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Unemployment Rate remains unchanged between 2017-18 & 2019-20 according to CWS approach
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
August 14, 2021
As per the PLFS report for 2019-20, the unemployment rate based on the current weekly status (CWS) has remained unchanged at around 8.8% between 2017-18 and 2019-20. It is also higher than the usual status measure in cases of both urban and rural.
In India, the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) has been quinquennially (every five years) collecting data on employment and unemployment since 1972-73. Considering the importance of the availability of labour force data at more frequent time intervals, the National Statistical Office (NSO) launched the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) in 2017.
PLFS was designed with two major objectives for the measurement of employment and unemployment. The first was to measure the dynamics in labour force participation and employment status in the short time interval of three months for only the urban areas in the Current Weekly Status (CWS). The second was, for both rural and urban areas, to measure the labour force estimates on key parameters in both usual status and CWS. The CWS status of a person is derived from the information on hours worked in the different activities of a person during 7 days of the reference week.
In this article, we look at major employment and unemployment trends revealed by the latest Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) report 2019-20. We will also look at the trends in employment and unemployment by geography, gender, and approach.
Survey strategy of NSSO and PLFS
The NSSO collects data using a two-stage stratified random sampling design from over 1,00,000 households covering almost the entire geographical area of the country. From these survey data, we get reliable macro estimates at the level of India as a whole, rural, and urban sectors of India as well as for most of the states and within each one of these states. In addition, NSSO data is also suitable for analysis of the employment at the level of industry of work as well as occupation types.
On the other hand, the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) uses a rational panel sampling and stratified multi-stage sampling design from over 1,00,000 households. However, it adopts a substantial change in the strategy of data collection on employment and unemployment. The most important change in the PLFS strategy is to produce employment statistics for India every quarter. Additionally, the PLFS survey provides estimates on additional aspects of data (such as hours worked), which were not available from the quinquennial rounds of NSSO.
Despite the differences, the broad employment trends in both surveys are comparable. A study commissioned by the Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister, undertaken by Laveesh Bhandari and Amaresh Dubey, uses NSSO and PLFS to highlight employment trends between 2004 and 2018.
To arrive at the comparability, the study describes that the data collection during the PLFS survey has been divided into four rounds (called quarters which is identical to the four sub-rounds in NSSO Employment Unemployment Surveys). Like NSSO, the PLFS surveys also use NIC (national industrial classification code) and NCO (national classification of occupation) codes for employed persons. Therefore, PLFS data is suitable for carrying out analysis of employment at the same level of disaggregation as NSSO data.
Share of self-employment and casual labour higher among rural households, salaried employment higher among urban households
The nature and type of work from which a household derives its major income is an important indicator of the activity pattern of its members. In this survey, the source of major income of the household was worked out depending on the income from economic/non-economic activities of the members of the households during the 365 days preceding the date of the survey.
Household types in rural areas are categorised as self-employment in agriculture and in non-agriculture, regular wage/salary earnings, casual labour in agriculture and non-agriculture, and others. In urban areas, ‘self-employment’ and ‘casual labour’ households were not categorized separately into ‘agriculture’ and ‘non-agriculture’ households.
Two approaches to calculating labour force participation rate (LFPR)
Labour force, or in other words, the ‘economically active’ population includes both ‘employed’ and ‘unemployed’ persons. The labour force participation rate (LFPR) is defined as the percentage of persons in the labour force among the persons in the population.
Estimates of the labour force have been obtained based on the following approaches:
The labour force according to the usual status (ps+ss) is obtained by considering the usual principal status (ps) and the subsidiary status (ss) together. The estimate of the labour force in the usual status (ps+ss) includes (a) the persons who worked or were available for work for a relatively long part of the 365 days preceding the date of the survey and (b) those persons from among the remaining population who had worked at least for 30 days during the reference period of 365 days preceding the date of the survey.
The labour force in current weekly status (CWS) gives the average picture of the labour force participation in a short period of one week during the survey period. The estimate of labour force according to the current weekly status approach is derived by considering those who worked for at least 1 hour or was seeking/ available for work for at least 1 hour on any day during the 7 days preceding the date of the survey.
Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR) increases in the last three years; Male LFPR remains significantly higher than female LFPR
In terms of the usual status approach, the LFPR registered an increase from 36.9% in 2017-18 to 40.1% in 2019-20.
Male LFPR only grew marginally from 55.5% to 56.8% in the past three years. However, male LFPR continues to be more than two times the female LFPR. Female LFPR registered an increased from 17.5% to 22.8% in the past three years in the usual status approach. It is important to note that the rise has been steeper between 2018-19 to 2019-20, as compared to 2017-18 to 2018-2019.
In terms of the Current Weekly Status (CWS) approach, the LFPR registered an increase from 35.9% in 2017-18 to 38.3% in 2019-20 overall.
Male LFPR only grew marginally from 55% to 56% in the past three years. However, here too, the male LFPR is significantly higher than female LFPR, by almost three times. Female LFPR registered an increased from 15.8% to 20% in the past three years. As is the case with usual status, the rise has been steeper between 2018-19 to 2019-20, as compared to 2017-18 to 2018-19.
In terms of the usual status approach, rural and urban LFPRs display the same patterns, in terms of registering an overall increase in the past three years. While rural female LFPR is higher than urban LFPR, the male LFPRs across rural and urban areas remains closer.
In terms of the CWS approach in both rural and urban, male, and female LFPRs registered the same patterns, in terms of registering an overall increase in the past three years. The rise has been steeper between 2018-19 to 2019-20, as compared to 2017-18 to 2018-2019.
Overall unemployed rate declines based on usual status but increases based on current status approach; only female unemployment rate registers a decline by both approaches
The unemployment rate (UR) is defined as the percentage of unemployed persons in the labour force. Same as LFPR, the Unemployment rate is also calculated based on the usual status (ps+ss) approach and current weekly status approach (CWS).
In terms of the usual status approach, the unemployment rate registered a decline from 6.15% in 2017-18 to 4.8% in 2019-20. The male unemployment rate declined from 6.2% to 5.1% and the female unemployment rate declined from 5.7% to 4.2% in the last few years.
In terms of the CWS approach, the unemployment rate remained almost the same for the past three years.
The overall decline in unemployment is based on the current approach but the urban female unemployment rate increased based on the current status approach
In terms of the usual status approach, in both rural and urban, the male, and female unemployment rates registered the same patterns, in terms of registering an overall increase in the past three years.
In terms of the CWS approach, the rural unemployment rate declined from 8.5% to 7.9% over the last few years. At the same time, the urban unemployment rate increased from 9.6% to 11%.
Higher unemployment by CWS approach
The usual status approach is wherein the activity status of a person is captured for a reference period of 365 days preceding the date of the survey. While the current weekly status (CWS) gives the average picture of the labour force participation in a short period of one week during the survey period.
Those who are reported as unemployed by the usual status approach are likely to be chronically unemployed. In developing countries, where casual, intermittent, part-time and temporary jobs are widespread, employment estimates based on the usual status approach tend to include the under-employed workforce. Consequently, as the editorial opinion piece points out, the unemployment rates derived from the usual status approach give a misleading picture of the extent of labour underutilisation and the employment challenges faced by the economy. The author argues that the divergence in these statistics only reinforces the need for anchoring the policy discourse in India on weekly status measures and not the usual status measures.
The divergence is evident from the above sections, the unemployment rate based on the current weekly status (CWS) is not only higher than the usual status measure (in cases of both urban and rural) but has also remained unchanged at 8.8% in 2019-20 compared to 2018-19.
Featured Image: Unemployment Rate unchanged between 2017-18 & 2019-20


