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What do alphabets ‘E’, ‘S’, ‘Q’, ‘R’, ‘M’ on the Electoral Roll indicate?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
October 22, 2018
In any electoral roll released in an election year, certain entries are prefixed with alphabets ‘E’, ‘S’, ‘Q’, ‘R’, ‘M’. But what do these alphabets indicate?
During an election year, the Election Commission of India (ECI) publishes the final electoral roll.  The roll contains the names of registered electors (voters) assembly constituency wise. Along with the names of registered electors, the roll also contains names of deleted voters prefixed with the alphabets ‘E’, ‘S’, ‘Q’, ‘R’, ‘M’. What do these alphabets on the electoral roll indicate?
What is an ‘Electoral Roll’?
An electoral roll is a list of all eligible citizens who are entitled to cast their vote in an election. The electoral rolls are prepared Assembly Constituency (AC) wise. An electoral roll for any Assembly Constituency is subdivided into parts corresponding with the polling booths. Usually, each part should not have more than 1400 electors in urban area and 1200 electors in rural area as per the guidelines of the ECI.  The polling booths are so set up that no voter should ordinarily travel more than 2 kms to reach the polling booth. Normally, one part corresponds to one polling booth.The electoral roll has details of the elector (voter) like his Electors Photo Identity Card (EPIC) No, Name, Gender, Age & Address.
Who can register as an Elector (Voter)?
On the basis of provisions in the Representation of the People Act, 1950, a person applying for enrolment in electoral roll must fulfill the following conditions .
A person shall be disqualified for registration in an electoral roll, if
The following are the major forms used for addition/correction to an electoral roll.
What do the alphabets ‘E’, ‘S’, ‘Q’, ‘R’, ‘M’ on the electoral roll indicate?
In any election year, the authentic copy of the electoral roll contains names of the registered electors as well as the details of the deletions. The deletions are ‘struck- through’ in the mother roll (basic draft) by ECI software. In case of photo-roll the word “DELETED” would be imprinted diagonally across the elector’s box to indicate that the entries have been deleted.The reason for deletion is prefixed against the serial number of each deleted entry in the supplement roll.  The alphabets prefixed against the serial number indicate the following
The reasons for deletion can be helpful to file objections or register a grievance with the ECI.

created: October 22, 2018


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Data: What have been the trends in India’s Defence Expenditure and Procurement?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
February 26, 2022
There has been an increased push for indigenous defence production over the last three decades with successive governments pushing for greater domestic production through revision of defence procurement policies, creation of positive and negative lists, increasing the FDI limit in the defence industry, among others. But what does the data say about India’s defence expenditure & procurement over the last ten odd years?
India’s tryst with indigenization in defence began in 1962 when a separate department for defence production was created. But the real impetus came in the 1990s when a committee for self-reliance review under Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam was formed. The committee charted out a map for the growth of indigenous production from 30% in 1992-93 to 70% in 2005. Three decades later, this goal is yet to be achieved. Despite the low indigenous growth, successful governments have been taking measures to revive the domestic defence industry. The measures include revision of defence procurement policies, creation of positive and negative lists, increasing the FDI limit in the defence industry etc.
Defence is one of the key areas of strategic importance in matters of national security. India stands as the third largest defence spender as per the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), 2020. Hence, indigenous production is of utmost importance and provides strategic autonomy coupled with financial savings.
In this story, we review the trends in defence production and acquisition over the years. For the data, we referred to the Union Budget and Reports of Standing Committee on Defence. (2014-2015, 2019-20, 2020-21)
127% rise in Defence expenditure over the decade, but with skewed distribution pattern
The budget for Ministry of Defence (MoD) is one of the highest among all the ministries. Over the years, the budget allocation has grown consistently. It has increased by 127% from 2011-12 to 2020-21. However, the distribution of this allocation between revenue and capital expenditure is skewed, with revenue expenditure growing at a faster rate than capital expenditure. The primary reason behind the higher growth of revenue expenditure is the rising spending on defence pensions.
The defence revenue expenditure saw an increase of 140% from 2011-12 to 2018-19, while the capital expenditure grew by 101% during the same period. The percentage of defence pensions out of the total defence expenditure grew from 18% to 26% during the same period.
Decline in the expenditure from indigenous sources in the capital acquisition budget
Expenditure from capital acquisition budget could be in two ways: either through foreign contracts or through indigenous sources. The expenditure under the capital acquisition budget could be spent on armaments, ammunition, or equipment.
The expenditure on only the defence equipment from 2010-11 to 2019-20 shows a decline in the percentage of expenditure on indigenous contracts. This is directly in contravention to the goal of maximizing indigenous production. The percentage of expenditure from indigenous sources was highest in 2010-11 at 69.6%, which eventually declined to 47.4% in 2013-14. The years 2014-15 and 2015-16 saw a spike, followed by a decline in the subsequent years. It must be noted that these numbers only indicate the capital acquisition budget of the MoD, not the entire expenditure on Defence Procurement.
With majority contracts being from foreign sources, this also highlights the shortcomings in the Indigenous defence production arena. Indigenization of this component alone could result in huge savings in foreign reserves for the nation.
Average Indigenous procurement rose by 15% from 2010-14 to 2014-19
Indigenous procurement indicates the overall procurement of equipment, armaments, and ammunition through indigenous sources.
The average value of indigenous procurement during 2010-14 stood at Rs. 35,270 crores, while the average value of indigenous procurement improved to Rs. 40,712 crores during 2014-19. This improvement is despite the fall in the share of expenditure on indigenous sources on defence equipment.
Defence Public Sector Units (DPSU) turnover jumped by 63% from 2009-10 to 2020-21
The DPSUs play a vital role in enhancing indigenous production. However, India faces a unique paradox. While it has a huge defence industrial base, most of the defence equipment and services are imported. Sixteen DPSUs have been set up since 1962 to cater to the needs of the defence services.
The average annual turnover of the DPSUs (excluding the Ordinance Factory Board) has increased from Rs. 30536 crores between 2009-14 to Rs. 42628 crores between 2014-21. This translates to a jump of 63% in turnover from Rs. 28653 crores in 2009-10 to Rs.46711 crores in 2020-21.
The profit after tax of these DPSUs also witnessed an increase of 88% from Rs. 3478 crores in 2009-10 to Rs. 6544 crores in 2020-21. The average profit after tax increased from Rs. 4156 crores between 2009-14 to Rs. 5478 crores between 2014-21.
Allocation for R&D largely remains unchanged since 2011 despite huge push for Indigenization:
Any policy for indigenization will be futile without significant investment in research and development. Unfortunately, in India, the actual spending on research and development as a percentage of the total defence expenditure has remained unchanged.
The percentage of actual spending on R&D to the total defence expenditure was above 6% during 2005-11. From 2011 onwards, the expenditure percentage fell below 6%. This highlights the lopsided vision, particularly when there is a greater push for indigenization. Despite the growing tensions in the global world and increasing military expenditure of countries towards enhancing defence capabilities (2.6% increase in real terms from 2019 to 2020, as per SIPRI), there is no significant increase in the investments made towards R&D.
450% increase in the value of defence exports from 2016-17 to 2020-21:
The proportion of defence exports from India increased significantly from 290.51 crores in 2010-11 to 8434.83 crores in 2020-21. In fact, the exports value has seen a 450% increase from 1521.86 Cr in 2016-17 to 8434.83 Cr 2020-21.
However, the exact composition and the nature of these exports is not known. This is important because much of the expenditure from the capital acquisition budget is still spent on contracts from foreign sources. It would not be prudent to highlight this growth in exports as the attainability of self-sufficiency.
Rising expenditure on foreign contracts, while value of defence exports is increasing
The trends above indicate a quite contrasting view on the state of indigenous defence production in the country. While the total value of defence exports is seeing a huge jump of 450%, the expenditure on foreign contracts for defence equipment under the capital acquisition budget is also rising. This calls for closer scrutiny of the indigenization process in defence sector. Goods with relatively cheaper cost of production and easy replaceability, which offer economies of scale are being indigenized while the advanced technologies and equipment are being imported, an example being the recent acquisition of Rafale Jets from France and S-400 missiles from Russia.
In an answer to the Parliament on the savings due to indigenization, the government cited the lack of such an assessment. However, it must be noted that not all indigenization results in savings. Proper and timely assessment of the savings due to indigenization could motivate the DPSUs and government to take steps towards maximum indigenization. The primary focus should be on indigenizing those areas which necessarily translates into savings, reducing the dependence on foreign procurement.

