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Data: As New MPLADS Guidelines Come into Force, Unspent Funds Still a Concern
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
June 27, 2023
GoI claims that the revised guidelines aim to broaden the scope of the scheme to enable the MPs to recommend the development works as per the changing needs of the community while also bringing in accountability & transparency. Data shows that unspent funds are a concern.
MPLADS (Member of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme) is a Central Sector scheme that enables Members of Parliament (MPs) to recommend works of a development nature with an emphasis on creating durable community assets based on local needs. Recently, the Government of India released revised guidelines for the MPLADS which are applicable from 01 April 2023. Since their first introduction in 1993, there have been multiple revisions to the guidelines in subsequent years. The most recent revision prior to the current revised guidelines was in June 2016.
The revised guidelines also come in the wake of disruption to the MPLADS in recent years due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The scheme was suspended for the period from April 2020 to November 2021. No funds were allocated for the scheme in 2020-21. For the remainder of the period in 2021-22 (i.e., November 2021 to March 2022) Rs. 2 crores were allocated under this scheme to each MP.
Over the many years, there have been discussions on the continuation of the scheme, in light of under-utilization and mis-utilization of the allocated funds. Our earlier analysis on MPLADS can be read here and here.  In this context, the new revised guidelines for MPLADS are expected to overcome a few of the challenges identified in the implementation of the scheme over the past 30 years.
Entire process of fund-flow to be operated through a web-portal, to facilitate real time monitoring
The government of India claims that the revised guidelines aim to broaden the scope of the scheme to enable the MPs to recommend the development works as per the changing needs of the community, with an emphasis on improving the functioning, implementation, and monitoring of the MPLAD scheme. Few of the changes to these guidelines are aimed to meet these objectives.
Furthermore, the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI) in collaboration with the State Bank of India, has launched a web portal for implementing revised fund flow procedures. The portal aims at facilitating real-time monitoring, increasing transparency, accountability, and scope of permissible works under the central sector scheme.
64% of the Works sanctioned by District Authorities are in progress
As of 04 May 2023, nearly 1.2 lakh works were recommended by the MPs of the 17 Lok Sabha across all the States and UTs.  This data is collated from the collection of Datasets on MPLADS available on Dataful, which is sourced from the data available on the MPLADS website.
Out of these works recommended by the 17 Lok Sabha MPs, 80% of them i.e., around 95.5 thousand works were sanctioned by District authority. Out of these, around 64% i.e., more than 60.8 thousand works are marked as work in progress. The greatest number of works are recommended in Uttar Pradesh, which has 80 Lok Sabha MPs, the highest in the country. Out of the 15.7 thousand works recommended in the state, 14.2 thousand were sanctioned by District Authorities, and out of these, around 80% are in work-in-progress. Gujarat, Odisha, MP, and Maharashtra are the other states with a higher number of works recommended by the MPs. Gujarat has around 56% of its sanctioned works as works-in-progress, while Bihar has a higher percentage of 81% of the sanctioned works as in progress.
Rs. 1.9 thousand crores unspent balance with District Authorities from 17th Lok Sabha MPLADS funds
Based on the recommendations from the MPs of the 17th Lok Sabha, Rs.  4.51 thousand crores were released by the Government of India as on 04 May 2023. Among the states, the highest is in Uttar Pradesh with Rs. 798 Crores. Maharashtra and West Bengal, which have the next highest number of MPs also received the next highest amount of funds with Rs. 360.5 crores and Rs. 339 crores respectively.
Out of the funds received, District Authorities in Uttar Pradesh spent Rs. 501.9 crores while funds worth Rs. 343.5 crores remain as unspent balance with the district authorities in the state. It ought to be noted that the funds available with the district authorities also include funds transferred from the former MPs which remained unspent. The next greatest expenditure is from the state of Maharashtra followed by Bihar with Rs. 213.4 crores and Rs.202.5 crores respectively. Maharashtra, West Bengal, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, and Tamil Nadu, each have more than Rs. 100 crores each of unspent balances with District Authorities.
Rs. 971.5 crores unspent balance relating to Sitting Rajya Sabha MPs
A total of Rs. 2.8 thousand crores of expenditure were incurred by all the current MPs of Rajya Sabha. A further Rs. 971.5 crores remain unspent with the district authorities as on 04 May 2023. As was the case with Lok Sabha MPs, Uttar Pradesh received the highest amount of funds released by the Government of India with Rs. 719 crores.
Kerala which has 9 sitting MPs in Rajya Sabha received the next highest amount of funds with Rs. 217.5 crores. The actual expenditure incurred by current Rajya Sabha MPs under MPLADS is Rs. 186.5 crores, which is only next to Uttar Pradesh. Assam, another state with comparatively fewer Rajya Sabha MPs has the next highest expenditure with Rs. 156 crores. The timeline of the election of MPs representing a particular state has a bearing on the tenure and funds spent by the current MPs in Rajya Sabha.  Around Rs. 178 crores remain unspent by the Rajya Sabha MPs from Uttar Pradesh, followed by those from Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu.
With only less than a year left for the 17 Lok Sabha to end, unspent balance remains a concern. The new guidelines are aimed at bringing more flexibility for the MPs to spend MPLADS funds on a wider range of development projects. While there are concerns about the more centralised nature of new regulations, this could help in bringing in more accountability and transparency in utilisation of the funds.


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Data: As number of frauds increase, amount involved in frauds decreases
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
June 13, 2022
Data from the recently released RBI’s annual report indicates that while the number of frauds involving Rs. 1 Lakh or more has consistently increased, the amount involved in those frauds has reduced in the last two years. While advances contribute to most frauds, the number of regulated entities that were levied penalties by the RBI has gone up from 14 in 2017-18 to 182 in 2021-22.
The Central Banks of any nation play a vital role in ensuring economic stability and achieving country-specific developmental goals. Central banks accomplish these goals by performing actions at two levels- macro and micro. At the macro level, the central banks try to safeguard price stability, and thereby manage inflation while at the micro-level, they perform the functions of a lender to the subordinate banks. They are often the lenders of last resort.
The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) performs these similar functions for India. Established in 1935, under the ambit of the Reserve Bank of India act, 1934, the preamble of the RBI describes its functions as, ‘to regulate the issue of Bank notes and keeping of reserves with a view to securing monetary stability in India and generally to operate the currency and credit system of the country to its advantage; to have a modern monetary policy framework to meet the challenge of an increasingly complex economy, to maintain price stability while keeping in mind the objective of growth’ .
In addition to these, the RBI has also regulatory and enforcement functions. It derives these powers from the Banking Regulation Act, 1949. Some of the core regulatory powers of the RBI include licensing of banking companies, restrictions on the opening of new or transfer of existing business places, auditing, inspection, and the power to give directions to the banking entities under section 35A. Along with these, the RBI also has the power to impose penalties under Section 47A, and control over the management of banking companies under Part 2A of the above-mentioned act.
With this brief, we look at the performance of RBI in its regulatory and enforcement functions, as mentioned in its annual report.
Banking fraud on the rise
Banking frauds are usually detected after a long period of its perpetuation. Even after the detection, the corresponding banking entities report to the RBI with considerable delay. An assessment of the frauds between 2020-21 and 2021-22 indicates a considerable time lag between the occurrence and detection of frauds. By value, 93.7% of frauds reported in 2021-22 happened in prior financial years, compared to 91.7% in 2020-21. To prevent such delays, the Reserve Bank adopted a reporting system in which the banks follow a timeframe to report a fraud, including fixing of responsibility for any such delay. Any deviation from the said timeframe would invite penal action from RBI under Section 47A of the Banking Regulation Act, 1949.
The data for the frauds above Rs. 1 Lakh shows that the number of instances of fraud is on a rise. Except for a decrease in 2020-21 for frauds corresponding to 2019-20, data from 2014-15 to 2021-22 indicate the increasing number of frauds. The amount involved in these frauds has increased from 195 billion rupees in 2014-15 to 1855 billion rupees in 2019-20. In 2020-21, this was reduced to 1382 billion rupees, which further fell to 604 billion rupees in 2021-22. In other words, while the number of frauds is ever increasing, the amount involved in these frauds has reduced in the last two years.
Advances are still a major contributor to the total fraud
While it is important to know the cumulative number of frauds and the amount of money involved in those frauds, it is equally important to look at the area of operations that significantly contribute to these frauds. In total nine major areas of operations, advances, cards and the internet contribute significantly to the cumulative total. Almost 40-50% of the frauds occur in the advances category, while around 30-40% occur in the cards and internet category. The proportion of frauds under cards and internet category increased from 27% in 2018-19 to 40% in 2021-22, while the frauds under the deposits category reduced from 12% in 2017-18 to 5% in 2021-22.
In terms of the amount involved in those frauds, the advances category accounted for around 55% of the total amount involved in 2017-18. This rose to 90% in 2018-19, which again rose to 97% in 2021-22. The value of fraud in the off-balance sheets was 40% in 2017-18, which significantly reduced to 2% in 2021-22. While the number of frauds in the cards and internet category increased significantly, their contribution to the value of frauds is very minimal or insignificant.
Enforcement and monetary Penalties
The primary goal of the banking sector supervision and enforcement is to ensure financial stability, consumer protection and public interests. A consistent and predictable enforcement mechanism forms the core of the banking system. The enforcement mechanism should be capable of acting as a deterrent for future non-compliances and frauds. Any kind of enforcement action must be well documented so that other regulated entities modify their behaviour accordingly. This enforcement can be both proactive as well as reactive, where proactive indicates cautionary advice, and clarifications, while reactive include imposing penalties and new compliance requirements.
As mentioned earlier, the Reserve Bank of India has powers under Section 47A of the Banking Regulation Act, 1949 to impose penalties on the banks. In addition to this, it draws similar powers from provisions in other statutes like the Section 30 under Payments and Settlement systems Act 2007, Section 30A of The Securitisation and Reconstruction of Financial Assets and Enforcement of Security Interest Act (SARFAESI) Act 2002, and Section 25 of the Credit Information Companies (Regulation) Act, 2005, etc. As can be seen, these enforcement mechanisms were spread across different departments, the enforcement was not up to the mark and not according to international standards. In April 2017, a separate Enforcement Department was set up within the Reserve Bank. This was done to ease the process of enforcement, and to remove arbitrariness by bringing proportionality and evidence-based approach in the process of enforcement actions.
While the RBI can impose both monetary and non-monetary penalties, the maximum amount of monetary penalty that can be imposed is specified in the respective statutes. This could be one of the reasons behind the divergence in the number of penalties imposed and the amount levied. Also, RBI can only impose penalties on regulated entities and not on individuals in charge of those entities or responsible for violations. The number of regulated entities that were levied penalties by the RBI has gone up from 14 in 2017-18 to 182 in 2021-22. The aggregate amount of penalties levied had declined from 1024 million rupees in 2017-18 to 194.10 million rupees in 2020-21. It again rose to 653 million rupees in 2021-22. It is to be noted that Non-Banking Financial Companies (NBFC) were also brought under the scope of the Enforcement Department from October 2018. It decides monetary penalties for NBFCs.
An increasing number of protected accounts under deposit insurance
Bank fraud impacts everyone. But this impact is felt unequally, with the small depositors facing more stress than the institutional or relatively big depositors. Small and medium-sized depositors play an important role in the functioning of the banking system. It becomes imperative to protect their interests and shield them from the adverse effects of bank fraud. For this purpose, the Deposit Insurance, and Credit Guarantee Corporation (DICGC) is constituted under the DICGC Act, 1961. This act was amended in August 2021 to provide a time-bound and interim amount to depositors up to the sum insured in instances of withdrawal limits on banks imposed by the RBI. The number of registered banks that are insured stands at 2043 as of 31 March 2022.
The Financial Resolution and Deposit Insurance Bill 2017, was also introduced along with these measures. It is designed to provide for the resolution of distressed financial service providers and to provide deposit insurance to consumers up to a certain limit. Accordingly, the limit of deposit insurance in India was initially Rs. 1 Lakh which was subsequently raised to Rs. 5 Lakh in 2020. The number of insured or protected accounts grew from 1553 million in 2016-17 to 2567 million in 2021-22. This amounts to 92.3% of the total accounts in 2016-17 which increased to 97.9% in 2021-22. The global benchmark for the percentage of insured accounts of the total accounts is 80%. Clearly, India has maintained, in fact, performed overwhelmingly in this benchmark from 2016-17 to date.
The number of insured deposits also grew consistently with the number of insured accounts. It increased from 28.3 trillion rupees in 2016-17 to 81.1 trillion rupees in 2021-22. Incidentally, there is a huge jump in the number of insured deposits in 2020 when compared to 2019, during which the limit was enhanced from Rs. 1 Lakh to Rs. 5 Lakh. The percentage of accessible deposits is 30% in 2016-17 which further rose to 59% in 2021-22, against a global benchmark of 20-30%. The performance in this aspect has also been exceedingly well.
Decent progress to date, but challenges await in regulatory governance
The times are changing, and global economies are moving towards increased digitalization. New avenues for lending and technological advancements are complicating the regulatory governance of the central banks across the globe. Even in India, the entry of big tech firms and new models of financial institutions are posing challenges to the regulatory role of the RBI. The convergence of big data, digitization of financial services, and the new models of economic crimes make the task of financial supervision and regulation quite complicated.
The RBI had made decent progress in keeping up with the technological advancements in the regulatory space. The Reserve Bank has been making consistent efforts to make supervision and regulatory mechanisms more proactive, and risk-based. It has begun to engage with the regulatory and supervisory technologies to enable seamless operations, right from data collection to the decision-making. It is yet to be seen how these actions effectively translate into better regulation and supervision on the part of RBI.
Technological advancements also are posing existential threats to the central banks. The evolution of virtual currencies using blockchain technology is posing a ‘sovereign’ threat to the central banks across the globe. The RBI is also facing a similar dilemma- to strike a balance between embracing newer technologies, and not losing the sovereignty and regulatory and supervisory control over the financial system. The Government of India is also considering enacting a bill along the lines of ‘The Cryptocurrency and Regulation of Official Digital Currency Bill, 2021’. Efforts are continuing to provide a final shape to this bill, and an overarching framework for digital currencies in India. RBI is also said to be making progress to bring in  India’s central bank digital currency (CBDC) from 2023.
It is yet to be seen how the regulatory governance evolves in the space of digital currency, which essentially determines whether the country is capable enough to deal with technological disruptions. In this process, the focus must not be shifted completely from the current regulatory challenges, instead, it must be to improve supervision and regulation in a comprehensive manner.