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PM-KISAN transactions: Less than 1% failure rate but wide variation across States
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
September 17, 2021
PM-KISAN is one of the flagship schemes of the current government. Data till June 2021 indicates that more than 68 crore transactions have been processed under PM-KISAN of which around 61 lakh transactions failed, less than 1%. Only 20.9 lakh of these transactions were reprocessed successfully, and wide variation exists among states.
The Pradhan Mantri Kisan Samman Nidhi (PM-KISAN) was launched by the Government of India in 2018 to provide income support to the landholding farmers in the country. As per this scheme, the eligible beneficiaries would receive Rs. 6000 per year in 3 equal installments. The first installment was paid on 01 December 2018.
Under this scheme, the eligible beneficiaries register themselves. After due verification & validation of the application, the beneficiaries would receive the monetary benefit. The application process is a continuous one. The onus of selection & identification of the beneficiaries lies with the respective States/UT governments. The verified/validated data of the beneficiaries is uploaded on the PM-KISAN portal by the respective State/UT governments.
The benefits are transferred directly to the bank accounts of beneficiaries validated by the respective State/UT governments.
While due care is taken to verify the details, there are instances of failed transactions due to various reasons. There are also cases of ineligible beneficiaries being listed and receiving the benefit. Over the last few years, the government has come up with a process to identify & rectify such cases. We look at the numbers related to processed transactions, failures, etc. under the PM-KISAN scheme and also look at the mitigation process in place.
Uttar Pradesh & Maharashtra lead in the number of beneficiaries
In an earlier story, we observed that the coverage of farmers under PM-KISAN is around 75% of the total eligible farmers, with variation among the states.  As highlighted earlier in this story, the enrolment of beneficiaries under this scheme is a continuous process. Therefore, the coverage of farmers has increased since the inception of the scheme with new farmers registering for the scheme.
Responding to a question in Lok Sabha in June 2021, the government stated that by the end of June 2021, a total of 68.76 crore transactions were done since the inception of the PM-KISAN scheme. Of these, nearly 24% of the transactions belonged to farmers in Uttar Pradesh i.e., around 16.35 crores. Maharashtra & Bihar account for the next highest number of transactions. Since the number of beneficiaries from these states is high, the number of transactions is also high. Data indicates that most of the transactions are from the North & Western states of India, indicating the concentration of a large number of beneficiaries in these parts. Comparatively, the Southern States and those in the East have fewer transactions because of fewer beneficiaries.
Around 1% of transactions have failed since the inception of the scheme
In the same Lok Sabha answer, the government further stated that a total of 40.16 lakh transactions failed since the scheme was introduced till June 2021. This accounts to around 1% of the total transactions processed till June 2021. In another question, the ministry cites the number as 61.04 lakhs between 01 February 2019 and 30 June 2021 out of which 20.88 lakh were reprocessed successfully.
The government has cited multiple reasons which result in the failure of transactions. Some of the important reasons for the failure of transactions are given in the following image.
A Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) is developed by the Central Government and provided to the States/UTs for action to be taken in case of any transaction failures. As per SOP, the steps to be followed in case of a transaction failure include:
Only around 34% of the reprocessed transactions were successful since February 2019
Responding to a question in Lok Sabha in August 2021, the government stated that a total of 61.04 lakh PM-KISAN transactions failed between February 2019 and June 2021. Of these, 20.88 lakh transactions were reprocessed successfully i.e., around 34 %.
The total value of the failed transactions during this period amounted to about Rs. 1221 crores. The total value of successfully re-processed transactions across the country amounts to Rs. 417 crores. During this period, around 40.16 lakh un-successful transactions are still pending, which amount to around Rs. 803 crores.
In the same answer, the government furnished the details of the failed transactions by the State. Among all the states, Madhya Pradesh has the highest number of failed transactions with around 16.96 lakhs but also has the highest reprocess success rate at 63%. The same is the case with Maharashtra with a 54% reprocess success rate out of 11.01 lakh failed transactions. These two states are the key contributors for the overall reprocess success rate to be around 34%.
The rest of the states have recorded lower reprocess success rates, with Tamil Nadu, Rajasthan & Andhra Pradesh being better off. Uttar Pradesh, Odisha, Bihar, Punjab & Telangana have a re-process success rate of less than 10%, of which Punjab’s is very negligible.
More than 33 lakh ineligible beneficiaries due to failure in Aadhar verification
While transaction failures are one of the prime challenges in PM-KISAN, the scheme also has the problem of ineligible beneficiaries. The exclusion of the benefices could be for various reasons – invalid Aadhar, non-eligibility of farmers as they have been identified to be income-tax-paying formers.
Responding to another question in the Lok Sabha in March 2021, the union government furnished the data of the excluded beneficiaries.
Excluded due to failure of Aadhar verification
A total of 33.44 lakh beneficiaries were excluded after paying one installment, due to the failed Aadhar verification. Of these, the highest number are in Uttar Pradesh with 12.96 lakhs, more than one-third of all such excluded beneficiaries. It is followed by Odisha & Rajasthan with 2.48 & 2.23 lakh excluded beneficiaries due to Aadhar.
Ineligible due to being Income-tax payees
Farmers who are income tax payees are not eligible to be a beneficiary under PM-KISAN. From the time the scheme was introduced, 33.74 lakh farmers have been excluded as they were identified as income-tax payers. Tamil Nadu has the highest number of such farmers with 6.96 lakhs, followed by Assam at 5.81 lakhs. Punjab, Maharashtra & Madhya Pradesh are the other states with higher numbers of such farmers deemed ineligible.
Around 31 lakh payments were stopped by the States due to various other reasons.
There is also scope for recovery of the funds transferred to the ineligible beneficiaries. As of 31 March 2021, a total of Rs. 261.74 crores have been recovered. The highest recovery is from Tamil Nadu with Rs. 162.54 crores followed by Maharashtra with around Rs.77.57 crores. A Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) is defined with respect to refund from the ineligible beneficiaries.
Need to resolve the high rate of pending failed transactions.
As highlighted earlier, the failed transactions account for only around 1% of the overall transactions which translates to around 61 lakh transactions since February 2021. Though the percentage is low, the number is huge from the perspective of beneficiaries who are denied the benefits due to transaction failures. The lower share of successful transactions on reprocessing is also a cause for concern. Except for Madhya Pradesh & Maharashtra, the success rate of reprocessing is poor in most other states.
Hence, there is an urgent need to identify the exact reasons for these failures and make efforts on war-footing to resolve them. Meanwhile, the cases of fraudulent or ineligible beneficiaries account for a lower share in terms of the total beneficiaries in the country. However, disparity exists within the states in terms of the volume of such beneficiaries. While this entire thing is a continuous process, there is a need for the centre & states/UTs to be more proactive & vigilant in identifying and excluding these ineligible beneficiaries, and also bring in controls to prevent them at the stage of the application itself.
Featured Image: PM-KISAN transactions

source: news-factly

created: September 17, 2021

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Sai Krishna Muthyanolla


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PM Modi did not flee the site during his recent visit to Morbi - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
November 2, 2022
In the context of PM Modi’s visit to Morbi to take stock of the recent bridge collapse tragedy, a video comprising several visuals is being widely shared on social media claiming that Modi fled the site in a helicopter due to severe protests from the people.
Claim: PM Modi fled to Delhi in helicopter due to severe protests from public during his visit to Morbi.
Fact: The photo of helicopter taking off is taken in the year 2015 in Bihar during an election rally. Though there is an outrage on social media against PM Modi’s visit to Morbi, Modi did not flee the site due the protests from people. Hence the claim made in the post is FALSE.
We ran a reverse image search of the helicopter image overlaid throughout the video and found that it is a 7-year- old photograph. According to Hindustan times, the picture  shows an Indian Airforce helicopter taking off with PM Modi after he addressed an election rally in Bihar in 2015.
According to Zee News, there has been a mix of support and opposition on social media platforms for PM Modi during his visit to condole the victims of bridge collapse incident.
We also checked the footage and news updates from various media outlets during Modi’s visit, but no such incident of Modi fleeing  the site due to protests was reported. He visited the site of the collapsed bridge and spoke to the victims and their family members.
To sum it up, the image of the helicopter used in the video is 7-year-old one, and PM Modi did not flee the site due to protests from people.

created: November 2, 2022


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PM Modi did not say he will implement Manusmriti by changing the Constitution - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
April 16, 2024
A video featuring PM Modi addressing a public gathering about the constitution is circulating on social media (here, here, and here) with a claim that he said, “I will replace the old constitution with one based on Manusmriti, which not even Baba Saheb Ambedkar himself could abolish.” Let’s verify the claim made in the post.
Claim: PM Modi stated, “I will change the old constitution to make a constitution with Manusmriti which even Baba Saheb Ambedkar himself cannot end.”
Fact: In the original video, Modi stated “Concerning the Constitution, you should accept it, and mark these words of Modi, even if Babasaheb Ambedkar himself were to appear, he wouldn’t be able to annul the Constitution. Our Constitution is the Geeta, Ramayana, Bible, and Quran for the government.” Hence, the claim made in the post is FALSE.
On performing a reverse image search using the keyframes of the video, we found media articles featuring an image of PM Modi in the same attire (here and here) discussing this speech. We discovered that Modi delivered this speech at an election rally in Rajasthan’s Barmer on 12 April 2024. Furthermore, contrary to the claim made in the viral post, media reports indicated that Modi stated that the Constitution is everything to the government, and even Babasaheb Ambedkar cannot abolish it.
Upon further research, we located the full video of the speech on PM Modi’s official YouTube channel. In it, PM Modi stated, “Regarding the Constitution, you should accept it, and take note of these words of Modi, even if Babasaheb Ambedkar himself were to appear, he wouldn’t be able to abolish the Constitution. Our Constitution is akin to the Geeta, Ramayana, Bible, and Quran for the (BJP) government.” Following this statement, he proceeded to criticize the INDIA alliance and the Congress manifesto. The video was edited from the time frame 34:28 to 34:46 and then shared.
To sum up, PM Modi did not mention implementing Manusmriti by changing the Constitution.


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PM Modi gave this speech on corruption in 2016 (in Goa), just after demonetization - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
January 21, 2022
A video clip of PM Modi is being shared on social media with a claim that it shows his recent speech in Goa on corruption, which is aimed at Congress leaders. It is being shared in the context of the upcoming Goa Assembly Elections-2022. Let’s fact-check the claim made in the post.
Claim: Recent 2022 video of PM Modi’s speech in Goa on corruption which made Congress leaders nervous.
Fact: The video is an old one. The clip is from a speech given by PM Modi in Goa on 13 November 2016, which was within a week of demonetization. The speech is not given by Modi in the context of the upcoming elections in Goa (2022). Hence the claim made in the post is MISLEADING.
When the screenshots of the video were run through Google Reverse Image Search, many similar videos were found in the search results. For one of the videos, the title reads – “PM Narendra Modi Speech in Goa | 13th November 2016 | Demonetization, Assault on Black Money”. So, when searched with keywords, the same speech video was found on the official Twitter handle and YouTube channels of PM Narendra Modi. They were published on 13 November 2016 with the title – “PM’s speech at launch of various projects in Goa”. The posted clip can be seen from 59:05 in the video. So, the video is more than five years old.
Also, the speech was given in the context of demonetization, which was announced on 8 November 2016. So, it is not related to the upcoming Goa Assembly elections (2022). After the speech in the posted video, Goa had an Assembly election in 2017.
Recently, in December 2021, PM Modi attended the Goa Liberation Day event at Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee Stadium in Goa. His speech from the event can be seen here. In view of rising COVID-19 cases, the Election Commission of India has placed certain restrictions with respect to political rallies and roadshows in the five states going to elections.
To sum it up, PM Modi’s speech video is more than five years old. The speech was not given by Modi in the context of the upcoming Assembly Elections in Goa (2022).

created: January 21, 2022


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PM Modi greeting an NGO worker is shared as him greeting Gautam Adani’s wife - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
December 18, 2020
A photo is being shared on social media claiming it as the picture of Prime Minister Narendra Modi bowing with folded hands to industrialist Gautam Adani’s wife Priti Adani. Let’s verify the claim made in the post.
Claim: Image of PM Narendra Modi bowing to Gautam Adani’s wife Priti Adani.
Fact: This photo shows PM Narendra Modi greeting ‘Divya Jyoti Cultural Organization and Welfare Society’ chief functional officer Deepika Mondol, not Gautam Adani’s wife Priti Adani. This photo was reportedly shot in an event during April 2015. Hence, the claim made in the post is FALSE.
On reverse image search of the photo shared in the post, a similar photo was found in an article published by the ‘Divya Marathi’ news website. In the article, it is mentioned as the photo of PM Narendra Modi greeting ‘Divya Jyoti Cultural Organization and Welfare Society’ (DCOSWS) chief functional officer Deepika Mondol. This photo reportedly was shot in an event during April 2015. Amar Ujala reported the same in an article published on ‘12 April 2018’.
Deepika Mondol in an interview clarified that PM Modi bowed to her as a kind gesture towards her social work. We can see the same visual in the interview at 2.47 timestamp of the video.
Deepika Mondol is the chief functional officer of ‘Divya Jyoti Cultural Organization and Welfare Society’, works on promoting Indian culture, education, information & technology and tribal welfare. This NGO’s main purpose is to promote Indian art and culture. Comparison of Deepika Mondol’s picture with Gautam Adani’s wife Priti Adani can be seen below.
FACTLY had earlier debunked another image with a similar claim that Narendra Modi was bowing in front of Gautam Adani wife Priti Adani.
To sum it up, an old image of PM Modi greeting Deepika Mondol, a social worker is portrayed as the PM bowing to Gautam Adani’s wife Priti Adani.