source: news-factly

created: February 26, 2022

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Sai Krishna Muthyanolla


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What does the data say about Petrol & Diesel prices during Elections?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
April 1, 2022
In India, the retail price of Petrol was de-regulated in 2010 while Diesel was de-regulated in 2014. While the deregulation was supposed to result in freedom for OMCs to fix retail prices based on global crude prices, the widely held belief is that the government unofficially controls the prices during elections. Does data support this belief?
Retail prices of Petrol & Diesel have increased for the ninth time in the past 10 days. During this period, the fuel prices increased by around Rs. 6.40 per litre. Around this period, the international price of crude also increased by around USD 6 per barrel. This increase in prices is after a few months of fuel prices remaining the same, to be specific Diesel prices from early November 2021 and Petrol prices from early December 2021. During this period, the price of international crude increased by around USD 40 per barrel.
Russia’s attack on Ukraine, increasing consumer demand as countries are emerging out of the COVID-19 pandemic etc. are the major reasons cited for the increase in the international crude price.
As highlighted, while there was a surge in the international crude prices since December 2021, there has been no change in the fuel prices in India, until the recent increase in the past 10 days.
One has to note that since 2010, the petrol prices are deregulated in India while diesel prices were deregulated in 2014. This technically implies that, unlike before de-regulation, the government of India does not intervene in fixing the retail prices of fuel and they are supposed to be linked to the international crude prices, as India imports close to 90% of the crude oil requirement.
However, as is the widely held belief, the government seems to be unofficially controlling the retail prices of petrol & diesel during politically sensitive periods such as elections. The recent assembly general elections in 5 states are a case in point where the retail price of petrol & diesel remained the same for a few months despite a sharp increase in international crude price. The prices are currently being revised daily to be in line with global crude prices now that the elections are over.
Does data support this trend of unofficial control of retail prices of petrol & diesel during elections despite changes in international crude prices? We look at historical data from 2015-16 to understand if this trend has been consistent over the years.
Data Sources: OPEC Basket Price is considered the standard reference for international crude prices. Retail fuel price in New Delhi based on the information provided on the website of Petroleum Planning and Analysis Cell (PPAC) is considered. It must be noted that city-specific data is not available prior to 2017 with the PPAC.
For the context of the story, the period between 01 January 2015 and 31 March 2022 is categorized into four periods (2015-2016, 2017-2018, 2019-2020 & 2021- 31 March 2022). The changes in international crude price during these periods are compared with the trends in the retail fuel price including the impact of elections if any during these years.
2015 & 2016
Two separate sets of elections took place during 2015-2016. In 2015, assembly general elections were held for Bihar & Delhi. While the Delhi elections were held in January/February of 2015 (from notification to the results), the elections in Bihar were held between September & November of 2015 (from notification to the results).
During this period, OPEC data indicates that crude prices fluctuated with an increase followed by a decrease. On 16 September 2015 when the notification for the first phase of Bihar elections was released, the price of crude was USD 44.57 per barrel. It increased to USD 48.79 per barrel by 09 October 2015. After this peak, the price fell to USD 42.72 per barrel by 06 November 2015. Polling for the last phase of the Bihar elections was completed on 05 November 2015.
However, all through this period, the price of Petrol remained constant at Rs. 61.2.  However, in the case of Diesel, the price increased slightly from Rs. 44.45 to Rs. 45.93 per litre. During the other months of 2015, the retail price of petrol & diesel changed in accordance with the price of crude in the international market. In both states, the BJP was the main contender for power.
During December 2015 & January 2016, international crude prices were at record lows. However, the retail price of petrol & diesel did not decrease proportionally as there was a corresponding increase in the central excise duty in December 2015 & January 2016.
During the year 2016, Assembly elections were conducted in 5 states – Assam, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal & Puducherry. The notification was issued on 11 March 2016 and the counting was held on 19 May 2016.
During this period, the price of crude increased from USD 35.62 per barrel to USD 38.46 per barrel. In contrast to the elections in 2015, there was a proportional increase in the prices of Petrol. The price of diesel also increased during this period in accordance with the crude price. Out of the 5 states which went to the polls, BJP was a key contender only in Assam in the year 2016.
2017 & 2018
In 2017, Assembly elections were held in 7 states. For the five states of Goa, Manipur, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh & Uttarakhand, the elections were held between 04 February 2017 to 09 March 2017. The international crude prices fluctuated (increased & decreased) slightly during this period. However, the retail prices Petrol & Diesel prices remained constant at Rs.71.4 and Rs. 51.2 per litre respectively. BJP was a contender in all these five states.
Gujarat & Himachal Pradesh went to the polls from mid-November 2017 to mid-December 2017. There was a slight increase in the international crude prices during this period coinciding with a slight fall in the retail price of Petrol. However, there was only a slight increase in the price of diesel.
In 2018, there were two sets of elections. Nagaland, Meghalaya & Tripura went to the polls in January 2018 while Telangana, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan & Mizoram went into the polls during October -November 2018.  During this election period, there was a fall in the price of Crude from around USD 79.31 per barrel to USD 65.28 per barrel. This fall in the crude translated into a fall in the retail prices as well.
2019 & 2020
In 2019, apart from the General Elections for Lok Sabha, Assembly elections were held in three different periods.
Assembly elections in Sikkim, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh & Arunachal Pradesh were held along with the Lok Sabha general elections in May 2019. During this period, there was a fall in the global crude prices which was reflected in the prices of both petrol & diesel.  Prior to this period in April 2019, there was a slight increase in the prices of crude, with a subsequent increase in retail prices.
Maharashtra & Haryana went to the polls between 27 September 2019 and 24 October 2019. While there have been fluctuations in the international crude prices during this period, the prices of Petrol & Diesel remained constant at Rs. 81.06 and Rs. 70.46 respectively. Despite an increase in crude prices, the retail prices remained constant for more than a week after these elections. This was followed by a period of increased crude oil prices, which also resulted in increased Petrol & Diesel prices. Jharkhand went to the polls in December 2019.
The assembly elections in Delhi were held between 14 January 2020 & 11 February 2020. During this period, there was a slight increase in international crude prices, but the prices of Petrol & Diesel remained constant.
The assembly elections in Bihar were held in October & November 2020 (from notification to counting). This period also coincided post-recovery period after the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. The international crude prices fluctuated during the period, with multiple increases. However, the retail price of petrol & diesel remained largely constant at Rs. 81.06 and Rs. 70.46 per litre respectively.
In May 2020, the retail price of petrol & diesel increased substantially despite record low crude prices on account of a steep increase in the central excise duty.
2021 & 2022
2021 was beset with further waves of the COVID-19 pandemic as well as recovery in various phases. After fall in the international crude prices in 2020, there was an upward trend in the prices in 2021 with an increase in demand.
Assembly elections were held in the five states of Assam, Puducherry, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, and Kerala between March 2021 & May 2021. During the latter part of this period i.e., during April 2021, there was an increase in the international crude prices. However, the retail prices for both petrol & diesel remained constant during the first half of April, then decreased slightly, followed by being constant for rest of this period.
Immediately after the election, despite a general trend of fall in crude prices, the retail prices of petrol & diesel increased.
In 2022, as highlighted, elections were held for the five states of Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Goa & Manipur. Despite a major surge in the prices of international crude, there was no increase in the prices of petrol & diesel in the months leading to elections and during the elections. Prices started to increase only a couple of weeks after the elections.
Retail prices remaining constant despite increased Crude prices during elections is a common trend
During the non-election period, two broad trends were observed,
Barring rare exceptions, both these trends did not hold during the election period. During the election period since the de-regulation of retail fuel prices, the following broad trends were observed.
Another broad trend observed over these years since the deregulation of fuel prices is an increase in the fuel prices immediately after elections irrespective of the international trend.
To summarise, data from 2014 supports the belief that though retail fuel prices have been de-regulated since 2014, they are unofficially controlled by governments during politically sensitive periods like elections, irrespective of the increasing trend in global crude price.