source: news-factly

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Sai Krishna Muthyanolla


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Data: As of 31 March 2022, Cost Overrun of Central Sector Projects crossed 31%
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
September 23, 2022
Data from the RBI reports & the Infrastructure and Project Monitoring Division of the Ministry of Statistics & Program Implementation indicate that the cost overrun of delayed central sector projects as of March 2022 stands at 31.5% with the average cost overrun at Rs. 446 crores.
In the first part of the series on the status of central sector projects, we analysed the time delays in the implementation of central sector infrastructure projects. One of the outcomes of delay in the projects is the increased costs.  The cost overrun of the projects result in an increased burden on the government resources and has a bearing on budget allocation. This could lead to a cascading effect on budget planning.  Apart from time delays, there are other factors that contribute to cost overruns.
In the second part of this series, we analyse the trends pertaining to the cost overrun of the central sector infrastructure projects.
Methodology
Data from the Sector-wise Cost overrun of Delayed Central Sector Projects (Table 36) of RBI’s Handbook of Statistics on India’s Economy is considered. This information is based on the data provided by the respective implementing agencies on the Infrastructure and Project Monitoring Division’s (IPMD) Online Computerised Monitoring System (OSMS) for the Central Sector projects with costs of over Rs.150 crores.
Only the projects which are delayed are considered for analysing Cost Overrun.  Projects whose Date of Commissioning (DOC) is not available are not considered.  Cost Overrun is the difference between the Original Estimate of the project and the current Anticipated cost of the delayed project.
The information is only for those projects whose data is updated on OSMS and does not reflect the actual number of projects. Further, the number of agencies that are reporting the status online has improved over the years, resulting in a greater number of projects in the IPMD database. Hence, it must be noted that the increased number of projects in a particular year does not necessarily mean an actual increase in the number of projects on the ground.
Cost Overrun at 31.5% for the projects delayed as of 31 March 2022
As of 31 March 2022, a total of 728 projects were delayed. The estimated cost of these projects was Rs. 10.21 lakh crores.  At the same time, the anticipated cost to complete these projects is Rs. 13.5 lakh crores i.e., an anticipated cost overrun of Rs .3.25 lakh crores. The overall cost overrun of the delayed projects is higher than in the earlier years. This is understandable as more projects are updated on OSMS than in earlier years. In 2013, there were only 285 projects updated as delayed.  Hence, the over-run cost compared to the original estimate gives a better understanding of this cost overrun. Data indicates that the previous three years have witnessed a higher cost overrun compared to the original estimates.
As of 31 March 2020, the cost overrun of delayed projects was 29.1% which increased to 29.5 % as of 31 March 2021, which increased to 31.5% by 31 March 2022. If the current increasing trend continues, there could be a further increase in cost overrun resulting in additional strain on the government’s financial resources.
As per the August 2022 flash report, the original cost of implementation of the total projects being monitored is Rs. 21.26 lakh crores. A total of 1,526 projects were being monitored and this includes even the projects for which DOC is not available. The anticipated cost on completion is Rs. 25.91 lakh crores i.e., a cost overrun of Rs. 4.65 lakh crores.
The average cost overrun is Rs. 446 crores per project by end of FY 2022
The higher amount of cost overrun by end of March 2002 can be attributed to the increase in the number of delayed projects as updated on the IPMD’s portal.  On average, the cost overrun is Rs. 446.6 crores per delayed project at the end of FY 2022.  The average cost overrun is calculated by dividing the total cost overrun by the end of the year with the number of projects marked as delayed.
While the overall cost overrun is higher for FY 2022 compared to the previous year, the average cost overrun per project has come down. In the previous year, it was Rs.489 crores.  The lower estimated value of the projects that are delayed, the projects that are comparatively new, the completion of long-standing projects, etc., could be some of the reasons for the reduction in average cost overrun.
Cost overrun of Railway projects is 76% of the original cost
In the earlier story, we highlighted that Railways have the highest share of delayed projects. Nearly 90% of its projects with DOC were delayed as of 31 March 2022. It was also highlighted that Railways have few of the most long-standing pending projects.
This is also reflected in the cost overrun. The overall original cost estimate of the 146 delayed Railways projects was Rs. 1.91 lakh crores by the end of March 2022. The anticipated cost of completion as of 31 March 2022 is Rs. 3.36 lakh crores.  This is a cost overrun of Rs.1.45 lakh crores which is 70% more than the original estimate. Comparatively, Surface Transport which has the highest number of delayed projects with 253 has a lower cost overrun.  The original cost estimate of these 253 projects was Rs. 1.41 lakh crores. The anticipated cost by the time of completion of these projects could be Rs. 1.56 lakh crores i.e., an overrun of 14.9 thousand crores which make up around 10% of the original cost. A similar case is with the petroleum sector. The cost overrun is 8% for its 87 delayed projects.
Even though the Telecommunication sector has only 3 delayed projects, the anticipated cost is already 81% more than the original cost. For most of the other sectors, there have been new additions to delayed projects during 2022, which reflects in the increased total value of estimated and anticipated costs compared to the end of FY 2021.
In the case of Atomic Energy, the escalation of cost is seen despite no change in the number of delayed projects. By end of 2022, there were 4 delayed projects whose original cost was Rs. 67.1 thousand crores. Since the Original cost of the four projects remained at 67.1 thousand crores from 2018-2022, it can be concluded that these 4 delayed projects are the same ones each year. In 2018, these 4 projects had an anticipated cost of Rs. 69.7 thousand crores. By end of FY 2022, it increased to Rs. 82.9 thousand crores. This amply demonstrates the cost escalation due to the delay in projects.
Atomic Energy, Telecommunication and Steel Sector have projects with higher average costs
The value of cost overrun is also influenced by the type & size of the projects. The Atomic Energy sector has 4 delayed projects whose original cost is Rs. 67.1 thousand crores i.e., an average of Rs. 16.7 thousand crores per project. With a 23% escalation in its cost, the cost overrun is an average of Rs. 3.9 thousand crores.
As highlighted earlier, the Telecommunication sector has the highest proportion of the increase in cost overrun. The average original cost for the 3 delayed projects is Rs. 3.7 thousand crores. The average cost overrun per project is Rs. 3.7 thousand crores.  Meanwhile, Surface Transport projects have a lower average cost overrun. The average original cost for the 253 delayed projects is Rs. 557 crores while the average cost overrun of the Surface transport projects is Rs. 59 crores by the end of FY 2022.  The average cost overrun of Railways Projects is Rs. 993 crores per project by the end of FY 2022.
Inflation, process related delays, pricing issues among the major reasons for cost overruns
Various factors have a bearing on the cost overrun of the delayed projects. The general increase in prices associated with the time delays is one of the factors and cannot be avoided. This can be brought down by reducing the time delays.
The quarterly report on the Central Sector projects published by MOSPI highlights a few factors influencing cost overruns.  Increases in prices, taxes, and changes in foreign exchange rates have a direct bearing on the cost overrun. Apart from these, changes in the scope of the project, new developments have an impact on the projects which cannot be anticipated while determining the original cost of the project. Underestimation of the original cost is also a challenge that comes to the fore once the project is being implanted and the actual costs vary.
Process-related issues like delays in project financing, tendering, shipment, etc. also contribute to cost escalation.  While some of these cannot be avoided, constant monitoring and appropriate & timely remedial measures can help reduce the cost overruns.
In the third part of this series, we would analyse a few of the projects across the sectors, to better understand the reasons for the delays and cost overruns of the infrastructure projects.
Featured Image:  Cost Overrun of Central Sector Projects