created: December 18, 2020


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PM Modi has not said that his government provided treatment for one crore COVID-19 patients - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
June 2, 2020
A screenshot of ‘India TV’ has gone viral on social media with a claim that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has said – ‘Free treatment was provided to one crore COVID-19 patients’. In the post, it is being questioned how the government could provide treatment for one crore COVID-19 patients if the number of patients was less than 2 lakhs in the country. Let’s fact check the claim made in the post.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that free treatment was provided to one crore COVID-19 patients in India.
Fact: In his ‘Mann Ki Baat’ programme, Modi has said that the beneficiaries of ‘Ayushman Bharat’ scheme crossed over one crore. He did not say that the government has treated one crore COVID-19 patients. Hence the claim made in the post is FALSE.
When searched about the claim made in the post, it was found that no such comments were made by Modi. It was found that Modi, in his ‘Mann Ki Baat’ programme, has praised the efforts of the government in combating the pandemic and took pride in sharing that the beneficiaries of ‘Ayushman Bharat’ crossed over one crore. The statements made by PM Modi in his ‘Mann Ki Baat’ programme regarding 1 crore Ayushman Bharat beneficiaries can be heard in this video at 18:03 sec. The same can be read in the transcript of his speech on the ‘PM INDIA’ website and in the tweet of ‘PMO India’.
Also, the ‘India TV Hindi’ has issued a correction regarding their mistake during the telecast
#Correction कल मन की बात के प्रसारण के दौरान ये खबर चली कि भारत में कोरोना के एक करोड़ मरीज़ों का इलाज हुआ। ये मानवीय भूल थी। हम साफ कर दें कि भारत में कोरोना मरीज़ों की संख्या इतनी ज्यादा नहीं है। इस गलती के लिए हमें खेद है। pic.twitter.com/7UmPFqYf6g
To sum it up, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has not said that his government provided treatment for one crore COVID-19 patients.
Did you watch our new video?


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PM Modi hasn’t credited first metro rail service in the country to Atal Bihari Vajpayee - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
January 7, 2021
A post is being circulated on social media claiming that Prime Minister Narendra Modi in his latest speech, credited first metro services in the country to the Late PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Let’s verify the claims made in the post.
Claim: PM Narendra Modi credited first Metro service in the country to Atal Bihari Vajpayee.
Fact: PM Modi while addressing the inauguration ceremony of driverless train operations on Delhi Metro’s Magnet line, credited the first operational Delhi Metro rail service to the Late PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee. He hasn’t credited the first metro service in the country to Vajpayee. Hence, the claim made in the post is FALSE.
When we searched for this statement of PM Narendra Modi on the internet, we found that PM Narendra Modi while addressing the inauguration ceremony of driverless train operations on Delhi Metro’s Magenta line, spoke about the efforts to make Delhi Metro services operational. In his speech, Modi said that the first Metro in Delhi ran because of the efforts of Atal ji. At 16:16 minute of this video, we could hear PM Modi making this statement about the efforts to bring Delhi Metro services into operation. Press Information Bureau (PIB) also released the English rendering of PM Modi’s speech at this ceremony. In the speech, Narendra Modi referring only the Delhi Metro rail services while crediting to Vajpayee.
‘ANI’ news first posted a tweet reporting that PM Narendra Modi in his speech, credited the first metro rail services in India to Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Later, ‘ANI’ tweeted a correction saying PM Modi referring Delhi Metro rail services in his speech, not the first metro rail services in India.
Correction | First metro in Delhi* was started with the efforts of Atal Ji. When our govt was formed in 2014, only 5 cities had metro services & today 18 cities have metro rail service. By 2025, we will take this service to more than 25 cities: PM Narendra Modi pic.twitter.com/snv7PFkQBW
On 29 December 1972, the first metro rail services foundation stone was laid in Kolkata by the Late PM Indira Gandhi. This first metro service came into operation on 24 October 1984. Sharing the images of the inauguration ceremony of this first metro services in India, ‘The Telegraph’ news website published an article on 25 October 2014.
To sum it up, PM Narendra Modi in his speech credited Atal Bihari Vajpayee for the first Metro rail service operations in Delhi, not the entire country.

created: January 7, 2021


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PM Modi is not the first politician to receive COVID-19 vaccination in India - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
March 12, 2021
A post is being shared on social media claiming that no opposition leader in India had taken COVID-19 vaccination until PM Modi got vaccinated. Let’s verify the claim made in the post.
Claim: No opposition leader in India took the COVID-19 vaccination until PM Narendra Modi got vaccinated.
Fact: The Government of India insisted all politicians stay out from the first phase of the COVID-19 vaccination drive in India. Two MLAs of the Trinamool Congress (TMC) party received the COVID-19 vaccine in January 2021. Narendra Modi took the vaccination on 01 March 2021. Hence, the claim made in the post is FALSE.
When we searched for the details on the official Indian Government website, we found that the Government of India has prepared a priority list for the COVID-19 vaccination. On 16 January 2021, the COVID-19 vaccination drive began in India and the government announced that healthcare and frontline workers will get vaccinated in the first drive of the COVID-19 vaccination. In the second phase of the vaccination, the Government included politicians and persons over 60 years of age. PM Narendra Modi at a meeting with state Chief Ministers advised all politicians to stay out of the first round of the vaccination.
However, two MLA’s of the Trinamool Congress party (TMC) in West Bengal took COVID-19 vaccine on 16 January 2021. Katwa MLA Rabindranath Chatterjee, Bhatar MLA Subhash Mondal from TMC received the COVID-19 vaccine in the first phase. Reporting this, a few news websites published articles on 16 and 17 January 2021. They can be read here and here. When questions were raised on TMC leaders getting vaccinated, a District health official mentioned that these leaders are members of the Patient’s Welfare Committee (Rogi Kalyani Samiti)  in West Bengal.  BJP MP Mahesh Sharma, who is a trained doctor also get vaccinated on 16 January 2021.
On 01 March 2021, PM Narendra Modi got vaccinated at AIIMS Delhi. Following PM Modi, several politicians from BJP and opposition parties get vaccinated on 01 March 2021.
Took my first dose of the COVID-19 vaccine at AIIMS.
Remarkable how our doctors and scientists have worked in quick time to strengthen the global fight against COVID-19.
I appeal to all those who are eligible to take the vaccine. Together, let us make India COVID-19 free! pic.twitter.com/5z5cvAoMrv
News articles published on politicians getting COVID-19 vaccine can be seen here and here.
To sum it up, PM Narendra Modi is not the first politician to receive the COVID-19 vaccine in India.


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Unrelated old videos shared as visuals of PM Modi announcing different freebies to people - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
December 17, 2022
A video is being shared on social media claiming that Prime Minister Narendra Modi while addressing a rally recently, made an announcement of giving Rs. 15 lakhs to every citizen in the country. Let’s verify the claim made in the post.
Claim: Video of PM Modi making an announcement of crediting Rs 15 lakhs to every citizen’s bank account in the country.
Fact: The video shared in the post shows PM Modi’s speech after inaugurating the Bundelkhand Expressway in Uttar Pradesh’s Jalaun district in July 2022. While addressing this rally in the Jalaun district, Narendra Modi did not make any announcement about crediting Rs 15 lakhs to every citizen in the country. Hence, the claim made in the post is FALSE.
When we searched to check whether Prime Minister Narendra Modi, while addressing any recent rally, made any announcement of crediting Rs 15 lakhs to every citizen’s bank account, we could not find any such reports confirming this information.
On reverse image search of the screenshots of the video, a video showing similar visuals was found published by the ‘Doordarshan National’ YouTube channel on 16 July 2022. The Doordarshan channel published this video with the title, “Prime Minister Narendra Modi Inaugurates Bundelkhand Expressway, at Jalaun in Uttar Pradesh.” While addressing a public meeting after the inauguration of the Bundelkhand Expressway, PM Modi praised the development of Uttar Pradesh under Yogi Adityanath’s government and accused previous governments of not providing good infrastructure and law and order in the state. During his speech, PM Modi did not make any promise of giving Rs. 15 lakhs to every citizen in the country.
Speaking about bringing black money back to India during the 2014 General Elections campaign, Narendra Modi at a rally in Chhattisgarh’s Kanker said, “If even once, the money hoarded by these crooks in banks abroad, even if we bring only that back, every poor Indian would get free of cost Rs 15 to Rs 20 lakhs, just like that. There’s so much money.” Speaking during an interview in 2015, Amit Shah said, “Modiji’s statement was an idiomatic expression (jumla) that was given during the Lok Sabha polls. Everybody knows that this black money doesn’t go to accounts of people. The black money that would return to the country from abroad will be used to help the poor and the needy, Modiji said that.”
To sum it up, PM Modi recently did not make any announcement of giving Rs. 15 lakhs to every citizen in the country.
Update (19 December 2022):
The same video is being also shared on social media claiming it as recent visuals of Prime Minister Narendra Modi making an announcement on reducing petrol prices and distributing a house to every citizen in the country. They can be seen here and here. But, during his speech at the Bundelkhand Expressway inauguration in July 2022, PM Modi did not make any announcement on reducing petrol prices or about giving a house to every citizen in the country. During his speech, PM Modi indeed criticised the ‘freebies culture’ that he alleged is practised by a few opposition parties to lure voters. PM Modi during his speech called ‘freebie culture’ the biggest threat to the nation and warned people to be aware of freebies offered by political parties.
Another video is being shared on social media claiming that PM Narendra Modi while addressing the recent Lok Sabha session, made an announcement of distributing Rs. 10 lakhs to every citizen in the country. The same video is also shared with the description- ‘नरेंद्र मोदी ने अचानक शाहरुख खान को गिरफ्तार करने का ऐलान कर दिया’ (English translation: Narendra Modi suddenly announced to arrest Shahrukh Khan). But, the video shared in the post shows PM Modi’s speech at the Lok Sabha on 07 February 2017. While speaking during the motion of thanks on the President’s address on 07 February 2017, PM Modi criticised Congress Party and their leader Rahul Gandhi. But, PM Modi during his speech on 07 February 2017, did not make any announcement of crediting Rs. 10 Lakhs to every citizen in the country. If PM Modi has announced such a freebie, several news websites would have reported the same. But we could not find a single news report confirming this.
To sum it up, unrelated old videos of PM Narendra Modi are being shared now as visuals of him announcing freebies to every citizen in the country.
Update (27 December 2022):
Another video is being shared on social media claiming it as recent visuals of Prime Minister Narendra Modi announcing good news to people amid the rise of COVID-19 cases in the country. Narendra Modi in the video was seen addressing people about Janata Curfew, combating the COVID-19 pandemic, and expressing gratitude to frontline workers by clapping and ringing bells. Let’s verify the claim made in the post.
Claim: Recent video of PM Narendra Modi announcing a good news.
Fact: The post shared a video clipping from PM Modi’s address to people on 19 March 2020. Amid the rise of COVID-19 cases in March 2020, PM Modi urged citizens to follow the Janata Curfew from 7 am to 9 pm and requested people to thank frontline workers by clapping and ringing bells for five minutes on 22 March 2020. Hence, the claim made in the post is FALSE.
When we searched for this video using relevant keywords on the internet, a video with similar visuals was found published on the BJP’s official YouTube channel, with the title, “PM Shri Narendra Modi’s address to the nation on COVID-19”, on 19 March 2020. The Press Information Bureau (PIB) published a copy of this address made on 19 March 2020, on combating the COVID-19 pandemic. Amid the rise of COVID-19 cases in March 2020, Narendra Modi urged citizens to follow the Janata Curfew from 7 am to 9 pm and requested people to thank frontline workers by clapping and ringing bells for five minutes on 22 March 2020. The video is almost two years old and does not show Modi’s latest address to people.

