text:
No major problems with fake news in Croatia, says news anchor · Global Voices
Metamorphosis Foundation

Damira Gregoret. Photo by her official Facebook page.
This interview originally appeared on Meta.mk News Agency, a project of Metamorphosis Foundation. An edited version is published below as part of a content-sharing agreement.
Damira Gregoret is a politics reporter and news anchor with RTL Croatia. In October 2018, she made headlines on local media after asking a question to Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenković during a press conference, to which he replied, patronizingly: “You are so sweet, Damira.” Later he publicly apologized to her.
Meta.mk talked to her about the media climate and disinformation in Croatia in the run-up to the presidential elections, due on January 20, 2020.
Meta.mk: Is the general public capable of recognizing false news and how much of it is present in Croatian media?
Damira Gregoret (DG): In the last five to six years, we have been having problems with recognizing disinformation, false news. Even though I cannot be certain what I should call this news, i.e. whether any information that the journalist conveys due to not knowing better or because of lack of knowledge is false news or just disinformation. On the other hand, it is clear that false news is something that is published on purpose.
Meta.mk: Who is the main source of false news?
DG: I would say that we in Croatia have no major problems with false news, at least not in the mainstream media, but there is a certain distortion of facts on the margins of the media scene, which can be characterized as false news. This is something that hasn’t become a major problem, because the mainstream media in Croatia, luckily, are still dominant, but certainly, that should be detected and a reaction should follow. The question is how? I’m worried about the data regarding Serbia and it is incredible how that country has brought itself to the situation that it is in now. The issue is maybe about the joint synergy i.e. the comradeship which doesn’t necessarily has to be within the frame of one state. The journalists should be more careful and in the end, to inform more institutions including the European Commission.
Meta.mk: What is usually the subject of false news in Croatia?
DG: The migrants, but I will say again that it is happening on the margins of the media scene, where the number of migrants has been blown out of proportions and on the other hand there were warnings that the migrants are aggressive, which in certain circumstances can happen. But a journalist should exercise positive discrimination, i.e. not to publish every news that can lead to hatred based on this.
I remember the text that mentioned that migrants have stormed and robbed several houses, and only the next day information arrived from the police that it was one house only and that it wasn’t robbed by the migrants. That way, the fear of migrants which spread throughout Europe, is present here and is used for the creation of false news.
Meta.mk: Are there any reactions from the citizens, the society, the public, institutions?
DG: It is difficult for me to explain through numbers and facts how each reacts. I think that the people are inclined to believe this type of false news, because it is more simple – people feel safe inside within the borders of their country where there are no foreigners disturbing the order. But I think there should be a responsibility on part of the media and that the media are the ones that have to position themselves and disperse these fears. Certainly, not by not informing, but only by explaining to the people that in the whole situation you still have to act like a human. They should act humanely.
Meta.mk: Please explain how these issues are regulated in Croatia – are there are special regulations that refer to hate speech, false news?
DG: There have been talks about it even though it is difficult for me to imagine how it would be regulated. I am certain that a way can be found. There is a journalist codex that doesn’t mention any sanctions within it. The Croatian Media Association is active in this domain, but only as a backup. We can always do better in the fight against false news and hate speech, but the situation is not alarming.

author: Metamorphosis Foundation


text:
Stubble burning and polluted rivers choke India’s capital · Global Voices
Devika Sakhadeo

Women taking a dip in the waters of smog clad Yamuna river covered in foam. Image via Instagram by Nabina Chakraborty. Used with permission
Delhi, the capital of India, suffers from high air pollution levels every year, which puts the health of residents both inside the city and in the surrounding areas at risk. In the first week of November 2019, the smog problems grew out of control and citizens also had to contend with toxic foam covering the already badly-polluted Yamuna River.
In the first week of November, the pollution in Delhi reached hazardous levels as the Air Quality Index levels neared 400 and at times 999.  The polluted air resulted in low visibility and breathing problems. Inhaling such toxic air made the residents of the National Capital Region (NCR) vulnerable to serious health issues.
At 11 am sensor after sensor across the NCR and Haryana is maxing out at 999. Stay indoors. Use a mask or sit next to an air purifier if you are lucky enough to have one. Pray for those who are homeless. pic.twitter.com/4zxhwF8C3s
— Vikram Chandra (@vikramchandra) November 3, 2019
As an immediate action to the severe pollution crisis, the Delhi government urged every resident in NCR and surrounding areas to wear masks at all times. In order to facilitate this, the government made provisions of 50 lakh (5 million) masks to be distributed to the residents.
Schools and offices were also shut down until 6 November 2019 as a precautionary measure. The airport was almost non-functional as most flights were diverted from Delhi due to a lack of visibility because of the smog.
The Delhi government has also tried in the past years to deal with the issue with regulations that would apply regulations to the residents of the National Capital Region (NCR) but nothing seems to have had a lasting effect.
Despite these dire environmental circumstances, many criticized a decision by the Board of Control For Cricket in India (BCCI) to organize an international cricket match in Delhi on November 3, 2019.
This. Is. Beyond. Absurd. #AirQuality index is off the charts @BCCI how can you be so ignorant? #T20I https://t.co/WQpcrrMIUI pic.twitter.com/oFmMVllbPS
— Dia Mirza (@deespeak) November 3, 2019
The Delhi government has placed the blame on neighbouring states — prominently the states of Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. According to officials, the reason for the hazardous air quality is the unmonitored burning of stubble in the fields of the neighbouring states.
Delhi is no joke at the moment. Public health emergency has been declared here as the thick haze continues to hang over the capital this week. It is said because of the plumes of toxic smoke from farm waste being burnt in neighbouring states.#delhi #india #pollution #airpollution pic.twitter.com/m1M0U6azrR
— Shreejana Shrestha (@shreejanas) November 2, 2019
The Supreme Court, the apex court of India held a ruling to arbitrate in the situation that required immediate intervention. The Supreme Court held the neighbouring states of Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh responsible and answerable for this weather condition. Stubble burning by farmers is an issue that pollutes the air every year; however, 2019 has surpassed all previous records.
Supreme Court accuses authorities of passing the buck. https://t.co/ls0oQr1xQr#DelhiPollution #Delhi #LetsUniteAgainstPollution
— National School of Journalism (@NSoJ_Bangalore) November 4, 2019
The Supreme Court’s ruling held the state governments of Punjab and Haryana responsible for not properly restricting stubble burning as well as being too lenient on farmers who were caught in the act. They also added that the state governments were responsible for arranging funding for farmers to procure machines to manage paddy stubble.
Netizens flooded the internet with memes and sarcastic comments regarding the situation in Delhi. Some followed the hashtag “#letusbreathe” asking that they deserve better air quality than the hazardous levels.
The only Diwali gift I want is fresh air and clean oxygen.#DelhiChokes
— अमन?? (@TheAlteria) October 28, 2019
Delhites going to work after Diwali : #DelhiChokes #DelhiPollution pic.twitter.com/hu6WpG5oxA
— Humor Being? (@followTheGupta) October 28, 2019
True that! pic.twitter.com/IjflixScMh
— Rishi Kapoor (@chintskap) November 3, 2019
Many celebrities shared photos with masks on in Delhi.
Following Diwali, the festival of Chhath Puja is celebrated across most parts of northern India. This festival worships the Sun God and asks for His blessings as the winter soon follows. The rituals in this include complete abstinence that ends with a dip in holy water during sunrise on the fourth day of the festival. With the increase in air pollution levels, the waters of Yamuna, a river flowing in the northern region of India, was covered in foam. People took a dip in the foam covered Yamuna waters, putting their health at higher risk.
Welcome to 2109… err… 2019
In what could be a precursor to a dystopian future, the #Yamuna is covered with toxic foam! So, air polluted, water polluted!
Delhi #Pollution: Devotees Stand Knee-Deep In Toxic Foam In Delhi's Yamuna For Chhath Puja 2019 https://t.co/VfHVCu4UbA
— Dr. Sandeep Ghiya (@sandeepghiya) November 4, 2019
What is easier than pollution-free?
Pollutionfie.#Yamuna pic.twitter.com/wqBPhY8UCF
— Srinjoy Chatterjee (@BLOoMIND) November 4, 2019
After a few showers, the air pollution is expected to get better; however, the 2019 smog may represent a dangerous, growing environmental trend for Delhites.

source: news-globalvoices

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Devika Sakhadeo


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The future of asylum seekers is uncertain in Sri Lanka · Global Voices
Rezwan