created: September 23, 2022


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Data: As Plastic Waste Generation Increases, Need for Improved Data Reporting
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
December 12, 2023
Multiple reports of the Central Pollution Control Board note that the data related to plastic waste generation in India is inadequate, and incomplete.  Many local bodies are not recording and reporting plastic waste generation data as required by the rules.
Plastic is found in almost everything that people use in their day-to-day lives, leaving almost practically nothing that is devoid of plastic material in the modern world. Owing to its cheaper cost, easy availability and other reasons, the world has seen a significant rise in the volume of plastic production, especially in the last two decades. According to the 2019 report published by the Union Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA), Global Plastic Production is over 150 Million Tons every year, with average Per Capita Consumption being 28 kilograms or 76 grams per day. This is higher than the annual average per capita consumption of protein, which is 68 grams per day. In other words, these statistics show the alarming level of plastic usage globally.
On the flip side, the production and usage of plastic also cause several million tons of plastic waste. This waste is globally well known to cause widespread and debilitating impacts on the environment, humans, animals, birds, and other species. This consequential pollution is one of the major and important environmental issues affecting almost every single person in the contemporary world, causing various types of long-lasting damage.
In this story, we look at the Global and Indian situation of plastic production, consumption, waste generation and the consequential impacts that are experienced.
Methodology
The data has been sourced from Plastic Waste Dataset available on Dataful, which has been compiled from Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) Annual Reports. The same data is used for analysis in this story.
Plastic Types and Usages
The Plastic Waste (Management) Rules, 2016 (PWM Rules) define ‘Plastic’ as any material that contains high Polymers as an essential ingredient. Accordingly, there are about 7 types of most common plastics that are used, utilized, and consumed in different materials in different ways.
The above list of types of plastics and their diverse usage is not complete, however, the list shows that plastic usage is to be found in materials which are as tiny as pens, tea glasses, toys to bigger materials such as paints, cables, batteries, etc. Therefore, as the MoHUA 2019 report notes, plastic usage has become an integral part of daily life in the modern world. As a result, we see the generation of huge quantities of Plastic Waste across the Globe.
Global Plastic Waste Generation is more than Carrying Capacity of Earth
The MoHUA 2019 report also highlights that globally only about 10% of the plastic waste that is generated is recycled and the rest of the waste is either incinerated, landfilled, or left as waste without any treatment or management. This clearly underlines the piling of plastic waste across the globe. According to the Global Environmental Action (EA) group’s latest 2023 report, the volume of plastic waste being created across the world is so much so that currently the globe is experiencing 157 plastic overshoot days a year, which means that the plastic waste generated in a year is more than carrying capacity of the earth for about 157 days. Thus, it explains the unbelievable levels to which plastic waste generation has grown in the world.
According to the same EA report, plastic production is going to double by 2040 and the consequential plastic waste generation is going to be tripled. Therefore, these facts underline that very shortly, the earth could well reach full 365 plastic overshoot days or even more. Thus, the consequential impacts that are going to be witnessed could well be more than what has already been experienced.
The Menacing Impacts of Plastic are Widely Acknowledged & Witnessed across the Globe
The widespread and far-reaching consequential impacts of plastic waste and its pollution are well-known and have been well-acknowledged over the years. The MoHUA 2019 report underlines the multiple types of damages that are caused as a result of plastic waste generated and the pollution caused by it. The same are summarized below.
The above official data clearly shows the long-lasting, irreversible, and highly damaging impacts of plastic waste.
India records only a partial amount of Plastic Waste Generated
The global data and menacing impact reveal a dreadful scenario of the present state of the contemporary world. The data for India shows that the situation is no different.
It begins with the fundamental problem of not having an efficient enforcement system for mandatorily recording day-to-day plastic waste generated across the country. The PWM rules mandate that every local authority in urban and rural regions must both record plastic waste generated in the respective localities and submit the annual reports to the State Pollution Control Boards (SPBs), which in turn submit the state-level reports to the CPCB.
However, the analysis of data from Dataful shows that several states have not submitted plastic waste generation data from the years 2010-11 to 2017-18. The data further shows that it is only from 2018-19 that most of the states have started submitting the same data. Hence, much of the plastic waste generated in India has not been recorded.
Further, even though the data shows that most of the states have submitted plastic waste generation data from the year 2018-19 to 2020-21, the same data does not reflect the actual plastic waste generated in India. The CPCB itself acknowledges this fact in its annual reports. For example, CPCB’s 2019-20 and 2020-21 annual reports note that the bulk of the local bodies have not recorded and provided data about plastic waste generated in their respective localities. On this note, the 2019-20 report specifically notes that “none of the States/UTs have reported submission of AR (Annual Reports) by all VPs (Village Panchayats).”
It is evident that in India, data on only a partial amount of plastic waste generated is being recorded. The actual waste generation would be much higher than the figures provided in the CPCB data.
The analysis of partial data submitted by states from the year 2018-19 to 2020-21 shows that Plastic Waste Generation is on the rising trend in India. Data shows that plastic waste generation in India has increased from 3.36 to 4.12 million tons per annum, which is an increase of 22.8% in three years.
Reduction of Plastic usage and Efficient Enforcing System is needed in India
The MoHUA 2019 report notes that about 50% of plastic used once is discarded in India. This leads not only to the consequences as fore mentioned but also causes an increase in carbon footprint. The 2018 TERI report notes that about 28.4% of plastic waste generated in India is recycled, leaving the rest to landfilling or open dumping. In addition, the MoHUA 2019 report also notes that “recycling is not a safe and permanent solution for plastic waste disposal”, owing to the environmental consequences it creates. The same report also notes that even the landfilling carries its consequences of soil and groundwater pollution.
It is also a pressing concern that the PWM Rules of 2016 do not contain any comprehensive provisions about checking and systematically curtailing the production of different types of plastics and their usage in different materials so that the generation of plastic waste can be reduced.
These pressing problems in India of plastic waste generation, inadequate recording and collection of the same waste, and the other problems related to disposal call for legislative and executive measures to reduce plastic waste generation and more efficient enforcement mechanisms to systematically collect and dispose plastic waste generated with least consequences on the environment and human health.

