the presence of any community or the beautiful diversity which makes Jerusalem the spiritual capital of the world.”
The Times of Israel has conceded that “extremist Jewish activists have for years carried out acts of vandalism against Christian sites in Jerusalem and other areas of Israel, including writing hate graffiti and arson.”
Last week, the patriarchs and heads of Christian churches in Jerusalem appealed to the Israeli, Palestinian and Jordanian governments to stand up to radical groups threatening the local Christian communities.
In their statement, church leaders in Jerusalem referred to physical and verbal assaults against priests, attacks on churches, and acts of desecration and vandalism on sanctities and holy sites. They said that these “continuous abuses since 2012” are now an organized and systematic attempt to drive the Christian community, which is “an integral part of the tapestry of the local community”, out of the city. This poses risks to the freedom of worship and religion in the occupied city.
While there is no direct condemnation of the Israeli authorities, Christian leaders blame extremist groups for their crimes that keep going “unchecked and unpunished”, which makes the Israeli authorities complicit against the Christians of Jerusalem.
Likewise, Christian leaders expressed their grave concern about the “failure of local politicians, officials and security services (law enforcement agencies) to put an end to the activities of radical groups who regularly intimidate local Christians.” Members of these groups are also purchasing strategic property in Christian neighborhoods “with the aim of diminishing the Christian presence, often using underhanded dealings,” non-public sales agreements, and “intimidation tactics to evict residents from their homes, and further disrupting the historic pilgrim routes between Bethlehem and Jerusalem.”
Even though it was not specifically named in the public statement, the accusation applies to the agenda and plans of the Zionist “Ateret Cohanim” organization, which is working on filling the Old City and the various neighborhoods of East Jerusalem with Jewish residents after buying the property from non-Jewish owners.
While stressing that pilgrimage is a right for all Christians around the world, the heads of the churches of Jerusalem pointed out its great benefits to Israel when it comes to economy and society.
A recent study by the British University of Birmingham has shown that Christian pilgrimage and tourism contributes USD 3 billion to the Israeli economy. But this activity has recently declined, with Israel banning the entry of Christian tourists and pilgrims until December 22 under the pretext of containing the COVID-19 pandemic and the Omicron variant, even though it has allowed the entry of Jewish groups.
In addition, the patriarchs and bishops warned that the Christian community in Jerusalem, while small in number, provides “a disproportionate amount of educational, health and humanitarian services in communities throughout Israel, Palestine and Jordan.”
Concluding the statement, the religious leaders demanded that the authorities first, “deal with the challenges presented by radical groups in Jerusalem to both the local Christian community and the rule of law, so as to ensure that no citizen or institution has to live under threat of violence or intimidation,” and, second, “begin dialogue on the creation of a special Christian cultural and heritage zone to safeguard the integrity of the Christian Quarter in Old City Jerusalem.”
In a joint article, the Archbishop of Canterbury Justin Welby and the Anglican Archbishop of Jerusalem Hosam Naoum warned of a “coordinated concerted attempt to intimidate and drive away Christians.” They considered that the increase in Israeli settler communities, along with the restrictions on movement associated with the separation wall erected by Israel had “deepened the isolation of Christian villages.”
The repetitive pleas from the Christians of Jerusalem have brought about wide interaction from the worldwide church community. The World Council of Churches (WCC), which represents 349 churches, expressed its strong support for them in a statement stressing the need for Christians in the Holy Land to be “respected and valued as part of both the heritage and future of the region.”
In turn, the “Churches for Middle East Peace (CMEP), an organization based in the United States, stressed the importance of Christian communities in the Holy Land.
According to a recent study by the QII launched in early December, Israeli routes of Judaization follow several simultaneous paths: a religious and urban Judaization path, including cultural, religious and urban landmarks; a path for inventing a Jewish identity for Jerusalem; the path of demographic Judaization; and the path of Judaizing the daily life sectors of Jerusalemites in terms of education, health, and economic and civil institutions.
The research warned of the danger of displacing the Palestinian population, Muslims and Christians alike, from neighborhoods such as Sheikh Jarrah and Silwan and others, under the pretext of Jews having a claim to their homes and lands from decades ago, or under the pretext of public interest, which is the most dangerous tool within the plan to Judaize Jerusalem.


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Why Beijing’s artificial snow at the 2022 Winter Olympic Games is stirring controversy · Global Voices
Richard Wanjohi

“初级雪道 / Entry-level ski trail” by livepine is licensed under (CC BY 2.0)
With the 2022 Winter Olympic Games in Beijing, China from February 4–20, Beijing will become the first city ever to host both the Winter and Summer Games. The Chinese city has been abuzz with activity, COVID-19 preparation, and controversy as the Games draw closer. However, with virtually no precipitation in the country's driest region in recent weeks, environmentalists have been raising concerns over the city’s snow — or lack thereof.
In the absence of any snowfall, Beijing organizers have resorted to creating fake snow for the alpine hills at the Yanqing Skiing Hub and have been blasting 290 cannons, also known as “snow guns” round the clock since December 2021, to prepare for the Games. In fact, for the first time, all of the snow at the upcoming Olympics will be entirely man-made.
To create the snow, the turbines mix water with compressed air, before propelling the droplets into the air to form snow. Workers driving “snowcats” spread the snow onto the ski runs and sculpt jumps and turns. This is to ensure that the venues have snow that meets precise standards of depth, hardness, and consistency.
“The biggest challenge for us is maintaining uniform snow quality,” said Li Xin, deputy chief of mountain operations at the National Alpine Skiing Centre in Yanqing, about 80 kilometers (50 miles) from Beijing, according to a France24 report.
Experts have raised concerns over the environmental sustainability of this process, as man-made snow requires thousands of liters of water and Kilowatts of energy. And in a 2020 study published by the Nature journal, scientists warned that groundwater depletion in northern China was some of the most severe globally due to urbanization, lack of precipitation, and intensive agriculture irrigation, calling it a “critical issue.”
According to the estimates, the Games will need almost 49 million gallons of water to create enough artificial snow for the winter events. In their Pre-Games Sustainability Report organizers estimated approximately 890,000 cubic metres of water would be used in Yanqing from November 2021 to March 2022 and 1.9 million cubic metres in Zhangjiakou, with actual figures to be published in the post-Games report.
Environmentalists have also raised concerns about the proximity to the 4,600-hectare Songshan National Nature Reserve. Many are also concerned that the noise pollution from the artificial snow machines will disturb wildlife at the reserve.
In Beijing, state-controlled media outlets have been touting the upcoming games as a feat of sustainability, even going so far as to call them the “green games.” In their Pre-Games Sustainability Report, the Beijing 2022 organizers highlighted steps made to reduce carbon emissions and use renewable energy.
In an article from the state-owned China Daily news site, critics argued that snow-making is not an irreversible process of consuming water, instead, snow-melt water can be recycled into reservoirs. As part of the Games, organizers have put up three reservoirs that will collect and recycle the snow-melt and rainwater to be used for making the artificial snow.
But experts have other ideas. Professor Carmen de Jong, a hydrologist with the University of Strasbourg, Paris, commented “these could be the most unsustainable Winter Olympics ever held…these mountains have virtually no natural snow.” Due to the high water and energy consumption, she said, the fake snow will damage soil health and cause erosion, not to mention the chemicals that are used to prevent the snow from melting. Other concerns arise on the time it takes for artificial snow to melt. According to a Spiegel story in 2008, it takes about two to three weeks longer to melt than natural snow and may affect the normal levels of underground water.
Organizers of the Games voiced a different opinion saying concerns over the artificial snow are “ill-informed and unfounded.”  Joe Fitzgerald is a Canadian slope-building expert hired as a consultant at the Genting Snow Park, Zhangjiakou, Hebei province which is co-hosting the Games. He told the state-owned China Daily that artificial snowmaking has been at eight other Winter Olympic Games and Beijing is no exception. He also noted that artificial snow helps to make a consistent surface, reducing the incidence of injuries from falling on the snow.
But other experts and winter sports athletes disagree, saying artificial snow causes more injuries because it is wetter and becomes harder and more densely packed, meaning a fall can result in more severe injuries.
Artificial snow is no new phenomenon at the Winter Games and was first used at the 1980 Winter Games held in Lake Placid, New York, USA to subsidize low natural snow levels. This was after an “exceptionally dry” winter forced organizers to manufacture artificial snow at the different venues.
Other experts from previous Olympics insist that it is difficult to rely on naturally occurring snow when organizing the Games, which can also have an impact on fairness during the competitions.
Various users turned to Twitter to either raise concerns or share their opinion on artificial snow use.
While Beijing people lock down at home, suffering hunger!
Chinese Communist Party is holding Winter Olympic in a man make snow city.
The Games is damaging the Spirit and Image of Olympics.
Beijing Winter Olympics is inhumanity, no human rights, no freedom! pic.twitter.com/jzjMBBCWuY
— Himalaya Australia Gnews (@HAGnews2) January 25, 2022
Well China has area like Beijing where it’s pretty cold in winter (it is currently -5). Artificial snow is used when the weather is not able to produce natural snow. Natural snow is what is supposed to be used, but the weather at Zhangjiakou didn’t produce enough snow apparently
— Jules (@pad_jules) January 26, 2022
Artificial snow used at Beijing 2022 @Olympics “poses tough environmental questions” warns new @SportEcoGroup study https://t.co/Mwp421Sf2o
— Sportandclimate (@sportandclimate) January 26, 2022
New research from the Sport Ecology Group at Loughborough University in England and the Protect Our Winters environment group suggests that as the climate crisis continues to worsen, winter sports could become less feasible and may even become more dangerous. “The risk is clear: man-made warming is threatening the long-term future of winter sports. It is also reducing the number of climatically suitable host venues for the Winter Olympiad.” The report adds:
“Climate change is eroding the ability of snow and ice sports to take place under natural conditions… We hear that the intensive use of artificial snow could lead to more injuries, warnings over the environmental damage from pesticides used to keep manmade snow cold, concerns that grassroots opportunities will dry up as ski seasons become more erratic.”
Meanwhile, a new study in the Current Issues in Tourism Journal shows that only one of the 21 previous Winter Olympic locations will have enough ice and snowfall to host Winter Games by 2080 if global emissions remain on the current path. The same study finds that by the same year, there will only be nine cities globally with enough snow to host the Games.
“No sport can escape the impacts of a changing climate. Achieving the Paris agreement targets is critical to save snow sports as we know it and ensure there are places across the world to host the Winter Olympics,” said Daniel Scott, a researcher and lead author of the study.
It will remain to be seen what the Beijing Olympics organizers will do to mitigate the environmental concerns raised above. It will also offer the International Olympic Committee (IOC) food for thought when considering future hosts and venues for the Winter Olympics.