Neighboring countries gave refuge to hundreds of thousands of Sri Lankans during the 30-year-old civil war. In the picture: a group of Sri Lankan Tamil refugees arrives in Rameshwaram island of Tamil Nadu after a risky 30-mile boat ride across the Palk Straits. Image from Flickr by Climatalk .in. CC BY-NC 2.0
Sri Lanka has a history of providing refuge to South Asians and others fleeing persecution in their home countries. However, after the Easter Sunday terrorist bombings this year, where an armed group killed more than 250 people in three churches and three hotels in Sri Lanka, armed mobs launched reprisal attacks on refugees and asylum-seekers from Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Iran. According to Human Rights Defender Ruki Fernando, Sri Lanka is now refusing to allow more asylum seekers in the country and is deporting them back to their country of origin.
According to UNHCR statistics, there are 862 refugees who have been granted refugee status and 829 asylum seekers (those whose refugee applications are pending) in Sri Lanka as of April 30, 2019. Those who have been granted refugee status await permanent resettlement in other countries such as Canada and the United States of America.
Human Rights defender Ruki Fernando wrote in Groundviews:
I'm also aware of several refugees who have been stuck in Sri Lanka for several years despite being granted refugee status. These refugees come from 15 countries in South Asia, Middle East and Africa. 1,362 were from Pakistan and 200 from Afghanistan. Others were from Bangladesh, Eritrea, India, Iran, Maldives, Myanmar, Nigeria, Palestine, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen.
The majority are Ahmadiyya Muslims, while there is also a significant number of Christians and other Muslims. These communities have suffered threats, attacks and killings by extremist groups, with little to no protection from the State against these attacks. A few persecuted human rights activists, journalists, bloggers, atheists and gay persons have also sought refuge in Sri Lanka.
The asylum seekers and refugees do not receive government housing and are also not absorbed into government technical education and vocational training systems. UNHCR provides those recognised as refugees with an allowance of about Rs. 10,000 (US$ 55) per person or Rs. 22,000 (US$ 122) for a family with two or more children which is not enough for a decent living in Sri Lanka. The asylum seekers don’t get any allowance and have to manage on their own.
According to Ruki, government hospitals provide free healthcare but they sometimes face discrimination.
A Pakistani #Ahmadi #asylumseeker in #SriLanka, a young mother (21-year-old), lost her newborn this morning. Gen. Hospital Negombo is not releasing her baby's body w/o an NOC from Pak HC. If her family can arrange the NOC only then they'll return him.
— Rabia Mehmood – رابعہ (@Rabail26) August 24, 2019
Ruki Fernando writes about the treatment refugees and asylum seekers receive in Sri Lanka:
Along with Sri Lankan Muslims, the small refugee and asylum seeker population, especially around Negombo, bore the brunt of reprisals and hostilities after the Easter Sunday bombings. Some refugees were subjected to physical violence and others faced threats of violence as about two-third of the refugee population were evicted from the rooms and houses they were renting. [..] The majority of those evicted were Pakistani Ahmadiyya Muslims and they sought shelter in two Ahmadi mosques. Others were accommodated in the garage and verandas of the Negombo Police station. Conditions in these three camps during April and May were unbearable.
Displaced asylum seekers from #Pakistan, #Afghanistan and #Iran evicted from their houses due to threats of retaliation after #EasterAttack on #Christians. Collectively blaming innocent people for the actions of individuals.
#lka #SriLanka @Refugees pic.twitter.com/5QkAj7P8eC
— Piyumi Fonseka (@Piyumi_Fonseka) April 25, 2019
In a report titled, Unsafe at home, unsafe abroad: State obligations towards refugees and asylum-seekers in Sri Lanka, Amnesty International mentioned that the Sri Lankan authorities have failed to offer refugees and asylum seekers adequate protection and living conditions and failed to investigate the threats and violence against them even after six months.
Thread: ?In May we spoke to many refugees and asylum seekers from #Afghanistan,#Pakistan, #Iran on the threats and violence they had faced after April attack in #SriLanka. Read the below thread and report for more detials. Via @amnestysasia https://t.co/JFmI4VM32n https://t.co/vVnLBJlZS0
— Samira Hamidi (@HuriaSamira) November 1, 2019
Sri Lanka: No investigations and no accountability in attacks on refugees and asylum-seekers https://t.co/4Xn8FN3JkM pic.twitter.com/X6tMBcG3UV
— Northern Resistance Media (@nrmediadotorg) November 2, 2019
Ruki Fernando recently reported a case in Groundviews where a Pakistani asylum seeker family was not allowed inside Sri Lanka:
“Please save my family, please” was the message I received from a Pakistani friend last weekend. It was about her family of seven, including 3 children, who had fled Pakistan after facing persecution as Christians. They had arrived at the Katunayake airport on the morning of 25th October, seeking safety, but was detained and deported back by the Sri Lankan Immigration on the night of 28th October.
Ruki tried to use his personal contacts to help stop the deportation of these two families. He adds:
Through friends, I also contacted government politicians, including the Prime Minister. The answers I got was they are busy with election campaigns and helping these families might harm prospects of their candidates.
Pakistani nationals should avoid traveling to Sri Lanka nowadays, they’re more likely to get deported back to Pakistan because of the number of Pakistani Asylum seekers and refugees living in Sri Lanka, as a pre-caution contact the Sri Lankan high commission for further enquiries
— ᴍᴏɪɴ. (@HolyMoin) July 31, 2019
Joshua Castellino, Executive Director of the Minority Rights Group International said:
Sri Lanka is at risk of damaging its reputation as a country that welcomes that fleeing persecution elsewhere. The authorities must take urgent steps to guarantee the safety, dignity and human rights of all refugees and asylum seekers, ensuring that they are safe and have humane living conditions.
Sri Lanka has its own history of displaced persons as more than 800,000 people sought refuge in other South Asian countries and beyond during its 30-year-old civil war. Ruki Fernando comments:
Asylum seekers and refugees are not voters, but they are human beings. Politicians, political parties and as Sri Lankan citizens, we must not turn our backs on them, but welcome them, support and care for them when they come to us seeking temporary refuge.

author: Rezwan


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Hong Kong’s university campuses turned into battlefields amidst a three-day strike · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Photo taken by Vivian Tam, CUHK. Non-commercial use.
The Hong Kong police turned a number of local university campuses into battlefields as the three-day-long strike from November 11 to 13 heated up. The fiercest battle took place at the Chinese University of Hong Kong in the Shatin district.
The police authorities claimed that protesters from the university had thrown objects onto the railway tracks from a bridge (No.2 bridge) connecting the campus and the Tolo Highway. Yet, instead of safeguarding the bridge, riot police charged into the campus at 3:15 pm, firing tear gas and other less-lethal projectiles for 15 minutes non-stop.
The viral video showed a large number of tear gas was fired into the university’s gymnasium after they forced their way into the campus:
抗爭前線戰況直擊, [Nov 12, 2019 at 4:36 PM]
Respect 中大手足
Today’s CUHK
Tomorrow’s all universities in HK
That’s what happen in a university in Hong Kong !!!#hongkong #usa #PoliceBrutality #policestate #SOSHK #standwithhongkong pic.twitter.com/Atx7HjFRto
— Rodman Lok (@LokRodman) November 12, 2019
The police authorities justified their move by citing the Public Order Ordinance, claiming that under the ordinance, schools are not considered “private premises” and police officers can enter and make arrests without a warrant.
The university president, Rocky Tuan attempted to de-escalate the tension by going to the front line at around 5pm, suggesting the riot police station themselves at the other end of the bridge while the university security staff station themselves on the campus side. The negotiation failed and the police fired tear gas. The university president left the scene as he had no protective gear. Afterward, students started throwing petrol bombs and bricks at the riot police.
For more than five hours, the frontline of the battlefield looked like this:
#HKPoliceTerrorists #HKPoliceState
Please save our students in #cuhk pic.twitter.com/aA0BvW89ZG
— Naughty Viewr (@NaughtyViewr) November 12, 2019
After the news about riot police storming the university campus went viral online, a large number of university alumni rushed to the university campus with all kinds of supplies such as food, water, protective gear and medical supplies, etc. For example, former university president  Joseph Sung had quickly set up an emergency ward at the gymnasium with about 100 medical experts standing by to treat the injured. At around 10:30 pm, the riot police retreated.
More than 100 people were injured with one in serious condition after being shot by a rubber bullet in the head. The police admitted that they had fired 1567 tear gas canisters, 1312 rubber bullet rounds and 380 bean bags in a single day on November 12. Students from Chinese University have collected 2356 rubber bullet shells on the battleground in campus:
2356 Cartridges collected in CUHK today pic.twitter.com/8Ky3L5wktP
— antiELAB (@anti_elab) November 12, 2019
On November 13, the president of the Chinese University of Hong Kong’s (CUHK) student union applied for an interim injunction to ban police from entering the campus without a warrant, as well as banning the use of crowd control weapons on-site without the school’s approval, but the High court judge rejected the injunction .
Clashes between police and student activists started the first day of the general strike on November 11 as some protesters attempted to create roadblocks to disrupt traffic. The action, which called on students to boycott classes, business owners to close shops and employees to skip work, is to pressure the government to respond to the protester's major demands: Independent investigation of police violence, removal of riot label, dropped charges against protesters, and political reform.
The Chinese University of Hong Kong was not the only university stormed by police. The campus of the University of Hong Kong on the Island side, the Polytechnic University, and City University were all stormed by police who shot tear gas and rubber bullets. Below are some tweets about the university clashes:
Now #polyu
Tear gas and fires pic.twitter.com/M2QQSqOVpg
— Hong Kong Style (@igaode) November 10, 2019
CityU this morning. pic.twitter.com/5Hz9xEhOty
— aaaayingying ? (@aaaayingying) November 12, 2019
Tear gas around HKU MTR exit pic.twitter.com/jFFcOjIRno
— GinTonic ? (@MoniMoniOnse) November 11, 2019
The latest clash happened on November 13 at Baptist University. Riot police officers stormed the campus after protesters blocked Junction Road with umbrellas and bricks:
【編委即時】浸大情況（17:24）
示威者在聯合道設起傘陣和磚陣，嚴陣以待。#HongKong #HongKongProtests pic.twitter.com/GYuENAFWhA
— Panda? (@DCheng36387164) November 13, 2019

author: Oiwan Lam


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University of the Philippines unveils new subject on the Marcos dictatorship to counter historical revisionism · Global Voices
Karlo Mongaya

