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Here are the states that consume most Chemical Pesticide for Agriculture
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
July 31, 2020
The government recently banned 27 pesticides based on the recommendations of the Anupam Verma committee. But what is the consumption pattern of chemical pesticides across states? Which are the states that consume most pesticides?
The Ministry of Agriculture issued a draft order, ‘Banning of Insecticides Order, 2020’, in May this year which prohibits the manufacture, sale, and use of 27 pesticides in India as they were likely to involve risk to human being and animals. The list includes pesticides which have been banned in the European Union,  like Monocrotophos which has been classified by WHO as highly hazardous. The pesticide is banned in 122 countries and was also found to have led to the pesticides poisoning deaths of farmers in Maharashtra. Methomyl and Carbofuran have also been labelled as extremely toxic by WHO. Even Malathion and Chloropyriphos which are used to counter locust infestations as per the Ministry’s contingency plan, are part of the list.
The Anupam Verma committee recommended the ban on the 27 pesticides
The ban on the 27 pesticides follows from the Anupam Verma Committee Report constituted in 2013 to review 66 insecticides that were banned or restricted in other countries but continue to be registered for domestic use in India. The committee has cited ‘Required data not submitted’ as one of the reasons behind the ban of some of the pesticides in the list. Availability of alternatives has also been considered. In 2016, in a similar move, the Verma committee recommended a ban on 18 pesticides which came into effect from  2018.
Source: Banning of insecticides order, 2020
PMFAI claims that the move would lead to a loss of Rs. 6000 crores
Most of the pesticides in the list are those which are commonly used by the farmers for a long time. The proposed ban has been opposed by Pesticides Manufacturers & Formulators Association of India (PMFAI) as per news reports, as the ban would result in a loss up to Rs. 6000 crores. It further added that these generic pesticide formulations which are proposed to be banned were affordable as it costs between Rs. 350 to Rs. 450 per litre. As per PMFAI, the price of the alternatives can be as high as Rs. 1,200 to Rs. 2,000 per litre. Meanwhile, environmentalists and civil society welcome the ban since these pesticides are toxic for people, aquatic life, animals, and the environment.
Insecticides Act, 1968 governs the use of insecticides in India
The use, sale, manufacture, import, export, transportation, and distribution of insecticides or pesticides is governed by the Insecticides Act, 1968. Under the Consumer Protection Act, 1986, the farmer as a consumer can claim compensation for losses.
As on 30 June 2020, 273 pesticides are registered for use in India with and without restrictions. A total of 746 formulations are registered in the country. Only 71 formulation of combination pesticides is approved, that is, mixing of different pesticides should be done in a specified ratio as given in the list. Similar restrictions are listed for herbicides and fungicides as well. At the same time, 40 pesticides are banned in India for manufacture, import, and use including Endosulfan which was used in cashew plantations and is alleged to have led to congenital deformities and even deaths in the Kasargod district of Kerala.
Captafol 80% Powder and Nicotine Sulfate are banned for use within the country but manufacture for export is permitted. Monocrotophos and Dichloro Diphenyl Trichloroethane (commonly known as DDT) are among nine pesticides which have restrictions for domestic use in the country. For instance, Monocrotophos is banned for use on vegetables while the use of DDT for the domestic Public Health Programme is restricted up to 10,000 Metric Tonnes per annum, except in case of any major outbreak of epidemic.
Jammu and Kashmir has reported the highest consumption of pesticides per lakh hectares in 2015-16
We analysed data for the year 2015-16 and came up with state wise consumption of pesticides per lakh hectares. This has been calculated as the ratio of net pesticide consumption in metric tonnes to gross cropped area (in Lakh hectares). Gross cropped area is the total area sown once as well as more than once in a particular year. If a certain piece of land is sown twice a year, then the area is counted twice in the calculation of gross cropped area. The gross cropped area is considered here since the use of pesticides is for each batch of crops and not for the piece of land. The latest data on gross cropped area is available for all states only up to 2015-16.
The ratio for 2015-16 reveals that Jammu and Kashmir consumed the highest quantity of pesticides per lakh hectares followed by Punjab, Haryana, Maharashtra, and Himachal Pradesh. Madhya Pradesh, Assam, Rajasthan, Bihar, and Karnataka were among the lowest consumption states. However, it cannot be concluded that the consumption rate is still at the same levels since the area under cultivation in each state has changed compared to 2015-16 owing to multiple such as climate variability, farming techniques, availability of irrigation facilities & water and other technical factors which vary each year.
Maharashtra which accounts for the most farmer suicides, also tops consumption of pesticides
On the other hand, the net consumption of pesticides irrespective of area under cultivation is the highest in Maharashtra with over 11,746 MT consumed in 2018-19. Incidentally, Maharashtra also continues to report the highest number of suicides in the agricultural sector.  Deliberate ingestion of pesticides is a common means of suicide in India and other developing countries.
Data suggests that in the last five years between 2014-15 and 2018-19, the net consumption of pesticides has gone up in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Telangana and Jammu and Kashmir while it has reduced in the states of Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, and Rajasthan.
Pesticides have harmful implications on environment, and human health
Pesticides are useful in getting rid of pests to ensure high yields and hence greater production. The chemicals act as a control on vector-borne diseases by killing the vectors. However, the negative impacts are in plenty as well.
Pesticides have resulted in deaths worldwide and even the reason for chronic diseases. Farmers and workers involved in the manufacturing of pesticides are the ones who are directly exposed to the toxic chemicals. The residue stuck to food grains and crop produce could be dangerous for consumers and can cause illnesses. The leakage of methyl isocyanate that claimed thousands of lives and continues to be reason congenital deformities among children in Bhopal is an example of the disastrous consequences of toxic chemicals. Cancer, neurological, cardiovascular, and respiratory diseases are among the health risks caused due to exposure to pesticides.
The impact on the environment also cannot be ignored. Contamination of water bodies- both surface and groundwater, is a major concern. Not only does this affect aquatic life, but microorganisms that play a vital role in maintaining a balance in the ecosystem are also killed. Other animals too fall prey to pesticides.
Like overuse of fertilizers, overuse of pesticides results in unbalanced pH level of soil and affects its fertility. Farmer suicides and corporate monopoly are some of the other issues linked to pesticides beyond the direct consequences on humans and environment. Globally, around 14% to 20% of suicides annually are due to self-poisoning using pesticides. The numbers were as high as 3.71 Lakh deaths every year in late 1990s. Bans and restrictions imposed by governments in the usage of highly hazardous pesticides have proved to be useful in reducing the number of suicides in many south Asian countries without affecting their agricultural output.
Promotion of bio-pesticides to check increased pesticide usage
In order to check the quality of pesticides, both central and state governments conduct inspections at regular intervals. The central government promotes sustainable agriculture and encourages the use of biopesticides through organic farming schemes of Paramparagat Krishi Vikas Yojana (PKVY) and Mission Organic Value Chain Development for North Eastern Region (MOVCDNER). Educational programs are held for farmers to shift to eco-friendly products. ICAR and state agriculture universities are also working on developing biopesticides. However, the increased pesticide usage in some states indicates that a lot more needs to be done.
Featured Image: Chemical Pesticides for Agriculture


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Higher number of cases, significantly fewer deaths is the story of the current wave of COVID-19 across US & Europe
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
September 3, 2021
US, UK, and some of the European countries are some of the worst affected by COVID-19 in 2020. However, with high vaccination rates, though these countries are witnessing an increase in the number of cases, there are significantly fewer deaths.
Data from across the world indicate another round of increase in the number of COVID-19 positive cases. This increase in the number of cases can be referred to as a third wave or in some countries the fourth or fifth wave of COVID-19 infection spread. This increase comes on the back of a decrease in cases for many months.
In many of the countries, the second wave of COVID-19 was more severe in terms of the total number of COVID-19 positive cases as well as the total death toll. In a few of these countries, this period also coincided with the early days of vaccination. The fall in numbers after the second wave was attributed to an extent to vaccination carried out by various countries. However, the rising numbers in recent weeks are a cause of concern as breakthrough cases are being reported across the world. Breakthrough cases refer to those cases where a person tests positive for COVID-19 even after two doses of the vaccine.
But what is the severity of the third wave of COVD-19 infection? How are the numbers related to the deaths and fatality rates compared to the earlier waves? Is there a correlation between vaccination & fatality rates?  In this two-part series, we look at these numbers from multiple countries that represent two broad groups.
In the first story, we look at few countries with a higher proportion of the population receiving at least a single dose of the vaccine and whose third & fourth waves look better in terms of death rates compared to the previous waves.
We collated data available on Ourworldindata.org, which has consolidated the information from official sources of the respective countries across the world. For daily cases & deaths, we considered a 10-day average.
Fewer COVID-19 cases and deaths during the third wave in the USA
During the Second wave of COVID-19 infection in the USA, the number of daily COVID-19 cases (10-day average) peaked at around 2.45 lakh cases during mid-January 2021. During this period, the number of daily deaths was also at a high of around 3.5 thousand deaths.  These numbers were considerably higher than the first wave when the number of daily cases peaked at 65 thousand and the deaths around 1.1 thousand.
However, there was a significant improvement in the fatality rate during the second wave when it reduced to around 1.7% during the peak of the second wave, compared to around 3.5% during the peak of the first wave. Although the fatality rate increased in the USA after the second wave subsided, it was largely due to the lower number of new cases being added which has skewed the fatality rate.
During the third wave, the number of daily cases is comparatively lower than that of the second wave. Currently, the number of daily cases ranges from around 1.5 to 1.6 lakh with the number of daily deaths around 1 thousand.
It remains to be seen if this is the peak or the numbers would further increase. On the other hand, the fatality rate is around 1.65% which is lower than the peak of the second wave.
Currently, around 61% of the US population has received at least one dose of vaccination, while around 52% of the population is completely vaccinated. It ought to be noted that the vaccination did not begin at full scale during the second wave. In terms of the adult population (18+), 74% received at least one dose and 64% are fully vaccinated.
It is still early days to draw an exact correlation between the reduced fatality rates and the scale of vaccination. However, the declining trend in fatality rates is visible. Moreover, fewer numbers during the third wave in California & New York compared to earlier do indicate the efficacy of the vaccine to an extent.
The increase in cases is driven by the numbers in Florida & Texas. Although the share of those who are fully vaccinated in these states is only slightly less than in New York & California, there are reports of higher levels of vaccine hesitancy in these two states.
UK & France experiencing the fourth wave but with a reduced fatality rate
After China, the western European countries including France, Spain, Italy & UK were among the countries worst affected by the COVID-19 outbreak starting early 2020.  The Second & third waves in these countries were reported earlier than in the rest of the world. While the USA is still experiencing the third wave and India is currently in the post-second wave period, most of the Western European countries have entered a fourth wave.
France
France is currently going through a waning fourth wave, with the peak reached around mid-August 2021.  At the peak during the fourth wave, the number of daily cases was around 25 thousand. During the second and third waves, the peak was around 50 thousand and 40 thousand cases per day respectively.
United Kingdom
The death toll due to COVID-19 was very high in the United Kingdom during the first two waves. During the peak of the first wave, the number of daily deaths were around 1000. This was also evident in the high fatality rate by the beginning of the second wave.
As in the case of France, the number of deaths due to COVID-19 during the recent waves has been significantly lower than earlier, clearly demonstrating the efficacy of the vaccines in preventing severe disease and death.
A similar trend is visible in Spain & Italy, where the number of deaths is significantly lower during the recent waves of COVID-19 compared to the earlier waves.
Fewer deaths despite increasing COVID-19 numbers coincides with a higher Vaccination rate
In all these countries analysed in this story, the common factors are;
All these indicate that the vaccines may be helping reduce severe cases & deaths. While there has not been a significant fall in the number of cases (possibly due to new variants), the stark decline in fatality indicates that countries with high-level vaccination are able to prevent deaths.
However, this analysis will be incomplete unless the data for the countries with lower vaccination is also analysed. In the next story, we look at a few of the countries which are facing a more severe third wave and low vaccination rates.