created: December 17, 2022


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PM Modi's makeup before addressing the nation? No, it's a video of Madame Tussauds team taking his body measurements - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
May 14, 2020
A video is shared on social media with a claim that it shows Prime Minister Modi’s makeup preparations before his announcement of a 20 lakh crore economic relief package in his recent speech on 12 May 2020. But, FACTLY found that the video is related to the visit of the Madame Tussauds team to take body measurements of Prime Minister Modi for making his wax statue. The name ‘Madame Tussauds’ on the makeup box and the document bearing the name of ‘Madame Tussauds’ as its title can be noticed in the video at 0:03 and 0:08 respectively. Earlier, when the same video was falsely shared with a similar claim, FACTLY debunked the claim and it can be read here.
Sources:
Claim – Facebook post (archived)
Fact –
1. ‘Madame Tussauds London’ YouTube link – https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S_Jyz0RmNBY
Did you watch our new video?


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PM Modi's Non-Contact with Children Falsely Portrayed as Discrimination against Indians in India - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
May 26, 2023
A video comparing two clips of PM Modi’s interactions with Indians abroad and in India is widely shared on social media. The claim accompanying the video suggests that PM Modi is discriminatory towards Indians in India and refuses to touch them. Let’s verify the claim made in the post.
Claim: Visuals of PM Modi refraining from touching Indians in India suggesting his discriminatory attitude.
Fact: While it is true that in the specific clip mentioned, PM Modi refrained from physical contact with the children, this alone cannot be  interpreted as evidence of discriminatory behaviour towards Indians in India. PM Modi has been actively engaged with individuals from diverse backgrounds throughout the country on numerous occasions. Furthermore, it should be noted that there are instances where PM Modi did not engage in physical contact with the Indian diaspora during his foreign trips, which can be attributed to various reasons. Therefore, it is not feasible to draw sweeping conclusions based solely on this specific clip, as it fails to consider the overall pattern of PM Modi’s interactions. Hence, the claim made in the post is MISLEADING.
Upon conducting a reverse image search on the viral video, it was discovered that the first clip features PM Modi engaging with the Indian diaspora in Australia during his recent visit in May 2023. Likewise, the second clip captures PM Modi’s interaction with children who find themselves confined behind barbed wire. This footage was recorded during his campaign for the 2023 Karnataka Assembly elections in Kalaburagi.
While the full video showcasing Modi’s interaction with children behind barbed wires does reveal that he refrains from physical contact, it is important to note the existence of numerous instances where he has actively engaged with people from diverse backgrounds in India. Some of them can be seen here, here, and here. It is crucial to recognize that these individual instances alone do not provide conclusive evidence of discriminatory behaviour or the practice of untouchability by PM Modi.
Children greet PM Modi at Pramukh Swami Maharaj Shatabdi Mahotsav in Ahmedabad@narendramodi @PMOIndia @BJP4India @BJP4MP #topnews #topnews #shorts #Pmodi #ahmedabad #PramukhSwamiMaharajShatabdiMahotsav #newsroom7 pic.twitter.com/ghjR5KLJrQ
Additionally, there have been instances where PM Modi did not engage in physical interactions with the Indian diaspora during his foreign trips. This can be attributed to various factors such as security concerns, unforeseen events, or conflicting schedules. These examples highlight the reality that physical interaction may not always be feasible and is subject to a range of circumstances. It is important to consider these factors when evaluating the absence of physical contact in certain instances, as it does not necessarily indicate a deliberate or discriminatory approach.
To sum it up, an isolated occurrence of PM Modi refraining from physical contact with children is being shared to portray him as discriminatory towards Indians in India.


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PM Narendra Modi’s question unanswered in the Lok Sabha - Factly
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
February 24, 2015
Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi is the leader of the Lok Sabha by virtue of being the leader of BJP Legislators in the house. The Union Cabinet (including the PM) is supposed to answer questions raised by various members of the house. Ministers answer questions relating to their department.
It is very rare that the leader of a house asks a question. For eg., Dr. Manmohan Singh was the leader of the Rajya Sabha when he was the Prime Minister of the country from 2004 to 2014. He never asked a question during that time. His last question in the Rajya Sabha was in December 2003, when he was part of the opposition benches.
Hence it is interesting to note that Prime Minister Narendra Modi asked an unstarred* question in the Lok Sabha on 11 August, 2014. According to the Lok Sabha Records, he asked a question to the Union Ministry of Law & Justice regarding inclusion of parents name in documents. His question included the following,
(*An Unstarred Question is one which does not get an oral answer in the House and on which no supplementary questions can consequently be asked. To such a question, a written answer is deemed to have been laid on the Table after the Question Hour by the Minister to whom it is addressed. It is printed in the official report of the sitting of the House for which it is put down)
(a) Whether it is mandatory to write the name of the father while writing the full name of an individual in Government documents;
(b) if so, the details thereof and state the provision of relevant law;
(c) Whether an individual can write the name of his /her mother, instead of father, in Government document;
(d) if so, the details there of and if not, the reasons there for along with the provision of law;
(e) Whether the Government proposes to enact/amend relevant law to enable the citizens to write the name of the mother or father, as per the wish of an individual; and
(f) if so, the details thereof and the time by which it is likely to be amended.?
Interestingly, another member of the house also asked a similar question. Prime Minister Modi was joined by Trinamool Congress MP, Saumitra Khan from Bishnupur in West Bengal.
As irony would have it, the question asked by the leader of the house remains unanswered till date according to the Lok Sabha website. The then Union Minister of Law & Justice said “The information is being collected and will be laid on the Table of the House”.  And it seems the information is still being collected.
Source: Lok Sabha Unstarred question No 4604.
Update (28th February, 2015): After we highlighted this, the Lok Sabha website has changed the name of the member associated with this question. Now the website shows the name of Advocate Narendra Keshav Sawaikar, a BJP MP from South Goa. Whether this is a technical glitch or a cover up is something we do not know.

created: February 24, 2015


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PM Narendra Modi's Assets - Factly
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
February 4, 2016
Here is a list of PM Narendra Modi’s assets as per the returns submitted by him.

created: February 4, 2016


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As PM talks about Consumer Protection, past record does not inspire confidence
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
October 31, 2017
The PM recently spoke about proposed changes to the Consumer Protection act and how stringent provisions will soon be introduced to tackle misleading advertisements. But the past record of the government does not inspire enough confidence.
The Prime Minister Mr. Narendra Modi in his recent address at the International Conference on Consumer Protection spoke at length about consumer protection and how it has been an integral part of governance in India. He also spoke about the stringent provisions being proposed against misleading advertisements. But the current regime on misleading advertisements leaves a lot to be desired. There is very little or no information available on the follow up action initiated on complaints made on the Grievances Against Misleading Advertisements (GAMA) portal.
Advertisements have to adhere to the Code
Advertisements telecast on Private TV channels are required to adhere to the Advertising Code prescribed under the Cable TV Networks (Regulation) Act, 1995 and relevant rules. There is no pre-censorship on advertisements. Action is supposed to be taken when violations are brought to the notice of the government.
An advisory was also issued by the Ministry of Information & Broadcasting in 2014 to all TV channels not to telecast advertisements that are in violation of the provisions of Cable Television Networks Rules, 1994, ASCI Code and also Drugs & Magic Remedies (Objectionable Advertisement) Act, 1954.
Advertising Standards Council of India (ASCI), a self-regulatory body of advertisement industry has set up Consumer Complaints Council to deal with advertising content. ASCI has been appointed by the government as their executive arm to process complaints received about misleading advertisements.
Growing instance of Misleading Advertisements
Misleading advertisements are growing by the day. The data with the government indicates that more than 4500 complaints were made on the GAMA portal between March 2015 and July 2017. Between 2013 & 2016, ASCI found more than 500 instances of misleading advertisements on TV.
How are Misleading Advertisements dealt?
The Department of Consumer Affairs in March 2015 launched  the GAMA portal to enable consumers register online complaints about misleading advertisements. Any advertisement or promotion through Television, Radio, or any other electronic media, Newspapers, Banners, Posters, Handbills, wall-writing etc. that misrepresent the nature, characteristics, qualities or geographic origin of goods, services or commercial activities so as to mislead the consumer can be reported through the portal.
After preliminary scrutiny of the grievances registered on the portal, the grievances are forwarded to ASCI. Complaints which remain unresolved are forwarded by ASCI to the Departments/Regulators concerned for further necessary action.
What is the current status?
As per the data shared by the government in the Rajya Sabha, a total of 4519 complaints were received on the GAMA portal between March 2015 and July 2017. 641 of these were received in 2015, 2032 in 2016 and the remaining in 2017. The government also mentioned that 2106 complaints have been resolved, 947 are rejected and the remaining are pending with the relevant regulators or departments.
Information on follow up action not available on ASCI website
While the numbers might suggest that there is good progress, there is very little information on the follow up action on these complaints.
On the ASCI website, there is detailed information on the complaints referred to it and the decision taken on these complaints. But, there is no information available on the follow up action. While ASCI seems to have upheld a lot of complaints, there is no information to suggest if the advertisers have taken any corrective action. Though the FAQs on the ASCI portal  mention that 80% of the advertisers have confirmed in writing about withdrawal or modification of the advertisement, no such written material is available on the ASCI website.
No information on complaints with Ministries
With respect to the complaints forwarded to relevant Regulators/Ministries, no information is available in the public domain to track their progress. One of this author’s complaint is pending with the AYUSH ministry since January 2017.Even with respect to action to be taken by the Ministries, only a handful of cases resulted in action while thousands of such violations were reported by Government’s own Electronic Media Monitoring Centre (EMMC).