Faculty proponents during the launching of the subject on September 18, 2019. Photo by author
A new General Education (GE) subject that will tackle the dark years of military rule in the Philippines during the Ferdinand Marcos dictatorship will be taught at the Diliman campus of the University of the Philippines (UP), the country’s premier state university.
Philippines Studies 21 (PS 21) tackles the historical experience of repression and resistance under Martial Law as a way of countering attempts by political allies of the late dictator Marcos, including the incumbent Rodrigo Duterte government, to whitewash the crimes, corruption, and rights abuses under the martial law regime.
The new subject will focus on the language, culture, and literature from the Martial Law era. The course title PS 21 was taken from the date of the declaration of Martial Law on September 21, 1972. Then President Ferdinand Marcos imposed dictatorial rule for 14 years until his overthrow by a popular uprising at EDSA in 1986.
The new subject has stirred controversy as the Marcoses complained that it may be “one-sided” against their family while the armed forces raised the alarm that it would be used as a recruitment tool for “communist rebels”.
PS 21 has been in the works since 2014 when it was first proposed by Philippine Studies professors at the UP Department of Filipino and Philippine Literature (DFPP).
But efforts to institutionalize the subject gained renewed impetus late in 2018 when the issue of UP President Danilo Concepcion dancing with Senator Imee Marcos, the eldest daughter of the dead dictator, at a function in the university was reported by the media.
The UP Diliman University Council issued a statement calling for stronger efforts to educate the public on the horrors brought about by the Marcos dictatorship, including the creation of additional subjects in the university.
After passing several steps in the rigorous academic process for approving subjects, PS 21 finally made it through the UP Diliman University Council last September 2019. The proposed syllabus of PS 21 has been uploaded online.
Asked by media about the subject, Senator Imee Marcos appealed that her family's side of the story be included in the course. The PS 21 proponents assured her that the late dictator's speeches and writings legitimizing military rule are indeed part of the subject.
Presidential Spokesperson Salvador Panelo, who served as counsel for the Marcoses in their cases on their ill-gotten wealth, said the subject is a good idea: “Every student should know and learn any subject that concerns governance.”
The Martial Law era remains a contentious topic in the Philippines today. On the one hand, many Filipinos continue to seek justice for those whose rights were violated — the tens of thousands who were imprisoned, tortured, killed, disappeared — by the Marcos regime.
Marcos’ debt-driven development programs and massive corruption favoring his family and cronies have been cited even by mainstream economists for the many ills facing Philippine society today.
On the other hand, human rights activists said that the failure of post-Marcos administrations to convict the dictator's family and his cronies has allowed the Marcoses to return to power. The dictator’s son and namesake Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. almost won the vice-presidency in the 2016 elections. His sister Imee Marcos currently occupies a seat in the senate.
President Duterte, who has openly expressed admiration for Marcos, and his officials have been blunt in calling on the public to “move on” from the horrors of dictatorial rule while his officials tout those years as the “Golden Age” of Philippine history.
A propaganda video released by the state-managed Philippine News Agency (PNA) against activist organizations as part of the government's counter-insurgency campaign, for example, praises the Marcos era as the highest point of the country's economy.
Duterte moreover allowed the burial of the body of the dictator at the Libingan ng mga Bayani (Heroes’ Cemetery) on November 18, 2016 sparking indignation and nationwide protests.
Students listen as proponents explain the rationale and contents of the PS 21 subject during its launching held in UP last September 18, 2019. Photo by author
Ironically, the subject that tackles abuses of the dictatorship is itself now subjected to Marcos era-style repression. PS 21 is yet to be taught but the new subject is already in the cross-hairs of the Duterte government and its armed forces.
The UP Rises Against Tyranny and Dictatorship (UPRISE) network recently condemned the Philippine military for falsely red-tagging the new subject as a recruitment tool for “communist rebels” in a lecture at the Isabela State University Cauayan campus.
Amidst nationwide crackdown, state forces hold third “peace forum” inside campus to warn students against joining progressive groups Kabataan, ACT, Anakbayan, LFS. UPD's Philippine Studies 21 GE on Martial Law was also tagged as tool for recruitment. pic.twitter.com/vgqHxOvOTz
— Sky Lukewalker (@sio_mai_rai_) November 11, 2019
UPRISE said that red-tagging is in line with President Duterte's Executive Order No. 70 mandating a “whole-of-nation” approach that synchronizes the activities of all civilian agencies as part of the military's counter-insurgency efforts:
This presentation was made in line with Executive Order no. 70, fronted as a talk on ensuring student safety and security, but is in essence a massive smear campaign against nationalist and critical education espoused by schools and legal organizations.
Senator Bato dela Rosa, who as former police chief was the lead executor of Duterte's “War on Drugs”, is leading a crusade to “save students” against “communist infiltration” in schools and universities.
His Senate Committee Report no.10 proposes school administrators clampdown on “radicalization” thru increased police and military presence in campuses, regular review of academic programs, monitoring of school events, up to the filing of charges against professors.
Students, faculty, and employees hold protests last August 20, 2019 at the historic Palma Hall of the University of the Philippines Diliman against the threat of military and police intrusions on campus. Photo by author.
Last October 31, 56 activists in Bacolod City, Negros and 2 in Manila City were arrested in raids conducted by Duterte’s security forces on the offices of legal people’s organizations and homes of activists in Negros and the national capital.
This was followed by an early morning November 5 raid on the office of activist group Bayan in Tondo, Manila and threats of state reprisals on legal offices of human rights defenders and progressives.
The crackdown on legal activists who have been the most vocal critics of the Duterte administration has not stopped, with various humanitarian and religious groups included in the military’s list of “communist terrorist groups”.
As the current administration intensifies the constriction of democratic spaces in the country, the new PS 21 subject hopes to be a platform for the “conscientization” of a new generation of Filipino youth on the importance of human rights, social justice and the continuing struggle for genuine freedom and democracy.
Concerned faculty in other UP campuses outside Diliman are endeavoring to institute the same subject in their respective regions. The proponents hope that the same efforts will be pushed in other schools and universities in the country.
Disclosure: The author teaches Philippine Studies at the UP Diliman Department of Filipino and Philippine Literature.

author: Karlo Mongaya


text:
Malaysian writer faces probe after publishing a book about her decision to not wear a hijab · Global Voices
Mong Palatino

Cover of Maryam Lee's book, Unveiling Choice.
Malaysian writer Maryam Lee is being investigated by religious authorities after publishing a book narrating her decision to stop wearing the hijab or head covering worn by many Muslim women.
Maryam wrote on her blog that she received a summon in October 2019 from Jabatan Agama Islam Selangor (JAIS) asking her to cooperate in an investigation for a possible violation of Section 10 (a) of the Syariah Criminal Enactment (Selangor), which criminalizes “any person who by words which are capable of being heard or read or by drawings, marks or other forms of representation which are visible or capable of being visible or in any other manner: (a) insults or brings into contempt the religion of Islam;”.
If charged and found guilty, Maryam could receive a fine of RM5,000.00 (USD1,200) or 3 years jail-time or both.
Maryam believes the summon is related to her book, Unveiling Choice, which was published early this year and explores the idea of ‘dehijabbing’. The book’s launch became controversial after the Prime Minister’s Department for Religious Affairs ordered an investigation of the event.
Malaysia has a Muslim majority population and it’s known for promoting a moderate view of Islam backed by laws guided by the principles of racial and religious harmony. But in recent years, some hardliners have been pushing for the strict enforcement of Islamic teachings in governance. The shrinking space for religious expression is also reflected in the August 2019 High Court ruling which recognized the Shariah Court jurisdiction to issue a fatwa against the Sisters in Islam, a women’s group advocating for gender equality.
Maryam appealed for solidarity while she is facing investigation:
In situations like this, it is important for us to remind the government that freedom of expression is not a crime and freedom of religious beliefs is not an insult to Islam, and that the protection of these freedoms is essential to uphold human rights for all.
Book signing event for Unveiling Choice. Source: Facebook
Various women’s groups, human rights activists, artists, and scholars responded to the appeal by issuing statements of solidarity.
The Joint Action Group for Gender Equality, a coalition of 13 women’s rights organizations in Malaysia, argues that Maryam’s book promotes women's empowerment:
The book neither promotes nor discourages readers from exemplifying her actions, but in fact, explores the tenets of the decision from one person’s experiences and point of view.
Stories that reflect the varied realities of women are important, as they contribute to the diversity of experiences and discussions around how women are affected by social structures and pressures.
Malaysian Action for Justice and Unity points out that it is JAIS which is insulting Islam:
It portrays Islam as being a religion of ‘force’ and not one of choice. Islam is not a religion of force, neither is it a religion that enforces. Islam is a religion of discernment, and permits differences of thinking – which is what makes it the great religion that it is. This action by JAIS demeans and insults the very essence of what Islam is.
New Naratif, an independent news website covering Southeast Asia, defends Maryam’s right to free expression:
As a movement that stands for democracy, freedom of expression, and freedom of inquiry, New Naratif believes in the need to have space for important discussions, even if they might be sensitive or controversial.
The choice of where or not to don a hijab is a very personal one, and it is important that people have the opportunity to tell their stories, share their experiences, and engage in good-faith conversations, regardless of their ultimate decisions.
Several civil society leaders in the region also signed a statement expressing concern about the allegations against Maryam:
We view this as an attempt to interfere with women’s choices and their bodily autonomy and specifically their internationally guaranteed right to express themselves. In an increasingly restrictive society, women face numerous challenges and have little space to make decisions for themselves.
The rights to free expression and religious freedoms include the right to express our personal views and the right to make choices about our bodies, which includes deciding whether to wear the hijab or not.
And finally, this cartoon depicts the situation of Maryam:
As a mom, it disturbs me that author,muslim Maryam Lee,is now being targeted and accussed unjustly of anti-Islam sentiment simply for writing and sharing about her personal choice to be hijab-free.Hijab-free does not mean anti-Islam!Hiijab that isnt a choice,is oppression. pic.twitter.com/xOkY18FUpT
— Sarah Joan Mokhtar (@madmissmokhtar) October 31, 2019

author: Mong Palatino


text:
The November 12 clashes at the Chinese University of Hong Kong: An eyewitness view · Global Voices
Lokman Tsui