source: news-factly

created: September 3, 2021

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Sai Krishna Muthyanolla


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Data: Household financial liabilities decline sharply in 2019-20
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
September 9, 2020
Household savings are the key to savings in India. RBI’s annual report for 2019-20 indicates that the Net Financial Savings of Households reached 7.6% of the Gross National Disposable Income (GNDI) in 2019-20. However, this was largely on account of the sharp decline in financial liabilities than an increase in gross savings.
The Household sector is the major contributor towards the gross savings in the Indian economy, and thus is the major supplier of financial resources for investments. As per an article ‘Quarterly Estimates of Households’ Financial Assets and Liabilities’ in the RBI’s June 2020 bulletin, nearly 60% of the gross savings in India is through household sector.  Hence the dynamics of assets and liabilities of households can offer insights into the prevailing situation of the Indian economy.
In this story, we take a look at the trends in financial savings of the household sector based on RBI annual reports and other relevant data, to ascertain the trajectory of India’s economic growth.
Substantial increase in the Net Financial Savings of Household sector in 2019-20
As per data provided in RBI Annual Reports, the Net Financial Savings (NFS) in 2019-20 as per preliminary estimates is 7.6% of the Gross National Disposable Income (GNDI).  This is a substantial increased compared to previous financial year, where in Household NFS was 6.4% of GNDI. In fact, the savings in 2018-19 was the lowest recorded during in the current GDP series (i.e. from 2011-12). The earlier lowest was in 2014-15 when Household NFS was 6.8% of GNDI. The preliminary estimate for 2019-20 at 7.6% will place it at par with 2017-18, which also happens to be the second-best year in terms of savings in the current GDP series after 2015-16’s NFS at 7.9% of GNDI.
Fall in bank deposits with no significant increase in Gross Financial Savings
House Holds’ Net Financial Savings is derived as a difference of the Household Gross Financial Savings (GFS) during the year and Household Gross Financial Labilities. Hence the NFS is the result of two dynamics i.e. Gross savings and Gross liabilities. While, the NFS as a share of GNDI has seen a significant improvement in 2019-20 compared that of last year, it is not due to a proportionate increase in the Gross Financials Savings. As per RBI’s data, Household GFS for 2019-20 is 10.5% of GNDI. This is a marginal improvement over last year when it was 10.4 % of GNDI.
A deeper look into the various components of Gross Financial Savings indicates varying trends.
The increase in NFS is due to the fall in Household Financial Liabilities
As the data indicates, the increase in Household Net Financial Savings is not due to a relative increase in the Gross financial savings for 2019-20. The increase is the result of a major shift in the other factor i.e. Household Financial liabilities.
The preliminary estimates peg Household Financial liabilities at 2.9% of GNDI for 2019-20. This is a sharp fall from 4% the previous year. The estimate for 2019-20 is in continuation of the decreasing trend, wherein share of Financial liabilities in GNDI fell from 4.3% in 2017-18. The fall in liabilities indicates lesser propensity of people to borrow especially in view of a slowdown in the economy. In a growing economy, people are more encouraged to borrow as they have the confidence to pay it back.
On the contrary, uncertainty in the economy makes people to be more conservative with the money they have or less optimistic of future earnings, thereby avoiding the risks of borrowing.
The low consumer confidence is also evident from the quarterly surveys conducted by RBI earlier.
Lower consumer demand indicates slowdown in economy even prior to COVID-19
While the annual comparison shows a fall in the financial liabilities, the quarter-wise data indicates a different trend.  As per the information provided in RBI’s article ‘Quarterly Estimates of Households’, the Financial labilities in Q1 of 2019-20 was in negative value. In terms of volume it was ‘-0.18 lakh crores’ i.e. -0.4 % of GNDI.
The article attributes this negative observed in Q1 of 2019-20 to the fall in the borrowings from commercial banks.  However, post the first quarter of 2019-20, there is a gradual increase in the financial labilities in the subsequent quarters. The overall financial labilities increased from Rs. 1.38 lakh crores in Q2 and peaked to Rs. 2.64 lakh crores in Q4.
One of the reasons for the increase can be attributed to the seasonal trends, where in the borrowings tend to increase during Q4 and tend to moderate during the first quarter.
A quarter by quarter comparison with previous year does indicate a contraction, which further strengthens the argument that people are being risk averse.
In India, the COVID-19 induced lockdown was implemented during March-2020 and continued for the next couple of months. However, as noted earlier, the negative sentiment in the economy was there even prior to Q4 of 2019-20, indicating a slow-down in the economy before COVID-19.
The recently released GDP figures for Q1 of 2020-21 indicate a severe contraction of the economy. In this context, the impact on COVID-19 on the household sector is yet to be seen. With the fall in incomes, there could be a fall in the financial assets being created. We could also witness a scenario where in people are forced to go for borrowings in view of the COVID-19 related hardships. Decrease in savings and increase in liabilities could result in a fall in net financial savings for 2020-21.
Featured Image: Household financial liabilities