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Data suggests that more Padma Shri Awards are given in Election Years - Factly
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
February 2, 2016
In the recent times, the Padma Awards have been in the news for all the wrong reasons. It is alleged that the various governments at the center have used these awards for political reasons. Data about the Padma Shri Awards from the last 60 years suggests that the number of awards were unusually high in the election years.
Padma Awards were instituted in the year 1954. Except for brief interruptions during the years 1978 and 1979 and 1993 to 1997, these awards have been announced every year on Republic Day.  The award is given in three categories, namely, Padma Vibhushan, Padma Bhushan and Padma Shri.
The award seeks to recognize work of any distinction and is given for distinguished and exceptional achievements or service in all fields of activities or disciplines, such as Art, Literature and Education, Sports, Medicine, Social Work, Science and Engineering, Public Affairs, Civil Service, Trade and Industry etc.
Padma Shri is the fourth highest civilian award given by the Indian government after the Bharat Ratna, the Padma Vibhushan and the Padma Bhushan.
The total number of awards to be given in a year (excluding posthumous awards and to foreigners) should not be more than 120.
What about the Padma Shri Awards over the Years?
While there is reason to believe that all fields should be equally represented, some fields have seen their share awards represented rather disproportionately than what you would expect. The data of the last 60 years makes for interesting reading. The chart below gives the details of Padma Shri’s grouped by their categories.
Arts has claimed more of these awards than any other category. Arts is followed Literature & Education, Medicine, Science & Engineering etc. Journalism is last in the list of number of Padma Shri awardees.
Was Arts always the preferred choice for Awards?
While Arts as a category has more than 600 Padma Shri awardees, this was not always the case. Arts became the dominant category only after 1984. Until then, it was a mixed bag with different categories winning more awards in different years. Since 1984, Arts has been the dominant category in almost every year.
Most Padma Shri Awards were given in Election Years
The interesting part of the data is the rise in the number of Padma Shri awards over the years. What are even more fascinating are the sharp peaks. Almost all the peaks occur in the election years.
What could be the reasons for the Sharp Peaks?
Recommendations for these awards are usually solicited from all State/UT Governments, etc.  Date for calling nominations and the cutoff date for receipt of nomination/recommendation is usually 1st May and 15th September respectively. The winners are declared on or before the Republic Day every year. It could be entirely possible that the party in power at the center is trying to win over allies in the states by giving more awards for a particular state.
(This is the first of a two part series. The second part of this series will look at the last few election years and the Padma Shri awards during those years.)
Data and Code are here.
The Author also blogs at The Dummy Variable