Student activists protect themselves with umbrellas on the campus of the Chinese University of Hong Kong on November 12, 2019. Photo by the author. Used with permission.
Lokman Tsui is an Assistant Professor at the School of Journalism and Communication at Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUKH). This story is an edited version of a post published by Lokman on Facebook, bearing witness to the events surrounding the clash between student activists and police on the CUHK campus on Tuesday, November 12.
On Tuesday, November 12, I was supposed to teach my undergraduate morning class, “development of mass communication,” but classes were all suspended because of the protests.
As I write this, I am sitting in my office. It’s 9am Hong Kong time on November 13. I’ve just brushed my teeth, washed my face, and got myself some tea. Yes, I slept in my office, on the couch. My body feels a bit stiff and tired, and it reminds me of the days I’d go out clubbing until sunrise—except of course I am not that young anymore, nor was I exactly dancing last night.
I shouldn’t complain, because at least I had a couch to sleep on. I don’t know how many students slept outside last night, but by the time I left, around 3am, many were still outside working the supply lines, literally holding down the fort.
The day of November 12 was completely nuts.
It started with the 11am press conference in which I participated. In “normal” times, taking the Department of Justice to court over an injunction seeking to censor online speech would be newsworthy. But yesterday, only a sprinkling of journalists were present. The conference was live-streamed on the news portal HK01, and it got coverage from Apple, RTHK radio, Unwire and some others. But on a day like yesterday, this was not news—and understandably so, with everything else that was happening.
After the press conference, which was held in the Legislative Council Building, I looked for a place to sit down and calm my nerves. I was walking towards Central district. It was almost lunch hour; for the second day in a row, office workers were coming out to protest against the Hong Kong government and the police. In front of Louis Vuitton, people wearing suits and high heels were trying to occupy the road, shouting slogans. Some were kneeling to leverage bricks so we could use them as roadblocks. Others stood on the sky bridge looking down at us, and many were yelling at them to come down and join us, that this is not a movie.
At some point, five high school girls showed up, visibly excited. They started shouting slogans and the rest of the crowd followed suit. Then members of the press started photographing the high-schoolers—inappropriately, as such a record could haunt them later. The girls giggled with embarrassment at first, then moved away; but the photographers followed them. In the end, several of us took out our umbrellas and shielded the girls. We held our umbrellas up for a while until my arm started getting sore. I told the girls to remember not to neglect their studies (when did I become this person?), and we went our own way.
As 2pm neared people began retreating. The lunch hour was over. Only moments before, we’d been standing strong, facing down the police, then abruptly “reality” kicks in, and it is time to go back to the office. I got myself some food and headed home.
That was when I began seeing footage of the scenes at Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK)—the university where I teach. Some of my students were tweeting things like “where is the university president, where is the management, where are the teachers?!” I felt terrible. As I responded to friends who were asking me if I was okay, I decided, fuck it—I’m going to campus.
But how? I’m in Sheung San, Hong Kong Island, and my university is in Shatin in the New Territories, some distance away. Traffic is disrupted. Then a friend offers me a ride. We pick up several others along the way, and, with the car loaded, we are off on our way to CUHK, talking along the way about the people we know who have been arrested.
The traffic jam is huge, partly because of road blocks by protesters or police, and partly because it seems like a massive part of Hong Kong is mobilizing to go to CUHK to help out. At a certain point we cannot drive any further as the road is blocked by people and cars all trying to unload and distribute materials, helmets, water, etc. “Please help move stuff, this shit is heavy!” someone yells. I volunteer. I’m handed a big box containing hard hats.
When I go to the university by car it usually takes maybe a few minutes via the Tai Po public road. The road is much longer if you have to walk it, and it feels even longer if you are carrying a big box of hard hats. When I finally reach a supply point I hand over my box, relieved. Where to now? I know the campus, but the updates on the situation are changing fast. I start walking towards where I think most people would be.
Everything after that, the rest of the night, is a bit of a blur.
I remember seeing some friends who recognized me in spite of my helmet, goggles and face mask. Moments like these are really important. Where we say to each other, yes I am here too, yes, we are in this together. You feel the solidarity so vividly and so deeply. We are here in body. We use our hands and arms and feet to help each other.
Students were busy distributing food. Some were working on the supply line. Others were reporting, and yet others trying to mediate between the different parties.
In the midst of all this, I am helping to move stuff, while trying to check in on friends to make sure they’re okay. And all the while my iPhone is being bombarded with messages from friends near and far. I am comfortable telling the closest friends them where I am, but I try to not say too much, lest they worry.
I don’t like telling people where I am going and what I am doing at the protests. I am just one of the people. I am just doing my bit to help, and I often feel I don’t do enough. I’m also careful about who I share this information with, because this stuff is sensitive, especially these days in Hong Kong.
But I also want my students to know I am there for them. I grew up in a family where emotional abuse was rife and I am still coming to terms with that. Part of that abuse had to do with emotional (and physical) absence. This is a longer story, of course, but it helps explain why it’s important to me that my students know I am there for them.
A few more moments that stood out for me:
As the water cannon hits the frontline, many have to retreat, take off their clothes, and recover. “Water” cannon is not quite accurate: the “water” is not only dyed but also laced with some toxic chemical (probably tear gas) that makes your skin feel like it’s on fire. I am taking a break at the stadium, as the students turn on the sprinkler and a massive water party breaks out. It’s a brief moment in which you’re reminded that these are kids, after all. In the midst of it, the first aid crew is yelling for t-shirts and towels. I’d brought two t-shirts with me, and some towels, and hand them all over.
Douglas Adams wrote in his most famous novel that a towel is one of the most useful things you can keep on your person, and it’s true. With a wet towel held against your mouth, you can protect yourself against tear gas. A towel will keep you warm on a cold evening, and you can use it as a blanket when you go to sleep. You can wash with it, or fold it and use it as a pillow. And wave it to signal to someone that you are here and not there. Towels are love, towels are life. Towels are highly underrated.
Another moment that left an impression on me: I’m was standing on Bridge Two, where the majority of the action took place earlier that day, watching the university leadership, together with two legislators, negotiate a deal with the students. The university leadership is suggesting they retreat, saying that the police promised they would not return, and that the university security team would protect the bridge.
What gives me some hope is that the students repeatedly give the leadership opportunities to speak, and they listen. But of course, the advice to retreat is not exactly persuasive and the police have already broken several promises that day alone. And can they really depend on the security team that has disappeared over the last two days? (Though to be fair to them, I don’t think they signed up for this).
When you look at media reports you mostly see the violence, the vandalism, the unrest. Rarely the solidarity, or that we are here to protect our home and protect each other. That we refuse to back down in the face of repression and brutality. That we might not always get things right, but that we at least try. And that so far, we have been learning from our mistakes. And that we hope the rest of the world doesn’t make the same mistakes but learns from our experience.
In 2017 I wrote about why I wanted to stay in Hong Kong.
“Is there a future here?” Well, let’s not forget the future is open. It is not set in stone. We don’t know what will happen. And because of this, there is hope. As Leonard Cohen said, “there is a crack in everything, that’s how the light gets in.”
I am grateful Hong Kong is (still relatively) free. I will fight to make sure Hong Kong stays free, becomes more free. I also believe there is much we can learn from Hong Kong, that Hong Kong plays a critical part in the larger struggle for freedom globally. That is why I am in Hong Kong. That is why I want to stay here.
It’s November 2019, and I am here. This is my home. These are my friends, colleagues, students.
Stay strong, stay safe, and be engaged in the way that makes most sense to you.

author: Lokman Tsui


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Your guide to the 2019 Sri Lankan presidential election · Global Voices
Rezwan

Sri Lankan election commission workers carry ballot boxes while escorted by police on the eve of the 2015 presidential election in Colombo. Image by Chamila KarunaRathne. Copyright Demotix (7/1/2015)
Sri Lankans are going to the polls on 16 November 2019 to elect a new president after weeks of campaigning which largely focused on national security and religious extremism. The country is still rattled from the Easter Sunday bombings of April 2019 which were inspired by the Islamic State and killed over 250 people.
The political infighting among the ruling national coalition of Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the United National Party (UNP) came to a head on 26 October, 2018 when President Maithripala Sirisena ousted Ranil Wickremesinghe, the country’s prime minister, and replaced him with former president Mahinda Rajapaksa, triggering a constitutional crisis. Order was restored following court rulings and Wickremesinghe was reinstated as prime minister on 16 December 2018.
Sirisena had emerged the surprise winner in the 2015 presidential election, securing 51.28% votes against incumbent Mahinda Rajapaksa Rajapaksa’s 47.28%.
Sajith Premadasa of United National Party (UNP), and Gotabaya Rajapaksa of Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). Image via Wikipedia. CC BY-SA 4.0
A record 35 candidates are running in this year's presidential election, including a retired army chief, two Buddhist monks, and a lone female candidate. The two leading contenders are Sajith Premadasa, Cabinet Minister for Housing, Construction and Cultural Affairs, representing Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s United National Party (UNP); and former Secretary of Defense Lieutenant Colonel Nandasena Gotabaya Rajapaksa, brother of Mahinda Rajapaksa, representing the opposition party Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP).
The incumbent President Maithripala Sirisena is not seeking re-election, and his Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), which has a significant voter base, has not officially endorsed a candidate. In September Siresena announced that he would join a coalition, and on 9 October it became clear that he would be backing Rajapaksa's SLPP.
During the 2018 Sri Lankan local elections, the SLPP emerged as the winner, gaining 40.47%, while Ranil Wickremasinghe's political alliance the United National Front (UNF) gained 29.42% vote.
Gotabhaya Rajapaksa played a leading role in crushing the Tamil rebels and putting an end to the 30 year-long Sri Lankan civil war. He is often criticised for his alleged role in torture, murder and other human rights violations during the civil war. Amresh Gunasingham writes in the Diplomat:
Gotabhaya Rajapaksa is unpopular in Tamil majority areas in the north and east of the country, over his handling of the civil war. The Muslim community, on the other hand, might be divided, analysts say. As such, Rajapaksa would need to carry a significant proportion of the Sinhalese vote, although even here, such calculations are complicated by Premadasa’s reputation as a grassroots politician which may resonate with the rural masses among the majority Sinhala Buddhists.
Gotabhaya Rajapaksa's popularity as a presidential candidate has increased since the emergence of reports that the current government failed to prevent the Easter Sunday terrorist attacks despite receiving prior intelligence warnings. His opponents, however, raised questions about irregularities surrounding the renunciation of his United States citizenship.
Rajapaksa is deemed pro-China and wants to restore relations with that country. Rajapaksa also said that he will not recognise an agreement the government made with the United Nations Human Rights Council to investigate alleged war crimes during the nation's civil war.
Sajith Premadasa, the son of former President Ranasinghe Premadasa, who was assassinated in 1993, is a favourable choice for Tamil and Muslim minorities, who represent a quarter of electorate. His campaign promises tougher laws to tackle religious “extremism” and “terrorism”, to eradicate poverty, and improve housing in the country under a slogan of “shelter for all by 2025.”
Sri Lanka has a semi-presidential system, where the president has executive power as head of state and governs in partnership with a prime minister and a cabinet recommended by the prime minister. The prime minister and the cabinet members are elected from the Parliament. Parliament consists of 225 representatives, 196 are elected and 29 appointed by proportional representation based on the results of the parliamentary election.
More than 15.9 million registered voters among a total population of 21.8 million are eligible to vote in the November 16 election. The polls will open at 7 a.m. (01:30 GMT) and closer at 5 PM (11:30 GMT). During the 2015 election, voter turnout out was 81.5 percent, the highest in South Asian region.
How to vote
வாக்களிப்பது எப்படி?
ඡන්දය භාවිතා කරන්නේ කෙසේද?
Please share widely#PresPoll2019 #PresPollSL #LKA pic.twitter.com/zBHPFLo49g
— CMEV (@cmev) November 10, 2019
There is one notable rule in this election: “If no candidate wins more than 50% of the vote, the winner among the top two is determined after tallying the preferences of voters who backed all the other candidates.”
A total of 80 observers from the member states of the European Union will be monitoring the election in all the nine districts of Sri Lanka. The Commonwealth Observer Group (COG) has also sent a team to monitor the elections.
More than 1,300 Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB) buses would be assigned for election duties according to based on a request by the @ECSriLanka . #SriLanka ?? #PresPollSL ? pic.twitter.com/a0u5MdGSJS
— Thilanka Rathnayake (@rathnayake27) November 14, 2019
The Center For Monitoring Election violence is also looking at the election spending of the various parties:
Election Campaign Costs Monitoring, for period of 14 Oct 2019 – 10 Nov 2019. Table notes the increases in spending from 9 Nov to 10 Nov.#CampaignFinancesSL #PresPoll2019 #PresPollSL #lka #අපේසල්ලි #எமது_பணம் #OurMoney pic.twitter.com/8J5wgpkGed
— CMEV (@cmev) November 13, 2019
FILMING ELECTION-RELATED VIOLATIONS IN SRI LANKA
Sri Lankans will vote on Saturday 16th November 2019 for a new President. Follow the guidance in these tip sheets for documenting potential electoral violations with your camera or smartphone!#lka #SriLanka #PresPollSL #video pic.twitter.com/5VjqT7OrRi
— WITNESS Asia-Pacific (@WITNESS_Asia) November 14, 2019