created: September 9, 2020


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Data: How Did Share of Women MPs & Contestants Change in Lok Sabha Over the Years? - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
September 26, 2023
With the passage of Women’s Reservation Bill, to be implemented post new Census Data & Delimitation, the number & share of Women MPs & MLAs is expected to significantly increase. But what has been the trend in the share of women MPs & contestants over the years?
In the special session of the Parliament of India held from 18 to 22 September 2023, the Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Eighth Amendment) Bill, 2023 was passed by both the Houses. The Women’s Reservation Bill which is also referred to as Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam aims to reserve 33% seats for women in Lok Sabha and state Legislative Assemblies. The same is also applicable to the seats reserved for SCs and STs in Lok Sabha and state legislatures. It was approved by the Rajya Sabha after a division vote in which 214 members voted in favour of the Bill while none voted against it. The Lok Sabha also passed the Bill with near unanimous support.
It is also the first bill to have been passed in the new Parliament building. The passage of the Bill has been considered “a defining moment in our nation’s democratic journey!” by the Prime Minister in his tweet. UN Women also hailed India’s passage of the Women’s Reservation Bill and added that India is one of 64 countries around the world that have reserved seats for women in their national Parliaments.
In this story, we delve into the statistics concerning women’s representation in the Lok Sabha. In the subsequent part of the story, we look at the data about women’s representation in state assemblies across India.
The Bill will be effective after the Census data is published & delimitation taken up
The 33% reservation for women will be effective after the census data for the proposed 2021 is published. This will be followed by delimitation or fixing boundaries for constituencies for Lok Sabha and State Assembly constituencies on the basis of the Census to reserve seats for women. The reservation will be provided for an initial period of fifteen years. Nonetheless, it would continue till such a date as determined by a law made by Parliament. Furthermore, the seats reserved for women will be rotated after each delimitation, as determined by a law made by Parliament.
The 73rd and 74th Amendments passed in 1993, which devolved multiple functions to the rural & urban local bodies, reserve one-third of seats for women in these bodies to enhance women’s involvement in decision-making processes at the grassroots level. The Constitution also provides for the reservation of seats in Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) in proportion to their population. However, the Constitution does not provide for the reservation of seats for women in the Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies. Since then, Bills for amending the Constitution for this purpose have been introduced multiple times but failed to pass, until 2023.
India had highest number of women MPs in Lok Sabha in 2019
As per the Women and Men in India report, 2020, from the second Lok Sabha in 1957 that had 27 women MPs, the number of women MPs has increased almost three times to 78 in the current Lok Sabha. (Data categorized by sex is not available for the first Lok Sabha). 2019 saw the highest number of women MPs in the Lower House of the Parliament. Including 31 Rajya Sabha members, India has more than 100 women MPs in the Parliament.
14.4% of MPs are women in Lok Sabha
In terms of both number and share, the rise in numbers has been steady over the 7 decades. The share of women MPs has increased from about 5.5% in 1957 to 14.4% in 2019. Since 2009, the share has been above 10%. There is a marked and steady increase from 1991 onwards to the present Lok Sabha, except for a dip during the 14 Lok Sabha (2004).
As of 09 December 2022, the percentage share of women elected to the Lok Sabha stood higher than the national average share of women elected to state assemblies, according to a parliament response. The share of women elected to state assemblies was lower than 14% in 30 out of 31 states/UTs. Only Chhattisgarh (2018) had a representation of more than 14%. The year of the last General Election to the Legislative Assembly was considered to calculate the percentage share of seats won by women.  These figures are way lower than the 33% proposed in the Bill.
Women contestants in elections have increased 16-fold since 1957
Women’s participation in the elections to the Lower House has improved over the years. In 1957, only about 45 women had contested in the elections while in 2019, the number was 724, the highest ever. This is a 16-fold increase. During the same period, the number of men who contested rose nearly 5 times from 1,473 to 7,296.
Winning share of women has always been higher than their male counterparts
The winning share of women is the number of women who won the elections against the total number of women contestants. Likewise, for men, it is the number of men who won elections against the number of men who contested.
The winning share of women has always been higher than that of men. The winning share for women was 60% in 1957. That is 6 out of 10 women who had contested won the elections. For men, it was around 31%. The winning share for women was 50% in the subsequent elections held in 1962 and 24% for men. In the 1984 elections, the winning share for women was almost 3 times that of men. However, the winning share has dropped gradually for both men and women as more & more people started contesting elections. In the last 3 elections – 2009, 2014, and 2019, the winning share for men has been around 6% while it was about 10% for women. This indicates that women either had a better chance of winning from the seats that they stood from, or women were given tickets where they had a higher chance of winning.
Women’s parliamentary representation is critical for gender equality
Women’s representation in parliament is a crucial step forward for empowering women, achieving gender equality, promoting social justice, and addressing a wide range of issues that impact both women and society as a whole. With respect to women’s representation in the Lok Sabha, there has been considerable improvement over the years. However, despite women making up roughly half the population, their representation in the parliament is still low. The recent bill will hopefully change this.

created: September 26, 2023


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Data: How did the words used in the name of a Political Party evolve in the last 70 years?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
August 21, 2020
There is very much in a name, especially if it is a political party. Names define & bring instant recall value to political parties. But what does the data tell us about the evolution of words used in the name of the political party in India over the last 7 decades? Which words are on the rise and which ones are disappearing?
The phrase ‘What’s in a name’ is used often to highlight the arbitrary nature of a name. But it does not hold true when the names of the political parties are being discussed, especially in India. A political party’s name represents the purpose and the idea of those who are associated with the party and helps to communicate these values to others.
Along with the party symbol, the name of the party is critical in recognition and establishing the connect with the electorate. Hence Political parties lay a lot of emphasis on the name of the party. Recognizing the importance attached to the name and the impact it could have, the Election Commission of India (ECI) has set certain rules for naming convention.
But what are the words preferred by political parties in India? We answer this question by looking at the names of all the political parties that contested the Lok Sabha elections in India from 1951 to 2019.
ECI bars political parties from having caste & religion in the name
Section 29A of Representation of People Act, 1951 requires all the political parties to be registered with ECI. Providing Name of the Political Party is a mandatory requirement. As per the amended guidelines provided by ECI for Party registration, it is categorically specified that the Name of the Party should not have any religious, caste or communal reference.
The rules for naming convention also stress upon, the name being clearly different from the name of any of the existing parties .
This differentiation for the name has been earlier made clear in an earlier order of the ECI dated 25 May 2014.
The ECI’s order further takes cognizance of a practice where in a translated version of the existing names are being used to register a new party. It was recognized that this practice can provide an undue advantage to the new parties and can have an adverse effect on the existing ones. Hence, ECI has decided that any new name of the political party cannot be a translation of the name of any existing recognized National/State political party in any language – English, Hindi or regional languages.
To sum up, the names of the political parties:
The ECI being so specific about the naming convention of a political party highlights the importance of the name and also the extent to which political parties go to gain political advantage through the name.
But what are the names that Indian Political parties feel would have more resonance with public? Do the names over the years point to any shift in ideology? Do the names reflect any trends and preference during a specific period?
We did an analysis on the Names of the Political parties, taking into consideration all the political parties, including the National & State parties which have contested in the Lok Sabha elections from 1951 to the latest i.e. 2019. The data for this analysis is collated from the statistical reports of the Lok Sabha elections available on the ECI website.
‘Bharatiya’ & ‘India’ the most used words in naming political parties
The mostly frequently used words in naming a political party have a national connotation to them.
The national connotation in political party names is more  pronounced in the last three decades
The number of political parties contesting the Lok Sabha elections has significantly increased since the 1990s. Hence there is a general increase in the number of times a word is being used in naming of the party during the past three decades compared to that of the early decades after independence.
There is an overall dichotomy that can be observed in the naming trends. While there is an increase in the number of parties using the words with a national attribute, there is also a corresponding increase in the numbers for words which are more specifically attributed to a specific community, social group or geographical region.
Featured Image: Name of a Political Party


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Data: How Does Employment From Skill Development Schemes Compare With EPFO Payroll Data?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
January 19, 2023
Government implements multiple skill development schemes through MSDE and other ministries. Some of these schemes mandate employment as an outcome. Data indicates that about 20.75 lakh persons gained employment through PMKVY & DDU-GKY between 2018-19 & 2021-22. This is about 4.7% of the new EPFO subscribers during this period.
Our lives are undeniably intertwined with the way we are paid. In a society that is marked by rapid advancements in technology, skill development remains the most appropriate way to remain relevant in the labour market. Hence, being in harmony with the market requirements becomes of utmost importance. “Skills don’t die, only people do,’ said Anas Hamshari, establishing the importance of skilling in life.
Skill development perpetuates a virtuous cycle, wherein highly skilled labour enables a boost in productivity thereby enhancing economic growth. Countries are beginning to realize the potential of a highly skilled workforce in achieving social, economic, and developmental goals. With a greater proportion of the population in the younger age bracket, India needs to have a workforce that is ‘employable’ and industry ready. That emphasis is clearly reflected in the steps taken by successive governments towards bridging the gap between the required and acquired skills.
In today’s story, we look into various skill development initiatives, and the outcomes achieved, and how these skill development programs add up to the overall formal employment figures in India.
The story so far
The National Policy for Skill Development & Entrepreneurship (NPSDE) was introduced in July 2015 with the goal of building an ecosystem of empowerment through large-scale rapid, and high-quality skilling. A new ministry, the Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship, was established and is responsible for coordinating all skill development initiatives across the nation, bridging the gap between demand and supply of skilled labour, and developing a framework for vocational and technical training.
The Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship (MSDE) provides skill training to youth across the country through a comprehensive network of skill development centres under various schemes such as Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY), Jan Shikshan Sansthan (JSS), National Apprenticeship Promotion Scheme (NAPS), and Craftsman Training Scheme (CTS) through Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs) under the Skill India Mission.
Apart from these, the Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Grameen Kaushalya Yojana (DDU-GKY) under the Ministry of Rural Development, is a flagship scheme aimed at transforming rural youth into a globally relevant and economically independent workforce. It came into being in September 2014.
Progress made under these schemes.
Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana: Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY) provides youth throughout the nation with skill development training through Short-Term Training (STT) and Recognition of Prior Learning (RPL). Launched in 2015 as a pilot, PMKVY had been extended thrice. PMKVY 1.0 was launched in 2015, while PMKVY 2.0 was launched on 02 October 2016, with an aim to impart skilling to 1 crore youth by 2020. PMKVY 3.0 was launched in January 2021. Since its inception in 2015, a total of 137.17 Lakh people have imparted training under all three phases of PMKVY till September 2022. The details of phase-wise training, certification, and placement is as below.
Jan Shikshan Sansthan: The Jan Shikshan Sansthan (JSS) Program intends to provide vocational training to nonliterates, neo-literates, and people with minimal education up to the eighth grade as well as school dropouts up to the 12th grade who are between the ages of 15 and 45.
286 JSSs are currently operational in 26 States and 7 Union Territories as of September 2022. Around 4 lakh people are covered annually, and 85% of them are women. A total of 14.65 lakh candidates are trained under JSS from 2018-19 till September 2022.
National Apprenticeship Promotion Scheme: The National Apprenticeship Promotion Scheme (NAPS) offers financial assistance to industrial establishments that are implementing apprenticeship programs in accordance with the Apprentices Act of 1961, to promote apprenticeship training and increase the engagement of apprentices. The total number of candidates trained under NAPS from 2018-19 till September 2022 stands at 16.73 lakh.
Craftsmen Training Scheme: The Craftsmen Training Scheme (CTS) uses Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs) all throughout the nation to deliver long-term training. With a goal of providing trained workers to the industry as well as young self-employment, the ITIs offers a variety of vocational/skill training courses across a wide range of economic sectors.
A total of 3841 ITIs have been established in India since 2016 under the CTS scheme. Including the private ITIs, the total number of ITIs in India stands at 14,953. A total of 54.12 lakh candidates have been trained under CTS scheme from 2018 till September 2022, and if data from 2015 is added, the trained candidates add up to 88.41 lakh (2015 to 2021).
Under this Scheme, placement details are not tracked. However, according to the Tracer Study of ITI Graduates report (released in January 2018 by the Ministry of Skill Development & Entrepreneurship, GoI), 63.5% of all ITI pass-outs were employed.
Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Grameen Kaushalya Yojana (DDU-GKY): Launched as a part of the National Rural Livelihoods Mission (NRLM), the DDU-GKY aims to skill the rural youth and provide them with jobs that give regular monthly wages. The scheme is also socially inclusive, with mandatory coverage of socially disadvantaged groups. 50% of the funds would be earmarked for SCs and STs, 15% for minorities and 3% for persons with disabilities. One-third of the persons covered should be women.
From the inception of this scheme till 10 October 2022, around 12.69 lakh candidates have been trained, out of which 7.60 lakh candidates have been placed. If the latest figures are to be added, the trained candidates stand at 14.67 lakhs, while those placed stand at 7.85 lahks.
Placements under Skill Development Schemes as a % of total employment
The Ministry of Statistics & Programme Implementation (MoSPI) releases Payroll Reporting in India every month. This gives us employment-related statistics in the formal sector, using information from subscribers under three major schemes, namely the Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF), the Employees’ State Insurance (ESI) and the National Pension Scheme (NPS).
Of the four major schemes under the Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship, only PMKVY has the mandate to ensure placements. Rest three schemes do not have any such mandate. As a result, data on the candidates receiving placements under such schemes is not available. For DDU-GKY, the placement data is available. Accordingly, the mapping of placement figures from these schemes is done with the numbers from EPFO payroll data. Since the EPFO started publishing payroll data from September 2017 onwards, analysis takes into consideration numbers from 2018-19.
One assumption here is that most of the job placements through these schemes are entry-level and fall under the threshold of the EPFO scheme. One must exercise caution in analysing these figures as this is just an estimation and is not foolproof. This is not an exercise to estimate job creation, but to get an idea of the share of employment through skill development programs.
The number of candidates trained under PMKVY and DDU-GKY from 2018-19 to 2021-22 stood at 98,06,541 out of which 20,75,513 received job placements as per the government’s data. The number of new EPFO subscribers during the same corresponding period is 4,43,98,993. In effect, the placements from PMKVY and DDU-GKY account for 4.67% of the total new EPFO additions during this period, assuming each new employee is enrolled under EPFO.
Even for those who received training under these schemes, the conversion percentage towards successful job placement is only 23%. This rather low percentage raises serious concerns about the effectiveness of the skilling programs in providing gainful employment. It is well established that there is a mismatch between the demand and supply of skilled labour in India. Yet, such low conversions point out gaps in the entire process flow from education to employment.
Need for a unified, real-time integrated data portal
In a bid to capitalize on the demographic dividend, governments across the states as well as the Central Government have been introducing a plethora of skill-development schemes targeting different sections of the population. As a result, there is a proliferation of skilling schemes with multiple agencies overseeing them, leading to a lack of synergy between them.
It is highly recommended that a new, unified, and real-time data portal be developed to seamlessly navigate through the web of skill development programs and employment generation. Such a system would also be useful in avoiding duplication of candidate data when analysing the performance of skilling programs.