created: October 31, 2017


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PMO చేసిన 3 లక్షల సహాయాన్ని 30 లక్షల సహాయంగా తప్పుడు ప్రచారం చేస్తున్నారు - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
June 25, 2019
రాజస్తాన్ లో తీవ్ర అనారోగ్యంతో బాధపడుతున్న ఒక మహిళకి ప్రధానమంత్రి కార్యాలయం ‘జాతీయ సహాయ నిధి’ నుండి 30 లక్షల సహాయం చేసారని చెప్తూ ఒక ఫోటోతో కూడిన పోస్ట్ ని ఫేస్బుక్ లో చాలా మంది షేర్ చేస్తున్నారు. ఆ పోస్ట్ లో ఎంతవరకు నిజముందో విశ్లేషిద్ధాం.
తన కూతురి వైద్యానికి సహాయం కోసం ప్రధానమంత్రి మోడీకి లెటర్ రాసిన రాజస్తాన్ కి చెందిన సుమేర్ సింగ్. ‘ప్రధాన మంత్రి జాతీయ సహాయ నిధి’ ద్వారా 30 లక్షల రూపాయులు సహాయం చేసిన ప్రధానమంత్రి కార్యాలయం. ఆ డబ్బుతో తన కూతురి ఆరోగ్యాన్ని సుమేర్ సింగ్ బాగుచేయించాడు..
ప్రధాన మంత్రి కార్యాలయం సహాయం చేసింది 3 లక్షలు మాత్రమే, 30 లక్షలు కాదు. సుమేర్ సింగ్ కూతురు ఇప్పటికీ వ్యాధితో బాధపడుతుంది. కావున పోస్ట్ లో 30 లక్షల సహాయం అని చెప్తూ ప్రజలను తప్పుదోవ పట్టిస్తున్నారు.
పోస్ట్ లోని విషయాల గురించి గూగుల్ లో ‘30 lakhs help by PM Modi’ అని వెతకగా, చాలా వార్తాపత్రికలు మోడీ 30 లక్షల రూపాయులు సహాయం చేసినట్టు ప్రచురించాయని తెలుస్తుంది.
కానీ, టైమ్స్ ఆఫ్ ఇండియా (TOI) ఆర్టికల్ లో మాత్రం ప్రధాన మంత్రి కేవలం 3 లక్షల సహాయం చేసినట్టు ఉంటుంది. ఆ ఆర్టికల్ లో వివరాలు చూడగా సుమేర్ సింగ్ TOI తో మాట్లాడుతూ గత సంవత్సరం సహాయం కోసం ఎం.పీ. రన్వీర్ సింగ్ ద్వారా PMO కి లెటర్ పంపించగా, వాళ్ళు 3 లక్షల సహాయం చేసారని చెప్పినట్టు తెలుస్తుంది. అంతే కాదు, సోషల్ మీడియా లో వైరల్ అవుతునట్టుగా తనకు 30 లక్షల సహాయం అందినట్టు వస్తున్న వార్తల్లో నిజం లేదని, ఇలాంటి ఫేక్ వార్తల వల్ల సహాయం కోసం చేస్తున్న ప్రయత్నాలకు ఆటంకం కలుగుతుందని సుమేర్ సింగ్ అన్నాడు.
TOI జర్నలిస్ట్ అరవింద్ చౌహాన్ తన ట్విట్టర్ అకౌంట్ లో PMO 3 లక్షలు మంజూరు చేస్తూ ఇచ్చిన లేఖని ట్వీట్ చేసాడు. ఆ లేఖలో కూడా కేవలం 3 లక్షలు మంజూరు అయినట్టు చూడవచ్చు. అరవింద్ ఇంకో ట్వీట్ లో సుమేర్ సింగ్ కూతురు మాట్లాడిన వీడియో పెట్టాడు. దాంట్లో సుమేర్ సింగ్ కూతురు లలిత మాట్లాడుతూ తన కుటుంబం ఇప్పటికే తన వైద్యం కోసం చాలా కష్టపడ్డారని, ప్రభుత్వం సహాయం చేయలేకపోతే కనీసం తను చనిపోవడానికి అయిన అనుమతి ఇవ్వాలని అంటుంది.
This is god damn irony, that Lalita who needs immediate financial help of Rs 7 lakh for bone marrow transplant, will face delay, as certain media section have wrongly reported that @PMOIndia has given Rs 30 lakh to her father, but instead only Rs 3 lakh was wired. @zoo_bear pic.twitter.com/5GQlmr0si9
ఈ విషయంపై వివరణ కొరకు ప్రధాన మంత్రి కార్యాలయం (PMO) లోని జాతీయ సహాయ నిధి (PMNRF) ఆఫీసుకి FACTLY ఫోన్ చేసి మాట్లాడగా, తాము 3 లక్షలు మాత్రమే మంజూరు చేసామని వారు తెలిపారు. అంతే కాదు, సాధారణంగా, ఇలాంటి కేసులలో గరిష్టంగా 3 లక్షల వరకే ఇస్తామని PMNRF ఆఫీసు వారు తెలిపారు.
చివరగా, PMO చేసిన 3 లక్షల సహాయాన్ని 30 లక్షల సహాయంగా తప్పుడు ప్రచారం చేస్తున్నారు. సుమేర్ సింగ్ కూతురు ఇప్పటికీ వ్యాధితో బాధపడుతుంది.
ఏది ఫేక్, ఏది నిజం సిరీస్ లో మా వీడియోస్ మీరు చూసారా?


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PMUY Data: The average LPG cylinder refills in 2020-21 increased because of PMGKP which has now decreased in 2021-22.
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
August 4, 2022
The PMUY has helped a large number of rural households shift to cleaner LPG fuel for cooking. However, data indicates that sustaining the use of LPG among the beneficiaries remains a challenge. In 2021-22, two crore customers under the PMUY took one or no refill. The average refills in 2020-21 increased because of the PMGKP which has now decreased in 2021-22.
The Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana or PMUY is a flagship scheme of the government aimed at encouraging the use of clean cooking fuel (LPG) for domestic purpose concomitantly trying to safeguard the health of women and children, by preventing chest congestion related diseases. Financial assistance is provided to encourage people to take up new LPG connections which is released in the name of the adult woman of the beneficiary’s family. The scheme was launched on 1 May 2016 in Uttar Pradesh. Even the World Health Organization (WHO) appreciated the scheme for being a ‘decisive intervention to check the indoor health pollution being faced by the women of the country’.
However, sustaining the use of LPG by the beneficiary families in the absence of a major subsidy or a limited subsidy of Rs. 200 per cylinder, remains a challenge. In this story, we look at the cylinder refill data under PMUY to understand the trends.
PMUY was extended in 2021 and again in 2022
Initially, the scheme was formulated to benefit only certain groups as per the Socio-Economic Caste Census exclusion criteria and was later expanded to include all those belonging to the Below Poverty Line. Under Phase I of the scheme, an annual target of 2 crore beneficiaries was set by the government for each of the three financial years from 2016-17 to 2018-19. However, in this period, over 7.18 crore connections were released which is 1.18 crore connections more than the target. Later, the target was set to provide 8 crore connections by 2020 which was achieved by September 2019. In 2021, Phase-II of the scheme was launched to release 1 crore deposit free LPG connection on pan India basis, in addition to the 8 crore LPG connections already released under Phase-I of PMUY. Again, in 2022, the Government extended the Scheme to release additional 60 lakh LPG connections under PMUY 2.0 on existing modalities.
30% of the LPG connections in India are under PMUY
As on 04 July 2022, according to the PMUY website, a total of 9.34 crore connections have been released under PMUY since inception, including 1.35 crore connections released under PMUY 2.0. Further, the LPG coverage in the country has improved from 62% on 01 May 2016 to 99.8% as on 01 April 2021. As on 01 July 2022, there were 30.95 crore Domestic LPG connections in India. In other words, LPG connections issued under PMUY accounted for 30% of the total connections in the country.
Sustained use of LPG cylinders by beneficiaries remains a challenge
While the increase in coverage and number of connections is a step forward, the scheme can be said to be effective only if the beneficiaries continue to use LPG. The indicator to monitor this progress is tracking the number of refills under the scheme and the trend in average refills. This becomes critical in the light of steep hike in the LPG prices and the government’s subsidy limited to Rs. 200 per cylinder for PMUY beneficiaries.
The price of a 14.2kg Domestic LPG Cylinder (Retail Selling Price at Delhi) has increased from Rs. 650.5 as on 01 May 2018 to Rs. 1053 as on 06 July 2022. That is, in around four years, the price of the regular domestic cylinder has increased by nearly 62%. Since the scheme caters to only those persons who belong to the Below Poverty Line, the affordability of cylinders may dissuade people from consuming LPG refills.
According to the data on the average number of refills under PMUY at the national level based on Parliament responses and CAG Report, there is a consistent decline in the average refills between 2016-17 to 2019-20, from almost 4 to nearly 3. However, in 2020-21, there was a sudden increase in refills under PMUY, with the average refills crossing 4 refills for the first time. In 2021-22, in the period from April 2021 to February 2022 for which data is available, the average refills stand at 3.66 cylinders, with one month left for the financial year to end.
Average increased in 2020-21 because of PMGKP
The sudden increase in the average refills in 2020-21 can be attributed to the government’s scheme that provided up to 3 LPG Cylinder refills free of cost to PMUY beneficiaries in the light of the COVID-19 pandemic. This announcement was made under the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Package (PMGKP) to ameliorate the hardships faced by the poor due to economic disruption caused by the pandemic. The scheme was initially made effective for a period of 3 months starting April 2020, and was later extended till the end of September 2020, and then to 31 December 2020 for those beneficiaries who had been credited with the advance for buying refill but could not buy the refill.
Over 14.17 crore free refills were provided under the scheme to PMUY beneficiaries across the country. The majority of these refills were provided in Uttar Pradesh (2.7 crores), followed by West Bengal (1.73 crores), and Bihar (1.54 crore). More than one crore refills each were provided in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. These five states together accounted for 58% of the free refills provided under PMGKY in 2020-21. These five states also accounted for 58% of the beneficiaries under both phases of PMUY as on 01 July 2022. If the free refills under the PMGKP are excluded, then the average number of refills in 2020-21 goes below 3.
Most states recorded a drop in average refills except in 2020-21
To analyse the trends in the average number of refills consumed across states, those states with at least one lakh LPG connections under PMUY have been considered. The states have been categorized into three based on the number of connections. These are- states with more than 50 lakh connections, those with 10 to 50 lakh connections, and those with 1 lakh to 10 lakh connections.
Like the national trend, the average cylinder refills peaked in 2020-21 and dropped in 2021-22 in all the states except Delhi.
Among the states with more than 50 lakh connections under PMUY, all six states saw a decline in the average number of refills between 2016-17 and 2018-19. Except for Bihar and Odisha, the remaining states witnessed a marginal increase in refills in 2019-20.
Similar trends were observed in Assam, Chhattisgarh, and Gujarat, which had 10 to 50 lakh connections. Of the remaining states in the category, Punjab and Tamil Nadu saw an increase in average refills up to 2018-19 followed by a drop in 2019-20. The average refills in Karnataka were less than 2 in 2016-17 which jumped to 4 in the following year.
Of the states with less than 10 lakh connections, Haryana saw an overall decline in refills from 6.7 in 2016-17 to 5.34 in 2021-22. In Delhi, there was a drastic increase in refills from 6.6 in 2017-18 to 12 in 2018-19, which dropped to 7.9 in 2019-20. In 2021-22, the average refills in Delhi was 6.2. In both Delhi & Haryana, the average refill number is significantly high than in other states.
About 2 crore beneficiaries in 2021-22 took one or no refill
According to a response in the Rajya Sabha to a question on the total number of beneficiaries of PMUY who took one or no refills in the last five years, 1.65 crore customers in 2017-18, 4.14 crore in 2018-19, 3.24 crore in 2019-20, 0.77 crore in 2020-21, and 2 crore customers in 2021-22 took one or no refill.  That is, they either did not take a refill at all or took only one refill (including the installation refill). A total of 2 crore PMUY customers out of the total 9.34 crore PMUY customers in 2021-22 accounts for 21.4% of the customers taking one or no refill.  The response also stated that during 2021- 22, out of the total domestic active customers of 30.53 crores, 2.11 crore domestic LPG customers had not taken any refill while 2.91 crores domestic LPG customers had taken only one refill. That is, a total of 5.02 crore customers took either no or one refill.
CAG report, 2019 noted that annual refill consumption for PMUY beneficiaries was low compared to non-PMUY consumers
The issue of sustained use of LPG cylinders under the scheme has been highlighted previously by multiple studies and reports. A CAG report from 2019 noted that the average annual refill consumption for PMUY beneficiaries has remained low (roughly half) as compared to non-PMUY consumers. The report also noted that there was a delay in the installation of new connections under the scheme. Further, it found that 14 lakh beneficiaries consumed 3 to 41 cylinders in one month. Nearly two lakh beneficiaries had an annual consumption of more than 12 cylinders. These point toward the risk of domestic cylinders being diverted for commercial purposes. Unsafe practices by beneficiaries such as placing stoves near the cylinder on the ground were also observed by CAG.
Another survey conducted by the Research Institute for Compassionate Economics in 2018 found that despite having LPG connections, about 78% of the respondents in Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh used traditional wood chulhas (stoves) for cooking. These are also those states with a higher number of beneficiaries under PMUY.
Ecowrap noted that increasing prices will result in people going back to using unclean fuels for cooking
SBI’s research report, Ecowrap, published in February 2020 stated that “PMUY has solved the problem of availability, but the affordability barrier still exists.” As per their analysis, 54.2% of total PMUY consumers consumed up to 3 cylinders in a year or more while a family of 4 requires at least 3-4 cylinders per year. It noted that PMUY use among the rural households in states with low per capita income may be lower due to continuous increases in LPG prices and that the beneficiaries go back to using unclean fuels for cooking.
Gains made with PMUY stand threatened with an increase in prices
The PMUY has resulted in a large number of rural households shifting to use cleaner LPG fuel for cooking. However, these gains stand threatened in the light of the steep increase in LPG prices and the limited government subsidy of Rs. 200 per cylinder. Data also indicates that after the free cylinder intervention under the PMGKP increased the average refills in 2020-21, the average decreased in 2021-22.
Featured Image: PM Ujjwala  LPG Cylinder Refills