created: February 2, 2016


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What does the NEP-2019 say about Higher Education?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
June 14, 2019
What does the draft NEP 2019 say about the Higher Education in India?  What are the problems in the current system and what does it recommend?
The draft National Education Policy (NEP 2019) provides extensive information & analysis on the current scenario of Higher education in India and its vision for the future.
The earlier NEP was introduced in the year 1986 & modified in 1992 and over the last 33 years, there have been sweeping changes in the socio-economic, political and technological climate across the world, with India being no exception.
Many academicians, educational and policy experts have been calling out for a review of the current situation and come up with a progressive policy that not only addresses the current issues plaguing Higher education in India, but also sets the agenda for the coming decades. Let’s see what the NEP 2019 has to offer.
Identifying the problem of a redundant system in a dynamic environment
The draft NEP 2019 does a good job in identifying, acknowledging and highlighting the varied issues currently prevailing in our higher education system.
NEP Recommendations: Towards the total overhaul of the Higher Education System
In view of the observations made, the draft report has remarked that there needs to be an overhaul of the current system and have a progressive system which is in tune with the requirements of the 21 century. The following action items are proposed in the draft report.
The need for a prompt and practical change
The recommendations in NEP 2019, with regards to Higher Education are laudable but are worth only when implemented. The major takeaway, is the recommendation for an overhaul of the whole Higher Education system, which can take considerable amount of time and effort in addition to political will.
However, the situation is fast spiralling out of control and in many an aspect the decadence has already set in.
These reflect a situation which demands for prompt & immediate action. Further, it has to be ensured that the proposed NHERA, NRF etc. do not replicate the practices and experience the current regulatory authorities in Higher Education. Questions also arise in regards to practicality of establishing 200 Global universities. Should we rather focus on building select few top class universities that rank among Top 200 universities globally?
The Draft NEP 2019, has been critical of the current higher education system  and does a very good job of identifying the problem at hand. However, the recommendations , while being necessary do sound unrealistic unless a workable plan with achievable and strict deadlines is formulated.
Featured Image:NEP-2019 about Higher Education in India


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What does the NEP suggest for Early Childhood Care and Education?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
June 11, 2019
While the three-language proposal of the draft NEP 2019, managed to hog all the limelight over the past one-week, other aspects of the draft NEP were not given the due discussion space. Here we discuss what the NEP has to say about ECCE (Early Childhood Care and Education).
While the three-language proposal of the draft National Education Policy (NEP) 2019, managed to hog all the limelight over the past one-week, other aspects of the draft NEP were not given the due discussion space.  One such is the draft NEP’s focus on ECCE (Early Childhood Care and Education). There are few land mark proposals made in the draft NEP, which could have a major impact on the Early Childhood Care & Education space in India.
The story so far: Lack of focus on education component of ECCE
The draft NEP has made certain important observations about ECCE before coming up with their proposals.
These observations made by the Draft NEP committee, has highlighted many of the practical issues that are plaguing the ECCE scenario in India. One of the key aspects is around the lack of focus in providing cognitive stimulation and school readiness in the young children.  The ‘care’ component of ECCE has however performed better and has found some success in different parts of the country.
What is the Vision for appropriate Early childhood intervention as per draft NEP?
Based on these observations, the draft NEP has come with the following with regards to ECCE:
This suggestions & proposals made in the draft NEP vary greatly with the existing setup. The existing setup is like the following.
ECCE in India: An evolving Story
The proposals in the draft NEP, while attempting to point towards a new direction, is an extension of a continued development of ECCE in India.
Let’s take a quick look at India’s ECCE story:
As can be seen, there policy framework surrounding early child hood education has seen a progressive growth – recognizing the need for pre-primary classes to including an integrated approach with focus on care and education. At least to the extent of the policy making, the idea seemed to be in the right direction.
Child Health & Nutrition also do not provide a positive picture
While the ASER report 2018, reveals an acknowledged fact about lower quality of education in India, and specifically highlighting the lack of school readiness among pre-primary children, the numbers regarding the health and nutrition of children also do not show a positive picture.
This is in contrast to the general notion that ‘care’ component has been a success story.
Here are few statistics from the ‘Children in India 2018’ report recently released  by the Ministry of Statistics & Program Implementation (MoSPI) which reflect the current state of Child Wellness in India.
While a comparison over the decades does show a marked improvement, a lot is yet to be achieved even on the health and nutrition front.
Draft NEP: Early steps in right direction – Implementation would be the key
This then brings us to the larger question – What difference would NEP 2019 offer?
As with the earlier commission reports and studies, the intent and understanding are in the right place. However, the application & execution would hold the key.
The draft NEP 2019, did identify the following immediate actions in this direction:
A time bound action plan on these aspects is vital to deliver on the objectives.  Furthermore, addressing the ‘care’ aspect of ECCE in view of the new framework will also be critical.


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What does the Reserve Bank of India do?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
November 18, 2016
What exactly does the Reserve Bank of India(RBI) do? What are its functions? Know all that in this short 5 minute video.

created: November 18, 2016


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What explains the obsession with the 1971 Census?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
June 8, 2017
The notification for the 15th Presidential election is out. We still calculate the value of the vote of a MP/MLA for the Presidential election based on the 1971 Census figures. What explains our obsession with the 1971 Census?
Whether it is to calculate the value of the MP’s or a MLA’s vote for the Presidential election or allocation of the number of Lok Sabha seats to each state or the total number of Assembly seats in a state, it is the population of states as per 1971 Census that is taken into consideration. But why is the 1971 Census the basis for all such calculations especially when we had four more Censuses after 1971? Here is the explanation for our obsession with the 1971 Census.
Census & Allotment of Seats
As per provisions in articles 55, 82, 170 and 330 of the constitution, the determination of value of votes for the Presidential election, readjustment of seats in the Lok Sabha or a State assembly are to be done based on the population figures after each Census. Hence Census figures become very important.
The history goes back to the 42nd Amendment
The 42nd amendment to the Constitution, more popularly known as the ‘Mini-Constitution’ made widespread changes to the constitution during emergency days in 1976. ‘Population control and family planning’ was included in the concurrent list with this amendment. The government of the day was keen on promoting family planning and to control population growth.
Hence provisions were included in articles 55, 82, 170 and 330 of the constitution not to make any changes to the number of Lok Sabha seats, Assembly seats etc. until the figures from the first Census after the year 2000 have been published. This was done as a measure to boost family planning norms. In other words, any readjustment to the total number of seats had to take place only after the year 2000 when the 2001 Census figures would be published.
The NDA government extended this to 2026
The NDA government in the year 2001 felt the need to amend the provisions included through the 42nd amendment since the 2001 Census figures were about to be published. The statement of objects to the 84th amendment to the constitution in 2001 mentions that there have been consistent demands, both for and against undertaking the exercise of readjustment. It further says that considering the progress of family planning programs in different parts of the country, and as per the National Population Policy strategy, it was decided to extend the freeze on readjustment up to the year 2026. The government saw it as a motivational measure to encourage State Governments to pursue the agenda for population stabilization. Thus the embargo on any readjustment to the total number of seats was extended to 2026, meaning that any such readjustment can only be done after the 2031 Census.While readjustment or changing the number of seats is to be done only after 2026, the 84th amendment allowed delimitation (process of fixing limits or boundaries of territorial constituencies) or changing the reservation status of the constituencies after the 2001 Census. This was to be done without altering the total number of seats in a state.
Is population growth uneven?
One of the prime reasons to freeze the readjustment of Lok Sabha/Assembly seats was to ensure uniform population growth in various states. If readjustment had to be done after each Census, states that have controlled population growth would have lost out on the number of Lok Sabha seats & also on the value of its votes in the Presidential election while the ones that did not control stand to benefit.
Even till 2001, most states had a decadal population growth rate between 20% & 30%. For the first time between 2001 & 2011, most states had a decadal growth rate between 10% & 20%. The number states growing over 30% has come down from 11 between 1981-91 to 3 between 2001-11.
While northern states like Bihar, Jharkhand, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh & Uttar Pradesh had a decadal growth rate over 20% in the 2001-11 period, southern states like Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Kerala, Karnataka & Tamil Nadu grew at less than 16% in the 2001-11 period. Kerala in fact had the lowest growth rate of 4.9% in the 2001-11 period, which is 1/5th of Bihar’s growth rate. If the readjustment was done after every Census, the southern states would have lost out on the total Lok Sabha seats for doing better on population control while the northern states would have benefitted for not controlling population.
While freezing the readjustment till 2026 makes sense because of such uneven growth rates, it remains to be seen how the problem will be solved even after 2026, since the growth rates may not even out in the near future.
Featured Image: 1971 Census