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Antigua & Barbuda wants Harvard Law School to ‘make amends’ for the gains it enjoyed from slavery · Global Voices
Janine Mendes-Franco

The Harvard Law School Library, decorated for Commencement in 2011, when the contentious Royall seal — a shield with three sheaves of wheat, representative of the donor's connection to slavery — still represented the school. Photo by NKCPhoto, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.
Three months after the signing of a historic reparations agreement between the University of Glasgow and the University of the West Indies, the prime minister of Antigua and Barbuda, Gaston Browne, wrote to Harvard University President Lawrence Bacow, asking the Ivy league university to live up to its responsibilities and pay his country reparations for the school's historical ties to — and profiteering from — the transatlantic slave trade.
Although the £20 million ($24,308,500 USD) University of Glasgow agreement was the first major act of making amends to the descendants of people enslaved by the British since full emancipation was declared in 1838, and was seen as a symbolic gesture towards the entire Caribbean region, Prime Minister Browne felt that reparations were owed to Antigua and Barbuda specifically, on account of the fact that Isaac Royall Jr., an American slave trader and landowner who also operated in Antigua, bequeathed money to Harvard to establish its first law professorship, which later led to the creation of the Harvard Law School in 1817.
Further, to celebrate the university's tercentenary in 1936, Harvard Law turned Royall's shield into the school's official seal. It proved a hugely controversial decision, due in no small part to the fact that in 1736, Antigua's then colonial government burned at the stake as many as 77 slaves convicted of conspiracy to revolt. In 2016, Harvard students protested to have the crest removed, calling it “a glorification of and a memorial to one of the largest and most brutal slave owners in Massachusetts.”
One opinion piece in The Harvard Crimson, a student-run newspaper, made no bones about calling the Royall family's Antigua sugar plantation “one of the most notorious strongholds of the slave trade”:
In the mid 1730’s, a string of natural disasters, disease outbreaks, and a drought made water scarce on the island. […]
Driven to desperation by starvation and thirst, these brave people made a plan to rebel for their freedom in 1736. The Royall family helped to foil that plan and together with the white, landowning government […] burned 77 human beings at the stake, including Hector, the Royall family’s head slave. Six people were hanged and five people were broken on the wheel.
The horrors of the slave trade often seem to be whitewashed when talk of reparations surfaces, but the editorial was not falling prey to this:
Changing the seal does not take us further away from history. It shows that we truly understand that history and grasp the deep, immoral significance of racism, slavery, torture, and mass murder. […]
Symbols are an expression of who we are as a community, and who we are today is inextricably linked to our history. Symbols that memorialize people like Royall sanitize our history of slavery. If the Law School does not confront its history, then it is contributing to a continuing culture of subjugation and oppression.
The seal was eventually removed, and Harvard's former president, Drew Faust, declared the university's ongoing commitment to acknowledging its ties to slavery, a fact that the current president mentioned in his response to Browne, adding:
Harvard is determined to take additional steps to explore this institution's historical relationship with slavery and the challenging moral questions that arise when confronting past injustices and their legacies. Harvard is also committed to working with other educational institutions to study slavery and its legacy.
What these additional steps are is, at the moment, unclear, but Prime Minister Browne, in keeping with previous letters sent by Antigua and Barbuda’s Ambassador to the United States, Sir Ronald Sanders, is asking for reparations to be put towards education — specifically the University of West Indies at Five Islands:
Ambassador Sanders pointed out that […] the reputation that Harvard enjoys internationally is intertwined with the dark legacy of Royall's Antigua slaves who died in oppression, uncompensated for their lives in slavery and their death in cruelty. In this context, he sought a genuine effort by Harvard to make amends to the people of Antigua for the gains Harvard enjoyed at the expense of their kinfolk.
Brown has suggested that University representatives meet with the government of Antigua and Barbuda to discuss the issue, but thus far there has been no confirmation as to whether or not Harvard intends to follow the example set by the University of Glasgow.
In fact, a Harvard Crimson editorial suggested:
While we agree that Harvard should aspire to atone for its discomfiting history with slavery, we do not believe that pursuing Antiguan-specific reparations is the most efficacious approach. As a university with ties to many historical injustices, Harvard ought not to be pursue debts of symbolic merit. Rather, it should be tackling continued, systematic injustices with broad, systematic solutions. Harvard’s imperative of institutional change dwarfs the particularities of this injustice.
Still, precedent has already been set with the University of Glasgow taking the “moral high ground” with regard to reparations, and the Caribbean community seems to agree that Harvard should also be leading the charge on the issue.
As Facebook user Alfanso Jerry Simon observed:
Admitting that Harvard benefited greatly from the backs of slaves in Antigua and making a few token changes to a plaque or a shield does nothing to correct the grave injustice. Harvard now needs to provide true and tangible reparations to Antigua and Barbuda. They can start by making meaningful and measurable assistance to the University of the West Indies campus based in Antigua.

author: Janine Mendes-Franco


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Iranian-Kurdish refugee Behrouz Boochani free at last from Australian offshore detention · Global Voices
Kevin Rennie

Behrouz Boochani – Wikimedia image by Hoda Afshar (CC BY-SA 4.0)
Journalist and award-winning writer Behrouz Boochani, best known for his first-hand account of the conditions in Australian immigration detention facilities, is finally free. Supporters have rejoiced at news that the Iranian-Kurdish refugee has reached New Zealand.
Boochani sought asylum in Australia in 2013 and had been held in offshore detention in Papua New Guinea (PNG) for more than six years, firstly on Manus Island and finally in Port Moresby, as part of a deal between the two countries.
In New Zealand as a guest of a writers’ festival, Boochani has a one-month visa and may seek asylum there. Although he has been accepted as part of a  ‘contentious’ resettlement deal with the United States, he is concerned that progress is slow and has said that he does not completely trust the process.
The tweet Boochani posted upon his arrival in New Zealand garnered more than 16 thousand Likes overnight:
I just arrived in New Zealand. So exciting to get freedom after more than six years. I have been invited by Word Festival in Christchurch and will participate in an event here. Thank you to all the friends who made this happen.
— Behrouz Boochani (@BehrouzBoochani) November 14, 2019
These replies were typical of the response to his tweet:
New Zealand will take care of you. I'm ashamed that Australia not only didn't take care of you, but kept you in detention offshore, against our human rights obligations. And for 6 years. And that they're still doing it to others.
I hope you find some peace now ?.
— ?Gayle Pescud, Writer (@Gayle_Pescud) November 14, 2019
Behrouz this is the best news I’ve heard for weeks.
I’m so hopeful that you will find peace and happiness in #NewZealand.
Hopefully your friends still in PNG will also be rescued soon.
You all deserve a safe future, away from the torture you’ve all endured.
Good luck ??
— Duchess Frida (@DuchessFrida) November 14, 2019
So pleased. Profound sorrow & shame for the way our Country has treated you – & thank you for your courage & dignity. Very much look forward to following your forward contribution. Now – we must work for others on #Manus #Nauru #auspol
— ?? Denise Shrivell (@deniseshrivell) November 14, 2019
By 2019, most of the refugees who had remained on Manus Island, said to number 200, were removed to PNG's capital, Port Moresby. Meanwhile, 46 men who have been found to be ‘non-refugees’ are being held in prison-like detention at Bomana prison. Their fate apparently lies in the hands of the PNG government.
Although exact numbers are difficult to determine, approximately 500 refugees — many of whom have been there since 2013 — remain on the independent Republic of Nauru as part of Australia's offshore processing policy.
In an interview with Global Voices’ Fred Petrossian in August 2019, Boochani described some of the effects of indefinite detention:
Time is the most important thing to describe this system. People who are sent to prison know how long their sentence is, but we did not, and we do not know when can we leave this place. This creates real mental torture.
The Australian government has repeatedly rejected the New Zealand government's offers to take some of the refugees from Manus and Nauru, claiming that it would create a backdoor for boat arrivals; such refugees are banned from settlement in Australia.