created: January 19, 2023


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How has Prime Minister’s Employment Generation Programme fared so far?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
February 25, 2022
The Prime Minister’s Employment Generation Programme is a major credit-linked subsidy programme aimed at generating self-employment opportunities through the establishment of microenterprises. Here is a review of the numbers of the scheme since its launch in 2008-09.
The Prime Minister’s Employment Generation Programme, abbreviated as PMEGP, is a major credit-linked subsidy programme aimed at generating self-employment opportunities through the establishment of microenterprises in the non-farm sector by helping traditional artisans and unemployed youth across the country. The scheme was launched in 2008-09 and is being implemented by Khadi and Village Industries Commission (KVIC) under the Ministry of Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises.
Under the scheme, general category beneficiaries can avail of a margin money subsidy of 25% of the project cost in rural areas and 15% in urban areas. For those beneficiaries belonging to special categories such as ST/SC/OBC/Women/Minorities/Ex-serviceman/physically handicapped/NER/Hill and Border areas, etc., the margin money subsidy is 35% in rural areas and 25% in urban areas. The maximum project cost is Rs 25 lakhs in the manufacturing sector and Rs 10 lakhs in the service sector and the balance amount of the total project cost will be provided by Banks as a term loan.
7.4 lakh units have been assisted in generating employment for nearly 60 lakh persons since inception
Since its inception, up to 27 January 2022, over 7.41 lakh new micro units have been assisted with margin money subsidy under this scheme, generating an estimated employment opportunities for about 60.6 lakh persons, as per data presented in the Parliament.
With respect to the number of beneficiaries or the projects assisted through subsidy under the scheme, over 19,000 projects were assisted in 2008-09 which increased to an annual average of 55,150 projects between 2009-10 and 2020-21. Between 2018-19 and 2020-21, an annual average of 71,498 projects were assisted as compared to an earlier annual average of 49,701 between 2009-10 and 2017-18. In 2020-21, the year when the pandemic affected the economy, over 74,415 projects were assisted, the highest in a year since the inception of the scheme. This increasing trend in the number of assisted projects is also evident from the employment generation numbers.
In 2008-09, the estimated employment generated was over 2 lakhs. Since then, an annual average of 4.5 lakh employment has been generated under the scheme between 2009-10 and 2020-21. In 2020-21, when the number of assisted projects was the greatest, the estimated employment generated was also the highest with over 5.95 lakhs. Between 2018-19 and 2020-21, when the number of assisted projects was higher than in the previous years, an annual average of 5 lakh employment was generated. In 2021-22, with about 2 months left for the financial year to conclude, more than 3.7 lakh employment has been generated in over 60,180 assisted projects.
UP, Tamil Nadu, and West Bengal account for more than 25% of the employment generated under PMEGP till date
From the inception of the scheme up to 09 July 2021 (in 2021-22) for which the state wise data on the employment generated under the scheme is available (as per a response in Rajya Sabha in July 2021), Uttar Pradesh reported the greatest employment with over 6.2 lakh, followed by Tamil Nadu and West Bengal with more than 4 lakh employment each. These 3 states account for 25.8% of the total employment generated under the scheme. Jammu and Kashmir, Maharashtra, and Andhra Pradesh reported more than 3 lakh employment each. The top 15 states with the most employment reported (more than 1.6 lakh each) together account for 81% of the total employment generated under PMEGP.
While Jammu & Kashmir and Uttar Pradesh reported more than 70,000 employment each in 2020-21 alone, Telangana (since 2014-15), and Himachal Pradesh generated more than 80,000 employment each since the implementation of the scheme in the states. North-eastern states of Nagaland, Mizoram, Meghalaya, and Manipur reported more than 20,000 employment each, while Delhi reported less than 14,000 employment since inception.
Since 2016-17, Rs. 11,557.73 crores were allocated for the scheme and Rs. 10,588 crore was released as of 31 January 2022. The yearly allocated and released amounts under the scheme are indicated in the following chart. Except in 2018-19 and 2019-20, the amount released has been higher than that allocation between 2016-17 and 2020-21.
Amount spent for generating one job under PMEGP has increased in the last five years
The ratio of the amount disbursed, and the employment generated gives the amount spent for generating one job under this scheme. For instance, in 2020-21, Rs. 2,188.8 crores were disbursed, and 5.95 lakh was the estimated employment generated, which implies that for generating one job, the government had to release about Rs. 36,766.
In the five years between 2016-17 and 2020-21, data indicates that disbursed amount per job generated has gradually increased from Rs. 31,408 in 2016-17 to Rs. 36,767 in 2020-21. In other words, the cost of generating employment under the scheme has gradually increased, which could be in part due to the inflation effect.
Gujarat spent more than Rs. 90,000 for each job in 2020-21
While the type of project & the relevant subsidy may determine the amount spent for generating one job, the data for states provides a broad indication.  The amount spent across states for each job generated in 2020-21 ranges from around Rs. 20,000 (in Meghalaya) to Rs. 90,387 (in Gujarat).
In every year since 2016-17, Gujarat has spent the most money for each job generated, which may be an indication of the type of projects assisted in the state. In 2016-17, the state spent more than Rs. 65,000 for each job generated which has increased to Rs. 90,387 in 2020-21. With the same amount of Rs. 90,000 in 2020-21, three jobs were generated in the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Kerala.
In Andhra Pradesh where the amount disbursed was the second-highest in 2020-21, the amount spent for the generation of one job increased from Rs. 34,738 in 2016-17 to Rs. 51,272 in 2020-21. While the amount spent for the generation of one job increased in most states, the states of Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, and Chhattisgarh reported a decrease in the amount spent for the generation of one job. In Madhya Pradesh, the expenditure per job has dropped by nearly 34% from Rs. 53,776 in 2016-17 to Rs. 35,558 in 2020-21.
The committee report highlighted the non-compliance with RBI’s mandate
Earlier, in March 2021, the Public Accounts Committee submitted its report on the implementation of PMEGP. The report was prepared based on an audit by the Comptroller and Auditor General of India for the period from August 2008 to March 2016. Some of the key recommendations made in the report are the following.
While the scheme has proved essential & useful to encourage micro-enterprises & help resolve the issue of unemployment, the emphasis could be on monitoring & evaluating the quality of employment & the sustainability of the jobs generated through the scheme.
Featured Image: Prime Minister’s Employment Generation Programme