author: Richard Wanjohi


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In an election year, press freedom declines in Angola · Global Voices
Global Voices Lusofonia

In April 2021, the government of Angola ordered the suspension of TV Record África's activities in the country, citing irregularities. Image: Giovana Fleck/Global Voices
Angola will hold elections in August 2022 that will establish the new Parliament and President of the Republic. The current Head of State, João Lourenço, of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) party, was elected in 2017. Lourenço was elected after his predecessor, José Eduardo dos Santos, stepped down after more than 30 years in power
Founded in 1956, the MPLA has governed Angola since it gained independence from Portugal in 1975. Since then, it has been the largest party in the country and, as a result, controls various governance and social sectors, including the media.
During the tenure of José Eduardo dos Santos, Angola was seen as a country where freedom of expression and of the press was threatened, mainly because of bans on public demonstrations and arrests against opposition activists and politicians.
One of the emblematic cases, which was covered by Global Voices in 2016, is when 17 activists were detained after discussing a book that was considered a “weapon of war” by the previous government. They were released a few months later.
Constituents were hoping for change when they elected the current president in 2017. While he seemed promising when he first began his term, time shows that his time in office has proved to be more of the same. Under his office citizens still lack the right to demonstrate and face unjustified arrest and detentions.
Angola has seen tension increase since its 2017 elections, marked by protests and political disputes. In 2021 citizens took to the streets after an electoral law was approved, even though the main political actors in the country had not reached a consensus.
In addition to the protests, the media (traditionally dominated by the state in Angola) has also suffered a setback, especially on television channels and newspapers with greater circulation. The most recent incident has to do with the suspension of private television channels that operated in the country.
The first case dates from April 2021, when the government of Angola ordered the suspension of TV Record Africa's activities in the country, citing irregularities. Record is one of the largest commercial TV groups in Brazil. The Ministry of Telecommunications, Information Technologies, and Social Communication (MINTTICS) justified the suspension of the Brazilian TV affiliate on the grounds that its executive director is a “non-national” citizen.
On the same occasion, another media group, which operates broadcasting television channels, called ZAP was also suspended on suspicion of illegalities in its operations. At the time, the authorities said that the assessment carried out by that Ministry revealed that there were newspapers, magazines, and radio stations registered in the country, but that they are not effective operations.
In reaction to this, Angela Quintal, coordinator of the Africa program of the Committee for the Protection of Journalists (CPJ), called on the government to end the suspension, appealing to the executive to stop persecuting the media critical of the Government :
Com a aproximação das eleições do próximo ano, o Presidente João Lourenço e a sua administração deveriam promover a pluralidade de perspetivas nos ‘media’ e assegurar que o Estado não tem o monopólio da informação crucial para o público tomar decisões fundamentadas.
With next year's elections approaching, President João Lourenço and his administration should promote a plurality of perspectives in the media and ensure that the state does not have a monopoly on crucial information for the public to make informed decisions.
In January 2022, it was finally announced that the channels would be turned over to state management. It so happens that the Attorney General's Office decided that the management of the companies ZAP Media S.A and Finstar should be handed over to the Ministry that oversees the media in Angola, which must guarantee the reintegration of workers made redundant from the channel.
In its recent report on Angola, Human Rights Watch drew attention to the growing number of violations of fundamental freedoms in Angola, with a focus on the press sector.
O Comité de Protecção dos Jornalistas, CPJ, relatou pelo menos seis outros casos de queixas por difamação criminal contra jornalistas em Angola desde Março de 2021. Milhões de angolanos em todo o país continuam a ter acesso a informação livre, diversa e imparcial, uma vez que Angola continuou a ser o único país da África Austral sem estações de rádio comunitárias.
The Committee to Protect Journalists, CPJ, has reported at least six other cases of criminal defamation complaints against journalists in Angola since March 2021. Millions of Angolans across the country continue to have access to free, diverse and impartial information as that Angola remained the only southern African country without community radio stations.

author: Global Voices Lusofonia


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Mixed response to Australia’s Great Barrier Reef funding boost in lead up to election · Global Voices
Kevin Rennie

Bleached staghorn coral on the Great Barrier Reef March 2017. Photo courtesy of Flickr user, ARC Centre of Excellence for Coral Reef Studies, Bette Willis (CC BY-ND 2.0)
The Australian government has pledged AUD 1 billion (USD 710 million) to help save the Great Barrier Reef has left many local and overseas observers feeling distinctly “underwhelmed.”
In 2021 the reef faced the prospect of being classified as an “in danger” site by the World Heritage Committee of UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization), and the Australian government was asked to take “accelerated action” on climate change to help preserve it.
In July, following an intense lobbying campaign, Environment Minister Sussan Ley managed to avert this potentially embarrassing outcome.
Instead, UNESCO expects Australia to submit an update by February 2022, detailing how it plans to improve “water quality and land management” and promote “accelerated action at all possible levels …to address the threat from climate change.”
The independent Climate Council’s spokesperson, Professor Lesley Hughes argued at the time:
Until we see credible climate action, and the phasing out of fossil fuels like coal, oil and gas, this situation will worsen, not improve. The Great Barrier Reef is in danger, and trying to hide the facts won’t change a thing
On The Conversation, three scientists from James Cook University maintained that the UNESCO committee was just “simply kicking the can down the road.” They called for local, national as well as global action:
…it is important to expand efforts to reduce the locally manageable impacts, such as poor water quality, while rapidly accelerating action on climate change.
The future of the reef remains a political and environmental problem for the government, which faces re-election sometime in the first half of 2022.
The money will be spent over nine years, equaling about AUD 111 million per year. That represents three terms of government. Half will be spent on improving water quality, preventing erosion, bolstering land conditions, and reducing runoff of pesticides and nutrients. There are also funds to combat the invasive crown-of-thorns starfish, which is harming local ecosystems.
The funding is clearly meant to address the first aspect of the UNESCO World Heritage Committee recommendations. In a joint media release with environment minister Ley, Prime Minister Scott Morrison said that it was aimed at “building resilience,” a deliberate adoption of UNESCO's terminology.
However, Australia’s COP26 commitment on climate change may not be well received by UNESCO. The media release refers to “the deployment of new climate adaptation technology.” It does not directly mention the climate crisis and makes no further commitments to reducing carbon emissions. According to the Climate Change Performance Index, Australia currently ranks last out of 60 countries on its climate policies.
Many have welcomed the funding but expressed their reservations about the government’s lack of climate action.
David Hudspeth’s response on minister Ley’s Facebook page was typical of many responses on social media:
Good to see greater effort going into reef management but the greatest threat to the Great Barrier Reef is still climate change and we need greater commitment from the government on that front. We are running out of time to reduce emissions before warming exceeds the capacity of the reef to adapt. We need global targets in line with staying well under 2 degrees C which means the government needs to raise its 2030 emissions target of 26 to 28% to at least 50%. Failing to raise our commitments as the US and UK have done is undermining the vital international effort on climate. Please step up. https://www.barrierreef.org/the-reef/threats/climate-change
In contrast, Graham Young, self-styled classical liberal and editor of the Online Opinion website, took a very long view in dismissing human effects on the health of the reef:
What a boondoggle. $1,000,000,000 won't help the reef but it will help consultants to help themselves. The reef has survived for around half a billion years. Hubris to think it needs our help. https://t.co/bYcW70LEOo
— Graham Young (@GrahamY) January 27, 2022
Monique Ryan is running as a candidate against the current Federal Treasurer Josh Frydenberg at this year’s elections. Climate change is one of her priority campaign issues as this tweet clearly showed:
If this Government wanted to save the Great Barrier Reef, they would have acted years ago.
Climate change is the greatest threat to our reef and this Govt's climate targets are inadequate.
This is nothing but an election stunt.#auspol #Mon4Kooyong https://t.co/5Es56ThvBu
— Dr Monique Ryan (@Mon4Kooyong) January 28, 2022
Given the upcoming election, many on social media were cynical about the government's motives:
It's actually nothing to do with saving the reef. It's about saving their political skins, pure and simple
— Iain (@Iain37969539) January 29, 2022
Many Twitter users have seen the Morrison government's commitment to fossil fuels, especially coal and gas, as the central issue:
You know what would *really* help the Great Barrier Reef @sussanley?
Stopping your 116 new gas and coal mining projects in the pipeline 👇 and encouraging others to do the same (ie the IEA Net Zero pathway to limit warming and save GBR) @RNBreakfasthttps://t.co/K3pe86VnCz
— Richie Merzian (@RichieMerzian) January 27, 2022
This cartoon needed far fewer words to send the same message:
Here's a picture of the #LNP‘s Great Barrier Reef policy to save you reading their spin and lies. pic.twitter.com/6VZwxUbqar
— Ben Pennings (@BenPennings) January 28, 2022
On January 28, scientists reported that Australia's Great Barrier Reef faced its highest temperatures ever in December 2021, warning that it could be on the verge of another mass bleaching. If a mass bleaching occurs, it would be the fourth such event since 2016. The in-danger classification may yet become a reality. The World Heritage Committee 45th session is in June 2022 and they will reconsider the Reef's classification based on Australia's environmental efforts.