created: December 12, 2023


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Data: As Share of Cesses & Surcharges in GoI’s Gross Tax Revenues Increases, Under Utilization & States Losing Out Are Cause For Concerns
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
February 16, 2023
Data indicates that the share of Cesses & Surcharges in the Gross Tax Revenue of the Government of India has increased from around 10% in 2011-12 to more than 25% in 2021-22. While this increase results in states losing out in their share of the divisible pool, underutilization of the collected cesses & surcharges is also a cause for concern.
In the state’s annual budget for 2023-24, the Kerala government announced that it proposes to levy a Social Security Cess on liquor, petrol, and diesel. A cess of Rs. 20 to Rs. 40 on liquor and Rs. 2 on petrol and diesel has been proposed by the government. The cess proposed on fuel is expected to bring an additional revenue of Rs. 750 crores to the Social Security Seed Fund. However, this has led to protests by the opposition in the state. Not just in Kerala, cess is levied even by the Government of India (GoI) for various purposes such as education, infrastructure, etc. It is imposed as an additional tax besides the existing tax and so, the burden is on the taxpayers. Against this backdrop, we look at what cess is and the different cesses being imposed by the Union Government, and what the increase in revenue through cesses & surcharges means for states.
A cess is an additional tax levied by the Government to raise funds for a specific purpose that it is earmarked for. For instance, the government levies a Road and Infrastructure cess, and the revenue generated through this cess is to be used to fund road and infrastructure development activities. Surcharges are a tax on tax, with the same purpose.
Cess for specific purposes need not be shared with states
Article 270 of the Constitution of India lays down what taxes may be included in the divisible pool or those which should be divided among the Union and State governments. Following an amendment in 2000, Cess levied for ‘specific purposes’ under any law passed by the Parliament is exempted from the divisible pool. In simple terms, cess and surcharges are levied by the Union Government for the purposes of the Union under Article 271 of the Constitution of India. The proceeds of the revenue earned via various cess & surcharge would not become part of the divisible pool and hence, would not be shared with the states.
Over 42 Cesses were levied at different points of time since 1944
According to a study report submitted to the Fifteenth Finance Commission, from 1944 until 2019, over 42 cesses were levied at different points in time. As per the report, the first cess levied was on ‘Matches’. Cesses are levied for multiple reasons such as for the development of a specific industry, labour welfare, and social security, among others. Some of the major cesses that are levied by the Union Government currently include Cess on Exports, Cess on Crude Oil, Health & Education Cess, Road & Infrastructure Cess, GST Compensation Cess, etc.
Since the implementation of Goods and Services Tax (GST) in July 2017, many cesses like Krishi Kalyan Cess, Swachh Bharat Cess, Clean Energy Cess and Cesses on Tea, Sugar, and Jute, etc. were subsumed into GST. Likewise, Health and Education Cess was rolled out since 2017-18 in place of Primary Education and Secondary Education Cess on direct taxes. Also, unlike other Cesses collected by the Central government, States get a share GST Compensation Cess. The ‘GST Compensation Cess’ was constituted to compensate States which lose out on revenue due to the introduction and implementation of GST.
Share of Cess and Surcharges in Gross Tax Revenue of GoI has increased significantly in the recent years
According to a response of the Finance Ministry in the Lok Sabha in December 2022, in 2020-21, India’s Gross Tax Revenue was Rs. 20.27 lakh crores and the revenue collected through cess and surcharges constituted 25.1% of this amount. Data from the XV Finance Commission’s report also reveals that the share of cess and surcharges in the country’s gross tax revenue has increased considerably in the last 11 years- from 10.4% in 2011-12 to an estimated 28.1% in 2021-22. A significant increase in the share of cess and surcharges is evident in recent years since 2018-19.
Finance commission cited increase in charges and introduction of new cesses as reasons for increase in share of Cess & Surcharge in GTR
The finance commission’s report cited the following major reasons for higher receipts from cesses and surcharges in 2018-19 as
In 2019-20, the rate of surcharge on income tax for individuals with income between Rs. 2 crores and Rs. 5 crores has been increased from 15 to 25% and for individuals earning more than Rs. 5 crores, the rate of surcharge has been increased from 15 to 37% which may have contributed to the increasing share. In 2020-21, the central excise duty, cesses and surcharges levied and collected per litre on petrol and diesel were increased by Rs. 10 and Rs. 13, respectively.
Cess collected on Petrol, Diesel, and Road and Infrastructure doubled in 2019-20
The Finance Ministry also provided details of major Cesses (in operation) collected/realized during 2013-14 to 2020-21 and 2021-22 in the Parliament in response to questions. According to these responses it can be noted that:
It has to be noted that the primary and education cess and secondary and higher education cess were merged after budget 2018-19 as Health and Education Cess. The Road and Infrastructure Cess was also introduced in 2017-18.
While cess and surcharges have reduced devolution to states, underutilization of the collected amount is also a cause of concern
In the past, the Comptroller & Auditor General (CAG) has highlighted that the under-utilization of the cess is a cause of concern. In a financial audit report for 2018-19, CAG observed that only Rs.1.64 lakh crores of the Rs. 2.74 lakh crores i.e., around 60% of the amount received in the form of around 35 cesses, levies & other charges during 2018-19 were transferred to the respective ‘Reserve funds & boards’. Around 40% is still retained in the Consolidated Fund of India. Significantly Rs. 382 crores thus retained belongs to 17 cesses that were abolished or subsumed into GST.
According to a study by PRS Legislative Research, contrary to the XV Finance Commission’s stated share of 41% for the states in the divisible pool of central taxes, an increase in the incidence of levy of cesses and surcharges by the central government in recent years has resulted in the notable decline in the devolution to states as a share of gross tax revenue. In 2022-23, states’ share in gross tax revenue of GoI is estimated to be only at 30% while the XV Finance Commission envisaged a devolution share of 41%.

created: February 16, 2023


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As temperatures soar across India, different agencies of the government provide varied data on mortality
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
May 2, 2022
Most parts of India are going through a severe heatwave as temperatures soar. Over the last decade, the instances of heatwave days have increased resulting in increased deaths. However, different agencies of the government like the IMD, NDMA, NCRB and WMO of the UN provide different data on mortality due to heatwaves.
This summer, record temperatures are being reported from different parts of the country. Heatwave warnings have been issued by the Indian Meteorological Department (IMD) since the second week of March itself whereas summer usually starts and peaks in the later months. According to the IMD’s monthly report for March 2022, the average maximum temperature recorded in March 2022 was the highest since 1901. In other words, this was the hottest March in the last 122 years for which data is maintained by IMD.
In March 2022, the average maximum, minimum and mean temperatures recorded at the national level were 33.10°C, 20.24°C, and 26.67°C respectively. Compared to the normal temperatures recorded for the same month in the period from 1980 to 2010, the average temperatures have gone up above normal by 1.86°C, 1.37°C, and 1.61°C respectively. The temperature in Central India even crossed 35°C while Northwest India recorded an increase of 3.9°C than the normal levels. The absence of active Western Disturbances which bring rain to northwestern and central parts of India in a non-monsoon season like winter and summer is one reason behind the high temperature.
In the month of April 2022, the temperatures recorded were in the range of 44 to 47°C in most parts of East Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh & Vidarbha. Temperatures of the range 42 to 45°C were recorded in most parts of west Rajasthan, Haryana, Delhi, and Telangana, and parts of Jharkhand, Gujarat, West Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Maharashtra, Punjab and in isolated pockets of Marathwada, Bihar & interior Gangetic West Bengal, Chhattisgarh, northern Odisha and Rayalaseema. IMD has been reported to have stated that April 2022 was the hottest April in the last 122 years for northwest and central India.
Heatwave is measured relative to usual weather and normal temperatures in a season
Envistats, by the Ministry of Statistics, defines a heatwave as “a prolonged period of excessive heat, often combined with excessive humidity”. Generally, heat waves are measured relative to the usual weather in the area and relative to normal temperatures for the season. It usually occurs in the months of March to June, in India. The Indian Meteorological Department (IMD) has defined the following criteria for Heat Waves:
The annual average number of heatwave days recorded across states has increased
In each decade since 1970, the annual average number of heatwave days in India recorded across states dropped from 99 days in 1970-1979 to 92 days in 1990-1999. This rose to 137 days during 2010-2019. A total of 42 and 36 heatwaves days have been recorded in 2020 and 2021, respectively. The annual average number of heatwave days across states in each decade also follows a similar trend. During 2010-2019, Rajasthan recorded the highest- 13 days, followed by Odisha (12), Jharkhand, and Andhra Pradesh. In 2020 and 2021, the number of days has been much lower.
More than 17,000 deaths have been reported due to heatwaves since 1970
According to Envistats 2022 which publishes data produced by the IMD, a total of 17,488 deaths due to heatwaves have been reported since 1970. While 1970-79 recorded over 2,488 deaths, it dropped to 1,505 in 1980-1989 and has been on a rise since. During 2010-2019, the number of deaths rose to 6,496, about 4.3 times the number during 1980-89. In the 2015 heatwave, close to 2,000 deaths were recorded, the majority from Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, where extremely high humidity, as well as extreme temperatures, was experienced. May 2015 witnessed temperatures that were 5.5°C above normal.
WMO has warned about rising temperatures in India and Pakistan
The World Meteorological Organization (WMO) has sounded a warning about the soaring temperatures recorded in India and Pakistan. Citing that both countries are rolling out health action plans to save lives, WMO stated that the unusual heat is consistent with what is expected of climate change. According to WMO, between 1992 and 2020 (in 28 years), 25,692 deaths occurred due to heatwaves in India. About one-third of the deaths took place between 2011 and 2021.
Data on deaths provided by Envistats, WMO, and NDMA does not match
The WMO’s data on deaths due to heatwave does not match with the data provided in Envistats of MoSPI. The MoSPI report claims that only two-thirds of the deaths (17000+) took place, that too in a period of 52 years from 1970 compared to the 25000+ deaths reported by the WMO between 1992 & 2020.
On the other hand, data from the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) shows that between 1992 and 2015, a total of 24,223 deaths were recorded across India due to heatwaves. NDMA also stated that only four deaths were reported in 2020 because of the lockdown measures. However, 27 deaths due to heatwave were recorded in 2020, and none in 2021 according to Envistats 2022.
According to the National Crime Records Bureau’s (NCRB) annual publication on Accidental deaths and suicides based on data furnished by state police departments and published in the Envistats, heatstroke/ sunstroke was recorded as the cause of death of 20,615 persons in the 22 years from 2000 to 2020. Even this data does not match with the IMD data provided in Envistats 2022. As per NCRB, the annual average number of deaths recorded between 2000 and 2004 was 664 which more than doubled to 1,307 between 2015-2019.
While it is possible that the difference in the data is due to the different ‘definition of death’ followed by a specific agency, such varied numbers affect the credibility of the data.
Mortality has increased over the years, though the exact number is still not clear
As noted earlier, different data sources give different statistics on fatalities in heatwaves. This calls for a standardized recording of data by the government adopting a similar definition across various agencies, considering the seriousness of the issue. Proper & credible data is necessary to keep track of the varying impact of heatwaves across different regions and to come up with required interventions to combat it. However, though the data maintained by IMD, NDMA, and NCRB give different numbers, a common trend is an increase in average mortality over the years, which indicates the increased effects of heatwaves.
The frequency, duration, and intensity of hot spells is very likely to rise
Climate change is causing an increase in global average temperatures. The International Panel on Climate Change in its latest report has highlighted that there will be an increase in extreme weather events in South Asia, including India. The frequency, duration and intensity of hot spells are very likely to rise by the end of the century. Studies also suggest an increase in the probability of mortality even with a moderate increase in mean temperatures.
Heatwaves have a significant impact on life, especially on vulnerable sections like construction workers, elderly persons, vendors, etc. The health of millions and productivity of labour is also severely impacted.  Additionally, it directly affects agriculture production resulting in food security issues. Water availability, forest fires, and livelihoods, are also affected by heatwaves.
Heat also results in an increased demand for energy. The maximum all-India power demand met was recorded at 201.066 GW on 26 April 2022, as per the Ministry of Power.
Heat Action Plan is implemented by India
The Government of India adopted a Heat Action Plan in different States to tackle the impact of heatwaves since 2013. A Heat Action Plan is a comprehensive early warning system and preparedness plan for extreme heat events. IMD in collaboration with local health departments is preparing/implementing Heat Action Plan in many parts of the country. NDMA has also issued National Guidelines for Preparation of Action Plan- Prevention and Management of Heat Wave.
At an individual level, one can take simple precautions to reduce the effect of the heatwave.
Featured Image: Heatwave in India