author: Kevin Rennie


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Fear and uncertainty: The life of Georgians in Gali · Global Voices
Chaikhana.media

Entering the Gali Region of Abkhazia from the Ingur River crossing. This area is mostly populated by ethnic Georgians. Photo by Chai Khana, used with permission.
The following is a story by Chai-Khana.org and is republished by Global Voices under a partnership agreement
Half a mile.
That's the distance that separates ethnic Georgians living in breakaway Abkhazia from Georgian government-controlled territory. It was also the distance separating Badri*, 34, from his wife and children over the summer. It was the distance keeping Nika*, 23, from being able to continue his master's degree studies at university.
Roughly half a mile, or 870 meters, is the length of the bridge across the Inguri River, which is today the only legal crossing point into Georgian-controlled territory. For three months this year, it became a symbol of the insecurities that dominate the lives of an estimated 30,000-40,000 people every single day.
When the fighting ended in 1993, many returned to their homes in Gali district. While they currently make up the majority in the district, they live a life of fear and uncertainty, in part due to the Inguri Bridge. (In 2008, Russia recognised Abkhazia's de-facto independence and continues to support the territory economically and militarily to this day. The vast majority of UN member states recognise Abkhazia as Georgian territory – ed.)
Access to the Enguri Bridge, the only legal crossing point into Georgian-controlled territory, is tightly controlled by the Abkhaz de-facto authorities. It has been closed twice over the past several months. Photo by Chai Khana, used with permission.
And for three months this year, access to the crossing point was closed.
Families were divided. Students struggled to make it to university. Even a simple act like going to a concert became impossible.
While the crossing point is currently open, the three-month restriction on movement has underscored the constant vulnerability of ethnic Georgians living in Abkhazia.
“It was a terrible experience to describe. In July, when schoolchildren in Gali had national exams, parents paid [bribes of] 5,000 roubles ($77), some 10,000 ($155) to cross. I do not want to go back [to Gali] if such practices continue. We are in prison. It is impossible to live in such conditions,” Nika says.
There are the daily injustices, such as the removal of the Georgian language from schools in Gali. And then there are the more fundamental security issues, like not being able to register property, vote or trust that the police will help when you need them.
“Unfortunately, you are not big enough.” It was meant as a joke to the border guard, but it meant that the middle-aged Georgian man (18-65 years) trying to cross the Inguri was not allowed to pass. Or at least, not allowed unless he paid a bribe.
Badri faced that choice regularly over the summer after his children fell ill. Hospitals in Gali lack supplies and modern expertise, so his wife crossed the Inguri to take them to a better hospital in the Georgian capital, Tbilisi. When the Abkhaz authorities closed the crossing in response to protests in Tbilisi in July, Badri was stuck.
For more than three months, male residents of Gali were prevented from crossing the boundary. Although the restrictions were lifted on October 2, the experience has left Gali’s population fearful and frustrated.
Over the past year, the Abkhaz authorities have closed the crossing point twice. When that happens, ethnic Georgians living in Gali have little recourse: either they can try to pay bribes or they can stay at home.
“In order to visit my ill children and wife, who were in hospital in Tbilisi, I had to pay 5,000 roubles ($77) in total. I paid 1,000 roubles ($15) every time I crossed… Is this a life? I nearly went crazy, my children were hooked up to artificial lungs and I couldn’t visit them,” Badri says.
Even the $15 bribe is no guarantee of success. Sometimes border guards take the money, sometimes they do not. The amount is subject to change: Nika had to pay $46 to cross so he could secure his place in a master's degree program.
“I paid 2,000 roubles ($30) the second time. Later I had to write a statement to the [Georgian Education] Ministry to get financing to pay tuition and I had to cross Inguri Bridge a third time and paid 2,000 roubles again,” he says.
That's why Georgians living in Gali says they have become “prisoners” in their own homes due to a steady flow of decisions by the Abkhaz de-facto authorities that restrict their movements.
The closure was has been so disruptive for Gali residents that in January they even held a rare protest outside the premises of the regional administration. The demonstration even prompted Abkhazia's public defender to speak up on their behalf. Ombudsman Asida Shakril urged the Abkhaz authorities to take into consideration the needs of the communities in Gali.
But locals see little indication that the de-facto authorities in Abkhazia are interested in improving their situation.
Instead, they see a policy aimed at forcing them to abandon their homes in Gali. In 2008, when Russia recognised Abkhaz independence, it became obligatory to obtain an Abkhazian passport or residency card. Prior to that, Soviet passports and, for minors, birth certificates were mainly used as identification.
Ethnic Georgians wait at the police department in Gali to receive their residence permits. The process is long and uncertain. Photo by Chai Khana, used with permission.
Gali residents who did not receive Abkhazian citizenship had to depend on a special form, Form No 9, which had to be renewed every month or two. In some rare cases, it was approved for a six-month term. Locals had to present this document to cross into Georgian-controlled territory.
But obtaining residency – a status legally created for foreigners but applied to ethnic Georgians despite the fact that Gali is their home – is incredibly difficult.
Nani*, 58, lives in Lekukhona, a village in Gali. She has been waiting for her residence permit for two years.
However, even when Nani and her family receive their residency permits, they will not have even basic rights in Gali. For instance, they will not have the right to buy a house or purchase property. They will not be able to vote.
“I, with my three family members, was standing in a queue from the morning until the night for more than two weeks to apply for a residence permit… what is happening here is a nightmare, one without end and one which is getting worse and worse,” she says.
Respondents’ names have been changed to protect their identities. Chai Khana has not published the author's name due to security concerns.


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Hong Kong Polytechnic University on fire after violent clashes between protesters and police · Global Voices
Oiwan Lam

Hong Kong Polytechnic University on November 17, 2019. Image from the Stand News
In recent days, a number of university campuses in Hong Kong have turned into major battlegrounds between anti-government protesters and riot police, as Hong Kong enters its eighth month of protests to defend its democratic rule. On November 17, the campus of Hong Kong Polytechnic University became the site of some of the most violent clashes witnessed so far in Hong Kong.
After more than 24 hours of crossfire between riot police officers using tear gas, projectile rounds, water cannons and long-range acoustic devices and protesters’ fire-bombs, bricks and arrows, hundreds were still under siege inside the campus on Monday, November 18.
Since the general strike that started on Monday, November 11, protesters have been attempting to block major roads in order to disrupt traffic to prompt a citywide strike. The disruptive acts led to violent clashes in the Chinese University campus in the area called New Territories in the northeast of Hong Kong between November 11 to November 14. After that, the battlefield gradually shifted to downtown to the Polytechnic University, as its campus is located next to a busy axis of the Hung Hum cross-harbor tunnel.
The clashes took place mostly at the location of two bridges crossing over the cross harbor tunnel highway and connecting the Hung Hom railway station to the university main entrance. Since the beginning of the general strike, protesters have been throwing objects from the bridges to the highway and setting up defense lines near the university entrances.
Tensions escalated on November 17 as the Hong Kong government wanted to restore order in the city after a week of protests and confrontations. The police issued a statement on that day, saying:
Police warn that violent activities in the Hong Kong Polytechnic University have escalated to rioting. Anyone who stays behind or assists rioters may be liable to the offence of ‘Taking Part in a Riot’.
The maximum penalty for rioting is a 10-year imprisonment sentence.
At around 8:30 p.m., riot police advanced forward on the Cheong Wan Road bridge with two armoured trucks. Protesters responded with firebombs, and the police retreated after one of the trucks was set on fire.
Just tuned in from US time? #PolyU has been #HongKongProtests battleground for two days. Escalation began when police rolled armored truck twd students who threw back petrol bombs. Water cannon-ing & tear gas overnight. Police arrested medics, stopped ambulance & fired shots. pic.twitter.com/JU8FYoohEd
— Carmen Ng 吳嘉文 (@Carmen_NgKaMan) November 17, 2019
The situation intensified after the incident, and the police warned that they would use lethal weapons against violent protesters, calling on people to leave the campus before they took further action. Yet, as the medical team retreated, they were immediately arrested:
Night, 17 Nov: Near PolyU, lots of volunteer doctors, paramedics and emergency medical technicians (EMT) were arrested and placed on the ground. #HongKongPolyU #HongKongPoliceTerrorism pic.twitter.com/C9yOIroMW3
— chris (@chris02337801) November 17, 2019
At around 2 a.m., a number of lawmakers, church leaders, and university staff attempted to enter the campus to help to de-escalate the tension, but the police refused to let them in.
As the riot police attempted to enter the campus in the early morning of November 18, protesters set various university locations on fire to create barricades:
Photo by hkcnews. Its witness said #HongKong police has stormed into #PolyU campus, where students are still defending themselves with petrol bombs. Online buzz say many were injured by water cannons. Live feeds are scarce as many key local media aren’t inside. #HongKongProtests pic.twitter.com/dXk5sOXefa
— Carmen Ng 吳嘉文 (@Carmen_NgKaMan) November 17, 2019
Hundreds of protesters inside the campus have kept on fighting the entire night:
0420 at #PolyU
It is almost dawn and they still maintain their belief and determination that people will come forward as reinforcements. They continue to fight for HongKongers.
Photo: Pakkin Leung Facebook#Tiananmen2019 #HumanitarianCrisis #StandwithHongKong pic.twitter.com/RNvKlwdFZP
— Hong Kong – Be Water (@BeWaterHKG) November 17, 2019
At the outskirts of the campus, many took to the streets to create roadblocks in order to distract the riot police from taking action against fellow protesters inside the Polytechnic University:
Residents near #PolyU are rushing to the university to save student protesters. As the road to the university has been blocked by police, they are confronting the police in Hung Hom, Mongkok, Yau Ma Tei, Whampoa, Jordan and Tsim Sha Tsui. https://t.co/PbbkOodmst
— madeinhomekong (@madeinhomekong) November 17, 2019
Hundreds of protesters were still trapped in the university campus on Monday morning. They had made several attempts to break the siege, and while some were successful, others got arrested:
What met the break out group from #PolyU immediately were heavy firing of tear gas and water cannon. While some began to flee back to campus, many tried to hold down. pic.twitter.com/wAwYsLC9s5
— Xinqi Su 蘇昕琪 (@XinqiSu) November 18, 2019
Inside the campus, some protesters have been injured, and after many rounds of urgent appeals, medical workers were finally allowed to enter the campus:
At 2pm, almost 18 hours after completely surrounding the PolyU campus, police finally allowed a group of Red Cross volunteers to enter the campus, amid reports of large numbers of seriously wounded.
Photo: Stand News. #hongkong pic.twitter.com/XuPxNUT5HO
— Hong Kong Free Press (@HongKongFP) November 18, 2019
Protests in Hong Kong have been going on for more than seven months, tension has been escalating but the government seems unable to solve the situation. As one netizen remarks, the Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam is unable to put an end to the riots:
Good point. Where IS Carrie Lam? Is she even in charge anymore? The HK gov’t has effectively disappeared. PLA soldiers come out on the streets ‘voluntarily’ for clean up — Carrie didn’t make the request. The Siege of PolyU is looking like the battle of El Alamein.Where is Carrie? https://t.co/FXcbez8Ucg
— Keith Richburg (@keithrichburg) November 17, 2019