author: Kevin Rennie


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Nigerian citizen is prevented from entering Mozambique, reigniting debate on mobility in Africa · Global Voices
Global Voices Lusofonia

Maputo International Airport. Photo: Wikimedia under CC BY-SA 2.0 license
The COVID-19 pandemic has made human displacement a central topic of public debate in Africa. Much of this is due to the different travel measures and restrictions in each country. Recently, the restriction of movement to some southern African countries has raised accusations of racism and exaggerated nationalism.
Since the outbreak of the pandemic in Mozambique it has been no different. It was precisely in March 2020 that the first case emerged, with the local authorities imposing restrictions on how people can enter the country but also requiring testing and quarantine, though not vaccination.
However, in 2022, the debate on restrictions has given way to reports of mistreatment from the country's migration authorities. The most recent example dates from January 23, when Nigerian national Pamela Aide was prevented from entering Mozambique.
Authorities claimed that she did not have the proper documentation to enter the country. Furthermore, her visa could not be obtained upon arrival, contrary to the information she had obtained from her country's migration services.
Upon arriving in Mozambique, immigration authorities advised that she needed an invitation letter as well as a reference to where she would be staying. After being turned away, Pamela decided to expose the case on Twitter and gained over 9,000 retweets, over 1000 comments, and over 15,000 likes. Pamela Aide tells her story here:
I left Lagos to Mozambique last week. I planned to be there for about a week and return to Nigeria. As I always do before travel, I researched travel & visa requirements. What I found for citizens of Nigeria is that we can get visa on arrival.
— Pamela Adie (@pamelaadie) January 23, 2022
The worst part is that I don’t know where to file my complaint for this injustice meted on me. What I have now is social media to sound the alarm and to warn others who might want to visit their godforsaken country. #Mozambique
— Pamela Adie (@pamelaadie) January 23, 2022
The debate did not go unnoticed by several Mozambicans, who condemned the immigration authorities’ actions, showing solidarity with the traveler.
I saw a thread earlier about another bad experience with Mozambican immigration services and I don’t really have much to say. It’s unfortunate that someone has gone trough such a stressful experience trying to visit #Mozambique .
— Leocádia (@Leocadeea) January 23, 2022
🥺🥺 the sad part is that I have witnessed such things happening , it is so frustrating. I am Moz , and i almost lost it trying to help someone. seems that the visa on arrival works only for travelers from US or Europe! https://t.co/4zyR1kTsfo
— Fernanda Matsinhe (@nandamatsinhe) January 23, 2022
Some users even went so far as to indicate a list of countries where they are considered to be on the ”black list”:
Places I won't advise Nigerian to visit.
1. South Africa
2. Uganda ( Remember Tems arrest)
3. Mozambique ( Learn from this Experience)
4. Infact don't visit any African Country, it's better to visit an European Country with racism and more opportunities.
— Ullah (@__Ullah) January 23, 2022
In the midst of the comments, a debate emerged about the difficulties around traveling within the continent, which is often characterized by overcomplicated document requirements that hinder the internal mobility of Africans.
Im so sorry this happened to you. This is one of the biggest problem with traveling across Africa as an African. It’s so hard to get the information you need and then most of the officials are not educated enough to know how to treat tourists.
I really hope Africa will change!
— Tayo Aina (@tayoainafilms) January 23, 2022
This is why we African people have to learn critical race theory from the Black Diaspora. The unnecessary bureaucratic work that happens in our government offices are directly descended from colonialism. Thanks for your post and helpful responses you are receiving.
— Koɗi 😷🏡💉 (@redneurons) January 23, 2022
Based on the incident, some citizens produced some solutions and proposals emerged, as was the case of those who offered to help those who want to travel to Mozambique next time:
As a Mozambican I am so sorry this happened to you. My father is a former ambassador of Mozambique so If you ever consider coming back to Mozambique, Please please don't hesitate to contact me and I'll make sure your trip to mozambique is nothing but delightful. Again I am sorry
— Silva Menezes🇲🇿🌍 (@ArlesioSilva) January 23, 2022


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The national debate over Jamaican Maroons’ claim to be a sovereign state · Global Voices
Emma Lewis