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What happened before Governor’s Rule was imposed in Jammu & Kashmir?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
February 12, 2016
Documents provided by the Home Ministry reveal the entire chain of events leading to the imposition of Governor’s rule in J&K. It is evident that the Governor had reached out to both the PDP & BJP multiple times and reminded them of the urgency to form the government.
After the death of Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, the then CM of Jammu & Kashmir (J&K), there has been no progress in the formation of the new Government. In the meanwhile, Governor’s Rule has been imposed in J&K. Governor’s rule can be imposed in J&K when there is breakdown of constitutional machinery or no party is able to form the government. The President of India has to concur with Governor’s opinion.
Documents provided by the Home Ministry in response to a RTI application reveal the entire chain of events leading to the imposition of Governor’s Rule.
What happened after Mufti’s death?
The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) has disclosed the communication between the Governor  N N Vohra & MHA in response to a RTI application filed by Mr. Venkatesh Nayak of Delhi. From these documents, it is clear that the Governor communicated to both PDP & BJP about the need to form a government immediately.
Governor reminded both BJP & PDP multiple times
In his report to the President of India, the Governor mentioned that he spoke to both Mr. Nirmal Singh of BJP and Mr. Naeem Akthar of PDP during the last rites of Mr. Mufti Sayeed and appraised them about the constitutional requirements and the time frame for forming a new government.
He went onto say that Mr. Muzaffar Baig & Mr. Nizam-ud-Din Bhat from PDP met him at Srinagar Airport in the  evening of 07 January. According to the report, Mr. Baig informed the Governor that he has a letter from his party PDP, intimating about the party’s decision electing Ms. Mehbooba Mufti to be the next CM. But Mr. Baig did not submit the letter as he wanted to recheck and ensure that all PDP MLAs were in agreement with this decision.
New CM to be installed by the evening of 8th January
The Governor made it clear to Mr. Baig that the new CM had to be installed by the evening of 8 January and asked PDP to submit the following documents.
The Governor in his report mentioned that he waited till 1pm on 8 January and yet did not receive any communication from either the BJP or the PDP. He mentioned that fax communication was sent to both PDP & BJP at 1.30pm on 08 January.
The Governor also mentioned the discussion that Mr. Ram Madhav of BJP was having with the PDP. The report then goes onto say that no formal response has been received from either of the parties and that the governor has no option but to issue a proclamation for Governor’s rule.
Concurrence by the President of India
Based on the Governor’s report, the MHA recommended Governor’s rule and sent the file to the President of India. The file noting has the signatures of the President, Prime Minister and also the Home Minister.
The President of India concurred with the Governor and thus Governor’s rule was imposed in J&K.

created: February 12, 2016


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What happened to Pepper Spray MP - Infographic - Factly
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
January 6, 2015
How many of you remember the ‘Pepper Spray’ incident in Parliament in February 2014? What happened to the MP who had done this? Factly team found out that the ‘Pepper Spray MP’ is let off because of the dissolution of the 15th Lok Sabha.

created: January 6, 2015


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What happened to the issue of ‘Service Charge’ collection by Restaurants?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
March 24, 2017
The issue of ‘Service Charge’ in restaurants hit the headlines a few months back after an advisory by the government. But the advisory seems to have had little impact on ground.
Levy of ‘Service Charge’ by various Hotels & Restaurants hit the headlines a few months ago when the government issued a press note clarifying its stand on the issue. Factly had said at that time that voluntary ‘service charge’ won’t work unless there is clarity in the law. It seems that the government’s advisory has had little impact on the ground if one goes by the answers given to some parliament questions.
Government received complaints of ‘Service Charge’ after the advisory
In response to a question in the Lok Sabha, the government said that it issued an advisory in December 2016 to the State Governments on this issue. It said that the State Governments were requested to disseminate this information. The government acknowledged that even after the issuance of the advisory, complaints have been received on the National Consumer Helpline. The government went onto say that the complainants were guided to approach the relevant consumer forum for redressal of disputes.
The advisory won’t work in its current form
As Factly said earlier, the advisory in its current form will not work for the simple reason that the advisory leaves  scope for a lot of discretion. No consumer would want to pay the ‘voluntary’ service charge and no restaurant would want to lose out on the ‘service charge’. This will only lead to disputes. The government admitted in the Lok Sabha that they are directing the complainants to the relevant consumer fora. How many consumers would take the pains of approaching a consumer forum is anybody’s guess. In fact, the presence of a national consumer helpline itself is largely unknown to people. In response to another question in the Lok Sabha, the government mentioned that only 28 complaints were received about ‘service charge’ from across the country in 2015-16. In 2016-17, the number of complaints increased to 163 (till February). 60% of these 163 complaints were received from Delhi, Maharashtra & Karnataka.
Government held a meeting with the Hotel Association, but no resolution so far
The government mentioned in the Lok Sabha that a meeting was held with the Hotel and Restaurant Associations in January 2017, to discuss the issue  and that they were asked to come up with a proposal to resolve the issue. The association is yet to get back to the government with a proposal.
What about the dual MRP issue?
Another issue that hit the headlines concerning the average consumer is the dual MRP of water bottles. It was reported by various media houses that the minister concerned has asked the mineral water companies to respond to the issue of dual MRP. The minister also tweeted that bottled water would be available at the same MRP at all places. But the government’s response to a question in the Lok Sabha tells a different story. When it was asked if the government has initiated any action on the issue of dual MRP, it said that the central government cannot do anything in this regard since the competent authority is the state government. It went onto say that an advisory has been issued by the Central Government much like in the case of ‘Service Charge’. This advisory also in all probability end up like the advisory on the ‘service charge’ since the law itself is unclear.