created: August 4, 2022


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Poaching accounted for around 22% of Tiger deaths in the last 8 years
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
August 31, 2019
Poaching is one of the
major causes of Tiger deaths in the country. Between 2012 & August 2019,
142 tigers have lost their lives due to poaching.
In the previous story on quadrennial tiger census, the total tiger population in India, their region wise distribution based on landscape and ecological significance were discussed.
The human population is multiplying rapidly which requires more space for development and on the other hand, the tiger population has also increased which calls for protection of their habitat in order to sustain it. Many cases of conflicts between the two species have been reported off late thereby putting the conservationists in a quandary since both their needs need to be addressed. In this story, we focus on the human carnivore interaction which ultimately threatens their survival.
Despite the ferocious and fearlessreputation of tigers among human beings, reckless poaching of tigers for theirskin, claws, bones and canine is prevalent around the globe. The tigermortality numbers as of 15 August 2019 from the data provided by the National Tiger Conservation Authority  indicates that between 2012 and2018, 9253 people have beenarrested in India for wildlife poaching cases. In the last three years alone 2351 people were arrestedfor the same according to the government’s response in the Lok Sabha.
Of the total 655 tiger deaths since 2012, 21.6% have been due to
poaching
A total of 655 tigers have died between 2012 and August 2019. Of these, 323 (49%) have died a natural death. The second biggest cause of tiger deaths is poaching. A total of 142 tigers have died due to poaching during this period.  In other words, poaching accounts for 21.6% of the total tiger mortality in India. During the same period, 87 tiger bodies have also been seized.  Additional 35 deaths have been reported as unnatural which includes those unnatural cases which cannot be attributed to poaching.  For instance, tigers which have died in conflicts and accidents have been included in this category. A total of 68 cases since 2016 are under scrutiny and hence the reasons for their death have not been ascertained.
A look at the annual numbers of tigermortality shows that the numbers increased from 2013 to 2016. The years 2017and 2018 show a decline in the number of deaths. On an average, 20 tigers arepoached every year. Taking into consideration the cases of poaching andseizures, there were 44 such cases in 2016 (another 8 cases are still underscrutiny), the highest during this period. The number of cases had come downfrom 39 in 2012 to 23 in 2015. In 2017 and 2018, 39 and 26 cases respectivelyhave been confirmed while 60 are still under scrutiny.
Madhya Pradesh witnessed the largest number of cases of poaching and
seizures in the country
A state wise analysis of the numbers revealedthat Madhya Pradesh had the largest number of cases of tiger deaths- 142 duringthe period 2012 to August 2019. Madhya Pradesh has recorded the maximum numberof cases of poaching (31) and seizures (12) as well. Maharashtra witnessed 107tiger deaths during this period. As far as cases of poaching are concerned, afterMadhya Pradesh, Karnataka recorded 24 cases while Maharashtra accounted for 21cases.
If the numbers are scrutinized on the basisof the tiger landscape, the largest number of tiger deaths has taken place inthe Central Indian landscape and the Eastern Ghats (288) which holds thelargest percentage of tiger population of India. A total of 52 cases ofpoaching and 35 cases of seizure have been recorded in this region. In theWestern Ghats, 180 cases of tiger mortality have been recorded of which 39 aredue to poaching and 17 are seizures. 123 tiger deaths have been witnessed inthe Shivalik hills and Gangetic plains landscape including 25 poaching and 19 casesof seizure.
The survival of tigers is threatened by a wide plethora of human
activities
The practice of slaughtering tigers in thepast during the colonial period when it was considered a royal sport and amatter of pride is one major reason behind the steep decline in tigerpopulation from many thousands to a few thousands. Sprawling over the highlydiverse landscape of the country, the tigers are mostly solitary and require alarge territory. Thus, expansion of railway lines and roads through forests/tiger reserves has put the tigers in a vulnerable position. The government hasdisclosed in the Rajya Sabha that 10 tigers were killed in rail and road accidents between 2015 and 2017.
Fragmentation of habitats coupled withdeforestation, forest land encroachment and other activities which have led tothe deterioration of tiger habitats has further exacerbated the plight oftigers. Even decimation of the prey population affects the carnivore. The everincreasing human population combined with the aforementioned human activitieshave coerced the tigers to take to human settlements paving the way toconflicts. Loss of human life, predation on livestock and fear instilled amongthe people result in people resorting to retaliatory killing in spite of thecultural significance attached to tigers.
Between 2016 and 2018, 135 human beings have lost their lives due to
tiger attacks
While all this time, the discussion hasbeen focussed on tiger population, humans have also lost their lives in tigerattacks.
Data from the last three (2016-18) yearsindicates that a total of 135 people have lost their livesto tiger attacks. This number has decreased over the years- from 62 in 2016 to29 in 2018. West Bengal registered the largest loss of human lives – 41 livesduring this three year period. In Uttar Pradesh, 39 people lost their lives intiger attacks. Other states where tigers have claimed lives includeMaharashtra, Assam, Madhya Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Tamil Nadu, Odisha, Karnatakaand Rajasthan. Compensation in the form of money is provided to the families ofthe deceased.
Many families still
reside inside the core area of the Critical Tiger habitat (CTH)
Presently,  there are 50 tiger reserves in India and atotal of 14,441 families have beenrelocated from the core areas of these reserves since the inception of ProjectTiger. Out of the 14,441 families relocated, 5,962 were in Madhya Pradesh and 5,053in Maharashtra. As per government data, more than 40,000 families still resideinside in the core area of the critical tiger habitat.
The amendment made in 2006 to the Wildlife Protection Act of 1972  led to the establishment of the National Tiger Conservation Authority. The body has been vested with the power to address conflicts, relocation of villagers, lay down normative standards and guidelines for tiger conservation in India, especially the tiger reserves, national parks and sanctuaries- and also facilitate states’ conservation efforts. Wildlife Crime Control Bureau also came into effect in 2007 to curb wildlife trafficking and related crimes. The central government also disburses funds to states that are involved in tiger conservation through Project Tiger. A holistic approach which encompasses both the needs of the people and ecological sustainability can reduce the mortalities on both sides and increase the tiger population.
Featured Image: Tiger deaths in India


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‘Police brutality’ image in the post isn’t related to the ‘JNU fee hike’ protests - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
November 19, 2019
A post with an image that shows police brutality on students is doing rounds on social media claiming it to be related to the recent ‘JNU fee hike’ protests. Let’s try to check the claim made in the post.
Image of Police brutality on students during the recent ‘JNU fee hike’ protests.
Fact: The image shows policeman beating a demonstrator during the protests against gang-rape of a woman in New Delhi in December 2012. So, it is in no way related to the recent protests against ‘JNU fee hike’ and the claim is FALSE.
From the article of ‘The Hindu’, it can be found that, since the past few days, students of JNU are protesting demanding the withdrawal of draft hostel manual and proposed hike in the hostel fees.
When the image in the post is subjected to Google reverse image search technique, many search results were obtained. Among them, the search result of ‘Hindustan Times’ had the same image in its article about protests against gang-rape of a woman in New Delhi in December 2012. The same image can be also found in the ‘Reuters’ photo stock with the following description – ‘A policeman wields his baton against a demonstrator near the presidential palace during a protest rally in New Delhi December 22, 2012. Indian police used batons, tear gas and water cannon to turn back thousands of people marching on the presidential palace on Saturday in intensifying protests against the gang-rape of a woman on the streets and on social media’.
To conclude, the image in the post isn’t related to the recent ‘JNU fee hike’ protests. It is related to protests against the gang-rape of a woman in New Delhi in December 2012.
Did you watch our new Episode of the DECODE series?