Photograph of the town of Accompong in the parish of St. Elizabeth, Jamaica, in the early 20th century. Unknown author, public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.
The relationship between Jamaica's Maroon communities and both colonial and post-Independence governments, remains complex. Now, a turn of events in the first week of January suggests that the Maroons may be adopting a new and more assertive stance; that many Jamaicans — with their incomplete knowledge of the key historical role Maroons have played — are ambivalent over their current status, and that there is considerable disquiet on the part of the government over the Accompong Maroons’ leadership.
There are four officially recognised Maroon settlements in Jamaica, divided into two groupings: the Leeward Maroons on the western side of the island, and the Windward Maroons to the east. The National Library of Jamaica describes their origins, which “date back to 1655, around the time when Tainos and Africans who were freed by the Spanish took to remote parts of the island for refuge from the English invasion and to establish settlements”:
The Jamaican Maroons are often described as enslaved Africans and persons of noticeable African descent who ran away or escaped from their masters or owners to acquire and preserve their freedom. […] From the second half of the seventeenth century to the mid eighteenth century, the Maroons developed into a formidable force that significantly challenged the system of enslavement imposed by the English. Though great controversy surrounds the terms of the treaties that they signed with the English, their role in undermining institutionalized slavery and cultural traditions are prominent parts of the history and heritage of Jamaica.
Accompong, situated in St. Elizabeth, western Jamaica and is named after the leader who founded it: Accompong was brother to Quao, Cuffy, Cudjoe and Nanny, the only girl and a national hero of Jamaica. The village was founded in 1739 on land given to the Maroons as part of a peace treaty with the British, and is home to the island’s most high-profile Maroon community.
Descended from the Akan (Ashanti) people of West Africa, the Accompong Maroons hold an annual ceremony on January 6 to commemorate the signing of the peace treaty and the establishment of the town and this year, took place with the usual large crowds in attendance, despite a warning from the Jamaica Constabulary Force that it was not in accordance with COVID-19 restrictions.
Publicity surrounding the event centred around its charismatic and university-educated leader, Maroon Chief Richard Currie, who at 44 represents a departure from his older, more conservative predecessors. Elected in March 2021, Currie has established a strong presence in Accompong, and apparently a good following. While some Jamaicans, both within and outside the community, find him divisive and aggressive, he also has admirers who see him as a strong, principled leader.
Accompong Maroon icon, Henry ‘Mann’ O. Rowe, holding the Maroon Peace Treaty. Behind him is an image of Martin Luther King, Jr. Image courtesy the National Library of Jamaica, used with permission.
When the January 6 event ended on a sour note, with a patron being killed by an off-duty policeman, the social media-savvy Chief Currie expressed his shock and regret on Instagram. On his Twitter account, Currie describes himself as “Head of State of Cockpit Country,” attesting that “Maroons are an Indigenous People with a sovereign republic predating the 1738 British Treaty.”
Such assertions have been a source of controversy and public debate over the years, as Accompong has its own Constitution. The debate has now been revived. At a January 9 security press briefing, Prime Minister Andrew Holness was asked about the issue of Maroon sovereignty and his administration’s decision not to fund projects in Accompong. In response, Holness alluded to “some threats that the average citizen looking on might think is innocuous,” vehemently asserting:
Jamaica is a unitary sovereign state. There is no other sovereign authority in Jamaica other than the Government of Jamaica. I want that to be absolutely clear. None. And under my leadership, not one inch of Jamaica will come under any other sovereign authority.
Addressing the journalist who had asked the question, Holness continued:
What you are asking would be for the Government of Jamaica to take taxpayers’ money and grant funds to fund another government…are you crazy? Really? Do you know what you’re asking? This is the stuff of how guerilla wars come and states break down. Wake up, Jamaica! Don’t court foolishness and problems. Wake up! People have died as a result. And you expect me to stand there as prime minister and fund activities that could lead to the breakdown of our state? Never!
Currie countered by sharing a January 6, 2019 tweet in which the prime minister described the treaty as “between two sovereign nations”:
Maybe the JLP loyalist should go clear this up with their PM so he doesn’t make Jamaica look so uneducated about the illustrious history of the #Maroons. We protected the island from invasion yet you wish to disrespect those who shed blood for this island. The world is watching! pic.twitter.com/3bxHgLu8kp
— Chief R. Currie (@ChiefCurrie) January 11, 2022
Currie also made the point that Jamaica is a signatory to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
Jamaican academics have differing views on Maroon-related issues. Professor of History at the University of the West Indies, Verene Shepherd spoke to the question of Indigenous rights:
Maroons are considered Indigenous Peoples and they have rights under the UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Please look up that Declaration.
— Verene A. Shepherd (@VereneAShep) January 10, 2022
To underscore her point, Professor Shepherd added that the Maroons lived with Taino peoples:
Mr Moore-Minott is correct. Maroons have Taino blood. They fought together in the mountains against colonialism.
— Verene A. Shepherd (@VereneAShep) January 10, 2022
Jamaica's Taino cacique, Kasike Nibonrix Kaiman, has been supportive of the Maroons’ cause.
However, Professor of International Law at The University of the West Indies, Stephen Vasciannie, discussed the 1739 Treaty in a newspaper column, in which he stressed that “the foundation document for Maroon rights and duties does not support the sovereignty case”:
There was a provision on Maroon leadership in the Maroon lands and punishment of Maroons in the defined area could largely be carried out by the Maroon leader. Generally, the arrangements envisaged freedom and some special rights for Maroons in return for peace and loyalty, but they did not create a Maroon State […]
Both Jamaican and international law point firmly against the notion that the Maroons may be regarded today as an independent State. This conclusion is consistent with clear facts on the ground throughout Jamaica. Maroons accord generally with the laws within the country and conduct their affairs as Jamaicans. If the Maroons wish to be regarded as politically separate from the rest of Jamaica, they will have to make the case with clarity and precision.
They will need to demonstrate convincingly why the small Jamaican State, already struggling with the problems of small island development, should support a diminution in its size at the behest of another small unit which is physically part of the existing Jamaican State.
A “concerned citizen” expressed doubts in a letter to the newspaper:
Perhaps […] the colonel is determined to take his tribe where others before have not [while] the Cabinet has ordered the withholding of funds and support to any entity which claims to be a sovereign State.
However, a tougher stance is needed, especially when viewed in the context of last August when a stand-off ensued between an armed Colonel Currie, his loyalists, and the police resulted in the police retreating, thus saving likely bloodshed […]
Clear lines must be drawn and, if needs be, a law must be passed with strict rules which, if breached, will result in harsh punishment.
Colonel Currie cannot continue to function as a law unto himself. This foolishness just has to stop.
It did not stop there. The prime minister later invited the heads of the other three Maroon groups to a meeting at his office, leading cultural activist and university lecturer Sonjah Stanley to muse:
I wonder if this was a move to divide and conquer in post colonial Jamaica 👀—- Accompong's Currie left out as PM meets with maroon chiefs https://t.co/I63ofQDAzK
— Culture Doctor of Kingston (@SonjahStanley) January 21, 2022
While Currie expressed hope at dialoguing with the prime minister, he was disappointed that — although they had agreed to present a united front — his fellow Maroons leaders appeared to have changed their minds.
One reason for Jamaicans’ general ambivalence towards the Maroons is that some groups returned escaped slaves to the British at certain points in history (and in fact, captured National Hero Paul Bogle). On a recent television current affairs program, the host asked Accompong’s Ambassador if they should apologize for returning runaway slaves to the British?
If you missed #TVJAllAngles here’s one of the highlights:
Should the maroons apologize for returning runaway slaves?@djmillerJA explores with Ambassador Anu Tafarri Zion El. pic.twitter.com/ZzFxLylPOP
— #ClimateChange (@aneikaangus) January 27, 2022
The other critical element is the Maroons’ connection to Cockpit Country — an ecologically sensitive area that has been the subject of long-running debates between government, bauxite mining companies, residents, and environmentalists.
Despite the January 3 announcement that a smaller portion of the highly controversial Special Mining Licence (SML173) would be apportioned for mining, concerns remain, including that other areas in and around Cockpit Country may be targeted. Bauxite mining remains a source of unending pressure, stress, loss of agricultural land, and health concerns for local residents, prompting one climate change expert to tweet:
This Maroon business really gone way beyond the initial point though.
Ignore the noise. Focus. Protect the Cockpit Country.
— Gerald Lindo (@geraldlindo) January 22, 2022
There are also concerns over a forthcoming and quite significant UN-funded project in the area, in which the Accompong Maroons insist they should have input. The Holness administration has already reportedly instructed government agencies not to engage with or fund activities in the community while it is under its current leadership.
As things escalate, One Jamaican suggested:
Both the PM and Chief Currie need to lower the temperature of this discussion #TvjAllAngles
— Obika G (@kingofkgn) January 13, 2022
Personalities aside, unresolved issues and questions over the Maroons linger — many of them recurring over several years — for which ongoing dialogue appears to be the only answer. The current situation, however, appears to be mired in stalemate.

author: Emma Lewis


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From the Nyayo car to the Opibus, Kenya’s motor innovation and manufacturing history · Global Voices
Njeri Wangari