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What has been impact of COVID-19 lockdown on health services in Public facilities?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
January 29, 2021
The COVID-19 lockdown affected many sectors including the health sector. Many routine healthcare services including maternal & pregnant healthcare, child immunization, emergency services were disrupted. In this story, we look at the extent of this disruption of some of the important services.
Even before the COVID-19 pandemic hit the world, it was estimated that about half of the world’s population lacked access to essential health services, according to UN. In 2019 alone, around 5.7 million children aged below 9 years died due from preventable and treatable causes such as preterm birth complications, birth asphyxia, pneumonia, diarrhoea, and malaria. It is also estimated that every 11 seconds, a pregnant woman or a new-born dies somewhere around the world, mostly of preventable causes. Effective health interventions such as immunization drives, and health check-ups help in addressing these issues.
However, in 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic resulted in disruptions in routine and essential health services which has further worsened the accessibility to healthcare. Immunization, non-communicable diseases diagnosis and treatment, mental health services, and family planning & contraception are some of the services that were disrupted. Significant progress made over decades to minimize the effect of diseases including malaria and tuberculosis has also been threatened because of the pandemic in India & other nations. The annual polio vaccination day in India, also known as National Immunization Day, has been rescheduled to 31 January 2021 following the rollout of COVID-19 vaccine that began on 16 January 2021.
In this story, we take a look at how maternal healthcare, child immunization, and other treatment-related services were affected in India when the nation went into a complete lockdown in the first half of 2020. Data has been collated from the National Health Mission’s Health Management Information System which is a web-based monitoring system of the Health Ministry. It covers data taken from over 2 lakh public health facilities including PHCs and district hospitals, across urban and rural areas in India. The latest data available is up to June 2020.
Impact on Maternal healthcare services
Antenatal care is vital for pregnant women as it helps them in delivery and ensures improved maternal and child health. A minimum of 4 Antenatal check-ups (ANC) are necessary to check the progress of the pregnancy as per the National Health Mission’s guidelines.
It is seen that in March 2020, the number of women who received the check-ups and tests was lower than in March 2019. States started imposing lockdowns towards the latter half of March as COVID-19 cases began increasing.
Another observation is that the number of institutional deliveries in the first six months of 2020 was about 9.59 lakh less than that during the same period in 2019. This may be due to more women giving birth at home or outside these institutions.
What about Child immunization?
Child Immunization has also been hit amidst the pandemic lockdown. Delaying or not taking a vaccine has its own risks and even the potential to affect a child’s health for life.
In the case of the Rotavirus vaccine, contrary to the other vaccinations, it is observed that the number of children who received the vaccine has gone up by over 71% in the first half of 2020 as compared to 2019. This is because of the increase in coverage in Rotavirus vaccination since September 2019. However, the M-o-M comparison reveals that the number of children who received the vaccine dropped by over 3.36 lakh in March 2020 and 14.4 Lakh in April 2020, as compared to February 2020.
Impact on Patient health services
During & immediately after the lockdown in the first half of 2020, there has been a drop not only in routine health services, but also in the number of patients being admitted, treated, and attending surgeries. Outpatient treatment of patients with illnesses such as diabetes, acute heart diseases, cancer, etc. had dropped. Similarly, inpatient health services for communicable diseases such as TB, Malaria, Dengue, etc. were also curtailed by the lockdown.
Number of people who availed Emergency services also dropped
During the lockdown, even emergency services were curtailed. There were reports of hospitals hesitating & refusing to admit patients fearing the spread of the virus. Further, hospitals and beds were limited, and available resources were diverted for COVID-19 care. It is seen that the number of patients given emergency service for cerebrovascular diseases, acute cardiac issues had dropped by around 14%, and obstetrics complications by around 11% in the first half of 2020 compared to the same period in 2019.
Besides the above-discussed indicators, even surgeries have declined in the first half of 2020 as compared to 2019. The number of major surgeries involving general or spinal anesthesia reduced by 25% and minor surgeries without anesthesia or with local anesthesia dropped by 28%.
COVID-19 put the healthcare systems to test
Most countries diverted a large portion of their medical resources including health infrastructure, equipment, and health professionals, towards dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic. Moreover, since hospitals could be hotspots for the coronavirus, people may have avoided visits to hospitals to avert the risk of contracting the virus. Transportation challenges due to lockdowns, disruptions in nutrition programs, and adherence to COVID-19 precautions may have also contributed to the inability of governments to deliver efficient healthcare services during the pandemic. Though the disruption might seem temporary, the effects of such disruption could be felt in the long run if adequate corrective interventions are not made immediately. The government should be prepared to continue with routine health services while dealing with future pandemics simultaneously.
Featured Image: COVID-19 impact on health services

created: January 29, 2021


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What is a 'State Funeral'? - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
August 21, 2018
The former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee was accorded a ‘state funeral’. Even actress Sridevi was accorded a state funeral. But what is state funeral all about? Who is accorded a state funeral? Here is a low down.
The former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee was accorded a ‘state funeral’. Even actress Sridevi was accorded a state funeral. But what is state funeral all about? Who is accorded a state funeral? Here is a low down.
Who is accorded a state funeral?
A state funeral is one where the funeral arrangements are made strictly according to protocol like an escort, procession, gun salute among other things. The National Flag is also draped in all state funerals. As per the rules, a state funeral is to be accorded in the event of the death of the President, Prime Minister, a former President or a Governor. At the same time, it is the prerogative of the government to order a state funeral for any other dignitary or individual.This is the reason why many other dignitaries like former ministers & celebrities like Sridevi are accorded a state funeral.
What happens after the death of a dignitary?
After the death of a dignitary, a gazette notification is issued by the government announcing the death. The notification is issued with a black border. For instance, in the case of the death of former PM Vajpayee, a gazette notification was issued by the government.
Similarly, state mourning is also declared along with instructions for half masting the national flag. In certain cases, a public holiday is also declared by the government. Similar procedure is followed when state governments declare a state funeral. Because of the urgent nature of the issue, the government usually sends a wireless message to all the states & other government departments about the national mourning, half masting the flag etc.
Detailed rules laid down for procedure to be followed
Once the Ministry of Home Affairs issues the gazette notification, the Ministry of Defence makes relevant arrangements for the funeral. Mrs. Nirmala Sitharaman, the Defence Minister was personally overseeing the arrangements in the funeral of Atal Bihari Vajpayee.
The main procession  will normally start from the residence of the deceased or the place where the body is lying. The body will be brought escorted by a small party in vehicles. The strength of the escort is different for different dignitaries as defined in the instructions. For all state funerals, the coffin is suitably draped by a national flag of the appropriate size. It has to be noted that draping of the national flag is only allowed in a ‘State/Military/Central Para Military Forces’ funerals. Draping of the national flag in any other private funeral is an offence.
The procedure detailed in the guidelines is categorized into 3 broad areas, the process to be followed in terms of  forming up of the procession at the residence of the deceased, the order of march during the procession from the residence of the deceased to the designated place and the procedure to be followed at the burial/cremation ground in terms of gun salute, placing wreaths etc.
The procedure also details the designated places for people to sit and observe the cremation at the burial ground when religious rituals take place.