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Messages in motion: The art of Swahili sayings on public transport in Zanzibar · Global Voices
Amanda Lichtenstein

“Haina sababu” or “There is no reason,” written on the back of a blue bus in Stone Town, Zanzibar, October 2019. Photo by Amanda Leigh Lichtenstein, used with permission.
A traffic jam on the islands of Zanzibar often comes with dash of poetry in the form of a msemo (saying) written on the back of a truck, dala-dala (public bus or mini-van) or bajaj. These sayings not only keep passengers distracted and entertained — they also educate. Each one has a literal meaning followed by endless interpretation.
Sometimes these sayings “bless the ride” and “protect the journey,” while others echo layers of sentiment in Swahili society, from street talk to song lyrics, baraza (street bench) philosophy to straight-up old-school wisdom on love, luck, and wealth. They often spark conversation or elicit a big laugh. But it's a dying art form, as more vehicle owners opt for ready-made signage or prefer a “clean look.”
Zanzibar, located in the Indian Ocean just east of mainland Tanzania, boasts a long history of trade and exchange. The Swahili language emerged out of centuries of communication between Arab and Bantu traders and is steeped in metaphors, riddles and rhymes. Swahili speakers enjoy slipping snippets of wisdom into everyday conversation — and popular proverbs are ubiquitous, not just in Zanzibar but also in mainland Tanzania and the region.
“It used to be we'd see these signs everywhere. On the backs of bicycles, dala-dala, everywhere, now not as much anymore, but you still see them,” said Masoud Salim, a businessman in Stone Town, the capital. Messages were often painted by hand by artists who specialize in signage; later, drivers began to order customized stickers produced at a local print shop. Today, it's common to see both handpainted and printed stickers — but not as often.
He says these slogans usually appear on the backs of dala-dala because this form of transport — meant to be the cheapest — often gets the worst rap. The conductors overpack vehicles with weary passengers and hustle customers with rough talk, while the drivers careen at break-neck speeds and overtake smaller cars on treacherous roads riddled with potholes.
Dala-dala owners slap these sayings on the backs of their vehicles as a way to “talk back” to other drivers before they've had a chance to honk or shout a complaint.
People here know that people will talk about you. Dala-dala drivers put those names on the backs of their vehicles because they know that people will comment on the condition of their vehicle, or the way they drive, or how they handle conflict, and they want to block you — they want you to laugh instead.
Hannah Gibson, a lecturer in linguistics with a focus on Bantu languages and Swahili studies at the University of Essex, points out that people all over the world love to play with language and East Africa is no different:
The dala-dalas and bajajs become like moving canvases. In a world where people may struggle to be heard or seen, this is like having an audience of thousands as vehicles whizz around the city [and throughout the islands].
These signs are a form of collective, social poetry much like the kanga, a colorful textile sold in pairs that comes with a single proverb written along its edge. The kanga message or “name” is often embued with double meanings and plays on words that baffle and delight. In the same way, these little messages on the cars, trucks and bajaj are ways to transmit a set of values, attitudes and desires that reflect the lives of Swahili men — those who mainly “traffic” in this signage.
Here's a look at some of the more compelling messages seen around Zanzibar in October 2019.
Zanzibar roads are rough and drivers can get defensive. This is the offensive approach:
“Usinichezeshe” or “Don't make me play,” seen in red on the back of a blue bus passing by Michenzani flats, Stone Town, Zanzibar, October 2019. Photo by Amanda Leigh Lichtenstein, used with permission.
A daily message to keep that fighting spirit to get where you're going:
“Habari ndio hiyo ubingwe lazima,” “Yep, that's definitely the news, winning is a must.” Seen on a bajaj in the Darajani market, October 2019. Photo by Amanda Leigh Lichtenstein, used with permission.
Traveling even the shortest distances requires a bit of self-awareness:
“Jipange” or “Get yourself together,” seen on a van back mirror in Stone Town, Zanzibar, October 2019. Photo by Amanda Leigh Lichtenstein, used with permission.
Getting up and out is a daily grind. This message reminds us what we're fighting for in life when we're fighting for a seat on the dala-dala:
“Pambana na hali yako,” or “Fight for your conditions (life).” Seen on a parked van in Stone Town, Zanzibar, October 2019. Photo by Amanda Leigh Lichtenstein, used with permission.
There's a lot we could worry about when heading out on the roads, drivers and passengers alike. Maybe it's best not to dwell on what could go wrong and stay focused on what's right:
“Usiwaze,” or “Don't think,” written on the back of a mini-van used as public transport in Stone Town, Zanzibar, October 2019. Photo by Amanda Leigh Lichtenstein, used with permission.
No matter how hard we try to get ahead of time, we often feel there's just not enough of it. A message that signals, perhaps, a reason to pick up the pace a bit:
“Tatizo muda” “Time is a problem.” Written on the back of a pick-up truck in Stone Town, Zanzibar. Photo by Amanda Leigh Lichtenstein, used with permission.
Getting on the road requires immense focus and risk. There's the promise of love — only once the work is done:
“Mapenzi tukirudi” or “Lovers if we return,” seen on the back of a pickup truck in Bwejuu, Zanzibar, October 2019. Photo by Amanda Leigh Lichtenstein, used with permission.

author: Amanda Lichtenstein


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Some foreign correspondents were denied entry to Putin’s press conference in Budapest · Global Voices
Atlatszo.hu

Péter Szijjártó, Hungary's minister of foreign affairs and trade, greets Russian President Vladimir Putin in Budapest on 30 October 2019. Photo by Photo by Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, courtesy of kormany.hu.
This story was published in by the Hungarian investigative journalism non-profit, Atlatszo. An edited version is published below here as part of a partnership with Global Voices.
Like Hungarian journalists critical of the government, now foreign journalists working in the country are also facing an information blockade. The international press conference held during Putin’s visit to Budapest, on 30 October was not announced prior to the event, the registration process was not made clear, and several foreign journalists did not even know on the day before whether their application to participate was handled at all by the Prime Minister’s office. Some of these correspondents later did get a reply stating that there was no more space at the event due to the great interest of Russian and Hungarian journalists in the press conference.
In the week leading up to Putin's visit, there has been a frequent exchange of messages on the mailing list of foreign journalists working in Hungary about when and where the official press conference was going to take place, and how to apply for the event, as no invitation had been received by the Hungarian International Press Association (HIPA) as an organization, or a significant part of the foreign correspondents accredited to Hungary.
Despite this, several major international news agencies, as they say, ” not easily, but ultimately succeeded” in registering for the international press conference. Others, however, say that this is not the first time that they have a problem attending a press event organized by the Hungarian government. They claim they are regularly informed about such events in the last minute or only afterwards, as if the government was deliberately trying to keep them away.
The German public service media correspondent detailed in a blog post how he tried to get into the Putin visit’s press conference. The excuse he was given for his rejected application was “a lack of space”:
I called the Prime Minister’s Office about a week ago to find out about the visit. Nothing – was the answer. Whatever important events have taken place in recent years, they usually sent out the notice only the day before the deadline for sending the data needed to participate. So, I was not too worried about missing out on something. It turned out I was wrong. To be sure, I sent an email to the Prime Minister’s Office (international press office) on Tuesday morning, and because no reply came, an hour and a half later I also asked the Deputy Secretary of State, Bertalan Havasi by email if there would be accreditation for the event. Shortly afterwards, a lovely lady from the Prime Minister’s office called me to say they had received my letter, but unfortunately they are no longer able to receive registration requests because they had reached the maximum capacity of the venue of the event. I asked how it was possible, since it had not been advertised anywhere, no invitation was received, there was nothing on the event in the official calendar at kormany.gov.hu. I got the answer that the Hungarian and Russian journalists had just registered on their own initiative and there was no more room left.
In the mailing list, another correspondent described how he was also left out of the press conference:
First no emails, then no accreditation invites even from Kovacs’s office (Zoltán Kovács, State Secretary for International Communication), now no posting on the calendar of events on the government’s website, nothing on MTI (the Hungarian News Agency). I guess we’re all expected to be mind readers.
It was also mentioned in the email list that it is actually against the Helsinki Declaration, officially known as the Helsinki Final Act, resulting from the 1975 conference on security and co-operation in Europe which lead to establishment of the OSCE, if a government does not inform foreign correspondents or keeps them away from official press events.
Another journalist accredited to Hungary summed up how he tried to obtain an entry permit for Putin’s press conference:
I started e-mailing the International communications office about this event on the early morning of Oct 25, which already seemed late, but I had been expecting something from them by then and I decided to ask when I realised nothing would be coming. I received a response two minutes later, which said, “Thank you for your inquiry. We will inform you in due course about the details for the registration.” I expected them to keep their word. Yesterday I sent another message, which went unanswered. The message I sent this AM, which was “Since the event is tomorrow I just want to make sure I have been accredited. Can you please send the details?” received a response, which said only “Dear Mr XY, Press Office of the Prime Minister” [an email without contents, just a greeting and a signature]. My further e-mail asking for how to get in touch with them did not receive a response, nor did my emails to bertalan.havasi@mk.gov.hu and ktk@mk.gov.hu asking for accreditation.
Bertalan Havasi is the head of Press Office of the Hungarian government, while ktk@mk.gov.hu is the official email for registration of journalists at governmental media events.
“This case is not unique, the communication between the Hungarian government and foreign correspondents working in the country has become much more difficult lately” – Dutch journalist Runa Hellinga told Atlatszo in a statement. He has been a member (and until last year the President) of the Hungarian foreign journalist organization for 20 years.
It is obvious that HIPA has been hindered in its work since many years. The first years of the Orbán government, they still were willing to send a minister once a while, but nowadays, it has become almost impossible to organize meetings with ministers or government agencies. All applications have to go through Mr. Kovács, who has made it very clear that according to him, HIPA is useless. My personal experience with Kovacs as a spokesman is also a bit awkward to be honest. I once organised an interview with him for a Dutch TV crew. First he simply didn’t turn up, the second time, he had five very impatient minutes for us.
HIPA’s current President, Kester Eddy confirmed this in a statement for Atlatszo::
Since about 2012, and especially since 2014, the Hungarian government has kept the foreign correspondents’ organization at arm’s length as a body. Despite regular invitations, not only does PM Orban not speak to HIPA, but Zoltan Kovács has also rebuffed offers to speak. Also after 2014 until about 2016, the government started some “background” talks for foreign journalists in selected small groups. I don’t know if these are still done. On a personal basis, Zoltan Kovacs’s office have normally answered questions and requests (sent in time) for interviews.