The Opibus, the first-ever electric bus designed and developed in Africa. Image source: https://twitter.com/Opibus1
Opibus, a Swedish–Kenyan technology company, announced on January 19, 2022, it is beginning trial operations for the first-ever electric bus fully designed and developed in Africa. The all-electric vehicle was first introduced in Kenya, where the design and development were all done in-house by local engineering talent and using local manufacturing partners. The group will begin trial operations on the streets of Nairobi before mass production begins in late 2023.
Kenya currently ranks fourth after Egypt, Rwanda, and Nigeria in the Global Innovation Index 2021.
We are proud to announce Kenya’s first-ever electric bus, completely designed and developed in Africa.
Leveraging local manufacturers and global suppliers we have built a vehicle tailored for the African public transport sector.
More on the electric bus: https://t.co/Xlhjq1H0YE pic.twitter.com/0hG1RrImVk
— Opibus (@Opibus1) January 19, 2022
When it comes to industrial manufacturing, a car is seen as the ultimate portrayal of the level of industrial development in a country. But Opibus is hardly the first homegrown manufacturer to sprout in Kenya.
In 1986, the Kenyan government began a project to design and manufacture cars. The Nyayo car project, which was spearheaded by Kenya’s second president, Daniel Toroitich Arap, derived its name from his famous phrase “fuata nyayo,” Swahili for “follow the footsteps,” which earned him the nickname Nyayo.
This audacious project — Kenya’s first foray into motor vehicle manufacture and design — was spearheaded by researchers at the University of Nairobi. They created five prototypes, called the Pioneer Nyayo Cars. The vehicles, which could reach speeds of 120 km/h were never mass-produced to serve the domestic market as funds quickly dwindled forcing the project to be abandoned.
This project was inspired by Malaysia, which launched its first national car, the Proton Saga, on July 9, 1985, following a collaboration between the government of Malaysia and Mitsubishi Motors.
In 2010, British computer engineer Joel Jackson founded Mobius Motors Kenya Ltd, an automobile OEM (Original Equipment Manufacturer)startup to manufacture vehicles for the African market.
The first prototype, Mobius I, is a rugged practical, stripped-down version of a luxury SUV, which was built by welders and mechanics from the country’s Jua Kali industry. Jua Kali (Swahili for “hot sun”) refers to the informal sector that comprises small-scale traders, craftspeople, and entrepreneurs.
Since then, the startup has manufactured the Mobius II (first and second generation) and the Mobius III based on the original Mobius I designs.
The Mobius II  (first generation) launched in October 2014. It was hailed as the most affordable new vehicle in Kenya with a retail price of about USD 8,800. Since its debut, it has yet to endear itself to the hearts of its target market; sentiments online have been a mixed bag with some even claiming that the vehicle is not really made in Kenya.
I recently tried the locally made Mobius and it’s a good hardy car. Let’s buy kenya to build kenya pic.twitter.com/0gbY35bb8M
— Kiprono Kittony, EBS (@KipronoKittony) September 7, 2021
A different Twitter user, Maureen, hailed the company for its achievement.
When the success stories of Kenya manufacturing industry are written Mobius motors kenya ltd will feature for being the first company to manufacture vehicles for the african market
#MadeInKenya pic.twitter.com/ffo4grDkcX
— Maureen Wambui (@WambuiKikuyu01) September 23, 2021
In March 2021, it was reported that the company is facings financial difficulties after the Kenyan Government’s revenue collection arm KRA made unreasonable tax demands.
More than 35 years after Kenya's first attempt at a locally built vehicle based on the Malaysian national car, the Proton Saga made its second debut in the Kenyan market in 2021 following a deal for local assembly by Simba Corp, an integrated business group with an interest in the motor vehicle industry. The Proton Saga is a saloon car that hopes to capture the market that has been dominated by second-hand imports from Japan.
Launching the car under the “Buy Kenya Build Kenya” government initiative to increase competitiveness and the consumption of locally produced goods and services, the manufacturer promises to make 6,000 vehicles.
It has become a favorite among sports betting companies and shopping malls as the ultimate giveaway for promotion winners.
Two years ago, Samuel Gatonye, a boda-boda (motorcycle) rider turned mechanic and a father of five launched his first tuk-tuk (rickshaw) which he had assembled out of scrap metal from his home garage.
Despite dropping out of school in grade seven, Gatonye now 47, began working on his first invention soon after. Sixteen years later, his first tuk-tuk model dubbed BJ-50 was launched at a local invention fair. The vehicle has a speed limit of 70 km/h and can carry seven passengers.
The inventor has since received immense support from both the county and national governments, ranging from vehicle orders and permits to training and an assembly plant as the model became christened the Laikipia BJ-50.
Despite Gatonye's tough road, his invention became the subject of discussion on social media as Kenyans trolled the BJ-50 for its design and color soon after it made its debut at the innovation fair in his home county of Laikipia.
Some, like Twitter user Kamau, pointed out some similarities between the government's support of the Nyayo car and the Laikipia BJ-50.
#uhurukenyatta is very keen to not only emulate all of #mois failures, but also raise the bars of those failures as well. This is an embarrassment. The Nyayo pioneer 1 car was much better. In 1986! Hii sio pombe, Kuna kitu watu huko serikali wanavuta Na Mapua #bj50 #laikipia pic.twitter.com/P9PzYRWQy0
— kamau (@kamauwawangari) July 24, 2020
This is not alcohol, there is something people in that government are smoking.
But, as noted by another Twitter user David Mugo, Mobius, unlike the BJ-50, has struggled to receive goodwill both from Kenyans and, more importantly, from the Kenyan Government.
Let's face the truth. Mobius is a Kenyan brand that deserves support and more PR than we are giving the Laikipia tuk tuks. Why isn't the government using Mobius? Did a politician try to force their way into shareholding and failed? Talk of Kenyan innovation, start here. pic.twitter.com/IOxPhjMa1Q
— David Mugo (@raidarmax) July 24, 2020
Last year, Gatonye's new assembly plant released a pick-up version of the BJ-50 to fill the demand for a low-cost and low-maintenance vehicle that can transport heavy goods.
19:57 Laikipia BJ-50 now has a tuk tuk version, it handles half a ton of load with alot of ease. Still trolling? Self belief can break barriers pic.twitter.com/l2UiYgEDi4 via @Laikipia_1
— Ma3Route (@Ma3Route) August 16, 2021
All the failed attempts at becoming a country that’s greatly advancing its industrial development aside, the Opibus has shepherded Kenya into a new league. With the first electric bus set to be launched commercially in the middle of this year, this is a major milestone as the continent seeks to develop homegrown and sustainable transport solutions.

author: Njeri Wangari


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In honour of World Wetlands Day, Caribbean wetlands in photos · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

Great Goat Island on the southern coast of Jamaica. Photo by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
World Wetlands Day, marked on February 2 — the day on which the Convention on Wetlands was adopted in Ramsar, Iran, in 1971 — is an annual acknowledgement of the importance of wetlands to life and sustainability on our planet. The 2022 theme focuses on a call to action through behaviour, activism, monetary investment, and political support, to ensure that the world's precious and vulnerable wetland ecosystems are restored and protected from further degradation.
Although wetlands cover less than 10 per cent of the earth’s surface, a whopping 40 per cent of all plant and animal species live or breed there. Quite apart from being a food source for humans and animals, wetlands are crucial to climate balance, as they contribute to water regulation, filtering and flood management.
In Small Island Developing States (SIDS) like the Caribbean, which are at the receiving end of the worst impacts of climate change, wetlands are integral to the fight against global warming by stabilising greenhouse gas emissions and storing carbon within their biomass and soil (carbon sinks). This despite the fact that climate change has already brought with it negative side effects, including decreased levels of fresh water, deforestation and sea-level rise.
Unfortunately, many regional wetland areas, like the mangrove forests in Trinidad and Tobago at the southern end of the archipelago, are threatened by pollution and sargassum, the proliferation of which has been linked to warmer ocean temperatures as a result of climate change.
Trindad's Pointe-a-Pierre Wildfowl Trust, one of the country's best known wetlands defenders, posted images on its Facebook page in celebration of World Wetlands Day, even as it pledged to continue “the conservation and preservation of Wetlands and all their inhabitants.”
Another Trinidad-based NGO, SpeSeas, tweeted:
As part of #WorldWetlandsDay, we would like to draw attention to sustainable use of our very own wetlands, the Nariva Swamp, Caroni Swamp & Buccoo Reef/ Bon Accord Lagoon complex and encourage their protection and conservation efforts pic.twitter.com/Y8okrVVkbL
— SpeSeas (@SpeSeas) February 2, 2022
Marine biologist Jahson B. Alemu I added:
This #wetlandsday I've been thinking a lot about the awareness-action gap & what I can do better to #ActForWetlands and #climatechange. I think for starters I'd like to build more inclusive narratives around OUR identity & wetlands.
Happy wetlands day #rewet #reforest #restore
— Jahson B. Alemu I, Ph.D (@jahson_alemu) February 2, 2022
In addition to their functionality, wetlands are also quite beautiful. In honour of World Wetlands Day, here's a glimpse of a few of the Caribbean's most breathtaking wetlands, starting from Guyana on the mainland and moving north up the island chain.
The East Demerara Water Conservancy, Guyana. Photo by John+Elaine Chesterton on Flickr, CC BY-SA 2.0.
Though considered part of the Caribbean, Guyana is an expansive country situated on the South American continent, with swamp and wetland areas that stretch for miles.
Bird life at the Pointe-a-Pierre Wild Fowl Trust in Trinidad. Photo by Janine Mendes-Franco, used with permission.
In addition to taking in and rehabilitating injured birds, the Pointe-a-Pierre Wild Fowl Trust does a lot of research, advocacy and education outreach about the environment in general and wetlands in particular.
Trinidad's Caroni Swamp at dusk, when its bird life, most notably the Scarlet Ibis, comes home to roost. Photos by Janine Mendes-Franco, used with permission.
With its substantial estuarine mangrove system, the Caroni Swamp, which borders the Gulf of Paria on Trinidad's western coast, is one of the island's two designated Ramsar sites. The second is the mainly freshwater Nariva Swamp, located on the eastern coast. (Tobago's Buccoo Reef is the country's third Ramsar site.)
Not only do wetlands like these purify water and protect the coastline from erosion, as well as the ill effects of storms and flooding, they are also wonderful locations for eco-tourism and environmental education.
Sunset at Petit Trou Lagoon, Lowlands, on Tobago's windward coast. Photo by Janine Mendes-Franco, used with permission.
This picturesque lagoon, located within the Tobago Plantations resort, has a thick area of mangrove through which a boardwalk has been constructed above the mangrove roots. The lagoon itself is a mix of fresh and salt water.
The Graeme Hall Nature Sanctuary contains the last major mangrove wetland in Barbados. A staging point for thousands of migratory birds, it was closed in 2019 due to a dispute with the Barbados government. Photo by David Stanley on Flickr, CC BY 2.0.
About a week prior to World Wetlands Day, an online petition was launched by a concerned group of Barbadians, who are advocating to “save Barbados’ last mangrove forest from being lost forever”. The petition seeks to garner public support for the declaration of Graeme Hall Swamp as an OS-2 Conservation Area. As at the time of publishing, the petition had secured close to 4,000 signatures.
An egret at Yallahs Salt Pond in Jamaica. Photo by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
Some threats to regional wetlands include usurping of these ecologically sensitive areas for housing projects, tourism developments, and agriculture. The flora and fauna in many wetland areas are also in danger from the adverse effects of chemical run-off from pesticides and fertilisers.
Shorebirds at Yallahs Salt Ponds and American Crocodile at Salt River, both in Jamaica. Photos by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
Wetlands are havens for biodiversity, including birds, reptiles, crabs, crocodiles, frogs, and oysters, all of which can be threatened by the presence of invasive species.
Mangrove forests in Salt River, Jamaica. Photos by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
One of the most pressing challenges in Caribbean wetland conservation is pollution, especially in the form of solid waste, which can kill off entire areas of mangroves once tangled in their root system. Mangroves also serve as nurseries for young fish and other marine creatures.
Wetlands at the Mason River Protected Area, Jamaica. Photo by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
Wetlands in the Caribbean are quite diverse. Jamaica's only inland wetland (above), located in the hills of Clarendon at Mason River Protected Area is best described as a kind of peat bog, while those at Salt River (below), on the island's south coast, has more of a seaside feel.
Wetlands at Salt River, Jamaica. Photo by Emma Lewis, used with permission.
No matter where they are or what they look like, however, the message of World Wetlands Day 2022 is that wetlands deserve both our attention and protection.