created: February 25, 2022


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Data: How many Deaths are recorded in India every year?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
June 15, 2020
The deaths due to COVID-19 crossed the 9000 mark recently. There are apprehensions about this reported number by the government. But, what does the data about recorded deaths in India tell us?
As of 14June 2020, the total deaths due to COVID-19 in India, as per government sources is 9,195. With a fatality rate of around 2.87%, India is among the countries with a low fatality rate, especially among those worst affected by the pandemic.
India has recently crossed more than 50% recovery rate as well. Therefore, in-spite of the increasing number of new cases, it can be concluded that the COVID-19 is not found to be as fatal as it has been observed in few other countries.
Few experts opine that nearly 70% of the COVID-19 deaths are due to co-morbidities. Few other think that there is an undercounting of the deaths caused due to COVID-19.
Is there a spike in the number of deaths occurring in India due to COVID-19? Or is it relatively similar to regular deaths due co-morbidities every year? The answers are uncertain, especially due to lack of data. In this story, we explore the data around recorded information of deaths in the country and the causes & trends around these deaths.
Lack of comprehensive mortality related data in India
The major challenge with any analysis relating to mortality in India is the lack of comprehensive information.  Not all deaths in India are recorded. There is a provision to record deaths under Medical Certification of Cause of Death (MCCD), introduced under Registration of Births and Deaths (RBD) Act,1969.
Under this scheme, the office of Register General, India (ORGI) obtains data on medically certified deaths, collected and compiled by the Offices of Chief Registrars of Births and Deaths of respective States & UTs.  However, institutional challenges coupled with lack of awareness means that many deaths go unrecorded.
There is also the problem of data availability since government does not regularly publish this data.  For analysis in this story, we have considered the annual ‘Report on Medical Certification of Cause of Death’, the latest of which is available only for 2017.  We have also considered data from ‘Vital Statistics of India based on the Civil Registration System 2017’ report.
Year on year increase in the number of deaths registered
A Civil Registration System provides for registration of births and deaths. It is a legal requirement, though in practice it does not take place.
Over the years, there is some improvement in the number of deaths being registered. Barring a couple years, there has been a year on year increase in the number of deaths recorded during the 15 year period, 2003 to 2015. In the year 2003, there were around 45.69 lakh recorded deaths which has gradually increased to 64.63 lakhs in 2017. The only occasions when the number of deaths was less than the previous  year was in 2004 and 2008. Barring these years, the number of recorded deaths increased on a year-on-year basis.
As per the ‘Vital Statistics of India’ report, there is a marked improvement in the number of deaths being recorded vis a vis the estimated number of deaths, which is a good indicator for the quantum of the deaths being recorded. It also needs to be noted that while the number of recorded deaths has increased, the estimates have fallen over the years. This could also be due to improved quality of life and general improvement in health care facilities. The estimated number of deaths in 2017 was around 80 lakh.
Increase also observed in the number of Medically Certified Deaths
Registering a death is the first step in ensuring the availability of vital information about deaths. Apart from this, identifying the cause of death is another important aspect of registering deaths which would also ensure that  comprehensive information is available regarding deaths in the country. As highlighted earlier in the story, RBD ACT 1969, contains provisions for Medical Certification of Cause of Death.
Section 10(2) of this act empowers the State governments to enforce the provisions for medical citification of cause of death.  Section 10(3) provides for issuing a certificate of cause of death by the medical practitioner who has attended the deceased at the time of death.
However, the scheme is limited to certain hospitals and medical centres. As of 2017, only 58,240 medical institutions are covered under MCCD. Therefore, the share of medically certified deaths compared to the total number of registered deaths is quite low.
In 2017, there were a total of 14.11 lakh Medically certified deaths, which is only around 22% of the total registered deaths. This is the highest recorded number of medically certified deaths (MCD) in a year till date. In fact, there has been a gradual improvement in the number of medically certified deaths since 2014.
The percentage of MCDs among the total number of registered deaths is also the highest in 2017 with 22%. The previous highest was also 22% in 2015. The percentage has substantially increased from 2003, wherein it was only 13.5%.  The number of States/UTs reporting MCDs has also increased from 15 in 2003 to 35 in 2017.
Maximum share of Medically Certified deaths is in the Age group of 70 and above
Out of the 14.11 lakh medically certified deaths in 2017, 26.1 % of them i.e. around 3.68 lakh deaths were of people who are 70 years or more.  The number of medically certified deaths have a progressive correlation with the age of individuals, with a higher share of deaths being recorded in the age groups of more than 45 years of age. Apart from these deaths among the older age groups, deaths among infants i.e. less than one year of age is also significant. In 2017, there were around 1.05 lakh infant deaths recorded and medically certified, which makes up for around 7.5% of the total.
Diseases of Circulatory System, the major cause among Medically Certified Deaths
Of the total medically certified deaths in 2017, 33.8% of them are due to the– ‘Diseases of Circulatory System’.  Even in the previous years, the number of deaths due to diseases of Circulatory system occupy the major share among the MCDs. During the 10-year period of 2008-17, the proportion of deaths due to this cause has hovered around 30% of total MCDs.
The next highest proportion of MCDs are due to infectious and parasitic diseases. In 2017, the deaths due to these causes were 10.4% of the total. Over the years their share has been continuously decreasing.
Deaths due to ‘Diseases of Respiratory System’ are another major cause of Medically Certified deaths, with around 10%  of the total MCDs over the years. The trend under this category has fluctuated over the years but has shown an increasing trend in the years prior to 2017.
A significant portion of Medically Certified deaths i.e. 13.9% are categorized under ‘Others’. During the 10-year period of 2008-2017, the share of deaths categorized as ‘Others’ has increased from 12.1% to 13.9%.
Maharashtra, Delhi, Tamil Nadu among States with highest ratio of recorded deaths, while U.P. Bihar and Uttarakhand have lowest
In 2017, 38.9% of the registered deaths in Maharashtra are certified. Although only around 20% were certified in previous year, 34.5% of the recorded deaths were medically certified in 2015.
Delhi has 60.7% of the recorded deaths as medically certified in 2017, which is higher than the previous two years with 56% and 57.2 % respectively. Tamil Nadu and Karnataka are among the other two states which have comparatively higher share of recorded deaths being medically certified.
On the other hand, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar have very low rates of recorded deaths being medically certified with 8.6% and 6.8% in 2017. The previous years also do not show any different trend. Uttarakhand is another comparatively larger state with lower ratio of medically certified deaths.
Kerala also has a smaller number of medically certified deaths out of the total registered ones.
This is a reflection of the low number of medical institutions covered under MCCD in these three states.
It is not just the proportion of medically certified deaths among the registered deaths, few states like Uttar Pradesh, have significantly lower number of deaths registered compared to the estimates.
The information provided in ‘Vital Statistics of India’ based on CRS Report -2017, highlights the level of registration of deaths.  While U.P, Bihar and Uttarakhand have very low registration of deaths, few big states like Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat have recorded higher rate of Death registration compared to the estimates.
Lack of proper data hampers any meaningful analysis regarding deaths in India.
Many inconsistencies exist in recording and certifying a death in India. These inconsistencies vary according to the states, with few states doing better than the others. The challenge with respect to the death numbers is at two levels.
An infographic in  the report on ‘Medical Certification of Cause of Death’ clearly depicts the very low proportion of the medically certified deaths. Although the trend shows an improvement over time, there are still a large number of registered deaths that do not have a medically certified cause.
If these are compared to the estimated number of deaths, the proportion of medically certified deaths is much lower. Such low numbers of deaths with certified medical causes, do not provide help in understanding the underlying causes of death and for the governments to take any corrective action.
It is in this context that there are apprehensions about the reported number of COVID-19 deaths. It is possible that there could be a large number of cases which are not categorized as related to this infection and in many other instances, might not be registered at all. While the number of deaths due to COVID-19 is not yet alarming even compared to the normal death rate, proper data collection will go a long way in understanding the pandemic better.
Featured Image: Deaths due to COVID-19