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Tashkent theatre offers window into Japanese internment after World War II · Global Voices
Nevin Thompson

Navoi Theatre in Tashkent, Uzbekistan in 2019. Photo by Filip Noubel.
A historic theatre in Central Asia demonstrates an ongoing connection between Japan and Uzbekistan.
Opened in 1947, the 1,400-seat, Soviet Orientalist-style Alisher Navoi Opera and Ballet Theatre in Tashkent, Uzbekistan was built in part with the help of convict labour by Japanese soldiers who had been transported to Uzbekistan following the end of the Second World War in August 1945.
The theatre in Tashkent illuminates not only a continuing connection between Central Asia and Japan, but also the fate of millions of Japanese troops and civilians stranded all over Asia at the end of World War II.
In August 1945, an estimated 6.6 million Japanese soldiers, colonial administrators, colonists and other members of the military and occupying forces — about 9 per cent of the total population of Japan — were located all over Asia and Oceania. At war's end, all of these people were faced with the challenge of somehow making their way back to Japan.
Not everyone would return to Japan immediately, if at all. For example, following the Soviet invasion of Manchuria in 1945, 456,000 soldiers and civilians employed by the Japanese wartime occupying regime were transported by Russian forces to labour camps across the Soviet Union. For the next decade, internees were engaged in forced labour including constructing power plants, mining coal and building bridges and roads as a form of war reparations to the Soviet Union.
Of the Japanese soldiers and civilians interned for forced labour by the Soviet Union after the end of the war, about 25,000 were taken to Uzbekistan. One of their projects was the Navoi Theatre. A plaque commemorating their work can still be found on the outside of the building.
Plaque on side of Navoi Theater that praises Japanese citizens who were forced to work. Photo by Filip Noubel.
If they survived years of harsh winters, back-breaking work and very little food, many Japanese internees would wait up to a decade before being repatriated (引き揚げ) back to Japan. Repatriation of the 6.6 million Japanese soldiers, colonists and other former occupation forces at war's end was a massive effort. To deal with the influx of returnees, the Japanese government set up repatriation centres in several prominent ports all over Japan, including Maizuru.
Repatriated Japanese soldiers returning from Siberia wait to disembark from a ship at Maizuru, Kyoto Prefecture, Japan, in 1946. From Wikimedia, Public Domain.
At these repatriation centres, returnees would be received and processed in order to return to their home communities, often to an uncertain future in a Japan struggling to rebuild after a cataclysmic war. For example, many returnees were suspected of being Communist sympathizers after spending long years toiling at forced labour in the Soviet Union:
MEN OR BEASTS?
I’d long had the impression that life was difficult for repatriated Japanese soldiers after WW2, but this 1949 passage from the Nippon Times (Japan Times) is brutal.
End of article blames the Communism, as the returnees had been held in Soviet prison camps. pic.twitter.com/pKfCKrzCDS
— the tokyo files (@thetokyofiles) November 16, 2019
The geographically isolated Japanese port of Maizuru, in Kyoto Prefecture on the Japan Sea coast, became host to the sole remaining repatriation centre until it closed its doors in 1958 and large-scale repatriation efforts ended. In total, 346 ships, carrying approximately 660,000 people arrived in Maizuru between 1945 and 1958.
Reconstruction of the pier at the site of the former pier at Maizuru Repatriates Relief Bureau in Taira, Maizuru, Kyoto Prefecture, where returnees were repatriated. Remains of berthing posts can be seen out in the bay. Photo by Nevin Thompson.
Today, the Maizuru Repatriation Memorial Museum in Maizuru, Kyoto, documents the history of internment in the post-war Soviet Union and the repatriation of Japanese soldiers and civilians. The artefacts and displays at the museum include an installation that depicts a relationship between Japan and Uzbekistan that has evolved over time “from detention to (friendly) exchange” (抑留から交流ヘ). In 2020, Maizuru will host the Uzbekistan national Olympic wrestling team.
Poster advertising exhibit about Japanese detention in Uzbekistan. Photo by Nevin Thompson.
There is also some pride in Japan about the contribution internees made to Uzbekistan. An archived web page on the website of Japanese trading house Marubeni states:
When the great earthquake occurred in 1966 that toppled most of the buildings in the city, only the Navoi Theater escaped unscathed, clearly demonstrating the architectural skills of Japan.

author: Nevin Thompson


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Teenage girls want to help victims of domestic violence in Albania with new app · Global Voices
Ardi Pulaj

Girls checking the app on their mobile phones. Photo by GjejZâ, used with permission
Three teenage girls have joined efforts to help victims of domestic violence in Albania, where one in every two women suffers from violence.
Arla Hoxha, Dea Rrozhani, and Jonada Shukarasi — known as the “D3c0ders” — created the mobile application GjejZâ (which means “find your voice” in Albanian). It connects survivors of domestic violence to important resources, including shelters, police and support groups.
The app also offers information on gender-based violence, inspirational stories of women who have overcome a violence situation, and breathing and meditation exercises.
“GjejZâ” was created by three 16-year-old Albanian girls in the hope that it will help to tackle the perpetuating issue of gender-based and domestic violence in the country #DomesticViolence #women #humanrights #technology #albania #tirana https://t.co/AA8JryCJGm
— Alice Taylor (@The_Balkanista) October 9, 2019
The app is available to download on the Google Play store.
Gjejzâ is available on Play Store
Find your voice by using our features:
In the 30 day program you can find mental exercise on breaking myths about violence, meditation techniques, success stories and more!
Do you know someone who might be suffering? Tell them about GjejZâ today! pic.twitter.com/IwqwxE5v4k
— GjejZâ (@GjejZa) October 19, 2019
The girls learned to code and create applications over the past four years through an initiative by the U.S. Embassy in Tirana, as explained in a Youtube video in Albanian and English.
One in every two women suffer from violence in Albania, Iris Luarasi, the head of a national hotline for abused women, has told Reuters, citing a 2018 survey. The survey adds that 4,000 cases of domestic violence were reported in the same year.
Luarasi herself is one of the supporters of the app:
GjejZa is the application invented from this talented girls to connect in one app victims, NGOs and institution. #DV pic.twitter.com/EkNNwT764I
— Iris Luarasi (@Luarasi) October 9, 2019
The 2018 research, which was supported by United Nations agencies, found that 52.9 percent of the 3,443 Albanian women surveyed have experienced at least one of five different types of violence during their lifetime, while 18.1 percent have experienced sexual violence. The women surveyed were between 18 and 74 years old.
Gloomy stats:In ?? 18.1% of women have experienced #sexual violence.This year’s theme #16 Days of Activism is:Generation Equality stands agnst rape: W @unwomenalbania @UNFPAAlbania @SwedeninAL will join @ShendetesiaAL 2convey this message across country pic.twitter.com/3n1QES3NyY
— UNDP Albania (@UNDPAlbania) November 10, 2019
The three teenagers made headlines when they won an award in the Technovation Challenge competition.
Congratulations to D3C0ders, the first team from Albania to become Finalists for winning the 1st place in the Senior Division for their app to support survivors of domestic abuse and women at large. They will receive $15,000 for their app/to further their education. #WorldPitch19 pic.twitter.com/iJp0QhV0JZ
— Technovation (@technovation) August 16, 2019
More recently, they have been nominated for another award:
Congratulations Arla Hoxha, @DRrozhani, Jonada Shukarasi, @audreyisabelpe, and @BriannaGopaul! You have been nominated for the Aspiring Teen Award. #WITGlobalAwards #WomenInTech #EmbraceTech pic.twitter.com/cpMlC80znd
— Women in Tech (@WomenInTechOrg) November 4, 2019

author: Ardi Pulaj