author: Janine Mendes-Franco


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‘Your’dle: Wordle is now available in many of the world’s languages · Global Voices
Tanya Lokot

Wordle is everyone's favorite word game. Screenshot from video by CBS Sunday Morning.
Wordle, the minimalist online game taking the world by storm, first entered our lexicon in October 2021. That was when Josh Wardle, a Brooklyn, NY-based software engineer, decided to make the game available to the public.
Wardle initially designed the word-guessing puzzle as a gift for his partner, but after it proved popular with family and friends, he placed it on a simple public website. On November 1, 2021, just 90 people had played the game. In the two months since then, the game has attracted hundreds of thousands of fans and become a household name. Its emoji-based result reports — stacks of colored squares representing how many attempts it took to guess the five-letter word — have flooded our social media feeds.
Wordle has captured our imagination to such an extent that it has been dubbed “the sourdough starter of Omicron.” But why do we love it so much?
Wordle is the sourdough starter of Omicron.
— Emily Coleman (@editoremilye) January 14, 2022
The game's success has been attributed to its simplicity: it asks you to guess a five-letter word, and gives you six tries, showing you whether any of your chosen letters are in the secret word and whether they are placed in the right position.
Some have also praised the game for being a once-a-day affair, meaning it only takes a few minutes of your time and does not send you annoying reminders, show you ads, or invite you to compete with other players (though it does show you your personal track record).
Screenshot from the Wordle website with simple directions for how to play the game.
“I think people kind of appreciate that there’s this thing online that’s just fun,” Wardle told The New York Times in an interview. “It’s not trying to do anything shady with your data or your eyeballs. It’s just a game that’s fun.”
On February 1, the game's fans woke up to the news that The New York Times was buying Wordle for “an undisclosed seven-figure sum.” Wardle himself shared an emotional post on Twitter, saying he was “thrilled” about the deal and adding that the game “has gotten bigger than I ever imagined”:
It has been incredible to watch the game bring so much joy to so many and I feel so grateful for the personal stories some of you have shared with me – from Wordle uniting distant family members, to provoking friendly rivalries, to supporting medical recoveries.
On the flip side, I'd be lying if I said this hasn't been overwhelming. After all, I am just one person, and it is important to me that, as Wordle grows, it continues to provide a great experience to everyone.
Though the newspaper promised that the game would “initially remain free,” many worried that the purchase would soon leave them without their daily moment of linguistic zen. However, some users noted that the game could easily be saved to a local server and remain available free of charge.
What's even more exciting about Wordle is that the code behind it can be adapted to work in a variety of languages and different contexts. More programming-savvy fans have already gotten their hands on the code and re-engineered it into every imaginable variation.
Wordles of the World (hosted on gitHub) is one of the more comprehensive listings of the game's incarnations in different languages. It contains a whopping 313 entries in 91 languages and proclaims its goal as being “threefold: having fun, celebrating language diversity, and exploring playful creativity.”
Wordles of the World is an ever-growing #multilingual list of ‘#wordle’ games from all over the world, aiming at being as comprehensive as possible.
🟩🟩🟩🟩🟩
Have fun playing with your language(s), and remember: una lingua numquam satis est. 🗨🌐💬https://t.co/EM4tdxyOyX
— Júda Ronén (@JudaRonen) January 24, 2022
The Wordles on the list range from Belarusian and Cornish to Filipino and Kazakh, but also include versions in Klingon and American Sign Language (this one bears the name Dactle). Some languages, like Ukrainian, have more than one Wordle option: there's Slovko, Kobza and Wordle in Ukrainian to choose from.
Wordle in Urdu. Screenshot from Urdle.
The game's popularity has also created new opportunities to promote indigenous languages: a Maui-based academic and language activist Keola Donaghy created a Hawaiian-language version called Hulihua to mark the start of “Mahina ‘Ōlelo Hawai‘i” (Month of the Hawaiian Language).
Donaghy used open-source code initially released by Hannah Park and later modified by Aidan Pine, a linguist and software developer from British Columbia. Pine created a version of Wordle for the Gitksan language, an indigenous language spoken by the Gitxsan Nation in northwestern British Columbia.
There have also been other playful reimaginings of Wordle, including Eldrow, which gives you a clue word and asks you to guess what the previous word in the row above would have been, and Absurdle, an AI-based “adversarial” version that “is actively trying to avoid giving you the answer.”
There's also Lewdle, which, you guessed it, is based on a vocabulary of exclusively obscene and lewd words, and Custom Wordle, which allows you to make your own game by inputting a word for others to guess (this one has proved popular in school classrooms).
In a world where our daily existence is oversaturated with words and with so many sources of information vying for our attention, it's sometimes nice to exhale, set aside your social media feeds and spend five minutes meditating on a single word — doubly so if that word is in your native language.

author: Tanya Lokot


text:
Another AFCON semi-final heartbreak or a moment of redemption for Cameroon? · Global Voices
Beng Emmanuel Kum