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As number of COVID-19 deaths increase in India, Death Rate decreases
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
July 6, 2020
The number of deaths due to COVID-19 and the corresponding death rate, known as the Case Fatality Ratio (CFR), has wide variations across states. In some states, despite a phenomenal increase in the number of new cases, the CFR is well below 1.5%.
India recorded its first COVID-19 case on 30 January 2020, and the first recorded death due to this infection  was reported on 12 March 2020. The initial spread of COVID-19 in India was slow compared to the United States, western European countries and few of the Asian countries, largely on account of the lockdown. It was during the mid-May that the number of cases started to increase, after the lockdown restrictions were starting to be relaxed and the movement of people began. Currently, India ranks fourth among the countries with the highest number of cases.
In an earlier story on Factly, we observed that while the number of cases are increasing around the world, the number of daily deaths due to COVID-19 are decreasing. The data also shows that the case fatality rate (CFR) in India is least among the top six countries that are worst affected by COVID-19. Global trends also point out that the fatality rates in USA & Iran, which are experiencing a second wave of new COVID-19 cases are also lower than earlier.
In this story, we take a deeper look at the COVID-19 deaths in India and the CFR at state-level among other data.
Slight increase in the number of COVID-19 deaths
The first COVID-19 death in India was confirmed in Karnataka on 12 March 2020. The number of deaths recorded in day were in single digits for the rest of the month in March. The first double digit number of deaths was recorded on 02 April 2020, when 15 were reported. The number of daily deaths has been on an increasing trend ever since, though the death rate has slowed down.
There have been inconsistencies in the deaths being recorded under COVID-19, with subsequent corrections by various states. A well-known instance was on 17 June 2020, when both Maharashtra and Delhi reconciled COVID-19 death numbers resulting in the single day death figure of more than 2 thousand. This was a one-off instance.
In order to mitigate the impact of these extremities and inconsistencies of reporting, we have taken a 7-day moving average for the purpose of analysis. Further, the timeline being considered is from 01 April 2020, so we have substantial data. The source of information is the data released by the Ministry of Health & Family Welfare (MoHFW), Government of India.
The average number of COVID-19 deaths in India were being reported in double digits in the beginning of April 2020. The numbers have gradually increased over the remainder of the month, with daily average of deaths crossing 100 during the first week of May. By the end of May 2020, the number of reported daily deaths were just below 200.
The month of June 2020 saw a considerable increase in the number of reported daily deaths. The one-day spike on 17  June, as indicated earlier, had an influence on the average. Despite this anomaly, the number of deaths being reported was in the 300-400 range for the rest of June.
However, since the beginning of July, a higher number of daily deaths are being reported, as the number of positive cases is also rising. As of 8 AM on 05 July 2020, a total of 613 deaths were reported (not average) in the previous 24 hours.  The 7-day moving average has also increased to around 453.
While Deaths increase, Death Rate shows a decreasing trend
Although there is an increase in the number of deaths reported over the past few days, the fatality rate is witnessing a decreasing trend.  Case Fatality Rate (CFR) is the number of deaths divided number of positive cases identified.
The paradox of increasing number of deaths but a decreasing CFR can be attributed to a greater  proportionate increase in the number of new COVID-19 cases compared to the number of deaths.
During the month of June 2020, the fatality rates have increased from 2.8% to a peak of around 3.3% (on 17 June when 2000 + deaths were reported). However, it has shown a subsequent decreasing trend with the CFR going back to around 2.8% by 05 July 2020. This is considerably lower than other countries with high number of COVID-19 positive case, as highlighted in an earlier story.
Maharashtra has the highest number of COVID-19 Deaths
As of 05 July 2020, a total of 19,268 COVID-19 deaths were reported as per the information provided by MoHFW.  Out of these, the highest number of deaths were reported in Maharashtra with 8,671 deaths followed by Delhi which has reported 3004 COVID-19 related deaths so far. Gujarat with 1,925 and Tamil Nadu with 1,450 deaths are the other two states which have recorded more than One thousand deaths.
While most of the North-Eastern states have recorded a smaller number of COVID-19 related deaths, Chhattisgarh & Kerala are among the bigger states which have reported fewer deaths with 6 and 25 respectively.
Gujarat has the highest CFR
While India’s CFR is 2.8%, it is not even across the States. Gujarat has the highest CFR which is nearly double the national average CFR with 5.45%.  Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh complete the top-3 states with the highest CFR with 4.33% and 4.09% respectively.
The other states which have a higher CFR than the national average are West Bengal, Delhi & Uttar Pradesh with 3.47%, 3.09% & 2.91% respectively.  Meanwhile Tamil Nadu which has the 4 highest number of deaths, has a CFR of 1.36%. Of the other bigger states, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana & Chhattisgarh have a CFR of less than 1.5%.
Is there an under-reporting of COVID-19 deaths?
Each of the states is at a different stage of COVID-19 infection. Maharashtra has been the most severely affected state in terms of the numbers. Even from the perspective of CFR, it was at a point of time in a descending trajectory, which off late is again on the rise. Meanwhile, Kerala with lower death rates is experiencing a second wave of COVID-19 infections while the CFR is maintaining at less than 1%.
On the other hand, though states like Karnataka & Telangana have reported a phenomenal increase in the number of cases in the last four weeks, the CFR has decreased substantially to around 1.5% which is almost half the national average.
However, despite these mixed trends at a state-level, there are apprehensions regarding the inconsistencies in the reporting of COVID-19 deaths. Rukmini S, writing for ‘India Spend’ reiterates the need for proper functioning of ‘Death Audit Committees’ with independent members from outside the government. She also writes about proper recording of COVID-19 deaths using the ICD-10 codes.
In the next story, we look at the fatality trends in few select states along with their correlation with the tests conducted and the number of positive cases.


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Data: Average of More than 60 Election Petitions Were Filed in Each of the Lok Sabha Elections; Highest of 130 in 2019 Lok Sabha Elections
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
April 26, 2024
The data on the election petitions filed across the general elections does not show any uniform trend. However, 2019 elections saw 130 election petitions filed, the highest ever among all general elections. This is followed by 110 election petitions in 2009 elections. On average, more than 60 election petitions were filed in each of the general elections to the Lok Sabha.
In this series of stories on Indian Elections, our focus is to bring out some important, yet less covered aspects of the elections, and their trends over the last 17 Lok Sabha elections. The first part focused on independent candidates, while the second part focused on overall contestants, deposits forfeited
In this third part, we look at another crucial aspect of electoral process- disqualifications of candidates, both by way of electoral petitions and conviction in criminal cases.
Disqualifications as a tool to ensure competence among all candidates.
One of the most important and essential features of democracy is the power of its members to choose people in whom the sovereign power rests. This is facilitated through an electoral process that is fair and transparent, by right to vote. Despite all the regulations, no election process can be perfect. From technical issues to the candidate profiles, majority of elections are marred by some or the other issues.
Among all of them, the fairness of the candidate is a crucial marker as elections are about electing the most competent candidate among the contenders. Certain competence standards are prescribed in terms of qualifications and disqualifications in all election laws. For instance, if the person had indulged in corruption and gets convicted, if the person holds office of profit and so on, they would not be eligible for membership to legislature.
Disqualifications usually happen in two scenarios- first being through election petitions and the second one being through conviction in criminal cases. While both processes face inordinate delays, disqualification through election petition is immediate, whereas disqualification through conviction is dependent on the quantum of punishment.
Election petitions to maintain integrity of electoral process.
Elections represent the quest for political influence, where the stakes are remarkably high. Even a slight shift can dramatically alter the prospects of those involved. Given these high stakes, candidates themselves serve as safeguards, preventing the occurrence of fraud, thereby ensuring the integrity of the electoral process.
Article 329(b) of the Constitution outlines the procedure for presenting an election petition to the designated authority as prescribed by law. Initially, Article 324(1) of the Constitution stated that the Election Commission of India (ECI) would appoint election tribunals to resolve election-related disputes. Consequently, section 80A of the Representation of the People Act (RPA), 1951 mandated that all election petitions to be tried by High Courts. The intention behind this shift was to expedite the resolution of election petitions, as reflected in section 86(7), which aims to conclude trials within six months. Additionally, section 81(1) of the RPA sets a 45-day time limit for the submission of an election petition.
In recent times, the election petitions have tended to become weaponized as losing candidates do not hesitate to file election petitions, thereby increasing the judicialization of electoral processes. This also seems to be happening because the benefits of filing election petition outweigh the costs.
2019 saw highest number of election petitions filed among all Lok Sabha Elections
In the previous stories, we have seen how there is proliferation of political parties and contestants. As a result of this, chances for election frauds are high. The data on the election petitions filed across the general elections does not show any uniform trend. However, 2019 elections saw 130 election petitions filed, the highest ever among all general elections. This is followed by 110 election petitions in 2009 elections.
Despite the stipulated six months for the completion of trial, there is a significant delay in the adjudication of election petitions. As per a response given by the Government in the Parliament in August 2023, sometimes the adjudication happens near to or after the completion of the term of the elected member, example being the disqualification of BRS MLS Vanama Venkateswara Rao’s 2018 membership in 2023, less than six months before the completion of the term. The Law Commission of India in its 255th report on Electoral Reforms also highlighted the inordinate delays and called for constitution of a separate election bench in each High Court.
Criminalization of Politics poses a challenge to the integrity of electoral processes.
Despite the noble intentions of the Constitution’s framers during the early days of the Indian Republic, concerns about the connection between crime and politics were frequently voiced. Interestingly, analysts have observed a shift in the nature of this relationship during the 1970s. Rather than politicians being suspected of ties to criminal organizations, as was previously the case, individuals with significant criminal histories started to enter the political arena.
Post the apex court judgement in 2002 in Union of India vs. Association for Democratic Reforms, the candidates were required to disclose criminal antecedents during the nomination process. As a result, it could be seen that around 24% of the contestants had pending criminal cases pending against them in 2004, which further rose to 30% during the 2009 elections. This gradually declined, reaching 16% till the Phase-I of the 2024 elections. This trend of criminalization of politics and its effect on the integrity of elections is persistently highlighted by multiple bodies of the Government.
Backlog of criminal cases act as a barrier for disqualifications.
Disqualification of any elected representative to the assembly or parliament requires a conviction in criminal cases. For certain offences as emulated in section 8(1) of the Representation of Peoples Act, 1951 such as electoral offenses, offenses related to terror laws, and narcotics, the disqualification is irrespective of the quantum of punishment. Whereas for certain offences under section 8(3) of the same act, disqualification is dependent on the quantum of punishment, even after conviction.
As per the data provided in the Supreme Court, the number of pending criminal cases against MPs and MLAs was 4122 in December 2018, which grew to 4974 in December 2021. As of November 2022, a total of 5175 cases are registered out of which 2116 cases are pending for more than 5 years. That is, 40% of the cases are pending for more than five years.
A total of 2018 cases were decided in 2023 out of the total 4697 pending cases as of January 2023. Further, 1746 fresh cases were filed, taking the total tally to 4472 as of January 2024. Such high pendency of criminal cases severely affects the integrity of electoral processes.