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Data: Huge Discrepancies in Number of Heat Wave Related Deaths Reported by Various Agencies Like NDMA, MoES, NCRB
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
April 23, 2024
Most parts of India are going through a severe heatwave as temperatures soar. Over the last decade, the instances of heatwave days have increased resulting in increased deaths. However, different agencies of the government like the NDMA, NCRB, MoES have provided different data on mortality due to heatwaves.
According to the European Union’s Copernicus Climate Change Service (C3S), March 2024 marked the world’s hottest March on record, continuing a streak of 10 consecutive months of record-breaking temperatures. The past 12 months, ending in March 2024, also set a new record as the hottest 12-month period ever recorded. It was 0.70°C above the 1991-2020 average and 1.58°C above the 1850-1900 pre-industrial average. While Europe experienced its second warmest March, regions like eastern North America, Greenland, eastern Russia, Central America, parts of South America, Africa, southern Australia, and Antarctica saw temperatures well above average, it reported.
Even in India, the temperatures are soaring with heatwave warnings being issued by the Indian Meteorological Department (IMD). IMD’s forecast for summer 2024 was that except for some isolated places in the east, the Northeast and Northwest, the rest of India was likely to experience above-normal maximum temperatures in April, May and June. The maximum temperatures in some regions were in the range of 42-44°C in the third week of April 2024 around the time phase I of the Lok Sabha Elections took place.
According to IMD, a heat wave is a period of excessively high air temperatures that can be dangerous to human health when exposed. It is defined based on temperature thresholds, either in terms of actual temperature or its departure from normal. In some places, it is also determined by the heat index, which considers temperature and humidity or extreme percentiles of temperatures.
The criteria for declaring a heatwave include:
Based on Departure from Normal:
Based on Actual Maximum Temperature:
A heatwave is officially declared if the criteria are met in at least two weather stations within a Meteorological sub-division for at least two consecutive days, with the declaration made on the second day.
Heat waves have dangerous consequences
Heat waves present serious dangers due to extreme heat, causing heat stress, dehydration, and straining the cardiovascular system. Vulnerable groups like the elderly face higher risks. Heat-related illnesses, including heatstroke, can be fatal. Considering heat waves’ impact on human lives, data on the number of fatalities due to the extreme event is crucial for public health planning, risk assessment, emergency response, evaluating interventions, and adapting to climate change among others.
However, significant discrepancies exist in the data presented by different government organizations. Dataful has a collection of datasets on the number of deaths reported due to heat waves captured by different organizations, which has been used in this story.
Significant discrepancies in data reported by MoES and NDMA
For instance, if one compares the number of deaths due to heatwaves for the period from 2009 to 2022 based on data published by the Ministry of Earth Sciences or MoES (same as that published by the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI) in its Envistats report) and that published by the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA), there are significant discrepancies. It is seen that MoES reported a total of 6,751 deaths during these 14 years (2009 to 2022) while NDMA reported almost twice the number of deaths – 11,090. Even though there are huge discrepancies in the figures reported, the overall trend suggests that the deaths due to heat waves peaked in 2015 and have declined considerably since then.
Further, according to the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), between 1992 and 2020 (in 28 years), 25,692 deaths occurred due to heatwaves in India. About one-third or 8,716 deaths took place between 2011 and 2021. However, during the same 28-year period, MoSPI reported 13,239 deaths, nearly half of that reported by WMO. Between 2011 and 2021, MoSPI reported 6,252 deaths.
NDMA and NCRB are both under MHA and yet the data published by both have been different since 2014
NDMA is an autonomous body under the Ministry of Home Affairs. Another agency that operates under the same ministry is the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB). NCRB, in its annual Accidental Deaths and Suicides in India (ADSI) report publishes the number of deaths due to heat strokes. It is based on data furnished by state police departments. According to the NCRB report, a total of 15,020 deaths due to heat strokes took place between 2009 and 2022, about 4,000 deaths more than that reported by NDMA. Until 2013, the data produced by NCRB matches with the one published by NDMA. However, since 2014, the values reported by NCRB are very different from those reported by NDMA. NCRB has also not given the state-wise figures for 2015.
Huge disparity is observed in state-wise data reported by NDMA and NCRB
Between 2016 and 2022, a notable disparity is evident when one compares the state-wise total number of deaths from heatwaves reported by the NDMA and those due to heat strokes reported by the NCRB. Unlike the overall figures, which showed a pattern- a surge in 2015 followed by a decline across all reporting thereafter, the state-specific figures for heat-related deaths do not exhibit a consistent pattern or correlation in the figures reported by states. For example, 764 deaths were reported by NCRB in Uttar Pradesh, whereas NDMA reported only 2. While NCRB reported 664 deaths in Punjab, NDMA reported nil. The disparity has been mapped in the following graph.
Health Ministry started capturing data on heat-related illnesses from 2015
Heat-related illnesses are health conditions caused or exacerbated by exposure to high temperatures and excessive heat. These are preventable. Some examples include Heat Cramps, Heat Exhaustion, Heat Stroke, and Heat Rash. Heat-related deaths in India were significant but not fully tracked, unlike in other countries. Hence, since 2015, the Union Health Ministry started collecting data on morbidity and mortality due to Heat-related illness through the Integrated Disease Surveillance Programme (IDSP) from heat-vulnerable States/UTs.
A total of 277 deaths were reported by the States between 2018 and 2022 due to heat-related illnesses, as per IDSP’s data. About 123 were reported by Bihar while Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, and Maharashtra reported more than 35 each. Considering heat stroke is also a heat-related illness, these figures \also deviate from the ones presented by NCRB.
Data gaps must be addressed
The discrepancies in data reported by different agencies regarding heat wave-related deaths in India underscore the urgent need for standardized and accurate reporting mechanisms. Gaps in data collection, including specific types of heat-related illnesses, and standardization of definitions highlight the importance of enhancing surveillance and reporting systems. Improving data quality and consistency is essential for better understanding the true burden of heat-related illnesses and implementing effective preventive measures. Lancet reports have estimated that heat-related deaths of people over age 65 increased by 55% in India in 2018-2022 compared to 2000-2004. Considering that the frequency, duration, and intensity of heat waves are likely to rise in the coming years, these data gaps should be addressed immediately.


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Data: Huge Discrepancy in Number of Reported Deaths Due to Snake Bite Between NCRB & Health Ministry
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
January 8, 2024
Though the cases of human conflict with Dogs & Snakes is more common, the data on Dog & Snake Bite cases is not accurately captured. There is a huge discrepancy between the number of deaths due to Snake bite as reported by the NCRB and the Ministry of Health. In 2021, while NCRB reported more than 10,000 such deaths, the health ministry’s NHP reported fewer than 1000 deaths.
Human-wildlife conflict refers to situations where the interests of humans and wildlife intersect, often leading to negative outcomes for both. While it commonly brings to mind clashes involving large mammals like elephants or predators like tigers, it extends beyond these scenarios. Even seemingly innocuous animals like pigeons in urban areas can contribute to these conflicts. For instance, pigeons in cities can cause problems like spreading diseases, damaging buildings with their droppings, and creating noise, while human practices like feeding them, and noise from construction and traffic can result in alterations to the natural behaviour of pigeons.
In the previous story, we looked at the occurrences of human fatalities at the national level and across different states due to tiger and elephant encounters with humans in the last decade, as reported by the Environment Ministry. The story focused on the attacks by two flagship species, that have dedicated conservation projects. In this story, we look at the cases of dog and snake bites, and deaths due to snake bites.
While encounters with big mammals receive heightened attention due to their ecological significance, requiring comprehensive, long-term conservation strategies, encounters with dogs and snakes are more widespread, and not confined to specific habitats. Moreover, attacks by dogs and snakes pose immediate localized health concerns. These incidents call for treating injuries, managing bites, or local animal control. They require prompt medical attention and control measures for diseases like rabies.
307 Deaths due to Rabies were reported in 2022
Reports of stray dog attacks on humans are increasingly common across the country in recent times. Numerous reports show the increasing cases of stray dogs having killed or led to the deaths of people, especially among the vulnerable sections. According to a parliament response from July 2023, a total of 307 people died due to rabies infection in the country in 2022. Most of these were reported from Delhi, Maharashtra, West Bengal, Karnataka, and Kerala. Since the data on the number of deaths due to dog attacks is not available, we look at the number of dog bite cases reported in the country.
Data on dog and snake bites are collated by the Health Ministry
The data for this story has been taken from Dataful. The data source for the numbers on snake bites as well as dog bites is the Ministry of Health. The data on dog bites is reported to the Ministry by States under the Integrated Disease Surveillance Programme (IDSP)- Integrated Health Information Platform (IHIP). Under this portal, data is collected from major hospitals both in the public and private sectors, and Infectious Disease hospitals under the Integrated Disease Surveillance Project (IDSP). Similarly, the data for snake bites has been compiled from the annual National Health Profile reports as updated by States every month.
2.78 crore cases of dog bites reported in six years between 2018 and 2023
Between 2018 and 2023, nearly 2.78 crore cases of dog bite cases were reported in the country. In 2018 alone, more than 75.66 lakh cases were reported which declined over the years to 21.8 lakh cases in 2022. However, it has again increased by 26% in 2023. Throughout the years, the states of Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, and Bihar together accounted for an average of 60% of the cases each year.
Fewer cases of dog attacks have been reported in recent years
Upon normalizing the dog bites data same with population estimates provided in the National Crime Records Bureau’s (NCRB) report for the period between 2018 and 2022, the number of cases of dog bites per lakh population has dropped from 572 in 2018 to 158 in 2022.
All the states/UTs except Nagaland recorded more than 100 cases per lakh population in 2018 while Telangana recorded more than 2000 cases and Tamil Nadu recorded more than 1000 cases in 2018. However, in 2022, 12 states/UTs reported less than 100 cases each per lakh population. Among large states, Tamil Nadu had the most cases with 475 per lakh population followed by Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra with more than 300 cases each. All the states/UTs reported a decline in cases in 2022 compared to the year 2018. Fewer cases have been reported in recent years though the exact reasons for such a decrease are not known.
Every year, over 1.5 lakh cases of snake bite and 1100 deaths were reported in the last decade
India is home to approximately 310 snake species, with the majority being non-venomous. Among these, 66 species possess venom, with the Spectacled cobra, Russell’s viper, Saw-scaled vipers, and Common Krait being the most common venomous snakes. Around 90% of snakebites are caused by these ‘big four’.
A total of 11,254 deaths out of over 15 lakh cases of snake bites were reported in the last ten years between 2012 and 2021. On average, around 1100 people die due to snake bites every year while over 1.5 lakh cases are reported. It should be noted that the National Health Profile data is based on the cases reported by hospitals under the code, ICR 10 Code T63.0 which deals with the Toxic Effect of Snake Venom. While the cases were on the rise till 2016, they dropped in 2017 and increased until 2019. In 2020, the number of cases and deaths dropped significantly. This could be because of the pandemic as the movement of people was restricted and healthcare centres were strained and prioritized on treating COVID-19.
UP, MP, and Gujarat account for 10% of the cases and 21% of the deaths
About 44% of the deaths due to snake bites between 2012 & 2021 were reported in West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, and Odisha alone. In fact, West Bengal reported 2200 deaths, which is more than that reported by 27 states/UTs put together. The 3 states were also responsible for 43% of the cases reported during this period. Though Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu reported 19.5% of the cases, the two accounted for only 8.5% of the deaths. On the other hand, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Gujarat which accounted for only 10% of the cases, reported more than 21% of the deaths. Similarly, Chhattisgarh and Assam account for only 2.2% and 0.4% of the cases respectively while they account for more than 3% of the deaths.
This indicates that there is a discrepancy between reported cases and deaths in different states, possibly due to the variations in the management of snakebites. That is, the chances of a snakebite resulting in death are higher in some states which could be because of the poorer healthcare access, unavailability, and distribution of anti-snake venom, among others.
If normalized for population, 10 cases of snake bites were reported for every lakh population at the All-India level in 2021. There is significant variation across states. While this number was less than 10 throughout the years in Assam, Bihar, Punjab, and Rajasthan, the number was considerably high in Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal.
Huge Difference in the Number of Deaths as reported by NCRB & Ministry of Health
While the story has considered the figures reported by the Health Ministry, studies suggest that snake bites are grossly under-reported in India. According to a comprehensive literature review by researchers, approximately 58,000 deaths result from an estimated 3-4 million snakebites annually, contributing to half of the world’s snakebite fatalities. Comparing this with the NHP data shows that only a fraction of snakebite cases are reported to clinics and hospitals. According to the Accidental Deaths and Suicides in India report by the NCRB that collects data from police cases, snake bites were responsible for more than 10,000 deaths in 2022 alone. The NCRB reported more than 10,000 deaths due to poisoning by snake bites even in 2021 while the NHP reports only about 1000 deaths due to snake bites.
Various measures have been taken to deal with these conflicts
Unlike in the case of conflicts with tigers and elephants, the conflicts with dogs and snakes & resulting deaths are an indication of the effectiveness of the healthcare system. These conflicts differ in their nature and responses. For instance, prompt medical care can help prevent deaths arising out of dog and snake attacks.
Multifaceted approaches aimed at prevention, treatment, and mitigation are being implemented by the governments. Some measures are population control measures for dogs, Anti-Rabies vaccination programs, Public Awareness Campaigns, and ensuring the production and availability of Anti Venom Serum concerning snake bites. Compensation between Rs. 1 Lakh to Rs. 4 Lakhs are also provided by State governments for deaths due to snake bites. For dog attacks, the Punjab and Haryana High Court ordered a minimum compensation of Rs.10,000 per tooth mark and where the flesh has been pulled off the skin, and a minimum of Rs. 20,000 depending on the size of the wound.
Featured Image: Deaths Due to Snake Bite