The Indomitable Lions of Cameroon before a match on January 2, 2006. Flickr image by oka_bol (CC BY-NC 2.0)
Host nation Cameroon faces eternal foes Egypt in an epic semi-final fixture on February 3, at the Olembe Stadium in the nation's capital Yaoundé, to decide who among the continent’s most successful nations qualifies for the final of the ongoing Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON). Both teams share 12 trophies between them, with Egypt winning seven and Cameroon five.
The game between Egypt and Cameroon is one of the most revered fixtures in African football with 27 meetings in all competitions since February 1983. Egypt boasts a track record of success on this sort of occasion and the statistics do not make pleasant reading for Cameroonian fans. In their last 10 games at the Nations Cup, the Pharaohs of Egypt have recorded five wins and their Central African rivals have collected four. The graph has rarely favoured the Cameroonians.
“We are getting into the real business. Cameroon vs Egypt is a deja vu. Egypt is gradually picking up form. It's going to be tough for Cameroon. But they are playing at home and hungry to close the gap with Egypt. They also want to be the ninth country to host and win,” Cameroonian sports journalist Afeseh Apong explained on GPmedia, an online news portal.
The football gods have never allowed Cameroon to have things easier against Egypt. They twice lost the chance to win the trophy against the North Africans in 1989 and 2008. They have had hairy moments and a series of improbable escapes. It has always taken a lot to ride out the Egyptian storm over the years, but when it comes to crunch fixtures, especially on Africa’s biggest stage on home soil, Cameroon have invariably found their way to win.
#TeamEgypt has won three of the last four meetings against #TeamCameroon however lost to the Indomitable Lions in the final of this competition in 2017 👀 pic.twitter.com/Ng25qlLzcU
— SuperSport 🏆 (@SuperSportTV) February 3, 2022
Record-holding champions Egypt will certainly head into Thursday’s clash with memories of 2017 when they were denied the trophy in the most cruel fashion after losing to Cameroon in the final following a dramatic comeback win in the semi-final. The pain of the defeat was evidently deepened by the manner in which they lost. But this will not dent the belief that they can avenge their loss and reach the final.
Cameroon wouldn’t easily let such an opportunity slip away and certainly believe they possess the steel required to win a major tournament on home soil. But one of the problems of the team over the years has been that you are never quite sure exactly what to expect from them. One constant is the pursuit for trophies. Defeat is no stranger to Cameroon. And if history is any guide for this game, another win may seem elusive.
A family in Cairo proudly displaying their affection for the Egyptian national football team before the February 5, 2017, African Cup of Nations final against Cameroon. Flickr image by Mark Fischer (CC BY-SA 2.0)
Only a few people can still remember Cameroon’s first semi-final on home soil when they hosted the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) in 1972.
It was a year full of expectation but turned gruesomely sour with fierce scenes at the end after the Indomitable Lions were shockingly knocked-out losing at a raucous Ahmadou Ahidjo Stadium before their home crowd 0–1 to Congo, who claimed their first AFCON trophy.
Players of the Cameroon national team trundled off the pitch with disbelief but managed to settle for third place defeating Zaire 5–2. But the win offered very little consolation to some diehard Cameroonian fans who only celebrate achievement if it comes in the form of gold.
Fifty years after the disappointment, the pain still lingers. Now that the Indomitable Lions are once again through to the semi-final, the simple thought of another unprecedented exit in the last four after a brilliant and unbeaten run is terrifying for obvious reasons.
Michel Kaham, 70, was a young right-back at the time in only his first selection with the national team during the 1972 AFCON finals. “I have very bad memories of the 1972 Africa Cup of Nations. We all dreamt of winning the title on home soil. But we missed the chance after being eliminated by Congo in the semi-final. But we managed to win the third place game against Zaire. It was a failure that we couldn’t win this tournament,” Kaham told this reporter.
Kaham reminisced further to Global Voices that, “After the final whistle, there was complete desolation on the pitch and in the dressing rooms. Many cried and we felt  bad because we gave our all and the least we could do was to win the trophy. We lost to a team that we thought were inferior to us. And we spent about five hours in the dressing rooms before going out. The crowd went mad outside. Our bus was ruthlessly stoned. And I even received a wound on my head.”
Kaham believes, as the host nation, Cameroon has learnt from its mistakes and won’t fall in the same trap twice. A win will pump an emotional outpouring of relief for the retired footballer.
“It is true we missed the chance in 1972 but we have drawn the positives of our failure. I would be glad to see the current crop of players lift the trophy, 50 years after we hosted and reached the final. I hope they reach the final and win this trophy. I am delighted that we finally have a competitive team. It would be great to see Cameroon host and win the AFCON 50 years after,” Kaham said.
For Cameroon, there are two stakes involved heading into the semi-finals against Egypt. First the chance to erase the unpleasant memories of 1972 by reaching the final, and, second, defeating their most dreaded rivals Egypt and denying them the chance of a record-extending eight titles.
The Indomitable Lions of Cameroon have never been in better shape to face Egypt. There is an abundance of talent available for Coach Antonio Conceicao to challenge Egypt’s hegemony and accomplish what the 1972 squad couldn't.
“Egypt is the most successful team on the African continent. We aim to reduce this gap. We know the strengths of Egypt but we hope that the boys will have the same attitude to be able to reach the final. This is our goal,” Conceicao told reporters.
The Portuguese gaffer has a mix of proven experience and exciting youth. The core of the squad from the 2017 and 2019 AFCON has remained, while new heroes have been forged.
For most of the competition, Cameroonians liked what they saw, especially against debutants Ethiopia and The Gambia, which was a performance brimming with pace, precision and energy. The Indomitable Lions have scored more goals than any other nation (11) with two of its players, skipper Vincent Aboubakar and Karl Toko Ekambi leading the goal scorer chart, scoring 6 and 5 goals respectively.
Besides their impressive goal-scoring form, Cameroon has other arguments in their favour. The solidity in their defence is highly impressive, although they have conceded four times with just one clean sheet. Their midfield is solid, with gifted, creative and indestructible midfielders that can change the course of any game.
Although Egypt will be without some of their regular starters, the Indomitable Lions must keep a close look on Mohamed Salah. The Liverpool star, on two goals since the start of the tournament, has only shown a glimpse of his famed predatory instinct and there are signs he is hitting peak club level form.
Cameroon have become addicted to winning, no doubt and aim to make a strong finish to their unbeaten campaign. It is time to live up to the promise and to make sure the trophy doesn’t elude them once more at home.

author: Beng Emmanuel Kum


text:
Global Voices seeks a lead for our Lingua project, to manage our translation communities and projects · Global Voices
Ivan Sigal

Global Voices seeks a person to lead our Lingua project, which focuses on supporting our community of primarily volunteer translators, who translate our stories into upwards of 40 languages. We are interested in candidates with the following: deep knowledge of translation practices, editorial skills and experience, experience in editorial and advocacy partnership management, community leadership and guidance, project management skills, and facility with WordPress publishing platforms.
The Lingua project collaborates with most aspects of Global Voices activities, ensuring that our work is available in a wide range of languages, advocating for the advancement of the multilingual internet, and helping to conceptualize and run multilingual projects that expand open access to information and knowledge.
The Lingua lead will guide these efforts, both as a leader and as a mentor to our many community members who are working to expand access to information in their own linguistic communities. The Lingua lead will serve as a bridge between the Global Voices community and other key communities and networks of translation communities and language diversity advocates around the world. The ideal candidate will demonstrate an ability to support, connect and amplify the many voices speaking out on these issues.
The Lingua lead will work with our distributed community of volunteers and our newsroom team to oversee timely and accurate translation of stories across the Lingua family of Global Voices sites. The Lingua lead will also be part of Global Voices’ core leadership team, and will participate in organization-wide management, strategy, leadership, and community engagement.
The ideal candidate will have fluency in English and at least one other language, and at least three years of experience in the following areas:
All applicants should demonstrate a strong alignment with Global Voices’ mission and values.
There is no geographic requirement associated with this position; Global Voices has no office or physical headquarters. Candidates must have consistent, reliable access to broadband internet connectivity, be comfortable working in a wholly virtual environment, and be able to travel internationally, if necessary. The Lingua lead will report to the Global Voices Executive Director and Managing Director.
We strongly welcome candidates from outside North America and Western Europe and encourage people currently contributing to Global Voices to apply.
The position is near full-time or full-time and will be treated as a freelance contract.
To apply: Email the following items to jobs AT globalvoices DOT org, with the subject line Global Voices Lingua Lead: [your name]:
Applications will be accepted until 11:59pm EST (GMT -4) on February 25, 2022.

author: Ivan Sigal


text:
Musahars on the margins in Nepal · Global Voices
The Record (Nepal)