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Data: Average Scores Increase Across Most Disciplines in NIRF
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
November 13, 2023
The NIRF employs an evaluation system based on five broad and inclusive parameters: Teaching, Learning, and Resources (TLR), Research and Professional Practice (RP), Graduation Outcome (GO), Outreach and Inclusivity (OI), and Perception (PR). Data from the past eight editions indicates that the average scores increased across most disciplines.
Every individual, in their lifetime, finds themselves at a crossroads, faced with the daunting task of making choices among a myriad of options. In a quest to unravel the complexity of decision-making, a common strategy emerged — the creation of objective criteria to guide choices. The educational landscape is no exception, presenting a multifaceted decision-making scenario. Fortunately, the availability of institutional rankings simplifies this complexity.
The inception of the National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF) stands as a prudent initiative by the Ministry of Education (MoE) aimed at evaluating and ranking higher education institutions throughout India. This framework serves as a comprehensive guide for the assessment and ranking of institutions across the nation.
Each player in this vast ecosystem perceives these rankings in a unique light – aspiring students aim to enter top-ranked colleges, while recruiters often bank on educational rankings, or ‘brand name’ as often called, for their recruitments. Other stakeholders such as foreign institutions also accord significant weightage to these rankings.
In the series of articles on NIRF rankings, we explore the rankings and the nuances behind them in detail. This first story is primarily focused on a brief introduction, the methodology behind rankings, the evolution of the framework over the years, and broad overall trends.
How did NIRF come into existence?
The formulation process of NIRF commenced on 9 October 2014, marked by the establishment of a 16-member core committee chaired by the Secretary of Higher Education, Ministry of Human Resource Development. The committee’s mandate was to propose a National Framework that is dependable, transparent, and credible for assessing and ranking higher education institutions. Additionally, it was tasked with recommending institutional mechanisms, processes, and implementation timelines for the National Institutional Ranking Framework.
The 2023 edition is the Eighth consecutive edition of India Rankings of institutions of higher education.
How are these rankings calculated?
The ranking framework employs an evaluation system based on five broad and inclusive parameters: Teaching, Learning, and Resources (TLR), Research and Professional Practice (RP), Graduation Outcome (GO), Outreach and Inclusivity (OI), and Perception (PR). Institutions are ranked according to the cumulative marks they secure across these five overarching categories. A notable feature of this framework is its adaptability and flexibility.
The final ranking framework encompasses 16-18 parameters organized into five broad generic categories. While many parameters align with global standards, reflecting the environment for teaching, learning, and research, some are specific to India. These India-centric parameters mirror the aspirations of the increasing number of young people enrolled in higher education institutions and include considerations such as regional diversity, outreach, gender equity, and the inclusion of disadvantaged sections of society.
How has NIRF’s scope expanded since inception?
In 2016, the NIRF introduced rankings for universities and three subject domains: Engineering, Management, and Pharmacy. The following year, 2017, marked the expansion with the addition of Overall rankings and rankings for General Degree Colleges. Continuing this trend in 2018, the framework maintained six rankings and incorporated three domain-specific rankings for Law, Medicine, and Architecture.
The year 2019 saw the continuation of the six existing rankings, including Overall, Universities, and Colleges, and the addition of six domain-specific rankings introduced between 2017 and 2018. Subsequently, in 2020, the NIRF expanded further by introducing rankings for “Dental” institutions, and in 2021, it included rankings for “Research Institutions.”
In 2022, NIRF persisted with rankings in four categories: Overall, Universities, Colleges, and Research Institutions, and seven subject domains: Engineering, Management, Pharmacy, Medicine, Architecture, Law, and Dental. In 2023, two additional verticals, namely “Agriculture & Allied Sectors” and “Innovation,” are being introduced for the first time. Furthermore, the subject domain “Architecture” is being broadened and renamed as “Architecture & Planning” to encompass institutions offering courses in urban and town planning. With the inclusion of Agriculture and allied Sectors, Innovation, and the expansion of the scope of Architecture, a total of 13 categories and subject domains were ranked in India Rankings 2023.
Performance of NIRF institutions over the years
Since this ranking is primarily curated using the data from the applicant institutions themselves, the acceptability of this framework among the institutions is, by itself a key success metric. The number of participating institutions in the rankings stood at 5543 unique institutions in 2023. This represents a growth of 97% from 2809 institutions in 2018, indicating the growing popularity and acceptability of the framework.
Further, the improvement in the average scores across each category of educational institutions Y-o-Y indicates the commitment of these institutions to improve their ranking. The average scores in the Engineering category grew from 47.1 to 54.1 between 2017 and 2023, whereas for universities it rose from 41.9 to 51.5 during the same period. For management and Pharmacy institutions, the average score rose from 51.2 to 54.3 and 45.6 to 51.4 respectively in the same period. Dental institutions showed a decline in their average scores since their inclusion, as is the case with Law.
Overall top colleges remain almost the same
The framework has undergone multiple revisions over the years. Modifications in metrics, parameters, and normalization algorithms have been incorporated over the years, yet the fundamental framework has been preserved. Consequently, the ranking of institutions has largely remained stable, especially among the top 25, although there may have been slight alterations in individual ranks for some institutions due to variations in performance across specific parameters. This underscores the compact, coherent, and interdependent nature of the parameters utilized for ranking.
Among the overall toppers, IIT Madras, IISc Bangalore, IIT Delhi, IIT Bombay, IIT Kharagpur and IIT Kanpur have always been in the top 10.
Featured Image: NIRF Evaluation System

created: November 13, 2023


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Data: Average Transaction Value of NEFT & RTGS Fell Significantly in the Last Five years
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
October 13, 2022
While various modes of online money transfers & digital payments have witnessed exponential growth in the last decade or so, the average transaction value has fallen for NEFT & RTGS transactions. Compared to the high in 2018, the average transaction value of NEFT & RTGS fell by more than 25%.
Banking and payment systems are vital for the functioning of a nation’s economy. The efficiency with which these systems perform their expected tasks determines their operative capabilities and level of adoption. Further, these systems must cater to the different needs of consumers. Accordingly, governments adopt various mechanisms to fulfil the objectives of both the consumers as well as the banking system. Multiple digital payment systems have been introduced in India over the years. We look at the various types of fund transfer mechanisms in India and their trends in terms of transaction volume & value.
Fund transfer (payment systems) ecosystem in India
Emerging technologies have caused disruptions across various sectors. The financial sector and particularly, money transfer is one area where such disruption is evident. Transfer of money through digital modes brings with it a number of challenges in terms of security, transfer limits, processing durations and cost of money transfer. It becomes complex to accommodate all these into a single system. Hence, central banks devise multiple mechanisms to cater to the different needs of consumers.
In India, there are four broad types of fund transfer mechanisms, with unique features. Below is the gist of these four.
IMPS and UPI transfers are on an exponential rise
The data from 2012 clearly indicates the changing patterns of the fund transfer mechanisms. Some clear patterns emerge when looking at such data.
The trend is similar to the volume of transactions through different payment modes.
Average size of transactions through NEFT and RTGS is declining
While the volume and value of transactions offer a fair idea of the dynamics of different payment mechanisms, the average size of the transaction provides a clearer picture of the utility of the payment systems. This is obtained by dividing the total value of the transaction by the total volume of transactions. Data indicates that the average size of transactions for credit cards and debit cards has gone up in 2021, while IMPS and UPI are maintaining steady growth. However, the average transaction size for NEFT and RTGS has been declining for the past couple of years.
Positive, but a declining growth rate of value of transactions
On plotting the respective growth trends for each of these transfer modes, it is observed that:
While all the payment modes more or less registered positive growth, the quantum of such growth is declining. Also, one must be careful in looking at the growth rate for 2021 as many payment modes registered reduced values in 2020 due to the pandemic. Any increase/decrease for 2021 must be evaluated keeping 2020 in mind.
Average transaction size growth rate
While it is important to look at the cumulative growth rates, it is equally important to focus on the average ticket/transaction size. This trend would tell us whether volume or value is the driving factor behind growth in cumulative value.  On analysing the trend of growth in average ticket size, it is observed that,
Featured Image: Banking and payment systems