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What is going to change for DTH & Cable TV consumers from January 2019?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
December 27, 2018
Come February 2019, there will be major changes to the pricing structure of DTH & Cable TV services. Here is a detailed explainer.
Update: After a series of meetings with the Consumer Advocacy groups, Broadcasters & Distributors, TRAI has decided to give more time to enable a smooth transition of subscribers from old to new framework, across the country. The new frame work will now come into effect from 1st February 2019 and consumers have time till 31st January to migrate to the new framework by indicating their choice.
There is considerable confusion about what is going to happen with DTH & Cable TV services from January 2019. Multiple broadcasters are telecasting advertisements about the choice available to the consumers and about the packages available on their network. Here is an attempt to clear the confusion.
The Background
Following the complete digitization of the cable TV network, the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI), the regulatory body for broadcasting notified a regulatory framework for broadcasting and cable TV services in March 2017. The framework is applicable to services provided through Direct to Home (DTH) Systems, Cable TV Systems provided through Digital Addressable Systems (DAS), Head-end in the Sky (HITS) and Internet Protocol TV (IPTV). These regulations are aimed at addressing various issues related to the sector. This regulatory framework included the following.
Though these regulations were notified in March 2017, a clutch of court cases came in the way of implementing these regulations. Now that the courts have disposed these cases, all the three regulations came into effect on 03rd July 2018.
What about the Tariff Order?
As per the relevant regulation, the tariff order will be applicable from 29th December 2018, after which the tariff structure will come into force. Before understanding the tariff order in detail, here are some of the things consumers should watch out for.
Every broadcaster (television channel or network of channels) has to declare the following
What will be the new Tariff Structure?
The new tariff structure has two components, the Network Capacity fee & the Subscription fee for ‘pay’ channels.
Network Capacity Fee: The new regulations introduce the concept of network capacity fee with an upper ceiling of Rs. 130 for up to 100 Standard Definition (SD) channels.  Capacity of a High Definition (HD) channel is treated as 2 SD channels for the purpose of determining the Network Capacity fee. In other words, if a consumer chooses 50 HD channels, his network capacity fee will be equal to that of a consumer choosing 100 SD channels.  This price is excluding the relevant tax rate under GST.
Any subscriber who opts for more than 100 channels (which is less than 10-15% consumers as per TRAI) can choose additional channels in each slab of 25 channels with at a maximum price of Rs. 20 per slab.It has to be noted that this fee does not include channel fee, but only the network capacity fee. In other words, consumers need to pay only Rs. 130 if they choose all ‘free-to-air’ channels without a single pay channel.
Subscription Fee: For the pay channels, consumers have to pay the MRP prescribed by the broadcaster. The current MRP list is available on the TRAI website. One of the primary goals of these regulations is to provide freedom to the consumer to pay only for the channels they wish to watch. Hence the choice of pay channels can be made by the consumer on an ‘A-la-Carte’ basis, meaning they can choose the channel they wish to subscribe to. The distributors (DTH & Cable TV operators) have to enable consumers to do this on their platforms.
The broadcasters as well as distributors have been given complete flexibility in forming bouquets (packs) with different combination of a-la-carte channels. Any type of bouquets can be formed subject to the following guidelines.
Consumers can subscribe to any number of bouquets as per their choice. Any combination of a-la-carte channels and bouquets is also permitted. Distributors can also form bouquets with channels of different broadcasters.
Every broadcaster & distributor has to publish the list of channels & the bouquets available on its website.
How does it work – An Illustration
Scenario 1 (all free-to-air channels): Assume a consumer chooses 100 channels and all these 100 are ‘free-to-air’ channels. Then the amount per month for this consumer works out to be Rs. 130. In other words, the consumer needs to pay only for the network capacity fee.
Scenario 2 (some free-to-air & some pay channels): Assume a consumer chooses 100 channels out of which 70 are ‘free-to-air’ channels while the rest 30 are pay channels. Assume that the 30 pay channels are all chosen a-la-carte and the sum of the MRP for these 30 pay channels is Rs. 120. Then the amount per month for this consumer works out to be Rs. 250.
Scenario 3 (some free-to-air & some pay channels with bouquets): Assume a consumer chooses 120 channels out of which 75 are ‘free-to-air’ channels while the rest 45 are pay channels. Out of the 45 pay channels, 30 are part of the ‘three’ different bouquets costing Rs. 40 each. The cost for the rest of the 15 pay channels together (sum of MRP) is Rs. 50. Then the amount per month for this consumer works out to be Rs. 320.
Are discounts available?
As per the regulations, a broadcaster can offer a maximum discount of 15% while offering its bouquet of channels over the sum of MRP of all the channels in the bouquet. But this provision has been struck down by the court. Hence, as it stands today, broadcasters & distributors can offer any amount of discount on the MRP. The distributors can also offer discounts on the network capacity fee.
Will the prices go up for the Consumer?
The prices may not immediately go up for the consumer since broadcasters & distributors may offer heavy discounts to maintain the current pricing levels. But in the long run, if broadcasters & distributors stop offering heavy discounts, the prices might go up.
Is it beneficial to the Consumer?
The regulations are definitely a step forward in enhancing transparency in pricing and promoting the choice & freedom of the consumer. However, such provisions may benefit only those consumers who are conscious of these facts (upper middle class & urban). Those in the rural & semi-urban areas may still go by what the distributor has to offer. This may also lead to distributors offering a certain channel instead of another. TRAI must ensure that consumer education is taken up on a large scale to make consumers aware of the choice and their rights. TRAI must also ensure that  any predatory or monopolistic pricing policies are discouraged.
What should you do as a Consumer?
As a consumer, you have to immediately do the following.
What about Complaints?
The guidelines also specify timelines for redressal of various complaints as mentioned below.In case a consumer is not satisfied with the redressal of complaint by the consumer care centre, he/she can approach the nodal officer of the distributor of television channels for redressal of the complaint. The Nodal officer designated under these regulations is responsible for the following.