Musahars in Mahottari warm themselves by a fire. Image by the author. Used with permission.
This article by Rakesh Prasad Chaudhary was first published in The Record (Nepal); an edited version is republished below as part of a content-sharing agreement with Global Voices.
Fifty-two-year-old Chhathu Majhi of Bihar’s Bhitta village arrives in Khaira of Jaleshwor Municipality, Mahottari District in Nepal, at 6 a.m. Along with many other men and women from the Musahar community, Majhi travels to Mahendra Chowk in Jaleshwor, also known as Labour Chowk, where he looks for daily wage work. At the end of the day, Majhi and the others walk the two kilometres back home across the border. Musahars are a Dalit community found in the eastern Terai region of Nepal and they are facing hardship due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.
On the Nepal–India border in Mahottari district, Khaira village lies on the Nepal side while Bhitta is on Indian territory. The Musahar community, which shares families and relatives, resides in both these villages. It is common for Indian Musahars to enter Nepal in search of work and for Nepalis to do the same in India due to the open border between the two countries.
The population of the Musahar community in Nepal and in the Indian state of Bihar is about 2.5 million. In Nepal’s Tarai, Chamars make up the largest Dalit population, followed by Musahars and then Dusadh/Paswans. Despite the size of their population, Musahars remain one of the most marginalized communities in both India and Nepal. According to a report by ILO, Dalits and Labor in Nepal: Discrimination and Forced Labor, among Tarai Dalits, Musahars rank third-to-last in the social hierarchy, followed by Halkhor and Dom. The highest in the Tarai Dalit caste hierarchy are Dusadh (Paswan), followed by Tatma, Khatwe, Dhobi, Chamar, Batara, and Parmadiya.
In the 2011 census, Musahars were the second to last in terms of literacy with a rate of just around 20 percent, after the Dom community. A vast majority of the community is landless and they are still victims of untouchability and ethnic discrimination, according to Sijendra Sada, a Musahar activist. Their name itself, Musahar or eater of rats, alludes to their position within society.
According to Pramod Sada, an activist from Nepal's Siraha district, Musahars continue to face discrimination in daily life, including untouchability as Dalits. Their plight is often ignored by so-called upper castes when seeking justice for ethnic and other forms of discrimination.
For instance, in the village of Madhwa in Mahottari districts, a consumer committee was to be formed to connect pipes for drinking water. Despite the drinking water affecting mostly Musahar community members, a Brahmin man was made chairman of the community. Even now, Musahars are not able to demand rights, says social activist Suresh Thakur.
Many members of the Musahar community live in slums. Image by the author. Used with permission.
Across the border in India, things are marginally better for Musahars. Although they still face discrimination, they have been able to access assistance from the state government. In Nepal, Musahars face difficulty even obtaining citizenship cards.
Still, Musahars remain politically marginalized in both India and Nepal. In India, one in every four positions in village panchayats is reserved for Harijans, i.e., Dalits. Despite such an arrangement, it is difficult to find Musahar mukhiyas (head of community) or sarpanchs (decision makers). In the 2021 village panchayat elections, out of 8,072 mukhiya and sarpanchs, 91 and 1,342 posts were reserved for Dalits and Scheduled Castes. But the number of those who have won these positions from the Musahar caste is negligible.
In Nepal, the political situation of Musahars is no different. It is difficult to find any rural municipality chief or deputy chief from the Musahar community. In the local level elections held in 2017, only six Dalits were elected as mayors and 11 as deputy mayors, according to Samata Foundation, a non-profit advocating for the marginalized people. Despite Dalits making up more than 13 percent of the population, only 19 of the 275 members of the House of Representatives are Dalits. The proportion of Musahars among these is negligible.
The Mushar community primarily mainly works in agriculture. But a decline in agricultural work in Nepal and Bihar has led them to migrate elsewhere for work. Despite facing problems in education, health, employment, and access to justice, Nepali Musahars have begun migrating to Qatar, Malaysia, and Saudi Arabia for employment. But most Musahars are still employed in Haryana and Punjab in India, where they work as agricultural labourers. Musahar children also work in the labour markets of Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, and Calcutta. Similarly, many Indian Musahars come to Nepal for work, finding jobs as daily wage labourers and in brick factories.
Unfortunately, the COVID-19 pandemic has pushed Musahars even further to the margins. Untouchability and caste discrimination continued against members of the Dalit community, especially Musahars, in government quarantine. In 2020, during the lockdown, Malar Sada of Saptari died of hunger. Even though food was distributed through the ward office, it did not reach many Musahars and, even when it did, it was finished within a week.
Dalit communities have been demanding cash assistance or concessional loans from the government but these voices have not been heard. Many Dalits died not only from starvation but also from a lack of cash for medical treatment. Raju Sada died in isolation after not receiving medication for diarrhea.
A Musahar woman from Anaitha village in Mahottari prepares food using firewood. Image by the author. Used with permission.
According to a report by Samata Foundation on COVID-19's impact on the Dalit community, out of 1,500 Dalit respondents from across the country, 82 percent reported financial difficulties and 45 percent lost their jobs. Fifty-two percent said that they faced a food crisis. Although disaggregated data is unavailable, it is likely that Musahars were affected disproportionately in these instances too.
During the pandemic in Bihar, food rations were provided to Scheduled Castes and the poor. During the lockdown period, the government deposited INR 1,000 (USD 13.35) in their bank accounts. Nepali Dalits did not receive any such targeted benefits, despite being much more at risk.

author: The Record (Nepal)


text:
Myanmar’s pro-democracy forces mark coup anniversary with a ‘silent strike’ · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

An almost empty street scene in Myanmar on February 1. Photo from Twitter post of Civil Disobedience Movement, also widely shared on social media.
Despite threats of arrest from military authorities, Myanmar citizens largely remained indoors on February 1 as part of the ‘silent strike’ against the junta.
After grabbing power on February 1, 2021, by arresting officials of the ruling National League for Democracy, the military declared a state of emergency and established a new government, the State Administration Council (SAC), whose members were appointed by Tatmadaw (armed forces).
But the junta’s rule was immediately challenged by concerned citizens who launched a civil disobedience movement and called for the restoration of civilian rule. Over the past year, more than 1,500 have been killed and nearly 12,000 arrested for resisting the junta.
To evade arrest while demonstrating, pro-democracy forces organized a ‘silent strike’ on March 24 and December 10, 2021, by encouraging people to remain inside their homes. During the strike, cities became deserted for several hours, and the streets were emptied of people and cars.
The military government tried to dissuade people from joining this year’s ‘silent strike’ by arresting shop owners who announced that they will stop operating from 10 am to 4 pm on February 1. Despite their efforts, millions of people chose not to go outside during the day.
A rare flash protest was held in urban center Yangon a few minutes before the ‘silent strike’
1/3 Members of the anti-junta General Strike Committee in Yangon staged a flash protest in the commercial city on Tuesday morning before the nationwide “Silent Strike” began at 10am. (Photos: CJ)#WhatsHappeningInMyanmar pic.twitter.com/k7IpD0ZS7I
— Myanmar Now (@Myanmar_Now_Eng) February 1, 2022
This busy thoroughfare in Yangon looked like a ghost town during the ‘silent strike’
This is Yangon today. A silent strike against the coup which took place a year ago is keep many off the roads #2022Feb1Coup pic.twitter.com/d4Klmp62Qu
— Siobhán Robbins Sky (@SiobhanRobbins) February 1, 2022
Even residents in the capital Naypyidaw and other cities with heavy military presence were not seen outside their houses:
Roads and towns have been emptied even in the military stronghold – Pyin Oo Lwin and Lewe in Naypyidaw – which become known as military’s towns.
People across the country are observing the “Silent Strike” to remember the ruthless military coup which took place on 01 Feb 2021. pic.twitter.com/fJFliI1mTE
— Chindwin News Agency (@TheChindwin) February 1, 2022
Some markets were forced to remain open out of fear of reprisal, but there were no customers:
Although open market vendors are coerced to open the market stalls, there is no buyers and even the sellers are not seen in the open shop stalls in Thiri Mingalar market in Yangon, 01 February 2022.
Photo – CJs pic.twitter.com/OG8cKFpGVt
— Chindwin News Agency (@TheChindwin) February 1, 2022
The Civil Disobedience Movement said the ‘silent strike’ was successful
All the cities in the country – no matter big or small are observing #SilentStrike. Despite disproportionate intimidation and violence, SAC has failed. #WhatsHappeningInMyanmar pic.twitter.com/2Gx7Rspiik
— Civil Disobedience Movement (@cvdom2021) February 1, 2022
This photo gives an overview of the cities where ‘silent strikes’ were held
Despite arbitrary abductions, threats and confiscation of properties, our people has shown once again to the world that they are still defiant and bowed to fight the military junta till the end!
အားတွေပြန်ပြည့်ရတယ်ဗျာ။ 👊🏽👊🏽👊🏽#SilentStrike#MyanmarFailedCoup#SpringRevolution pic.twitter.com/528zzC9a9C
— pyaezone (@pyaezone) February 1, 2022
An opposition leader shared a map showing the extent of the protest across the country:
Nationwide ‘Silent Strike’ in Myanmar to mark coup anniversary#Data for Myanmar pic.twitter.com/lKVCnOXMGV
— Aung Kyaw Moe (@akmoe2) February 1, 2022
Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, who were displaced from Myanmar because of military operations, also joined the ‘silent strike’
In the annual ”Silent Strike and Red Campaign” Rohingya Refugee are participate from Bangladesh refugee camp. @nslwin @akmoe2 @EithinzarMM @NUGMyanmar @cvdom2021 @drzarni @DrSasa22222 @ali_jinnah2 @romyothant pic.twitter.com/hflFTnaqKq
— San thai Shin (@atrsh601) February 1, 2022
The Human Rights Foundation of Monland interviewed a local resident about his participation in the strike:
I found that places which are usually bustling with people have fallen silent today. I saw some strangers join the pro-military rallies in the morning but now they are gone. There are very few cars on the roads. Most shops are closed, some on the main street are open…I feel like this is the safest way to express opposition to the illegal coup group.
After the strike ended at 4 pm, people began loudly clapping from their homes, as documented by Mizzima News
Pro-military rallies were held during the coup anniversary and they were permitted by authorities despite the existing regulation against mass gatherings.
The military government extended the state of emergency for another six months which reflects its failure to convince the majority of the population to accept its authority to rule the country. This editorial from The Irrawaddy echoes the sentiment of those who continue to reject the military government:
This is not just a pro-democracy movement: The people are determined that the era of recurring dictatorial regimes must end once and for all; they know that each day under a military junta is a day in hell.
The people have refused to allow themselves to once again become slaves of the military, and will never give up.

author: Mong Palatino