created: November 19, 2019


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Police Firings in India - More than 4000 incidents from 2009 to 2013
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
April 11, 2015
The twin encounters in the states of Andhra Pradesh & Telangana a few days ago shook the entire country. 25 people were killed in these encounters when the police allegedly opened fire in self-defense. This number is 1/4 of the total number of civilians killed in police firing in 2013. Have police firings increased or decreased over the years? Here is an analysis of the incidents of Police Firing from the year 2009 to 2013.
Number of Incidents of Police Firing
There have been a total of 4415 incidents of Police Firing from 2009 to 2013. The highest number of such incidents took place in 2010 (1421). The highest number of civilians & policemen were also killed in the same year. The least number of such incidents was in 2011 with only 482 incidents of firing. 2009 & 2010 accounted for more than 60% of the total incidents in the 5 years. Number of incidents of Police Firing have significantly decreased in 2011 and are again on an increasing trend since then.
When do Police open Fire?
According to the data maintained by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), Police Firing incidents have been categorized into four types.
The large number of incidents of Police Firing in 2010 is due to the very high number of incidents of riot control. Uttar Pradesh & Jammu Kashmir alone accounted for 78% of firing incidents in 2010. The incidents of police firing against extremists & terrorists have remained more or less similar over the 5 years. The variation in the total number of firing incidents is due to the large variation in the incidents related to riot control & others.
Deaths in Police Firing
There were more civilian deaths in all of these five years. The highest number of deaths occurred in 2010 when the number of incidents of Police Firing was highest.
More than 80% of the Policemen died in incidents of firing against extremists & terrorists. The highest number of civilians also died in these incidents. More than 100 civilians died in incidents of Police Firing during riot control & anti dacoity operations. Very few policemen died (less than 10) in these incidents.
Data Source: Crimes in India, National Crime Records Bureau
Featured Image Source: AFP/Tauseef Mustafa


text:
Policy Champ - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
May 24, 2024


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Polio vaccine was introduced in India much before 1995 - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
June 3, 2021
A post is being shared widely on social media with a claim that the polio vaccine was not introduced in India until 1995, when P. V. Narasimha Rao was the Prime Minister, despite its development in the U.S. in 1955. The post claims that Nehru and his family members (Indira and Rajiv Gandhi), failed to vaccinate children when they were Prime Ministers. Let’s fact-check the claim made in the post.
Claim: Polio vaccine was introduced in India in 1995. Nehru, Indira and Rajiv Gandhi could not start the vaccination during their prime ministership.
Fact: The polio vaccine was introduced in India much before 1995. It was part of the Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI, 1978) and Universal Immunization Programme (UIP, 1985). So, the polio vaccination was implemented in India even during the tenures of Indira (1980-84) and Rajiv Gandhi (1984-89). But the National Immunization Days, commonly known as the Pulse Polio Immunization programme, were launched in India in 1995. Hence the claim made in the post is MISLEADING.
When we searched about the polio vaccination in India, a document titled – ‘Pulse Polio Programme in India’ was found on the website of the Indian Health Ministry. In the document, it can be read – “India committed to the resolution passed by World Health Assembly for global polio eradication in 1988. The country introduced polio vaccine under Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI, 1978), and subsequently in Universal Immunization Programme (UIP, 1985), but started carrying out special polio campaigns from 1995.” So, the polio vaccine was introduced in India in the 1970s itself and the vaccination was implemented in India even during the tenures of Indira (1980-84) and Rajiv Gandhi (1984-89).
On the website of the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, a 1996 article mentions – “As recently as 1994, however, large outbreaks of paralytic polio have occurred in the states of Gujarat, Karnataka, and Maharashtra, indicating that endemic and epidemic transmission of polio continued to occur despite substantial improvements in routine vaccination coverage with three doses of OPV among children aged 1 year (from 63% in 1988 to 90% in 1993).” An EPW journal article analyzing the polio conditions in India during the period from 1970 to 1995 can be read here. Another journal article regarding the ‘brief history of vaccines & vaccination in India’ can be read here. In the article, it can be read that the OPV (Oral Polio Vaccine) became available in India in 1967 and for the first time in India, indigenous Oral Polio Vaccine Trivalent (Sabin) was developed and produced in 1970.
In the ‘World Health’ (1995), the magazine of World Health Organization, it can be observed that India is marked as ‘Routine Immunization’ in the ‘Immunization and National Immunization Days (NIDs)’ map (as of September 1994), as India was yet to start the National Immunization Days for polio.
Also, the Gazette of India in 1973 mentions – “M/s. Decruz Corporation 44 Cawasji Patel Street, Bombay were granted a licence No. P/F/2022470/T/YR/40/H/33-34/ML-IT dated 12-7-1971 for the Import of Polio Vaccine (Oral Polio Vaccine) from U. S. S. R.” Some of the polio vaccination photos taken in India before 1995 can be seen here, here, and here.
To sum it up, the polio vaccine was introduced in India much before 1995. The ‘National Immunization Days’ started in 1995.


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Political caricature criticizing the Congress isn't by the American Cartoonist Ben Garrison - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
April 8, 2019
A post with the caricature of a cow, said to be drawn by Ben Garrison, an American Cartoonist, is being shared by many Facebook users. In the post, it is claimed that Ben Garrison has depicted the status of India during the Congress party’s rule. Let’s try to analyze the claim made in the post.
The archived version of the post can be found here.
Ben Garrison, an American Cartoonist, has drawn a cartoon targeting the Indian National Congress party’s rule
Ben Garrison issued a clarification from his official Twitter handle ‘@GrrrGraphics Cartoons’ that he never drew any cartoons on Indian Politics and the cartoons with his signature doing rounds were fake. Hence the claim is False
When the photo in the post is searched using the Google reverse image search technique, it was found that several versions of the pic are in circulation on social media since the past 2 years.
One version of the pic claims that Ben Garrison has drawn a cartoon targeting the Indian National Congress party. Another version of the pic claims that Ben Garrison has drawn a cartoon depicting the status of India during the BJP’s ruling.
BOOM has traced the pic and found that the picture was first put up by Amal Medhi in his Facebook account. He depicted the Modi government’s flagship program “Make in India” in it by showcasing that the Foreign Investors are benefiting from it, leaving nothing to the people of India. This cartoon of Amal Medhi was later on photoshopped by some people to propagate their ideology during the elections.
Hence, the political cartoon criticizing the Indian National Congress party isn’t by the American Cartoonist Ben Garrison and the original cartoon had some other content.


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Political Contributions by Yes Bank Defaulter groups
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
May 7, 2020
The finance minister mentioned the names of some of the defaulters of Yes Bank in a recent press conference. We track if these companies or their group concerns have donated to political parties in the past.
Following the recent Yes Bank crisis, the Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman had briefed media on the crisis and named some of the top defaulters of the bank. During the briefing, the Finance Minister highlighted that Yes Bank gave loans to ‘very stressed corporates’ before 2014 and mentions Anil Ambani Group (Reliance Group), Essel Group (of Subhash Chandra), DHFL (Dewan Housing Finance Corp. Ltd.), Infrastructure Leasing & Financial Services Ltd. and Vodafone as some of the defaulters.
In a media briefing, Aam Aadmi Party leader Sanjay Singh claimed that the defaulters of Yes Bank are friends of BJP. He outlined some of the major defaulters of yes bank, as outlined by the Finance Minister in her briefing, and juxtaposes it with their contributions to BJP.
In another statement, Kirit Somaiya, Founder-President of IGF, former BJP MP and current Vice President of BJP’s Maharashtra Unit, enlisted the names of 10 companies which are the major defaulters as: Reliance Anil Dhirubhai Ambani Group, Essel Group, DHFL Group, IL&FS, Jet Airways, Cox & Kings, Go Travel, B M Khaitan Group, Omkar Realtors, Radius Developers, CG Power Thapar Group.
As there are no other official statements or a press release on the names of Yes bank defaulters, we take cue from the above statement and trace the political contributions of these top defaulter groups to major political parties. The collection of information in this regard is not an exhaustive exercise as only the name of top defaulters has been revealed in the public domain. Given the available names, we have checked the donations made to political parties with connections to these defaulters. There are two types of connections:
The data has been sourced from Election Commission website – contribution reports of political parties and electoral trusts. The master data for all registered companies was sourced from Ministry of Corporate Affair’s website to understand common directorships companies and larger defaulter groups.
Please note: The data below is not an exhaustive compilation, as many companies and their connections to the defaulter groups could not be clearly established. The tables display only those companies for whom the connection could be established with available data in the public domain. We have also left out donations made by these companies/groups to electoral trusts who in turn donated to various political parties.
Contributions to BJP by defaulter Groups
The total contribution to Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) from Yes Bank defaulter groups amounts to ₹ 15,80,80,000 i.e. around 15.81 crores.
Financial Year
Donor Name
Contribution to Political Party (in ₹)
YES Bank Defaulter Group
2007-08
Essel Corporate Resource Pvt. Ltd.
30,000
Essel Group
2014-15
RKW Developers Pvt. Ltd
10,00,00,000
DHFL Group
2014-15
Radius Developers LLP
50,00,000
Radius Developers
2015-16
Pan India Paryatan Limited
50,000
Essel Group
2016-17
Essel Infra Projects Ltd
1,00,00,000
Essel Group
Omkar Realtors and Developers Pvt Ltd
1,50,00,000
Omkar Realtors and Developers
Zee Entertainment Enterprises Ltd
2,00,00,000
Essel Group
Dish TV
50,00,000
Essel Group
Pan India Network Ltd.
30,00,000
Essel Group
Essel Corporate Resource Pvt. Ltd. is mentioned the Essel Group’s website and the company shares common directorships with Essel Group companies listed here. Pan India Paryatan Limited, Essel Infra Projects Ltd, Zee Entertainment Enterprises Ltd, Dish TV, and Pan India Network Ltd. are part of the Essel Group companies listed here. RKW Developers Pvt. Ltd is a DHFL group company. It shares common directorships with DHFL group companies listed here. Radius Developers LLP is the company name of Radius Developers. Omkar Realtors and Developers Pvt Ltd is the company name of Omkar Realtors and Developers.
Contributions to INC by defaulter Groups
The total contribution to Indian National Congress (INC) from Yes Bank defaulter groups amounts to ₹ 10 lakhs.
Financial Year
Donor Name
Contribution to Political Party (in ₹)
YES Bank Defaulter
2015-16
Jetair Pvt Ltd
10,00,000
Jet Airways
Jetair Pvt Ltd is mentioned as a group company of Jet Airways, as listed here.
Contributions to Shiv Sena by defaulter Groups
The total contribution to Shiv Sena from Yes Bank defaulter groups amounts to ₹ 10 lakhs.
Financial Year
Donor Name
Contribution to Political Party(in ₹)
YES Bank Defaulter
2016-17
Omkar Ventures Pvt Ltd
10,00,000
Omkar Realtors and Developers
Omkar Realtors and Developers Pvt Ltd is the company name of Omkar Realtors and Developers.
Contributions to MNS and NCP by defaulter Groups
The contribution to Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) from Yes Bank defaulter group amounts to ₹ 25 lakhs and to Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) amounts to ₹ 16 lakhs.
Financial Year
Donor Name
Contribution to Political Party (in ₹)
YES Bank Defaulter
MNS
2014-15
Radius Developers LLP
25,00,000
Radius Developers
NCP
2017-18
Radius Estate & Developers Pvt Ltd
16,00,000
Radius Developers
Radius Developers LLP is the company name of Radius Developers. Radius Estate & Developers Pvt Ltd shares common directorships with Radius Developers LLP.
Featured Image: Yes Bank Defaulter groups