created: January 8, 2024


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Data: Huge Discrepancy of Data in IAS IPR Filing Portal; Standing Committee Recommends Extensive Purification
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
March 12, 2024
As per Rule 16(2) of the All-India Services (Conduct) Rule, 1968, every member of the service must annually declare their immovable property, whether inherited, owned, acquired, or under lease or mortgage, either in their name, their family members’ names, or others’ names. Data discrepancies are found in the SPARROW portal of the DoPT so much so that a standing committee recommended extensive purification of data.
Integrity in governance stands as a crucial and indispensable prerequisite for the smooth functioning of a robust system and the advancement of socio-economic development. With the evolving socio-economic landscape, public servants find themselves entrusted with expanding discretionary powers, particularly in the distribution of government resources in diverse forms. As a result of such discretionary powers, there is a high chance of collusion between different power centres of the administration, thereby promoting corruption.
The values of integrity and impartiality become more important as the distinction between the political and administrative framework is blurred. Adherence to the code of conduct and financial propriety is an important aspect of the integrity of the Civil Servants. Any information on properties acquired by holders of ‘public office’ requires the mandatory disclosure of property assets and liabilities.
In this context, we look at the trends in the immovable property returns (IPRs) filed by civil servants in India.
Genesis
As per Rule 16(2) of the All-India Services (Conduct) Rule, 1968, every member of the service must annually declare their immovable property, whether inherited, owned, acquired, or under lease or mortgage, either in their name, their family members’ names, or others’ names. The government has introduced online filing of these property returns since 1 January 2017.
The Central Government evaluates vigilance clearance for AIS officers for various purposes, including inclusion in offer lists, empanelment, necessary deputations, appointments to sensitive positions, and participation in training programs. Failure to submit the annual immovable property return by 31 January of the following year results in denial of vigilance clearance, as per Government of India decisions under Rule 16 of the All-India Services (Conduct) Rule, 1968.
Further, Section 44 of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013 mandates the declaration of assets and liabilities of a public servant, who must submit an annual declaration of their assets and liabilities to the appropriate authority by 31 July of each year, reflecting their financial status as of 31 March of that year.
Section 45 of the same act declares that non-disclosure of such assets shall be presumed to be assets acquired by corrupt means. Accordingly, the Department of Personnel and Training notified the Public Servants (Furnishing of Information and Annual Return of Assets and Liabilities and the limits for Exemption of Assets in Filing Returns) Rules, 2014.
As a result, every member of the service is required to file a declaration, information and return indicating his/her assets and liabilities using Forms I, II, III, and IV.  In 2017, a separate IPR module was developed for the online filing of IPRs to avoid problems with the hard copies of IPRs.
IPR filing by IAS Officers see increasing compliance over the years.
It is important for public servants to submit their Immovable Property Returns (IPRs) within the specified timeframe. The statistics on the submission of IPRs by IAS officers indicate a growing adherence to mandatory disclosure. Starting from 2011, when the IPRs of IAS officers began to be uploaded on the Department’s website, the total number of officers filing IPRs increased steadily, reaching 4859 in 2023. The annual growth rate in the number of IAS officers submitting IPRs averaged 8% during this period.
Decline in the number of IAS Officers still not complying with the IPR filing.
Several regulations mandate the timely submission of annual Immovable Property Return (IPR) forms. However, data from the SPARROW portal of the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) indicates a significant number of IAS officers who have not yet submitted their IPRs. In 2011, the number of IAS officers who had not submitted their IPRs was 454, a figure that gradually increased to 894 by 2016. Since 2017, when IPR submission was transitioned to an online process, there has been a decreasing trend in the number of IAS officers failing to submit their IPRs. In 2023, a total of 241 IAS officers were yet to submit their IPRs as of date.
Significant discrepancies in the data reported regarding the filing of IPRs.
Ideally, there should only be two categories of IAS officers: those who have filed their Immovable Property Returns (IPRs) and those who are yet to file. The total of these two categories should match the total strength of the IAS. However, when examining data from the SPARROW portal on IPR filings, a significant discrepancy is evident.
For instance, in 2011, 1845 IAS officers had filed their IPRs, while 454 officers had not. However, the actual strength of IAS officers in 2011, according to the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) annual report for 2021-22, was 4456. This means that there is a difference of 2157 between the actual strength and the combined number of officers who had filed their IPRs and those who had not filed.
This discrepancy persists in subsequent years as well, with 2022 reporting a difference of 392.
There appears to be a notable disparity between the data presented by the same department in different contexts. For instance, in the 106th Report of the Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law, and Justice, the number of IAS officers who had not filed their IPRs for 2020 and 2019 was reported as 349 and 338 respectively. However, the online portal indicates higher numbers at 585 and 666 for the same years.
In the 112th report of the Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice, the number of IAS Officers who have not filed IPRs for 2021, 2020, 2019 and 2018 were 158, 146,128 and 135 respectively. However, the data on the online portal show that the numbers are 500, 585, 666, and 754 respectively.
The inconsistency in the data reported for 2019 and 2020 by the same Standing Committee raises questions about the department’s interpretation of non-filing of IPRs within the stipulated time frame versus non-filing IPRs altogether. Clarity is needed regarding whether the department treats these instances similarly or if there are distinct criteria for each. This discrepancy raises concerns about the consistency and accuracy of the data on the online portal, especially considering the broader implications of corruption in public administration.
Further, the Expert Committee, established based on the recommendation of the Standing Committee in its 122 report, emphasized the importance of ensuring the accuracy of data available on the online IPR filing portal.
Considering the discrepancies highlighted by the Standing Committee regarding the data reported in the online portal, it is imperative for the department to address and clarify the issue of non-filing of IPRs. There is a pressing need for the department to provide a transparent and accurate assessment of the non-filing of Immovable Property Returns (IPRs) by public servants. Additionally, it is crucial to establish a mechanism that verifies the authenticity of the property return statements filed by public servants, as recommended by the Standing Committee. This step would ensure accountability and integrity in the process and help address concerns regarding corruption in public administration.