created: October 13, 2022


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Between 1990 & 2019, more than 64000 lives were lost due to Lightning
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
September 12, 2020
Close to 5 lakh lives were lost in India between 1990 & 2019 due to forces of nature. Among these, the most lives were lost because of lightning. Even in the year 2019, 35% of the deaths due to forces of nature were because of lightning. Here is a detailed review of the data on deaths due to forces of nature.
In 2019 alone, over 4.21 Lakh accidental deaths have been registered across the country, reveals the NCRB’s Accidental Deaths and Suicides in India report of 2019, that was released recently. Of this, 8145 deaths, amounting to nearly 2% of the total accidental deaths were due to forces of nature like earthquakes, floods, and, epidemics, to name a few. As compared to the previous year, the number of accidental deaths as a result of forces of nature has increased by over 18% from 6,891 in 2018 to 8,145 in 2019.
The maximum number of deaths caused by forces of nature was reported in Bihar with 1,521 deaths followed closely by Odisha with 1,466 deaths. These were the only two states to have recorded more than 1000 deaths each because of forces of nature. Together, the two states accounted for more than 35% of the deaths attributed to forces of nature. Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Jharkhand had reported between 500 to 800 deaths each in the year 2019.
More than 80% such deaths in Chhattisgarh & Tamil Nadu states were due to lightning in 2019
In Bihar, nearly one-third (480) of such deaths recorded in 2019 were due to floods. A further 400 deaths were caused by lightning in Bihar in 2019. In fact, lightning was the reason behind more than 80% of the total accidental deaths because of forces of nature in Chhattisgarh and Tamil Nadu. In Goa, two of the three deaths reported in this category were due to lightning. Likewise, nearly 62% of the accidental deaths due to forces of nature in Telangana were attributed to heat stroke.
Lighting caused 35% deaths because of forces of nature in 2019
In 2019, more than 35% (2876) of the deaths due to forces of nature were due to lightning. Heat/Sun stroke was the reason behind nearly 16% (1274) of the deaths. Floods were the reason behind about 12% (948) of the deaths and exposure to cold resulted in about 10% (796) of the deaths in this category. Forest fires, Cyclones, Torrential Rains, Epidemic, Earthquake, Avalanches, and Tornado together resulted in 163 deaths. Other causes, apart from those mentioned here, were the reason behind 1,824 deaths (22%).
Altogether, 77% of those who died due to forces of nature were males (6301). A total of 1,833 females and 11 transgender persons constituted the remaining victims. Except in the case of forest fires, the number of men who died due to any of the causes was higher than the number of female victims. The data for transgenders was incorporated starting 2014.
4.96 lakh people lost lives to natural calamities in 30 years, majority were Male
In the last 30 years between 1990 & 2019, around 4.96 lakh cases have been recorded as accidental deaths due to forces of nature. Looking at the cause wise deaths, (causes for which data is available), lightning has claimed the greatest number of lives- nearly 13%, amounting to 64,277 lives. This means an average of 6 people have lost their lives to lightning daily in the last 30 years. This is higher than the number of deaths due to floods, landslides, and exposure to cold together in the last 30 years. Close to 6% (27,472) of the deaths due to forces of nature since 1990 are because of heatstroke, and 5% (22,961) are due to floods. Exposure to cold has claimed 21,236 lives (4.2%) and landslides have claimed 18,372 lives (3.6%).
Unlike pointed out by studies, it is observed that in almost all the cases, the proportion of male victims is higher than that of women victims. In the case of exposure to cold, 83% of those who died were male while 78% of those who succumbed to heatstroke were male. In the case of lightning and floods, male victims comprised of 71% and 70% respectively. Only in the cases of cyclone (55% male and 45% female) and landslides (60% male and 40% female), the proportion of male victims is below 70%.
It is only in the case of earthquake, as studies have also proven, women are more vulnerable. Data of deaths because of earthquake is available since 1995, and in these 25 years, 56% of those who lost their lives in earthquakes were female.
An average of 45 lives were lost daily day due to forces of nature in the last 30 years
In the last three decades, an average of 45 lives were lost daily to forces of nature. Although there is no specific trend in the number of deaths in this category due to its varying frequency and intensity each year, an overall picture painted by the numbers in the NCRB’s data shows that a greater number of deaths were recorded between 1996 to 2014. Considering the average number of deaths in 5-year periods, the number of deaths increased from 5,751 between 1990-1994 to 18,377 between 1995-1999 and further to 20,926 between 2000-2004. Between 2005-2009, the average number of deaths was the highest at 23,064. The average dropped to 22,935 deaths between 2010-2014 and further dropped to 7,916 deaths between 2015-19, the lowest average in more than 20 years. The reasons for a higher average between 2000-2004 are the massive Bhuj Earthquake in Gujarat in 2001 and the Tsunami in 2004 along the south-east coast of India.
The trend in the number of deaths because of various forces of nature is plotted in the chart below. Overall, the number of deaths due to lightning, heat stroke, and exposure to cold has increased. In the case of floods, number of deaths decreased from 2014 to 2018 but increased again in 2019, when nearly 13 states were flooded in the country. Deaths due to forest fires have also declined in the last few years.
Extreme weather events are on the rise
Extreme weather events have become frequent in the past few years, such as heavy rainfall leading to floods, severe heat waves, and cyclones. The Indian Meteorological Department looks after the monitoring, detection and forecasting of weather and climate including early warning for severe weather events such as cyclones, heavy rainfall etc. Similarly, National Centre for Seismology (NCS), under the Ministry of Earth Sciences (MoES), does monitoring of earthquake activity in and around the country on 24X7 basis. Similar warning system for forest fires is also present in India. An early warning system for generation and dissemination of information on the possible calamities or extreme weather events helps people and authorities to be prepared and take necessary measures to reduce the loss of lives & property to the best possible extent. At the same time, activities affecting the environment such as construction in coastal zones, clearing of forests, encroachment of eco-sensitive land, etc. must be kept in check to reduce such extreme events.
232 Billion US Dollars lost in 2019 due to natural disasters
According to the annual Weather, Climate Catastrophe Insight for 2019 report, globally, a total of USD 232 billion was lost to natural disasters in 2019 alone. India was also leading with 1,750 deaths due to monsoons, termed as ‘the deadliest in 2019’, according to the report released in February this year. Losses in India were to the tune of USD 10 billion in 2019 due to floods.
Not only do natural disasters result in deaths, but also have adverse social and economic impact.  The world is staring at record economic losses & the loss of human lives in 2020 because of the unprecedented pandemic coupled with a range of other disasters.

created: September 12, 2020


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Data: Between 2000 & 2020, Asian American voters grew by 139%
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
August 20, 2020
As the US Presidential elections draw closer, the number game is only become interesting. According to PEW Research Center, the number of Asian American voters increased from 4.6 million in 2000 to 11.1 million in 2020, an increase of 139%. What do the numbers say about Asian American voters in the US & their spread?
While campaigning and fundraising for the US Presidential elections may have been disrupted because of COVID-19, concerns are also being raised on how the elections will be conducted in these unprecedented times. Postponement of the elections in highly unlikely since the Presidential elections were never postponed in US history, even during the US Civil War, World War I, World War II, 9/11 Terrorist Attacks or the Spanish Flu. The 59 quadrennial presidential election of the United States is scheduled to take place on 03 November 2020.
Kamala Harris has been nominated to run for Vice President from the Democrats
The Democrats have formally nominated former Vice President Joe Biden to take on the current President of the US from the Republican party, Donald Trump. Joe Biden recently announced the name of Kamala Devi Harris, Senator from California, as his running mate. In other words, she will be vice-president if Joe Biden wins the upcoming elections. This move has been lauded by many across the spectrum, especially the Indian Americans, since this is the first time that a person (that too a female) of Indian descent, has been nominated for national office in the US. She will also be the first Black, African American & Asian American woman to be nominated for Vice President by a majority party. Her identity, especially after the ‘Black Lives Matter’ protests, her age, and experience in the government may have influenced this decision of Joe Biden. Whether she will be able to swing the votes of Asian Americans, mainly the Indian Americans in favour of the Democrats remains to be seen.
I have the great honor to announce that I’ve picked @KamalaHarris — a fearless fighter for the little guy, and one of the country’s finest public servants — as my running mate.
India has the largest diaspora in the world and US is the most popular destination
According to UN’s World Migration Report of 2020, India continues to have the largest diaspora in the world with over 17.5 million Indian origin persons living abroad. After UAE, the USA is the most preferred country for Indians to migrate to.
The US continues to be the top destination accommodating 50.7 million international migrants.  As of 2019, Mexican born migrants were by far the largest foreign-born population in the US. Nevertheless, their numbers have dropped over the last few years. Immigrants in the recent years are mainly from Asia, particularly India, China, and the Philippines as well as from other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. It is estimated that there are over 2.65 million Indians in the US as per the 2018 data of the American Community Survey (ACS) conducted by the country’s Census Bureau.
Nearly 5% of eligible voters in 2020 elections are Asian Americans
Asian Americans are the fastest-growing segment of eligible voters out of major racial and ethnic groups in US, according to the PEW Research Center, an American thinktank. The analysis was based on the US Census Bureau’s data. In the upcoming elections, more than 11 million Asian Americans are eligible to vote, and they make up close to 5% of those eligible to vote in the US.
It is the only racial/ethnic group in which number of naturalized citizens(immigrants) are more than those born in the US. Since the year 2000, in a span of 20 years, the number of Asian American eligible voters has more than doubled with a growth of 139% while the number of Hispanic voters grew by 121%. Black and White electorate grew at a slower rate of 33% and 7% respectively as per the PEW Research Center.
Source: PEW Research Center Analysis, 2018
It was observed that between 2000 and 2018, the number of Asian immigrant eligible voters increased from 3.3 million to 6.9 million. Naturalized citizens (immigrants) made up two-thirds of all eligible Asian American voters. About 4.5 million adult immigrant Asians are not eligible to vote as they are not American citizens. This includes green card holders, temporary visa holders, and unauthorized immigrants. Another 3.5 million Asians in the US are less than 18 years old.
Almost 6 in 10 Asians in US are eligible to vote
About 57% of the Asians in the US are eligible to vote out of the total 18.2 million Asian immigrants. Asian immigrants are a diverse group with persons from East and Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent. Majority of the voters from this group are Chinese, Indian, Filipino, Korean, Japanese, and Vietnamese. These together account for 85% of Asian Americans. In terms of numbers, there are 2.57 million Chinese Americans, 1.95 million Filipino Americans, and about 1.86 million Indian Americans who are eligible to vote in the November 2020 elections.
Source: PEW Research Center Analysis, 2018
Indian Americans were more likely to be identified as Democrats
Based on Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) community’s data, a survey was conducted in 2018. The survey revealed that party identification varied by origin group. For instance, Vietnamese Americans were more likely to identify as Republican as compared to other Asian Americans. Likewise, Indian Americans were the most likely to be Democrats than any other Asian group with half of Indian Americans identifying as Democrats and merely 18% as Republican. Whether these holds true even today is doubtful because of the outreach and events that the Republican President Trump attended along with Indian PM Narendra Modi.
Source: 2018 Asian American Voter Survey (AAVS) by APIA Vote and AAPI Data
More than 30% of the eligible Asian American voters lived in California (3.6 million) followed by New York (0.92 million), and Texas (0.69 million). In Hawaii, Asian Americans made up 38% of the eligible voters, more than any other group.  California had the second highest share with 14% Asian Americans in the electorate accounting for 62% of the total Asian American population there.
Asian Americans make up for less than 3% of the electorate in 30 of the 52 States
Out of the 52 States/regions that make up the US electoral college, Asian Americans make up for only about 1% of the electorate in 14 of these states. They make up for around 2% of the electorate in 11 other states. In a total of 30 states/regions, the Asian Americans make up for less than 3% of the electorate. They account for more than 5% or more in only 10 of the 52 states/regions.
In 9 of the 12 traditional swing states, the Asian Americans make up for only about 2% of the electorate. In Minnesota, they account for 3% while in Virginia, they account for 5%. Nevada is the only swing state where the Asian Americans with 8% make up more than 5% of the electorate.
Indian Americans were more likely to hold Bachelors degree & had higher household income
71% of the Asian American voters reportedly spoke only English at home or spoke the language ‘very well’. Asian Americans also had the highest levels of education as compared to other racial/ethnic groups. About 50% of them possessed a bachelor’s degree. Around 65% of the Indian Americans had at least a bachelor’s degree, more than any other Asian group. The median annual household income of US Asian electorate was the highest with $105,000, and Indian American eligible voters had the highest median household income with $139,000. The median age of Asian American eligible voters was 46 years, also the highest among the ethnic/racial groups.
Which way  will Indian Americans go this time?
Both the Republicans and Democrats are keen on securing the Indian American votes. In September 2019, Prime Minister Narendra Modi took part in the ‘Howdy Modi’ event along with POTUS Donald Trump, in Houston, Texas which was attended by over 50,000 people. In the event, he referred to the slogan ‘Abki Baar Trump Sarkar’ which was used for campaign during the 2016 US elections following Modi’s 2014 catch phrase for 2014 elections, ‘Abki Baar Modi Sarkar’. Modi’s reference is considered as an endorsement for the 2020 elections among the Indian Americans.
Biden’s supporters have reportedly launched an outreach to the Indian American community in 14 languages including Hindi, Punjab, Tamil, Telugu, Bengali, Urdu, Kannada, Malayalam, Odia, Marathi, and Nepali to be able to communicate directly with them. ‘America Ka Neta Kaisa Ho, Jo Biden Jaisa Ho’ slogan has been coined by Biden’s supporters for appeasing the Indian American voters. Only time will tell which of these campaigns are successful in securing the Indian American votes.
There are other Indian origin politicians in US
Not just Kamala Harris, but there are many other Indian origin American politicians in the US. Democrat Pramila Jaypal, born in India, was the first South Asian American woman to be elected to the US House of Representatives. Nikki Haley, the Former Governor of South Carolina and Bobby Jindal, Governor of Louisiana are both Republicans and have their roots in India.
Featured Image: Asian American voters in USA