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Political donations from Electoral Bonds are 10 times of Electoral Trusts
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
February 28, 2020
Access here Comprehensive Data on Electoral Bonds (as of February 2024)
Electoral
Trusts were introduced in 2013 to provide another way for donations to
political parties. While the contributions to electoral trusts increased till
2016-17, they have gone down ever since. In 2018-19, donations through
anonymous electoral bonds are 10 times the contributions received by electoral
trusts.
TheElectoral Trust Scheme was
introduced in January 2013, which created a provision forpolitical parties to receive funding through these Electoral Trusts. Since theinception, the electoral trusts formed a major part of the funding received bythe political parties.
AnElectoral trust is deemed as a company registered under Companies Act, 1956 andcan receive donations from an individual, company or association. These fundsare required to be disbursed among the political parties who meet the criteriaset by the respective trusts. While, one gets to know the names of thecontributor as well as the beneficiaries, Electoral trusts do create anintermediate layer that makes it difficult to  identify correlation between the donor &the beneficiary.
Meanwhile,Electoral Bonds were introduced in January
2018 and have become a key part of funding
received by political parties with around ₹ 6 thousand croresworth of electoral bonds sold since their introduction.
Inthis story, we analyse the trends in donations received by electoral trusts andtheir disbursal to political parties, especially in the context of theintroduction of electoral bonds as a source of political party funding.
Only
5 trusts have declared the receipt of contributions in 2018-19
There are a total of 26 approved electoral trusts which are registered with Central Boardof Direct Taxes (CBDT) as of 19 February 2020.
As per the guidelines laid out in Electoral Trusts Scheme 2013,the approval provided to a registered Electoral trust is valid for the sameassessment year relevant to the financial year in which the application wasmade. It can be extended to a period of three assessment years. Hence, it isrequired for the electoral trusts to apply for registration once the approvalperiod is completed.
As per Association for Democratic Reform’s ’Analysis of Contribution Reports of
Electoral Trusts – FY 2018-19’, registration of 4 of these 21 trusts were notrenewed as on 02 December 2019. A total of 15 trusts have submitted theircontribution reports to Election Commission of India (ECI)
for 2018-19,while 5 trusts have declared the receipts of contributions from individuals& corporate houses.
The five Electoral trusts which have receivedcontributions in 2018-19 include – Prudent, AB General, New Democratic, Samajand Janhit.
In 2018-19, around 70% of the total contributions
to Electoral trusts was to a single trust
The five Electoral trusts have received a totalof ₹ 252 crores of which they have managed to disburse ₹ 251.55 crores i.e.around 99.85% of the total contributions received in 2018-19. Electoral trustsare required to disburse minimum of 95% of the total income received in thecurrent financial year, to the political parties. A major portion of the totalwas received by Prudent Electoral Trust with ₹ 182.33 crores followed by A.B.General which received ₹ 57.25 crores. This is in line with previous year wherein Prudent ET (Satya) received ₹ 169 crores out of the total 194 croresreceived by all the electoral trusts in 2017-18.
Inconsistent trend in the volume of
contribution received by Electoral trusts
The highest amount of contributions received byElectoral trusts during the 6-year period of their existence was in 2016-17,where in a total of ₹ 325.45 crores were received, and ₹ 325.27 crores wasdisbursed to political parties. During all these years, the disbursalpercentage has been higher than 99.8%, more than the minimum required 95%.
In 2013-14, when Electoral Trusts Scheme wasintroduced, there was only one electoral trust- Satya Electoral Trust whichreceived the contribution which amounted to ₹ 85.4 crores. In the next year,the amount more than doubled to ₹ 177.55 crores. received by 6 Electoral trustsalbeit Satya E.T being the highest receiver. There was a sharp fall for 2015-16with only two electoral trusts declaring to have received contributionsamounting to a total of ₹ 49.5 crores.
This was followed by the high in 2016-17 ashighlighted earlier. In 2016-17, 6 Electoral Trusts have stated to havereceived contributions in the reports submitted. The highest contribution wasreceived by Prudent Electoral Trust to the tune of 283.7 crores. This trust wasearlier known as Satya Electoral Trust; therefore, it continues to be the trustreceiving the major share of contributions.
Electoral Trusts received lesser funding inboth 2017-18 and 2018-19. In 2017-18, 5 electoral trusts have receivedcontributions amounting to ₹ 193.78 crores. This has increased in 2018-19, with₹ 252 crores received by 5 electoral trusts. 2018-19 also happens to be theyear with second highest total amount received by electoral trusts.
Corporates are the major donors to Electoral Trusts
As per the contribution reports submitted byElectoral Trusts in 2018-19, only two individual donors are reported to havemade contributions with the rest of the contributions from corporates orassociations. The contributions made by these two individuals was ₹ 50 lakhs &₹ 11 lakhs, and both of the contributions made to Prudent Electoral Trusts.
For the year 2017-18, 71% of the 194 croresreceived by electoral trusts was contributed by top 10 donors.
2016-17, which is the year with the highestcontribution to Electoral trusts has 58% of the total contribution receivedfrom the top 10 donors.
BJP is the major beneficiary of the funds
disbursed by electoral trusts
Over the six-year period between  2013-14 and 2018-19, a total of ₹758.5 croreswere disbursed by various Electoral Trusts to BJP. The second highestbeneficiary is Indian National Congress which received less than 1/5 of the funds received by BJP with ₹ 140.7 crores. A major chunk of this isduring 2018-19 when Congress Party received ₹ 43 crores. Among the othernational parties, NCP received ₹14.2 crores over the years.
Few of the regional parties were disbursed morefunds by Electoral trusts especially during election years. Biju Janata Dalreceived the highest funds from electoral trusts among the regional partieswith ₹ 48.5 crores, of which ₹ 27 crores were received from A.B GeneralElectoral Trust in 2018-19.
The three major regional parties in the twoTelugu speaking states of A.P & Telangana have received considerableamounts from Electoral trusts in 2018-19 when assembly elections were held. YSRCP,TDP and TRS received ₹ 27 crores, ₹ 25 crores and ₹ 16.2 crores respectively fromthese electoral trusts.
Most of the electoral trusts have not received
any contributions
As highlighted earlier in the story, 10 out ofthe 21 electoral trusts in 2018-19 have stated that they have not received anycontribution. This is continuation of a trend since the introduction ofelectoral trusts in 2013-14.
Every year, many of the Electoral Trusts havereported as not receiving any funds. While the number of trusts who have notsubmitted the contribution reports is higher than earlier, even among the onesthat have submitted the contribution reports, many of them have not receivedany contributions.
As observed by ADR in their report, 6 Electoral trusts have not received anydonations since the time of registration.
Only Prudent Electoral Trust (earlier known asSatya Electoral Trust) has not only submitted the contribution reports everyyear but also has received contributions every year.
Electoral Trusts receive significantly lesser
contributions compared to Electoral Bonds
The highest amount received by Electoral Trustsin a financial year was ₹ 325.5 crores in the year 2016-17. This was prior tothe introduction of Electoral Bond scheme in January 2018.  For 2017-18, ₹220 crores worth of ElectoralBonds was purchased which is higher than the amount received by ElectoralTrusts in that financial year i.e. ₹ 194.1 crores.
Although the Electoral Trusts received a higheramount in 2018-19 with ₹ 252 crores, the total amount of Electoral Bonds purchasedin that financial year is ₹ 2,550.78 crores i.e. around 10 times thecontribution received by the electoral trusts.
The contributions received by electoral trustsfor 2019-20 can only be ascertained after submission of contribution reports inlater part of the 2020. Meanwhile, a sum of ₹ 3,355.93 crores worth ofElectoral Bonds have already been purchased in 2019-20 by end of 12 phase i.e. 01 Oct – 10 Oct’2019. There was another batch of Electoral Bondssale in January 2020, whose details have been sought by Factly under RTI. It ispossible that the contributions to electoral trusts might further reduce in2019-20 and they may be only a fraction of the amount through electoral bonds.
There is a dire need for greater transparency
A major portion of the electoral trustsreporting as not receiving any contributions does raise questions about the veryexistence of such electoral trusts, as the main purpose is to receivecontributions from various sources and disburse them among the politicalparties. Further-more few of the electoral trusts not even submitting thecontribution reports also increases the ambiguity surrounding them.
As in the case of electoral bonds, citizens will get to know aboutthe beneficiaries of disbursement by electoral trusts only after about 6 monthsfrom the end of a financial year, which defeats the entire purpose of electoralfunding transparency.
It is early to ascertain the impact of introduction of electoral bonds on electoral trusts since it has been only two years since their introduction. However, it does appear that corporates and other donors are favouring electoral bonds for political donations because of the inbuilt anonymity. Electoral Trusts which started to gain more traction in 2016-17, have seen a fall in subsequent year post the introduction of Electoral Bonds. Although the value did increase the next year, the corresponding amount for electoral bonds is much higher. This increase can also be attributed to 2018-19 being the year of General Elections as well as key assembly elections. The real effect of electoral bonds on electoral trusts can only be ascertained after few more years.

created: February 28, 2020