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Data: Huge Pendency & Low Conviction – the story of Crimes against Women
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
October 10, 2020
The data from the NCRB Crime in India report paints a very grim picture as far as crimes against women are concerned. Data indicates that the pendency in courts is more than 90% while the conviction rate is less than 25%.
More than 4.05 lakh cases of crimes against women were registered in 2019, an increase of 7.3% compared to the year 2018, reveals the National Crime Records Bureau Crime in India 2019 report. The crime rate (cases registered per lakh women population) has also increased from 58.8 in 2018 to 62.4 in 2019. Of all the registered crimes against women, close to 31% were registered under ‘Cruelty by Husband or His Relatives’ followed by ‘Assault on Women with Intent to Outrage her Modesty’ which accounted for about 22% of the registered cases. ‘Rape’ accounted for nearly 8% of the registered crimes against women.
An average of 87 cases of rape were registered per day in 2019
As per the 2019 figures, an average of 87 cases of rape were registered across the country. With 32,033 registered rape cases,  2019 marks the seventh year in a row where the number of registered rape cases has crossed 30,000. In 2013, there was a major spike of more than 30% in the number of registered rape cases following the gruesome Nirbhaya incident in the national capital that shook the nation in 2012. The number of registered rape cases touched almost 39,000 in 2016, the highest in over 20 years. Since then,  the number has dropped to around 32000.
85% of the rape cases registered in 14 States/UTs
A total of 5997 rape cases were registered in Rajasthan in 2019, the highest for any state. Rajasthan accounted for 19% of all the registered rape cases in the country in 2019. Uttar Pradesh, which recorded the highest number of crimes against women in the same year had reported 3,065 cases of rape, the second highest in the country. Madhya Pradesh, Kerala, and Maharashtra had reported more than 2000 cases each. 13 states and Delhi reported more than 1000 cases each in 2019, and together accounted for more than 85% of the rape cases registered in India in 2019. These 13 states & Delhi together account for around 69% of India’s population.
Cases registered in Haryana and Uttar Pradesh has doubled since 2010
The trend in the number of registered cases of rape since 2010 indicates that, in the states of Haryana, Jharkhand, Kerala, Punjab, and Rajasthan, there has been a steady increase in the number of registered cases of rape. In Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, and Uttar Pradesh, the number of registered cases has doubled since 2010 while in Kerala it has increased by 219% and in Rajasthan, it has increased by almost 282%. However, this increase cannot be directly linked to the increase in the occurrence of the crime. It could also be because of improved reporting and registration of cases in certain states.
Meanwhile, in the states of Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, there has been a sharp decrease in the number of registered rape cases in the last few years. Madhya Pradesh which used to report  the highest number of cases at around 4000-5000 up to 2018, has reported less than 2500 cases in 2019, a drop of more than 50% in just one year. Similarly, Chhattisgarh too witnessed a sharp dip of more than 50% in the number of registered cases in 2019. Assam, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal have reported more than 1000 cases in every year since 2010. Uttar Pradesh and Delhi witnessed a significant increase in the registration of rape cases from 2013 to 2016. However, the numbers have dropped significantly since then.
Conviction rate in cases of rape has not improved in the last 20 years
While the number of registered rape cases has doubled in the last 20 years, there has been no significant change in the conviction rate in these cases. Conviction rate in cases of rape refers to the percentage of cases which resulted in conviction among those cases whose trials were complete in that particular year. In the past 20 years, it was only in 2017 that the conviction rate went beyond 30%. In all the other years, it has hovered around 26 to 27%.
Conviction rate in cases of Crimes against women is 23.7% in 2019
The overall conviction rate in cases of crimes against women, including both IPC and SLL crimes in India was the highest in 2010 (at 27.8%) over the last 10 years. The conviction rate dropped to a low of 18.9% in 2016. Since 2017, the rate has been between 23 to 24%. The major reason behind this is the lower conviction rate in cases registered under section 498A, ‘Cruelty by husband and relatives’  (domestic violence cases) which, as already noted, accounts for almost one-third of the cases of crime against women. It has to be noted that the overall conviction rate of all cognizable IPC crimes in 2019 was 50.4%, almost twice the conviction rate in cases of crimes against women.
The NCRB report does not give details of state wise conviction rate in cases of rape in specific. The state wise conviction rate for overall crimes against women is available. Among the states, it is observed that Mizoram has reported a conviction rate of 88% in 2019, the highest among states. However, it has to be noted that only 111 cases completed trials in Mizoram in 2019.
Only six states, including Mizoram, Manipur, Meghalaya, Uttar Pradesh, and Nagaland had reported a conviction rate of more than 50% in 2019. In fact, Uttar Pradesh, which also is among the states with a high number of registered crimes against women, has consistently reported a  conviction rate of more than 50%. The conviction rate in the southern states of Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Kerala, and Telangana is below the national average. In fact, the states of Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, West Bengal, Karnataka, and Assam reported a conviction rate of less than 10% in 2019.
Huge Pendency & Low Conviction – the story of Crimes against Women
Despite the widespread public outcry in multiple cases of crimes against women such as the Nirbhaya incident in 2012, the veterinary Doctor’s rape and murder in Telangana in 2019, and the recent Hathras incident in Uttar Pradesh, the situation doesn’t seem to have changed much. There is very high pendency rate in the case of crimes against women, of more than 90%. This means that the courts are able to dispose less than 10% of the cases that come for trial every year. Even among the disposed cases, the conviction rate is less than 25%. All in all, huge pendency & low conviction rate seem to define the status of crimes against women in the country.

created: October 10, 2020


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Data: Huge Variation in Multidimensionally Poor Population Across India’s Districts, from 0% in Ernakulam to 55% in Bahraich
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
August 8, 2023
The Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI): A Progress Review 2023 based on NFHS 5th round (2019-21) indicates huge variation across India’s districts. The share of population that is multidimensionally poor ranges from 0% in Ernakulam to 55% in Bahraich.
Recently, NITI Aayog released the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI): A Progress Review 2023 based on NFHS 5 round (2019-21), which looks at India’s progress in reducing multidimensional poverty between NFHS-4 (2015-16) and NFHS-5 (2019-21). The Index is based on three dimensions — health, education, and standard of living. These dimensions are further based on 12 segments — nutrition, child and adolescent mortality, maternal health, years of schooling, school attendance, cooking fuel, sanitation, drinking water, electricity, housing, assets, and bank accounts.
Earlier, Factly published a story in which the performance of the country and the states was discussed.  It was seen that the number of multidimensional poor individuals came down from 1 in 4 individuals to nearly 1 in 7 individuals. In absolute figures, over 135 million people, or 13.5 crore individuals had exited multidimensional poverty between 2015-16 and 2019-21. Furthermore, it was observed that a total of 14 states including all the South Indian states had less than 10% population in poverty while one-third of Bihar’s population was poor. The report also revealed a huge disparity in the number of people in poverty in rural and urban areas. In rural areas, the share of individuals in multidimensional poverty dropped significantly from 32.59% in 2015-16 to 19.28% in 2019-21. The same declined in urban areas from 8.65% to 5.27%. All 12 indicators also recorded an improvement over the previous NFHS survey.
In this story, we look at the performance of districts with respect to the headcount ratio, intensity, and MPI in 2019-21. A total of 707 districts have been evaluated in the report, enabling a detailed examination of poverty trends across districts as well, in addition to states/UTs.
Share of people in multidimensional poverty ranges from 0 in Ernakulam district to 55% in Bahraich, UP
At the national level, the headcount ratio was 24.8%. The headcount ratio in the report refers to the share of the population that lies below the poverty threshold or in this case, it is the share of the population that is multidimensionally poor. There is a huge variation across districts in the share of the population that is multidimensionally poor. It varies from 0 in Ernakulam district, Kerala to 54.4% in Uttar Pradesh’s Bahraich district. More than 50% of the population was multidimensionally poor in a total of 6 districts including Bahraich in Uttar Pradesh, West Khasi Hills, and West Jaintia Hills from Meghalaya, and Araria, Purnia and Supaul of Bihar. On the other hand, it is 0.1% and lower in 5 districts – Ernakulam, Thrissur, Kannur, Kollam, and Alappuzha, all in Kerala. As compared to the headcount ratio at the national level, the share of multidimensionally poor people in 129 districts was more than 24.8%. Another 171 districts had a share of less than 5% who were multidimensionally poor. As per the comparative performance of districts, Ernakulam is the sole district to record zero poverty. This came down to zero from the earlier rate of 0.10 in 2015-16.
Huge variation in multidimensional poverty is visible even within states
The disparity is not limited to districts across states but is also visible within states. For instance, in Haryana, the headcount ratio varies from 1.42% in Panchkula district to almost 40% in Nuh (Mewat). However, the state-level headcount ratio stood at 7.07%. Only 7 out of 22 districts in the state reported more poverty than the state value revealing a skewed distribution. In Assam, Mizoram, Uttar Pradesh, and Uttarakhand, poverty is concentrated in about 30% of the districts. Yet Assam and Uttar Pradesh have a higher headcount ratio than Chhattisgarh, Nagaland, and Sikkim where more than 60% of the districts had a higher share of persons living in multidimensional poverty compared state average.
The intensity of poverty means how poor are the poor. While at the national level, the intensity of poverty was 47.1%, 48 districts reported a higher intensity. The intensity was nearly 54% in West Jaintia Hills of Meghalaya, and above 50% in 13 districts. Meanwhile, it was less than 35% in Nagpur (Maharashtra), South Goa, Puducherry, Malappuram, and Alappuzha (Kerala). In 2 of the 22 districts in Haryana, the intensity was more than 45% while the state average was 43.3%. Most of the remaining districts reported 39 to 42% intensity of poverty. Similarly, in about one-third of the districts in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Bihar, Himachal Pradesh, and Maharashtra, the intensity was more than the state average.
MPI was zero in five districts
The Multidimensional Poverty Index is calculated as the product of the two indicators – Headcount ratio and intensity. The higher the value of MPI, the poorer the performance and hence greater poverty. Across districts, the value of MPI ranged from zero in 5 out of 14 districts of Kerala to more than 0.28 in Bahraich and West Jaintia Hills. While the national level MPI was 0.117, a total of 112 districts reported higher MPI than the national value. Most of these districts were in poorer performing states like Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, and Jharkhand. The performance of the districts is shown in the image below.
All aspirational districts saw a reduction in poverty except Bijapur
Comparison with the previous report reveals that the MPI has increased in some districts like Kasargod, Kottayam, Kozhikode, and Palakkad despite the overall improvement in MPI and its indicators at the state level. Similarly, some of the districts in Delhi, Punjab, Chhattisgarh, Tamil Nadu, and Haryana have also witnessed an increase between the two NFHS surveys. The share of the multidimensionally poor population increased from 39.59% to 52.48% in this period in West Khasi Hills in Meghalaya. Bijapur in Chhattisgarh saw an increase of 8.5%. Across the 112 aspirational districts marked by NITI Aayog, a decline in the share of people living in multidimensional poverty was reported in almost all the districts except Bijapur in Chhattisgarh.
District-wise data reveals that there is wide disparity across districts with respect to the population living in multidimensional poverty and the intensity of poverty. With the availability of the data at the district level, it is easier to prioritize and plan through focused efforts on specific indicators and dimensions.

created: August 8, 2023