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Between 2005 & 2021, Tableau from Jammu & Kashmir was part of every Republic Day Parade except 2021
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
January 25, 2022
With multiple Chief Ministers writing to the PM expressing displeasure about their state’s tableau not being shortlisted for the Republic Day Parade, the entire process of selection & the issue of tableaux in general has attracted attention. But what does data tell us about the tableaux selection from states? We look at the data from 2005 to 2021.
This year’s Republic Day Tableau selection process has been mired in controversy after the centre rejected the tableaux of West Bengal, Kerala and Tamil Nadu. While the leaders of the three states have expressed displeasure at the exclusion and sought PM Modi’s intervention, the government insisted that the selection was fair. But what does the data say about the selection of tableau proposals from various states over the years? Here is an analysis.
Methodology: Data used in this analysis (from 2005 to 2018) is obtained through an RTI application by Factly to the Ministry of Defence. Data for the years 2019 to 2021 is sourced from the official press releases from the Press Information Bureau (PIB). The data pertains to only the final selected list of tableaux from states. Data about tableaux from central ministries/departments are not considered since it was incomplete.
Since every state sends the tableau proposals on different themes, we have categorized the final selected list into the following broad themes.
January 26 as the Republic Day of India
Though India became an independent nation on 15 August 1947, two weeks later, the Constituent Assembly set up a Drafting Committee under the Chairmanship of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar for drafting a permanent Constitution for Independent India. The Constitution was adopted by the Constituent Assembly on 26 November 1949 and came into force on 26 January 1950 with Dr. Rajendra Prasad unfurling the National Flag after a salute of 21 guns.
India declared itself a Sovereign, Democratic Republic state with the adoption of the Constitution on January 26, 1950.
It was on 26 January, in 1930 that the Indian Tri-colour Flag was first unfurled in Lahore by Jawaharlal Nehru, and the declaration of Purna Swaraj or complete self-rule was made by the Indian National Congress. On the same day in 1965, the Official Languages Act came into force which made Hindi along with English the official languages of the Union Government.
Defence Ministry is responsible for the Republic Day Celebrations
The Ministry of Defence is primarily responsible for the conduct of national functions like the Republic Day Parade (RDP), Beating Retreat Ceremony, etc. in coordination with various executing agencies. Like in 2021, there will be no Chief Guest this year due to the COVID-19 pandemic. This is the 12 such occasion without a chief guest. Factly has developed a detailed dashboard on the Republic Day Chief Guest since 1950.
The Republic Day ceremony starts with wreath-laying by the Prime Minister at Amar Jawan Jyoti at India Gate followed by a 21-gun salute. On 21 January 2022, the flame at Amar Jawan Jyoti was merged with the eternal flame at National War Memorial.
Then, the President unfurls the National Flag, and the National Anthem is played. The Republic Day Parade starts after this. On 29 January, the Beating Retreat ceremony, held at Vijay Chowk officially denotes the end of Republic Day festivities.
Selection of Tableaux involves a lengthy process
Every year, the Ministry of Defence begins the selection process by writing letters to all the  Chief Secretaries/Administrators of state governments & union territories, central government departments, and a few constitutional authorities to participate in the parade through tableaux.
A select number of tableaux from State Governments/UT/Central Ministries/Departments participate in the Republic Day Parade in New Delhi. Due to time constraints arising out of the overall duration of the parade, only a limited number of tableaux are shortlisted for participation in the parade. The military parade is followed by a cultural parade that involves tableaux and cultural performances from various states.
As per Ministry of Defence guidelines, the suggestive theme for the preparation of Tableaux is:
Culture & Heritage is the most common theme
Culture & Heritage is the most common theme among all the Republic Day Tableaux from states since 2005. 30% of all the tableaux are based on Culture & Heritage followed by State Speciality at 22%. Festivals as a theme were in 17% of all tableaux. These include Kerala’s Onam, Pooram, Navratri of Gujarat, Bonalu of Telangana, etc.
Development Works of various states like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao of Haryana, Fish economy of Goa were also showcased over the years. Personalities theme-based tableaux like Bhagat Singh-Punjab, SD Burman-Tripura, and Environment theme-based tableaux like Valley of flowers of Uttarakhand, Meghalaya’s Butterflies were common in around 9% of all the Republic Day tableaux of states between 2005 and 2021.
Andaman & Nicobar Islands Cellular Jail, Dandi March of Gujarat, Quit India Movement, Jallianwala Bagh which depicts the Indian freedom movement formed the History category. History as a theme was least preferred by states. In the 17 years between 2005 & 2021, it was showcased only 13 times during seven republic day events.
Jammu & Kashmir is the most represented State/UT since 2005
Except in 2021, Jammu & Kashmir is the only state whose Tableau was part of every Republic Day parade since 2005. However, Ladakh’s tableau was selected in 2021. Ladakh was part of the erstwhile Jammu & Kashmir state. Most of its tableaux were based on Culture & Heritage, State Specialty, and Development Work-related themes. Karnataka, which is the second most represented state, preferred Culture & Heritage as its theme most times, followed by State Speciality and Personality.  Except in 2007 and 2008, Karnataka’s tableau was part of every Republic Day ceremony.
Next in line is Assam, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra whose tableaux were part of the Republic Day parade for 14, 13 and 12 years respectively. Tableaux of Nagaland was part of the RDP only once in 2012 in the 17 years between 2005 & 2021. Union Territories Lakshadweep, Chandigarh and Andaman & Nicobar Islands showcased their tableaux only on two instances.
Most numbers of Tableaux (18) were selected in 2007
The data shows that the greatest number of tableaux belonging to 18 different states were selected in the year 2007. A total of 17 were selected in 2016, 2017 and 2021. In the year 2009, only 12 tableaux were selected, the lowest for any year. On average, 15 tableaux were selected each year.
Prizes for best Tableaux
A few days after the Republic Day ceremony, the government announces prizes for the best three tableaux. In 2021, the tableau of Uttar Pradesh which was based on the theme “Ayodhya: Cultural Heritage of Uttar Pradesh” was awarded the first prize, Tableau of Tripura which showcased eco-friendly traditions for achieving self-reliance in socio-economic parameters and the tableau of Uttarakhand with ‘Dev Bhoomi’ – ‘The Land of the Gods’ theme were adjudged second &  third-best among 32 tableaux from states, UTs and central departments.
Featured Image: Republic Day Parade

created: January 25, 2022