created: December 27, 2018


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What is new with the NCRB’s ‘Crime in India – 2020’ report?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
September 21, 2021
The NCRB recently released its 2020 edition of the annual ‘Crime in India’ report, which provides data on various crimes registered in the country and their disposal. But what changes have been made to the 2020 report? What additional data is included? Here is a review.
The 68 edition of the Crime in India Report (CII)- “Crime in India 2020” was released by National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) on 14 September 2021. The CII report is being published since 1954 and provides data & insights into the crimes registered, the status of cases & their trials, etc., reflecting the overall state of law & order in the country. Over the years, NCRB has made changes to the CII report to include additional data, information & methodology to help better interpret the data related to the crimes.
In an earlier story, we reviewed the changes made in the CII-2017 report. In this story, we look at the key improvements & additions made to the ‘Crime in India 2020’ report.
‘Chargesheeting Rate’ included as a new indicator
Among the major improvements made in the 2020 report, is the ‘Chargesheeting Rate’. The NCRB mentions that the inclusion of ‘Chargesheeting Rate’ provides a better understanding of police performance.
As per Section 173 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973, the police officer is obliged to file a report after the completion of the necessary investigation of an offence.
The report is referred to as a ‘Chargesheet’ in common parlance. The investigation agencies prepare this report based on the investigation conducted by them to prove the accusation of a crime in the court of law. This report informs the court that investigation in a particular case is conducted and that sufficient evidence for the offence is found, and that the court can proceed further with the trial.
This is different from the FIR (First Information Report), which is a written record of the information provided by the informant/complainant, whereas a ‘Chargesheet’ is filed after the investigation is conducted.
The Chargesheet needs to be filed within 60 days from the date of arrest of the accused in the cases triable by the lower courts and 90 days in cases triable by the Court of Sessions. Therefore, ‘Chargesheet’ reflects the details of the investigation carried on by the Police/ investigation authorities and is the basis for the court trial.
Hence, the inclusion of ‘Chargesheeting Rate’ in the current NCRB’s CII report is an important indicator in an understanding of the police performance. In the earlier reports, the information only included the number of cases filed and the status of these cases in the courts. ‘Chargesheeting Rate’ provides a key bridge between the information on cases filed and the final action on these cases.
The ‘Chargesheeting Rate’ implies the percentage of Cases Chargesheeted out of the total cases disposed off by the police.
Variations in Chargesheeting Rates observed across States & Crimes
As per the information provided in NCRB’s 2020 CII report, the Chargesheeting rate for all cases registered under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) in 2020 was 75.8%. This was an improvement over the recent years, where there has been a decline in the Chargesheeting rates since 2015. In 2014, it was 79.6%.
Comparatively the Chargesheeting rates of cases registered under Special & Local Laws (SLL) are higher at 93.8% in 2020. This indicates variation in the Chargesheeting rate across crimes. Here is a snapshot of the Chargesheeting rate across crimes for the year 2020.
Apart from the variations across the different crimes, there are large variations in total Chargesheeting rate across the States as well as across specific crimes within states.
The Chargesheeting rate for both IPC & SLL crimes in India for 2020 was 82%. Among the States, Kerala & Gujarat had the highest Chargesheeting rate with 98.4% & 98.3% respectively.
These two states were followed by Uttarakhand, Tamil Nadu, Madhya Pradesh & Andhra Pradesh all of which all have Chargesheeting rate of above 90 %. On the other hand, states of Assam, Haryana, Delhi, Meghalaya & Manipur reported Chargesheeting rates of less than 50%. It is especially lower in Meghalaya & Manipur.
As indicated, the variations also exist within the states across crimes.
As a few of these examples indicate, the information relating to Chargesheeting rates provides a new dimension in ascertaining the performance of police & investigation agencies across different states & crimes, which was not available in the earlier editions. Historical information of the previous few years across the states & crimes would help in analysing the trends over the years. Nevertheless, including this information is a big step forward in understanding the state of crime reporting, investigation & trial in the country.
Cases registered under Transgender Persons Protection Act, 2019 included in the latest edition
The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights Act,  2019) came into effect from 05 December 2019.
The act provides for the measures for the inclusion of transgender persons in society and lays down the offences & penalties which act as barriers towards these goals. Accordingly, the NCRB’s CII 2020 report, provides details of the Crimes committed under Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights Act, 2019). However, only one incident has been reported in 2020 from the state of Tamil Nadu.
Information on Anti-Human trafficking units provided
Another addition to CII 2020 report is the inclusion of information regarding the number of District level Anti-Human trafficking Units (AHUs). Uttar Pradesh has the highest with 75, followed by Madhya Pradesh with 51. The AHUs are in proportion with the number of Police Districts in various states.
‘District wise’ information provided in the latest report
In the earlier reports, the information on various aspects related to crime was available up to the States/UT level and up to Metropolitan Cities (as defined in NCRB).  In the latest edition, certain data up to the district level is included.  This data is provided as part of the Additional Tables.
It must be noted that the districts referred to in the report are Police Districts & Police Commissionerates, which do not necessarily match with the geographical districts in the country. Nevertheless, the information provides key insights into the prevalence & trends of the crimes in the country at a micro-level than at just the state level or in the large cities. It would be further helpful if crime rates are included for the district level data which would mean ascertaining the population at the police district level or commissioner level.
Overall, the changes made in NCRB’s CII 2020 report are a step in the right direction both in terms of providing additional data on crimes and at a more granular level.
Featured Image: Crime in India 2020 Report

created: September 21, 2021


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ఈ ఫొటోలో కనిపిస్తున్నది హిందువుల పుర్రెల గుట్ట కాదు, ఇవి బైసన్ (బర్రె)ల పుర్రెలు - FACTLY
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
May 25, 2023
ఆసియాలోని హిందూ కుష్ పర్వత శ్రేణులలో పురాతన హిందువులకు చెందిన పుర్రెల కుప్ప ఉందని, దానికి చెందినదిగా చెపుతూ ఒక ఫోటో సోషల్ మీడియాలో షేర్ చేస్తున్నారు. ఈ ఫోటో వెనుక ఉన్న నిజానిజాలు ఏంటో ఈ ఆర్టికల్ ద్వారా తెలుసుకొందాం.
క్లెయిమ్: ఈ ఫోటో హిందూ కుష్ పర్వత శ్రేణులలో చంపి పారేయబడ్డ పురాతన హిందువులకు చెందిన పుర్రెల కుప్పను చూపిస్తుంది.
ఫాక్ట్ (నిజం): ఈ ఫోటో 1892లో అమెరికాలోని డెట్రాయిట్‌లో ఉన్న మిచిగన్ కార్బన్ వర్క్స్‌లో చిత్రీకరించబడింది. ఇందులో కనపడుతున్నవి బైసన్ (బర్రెల)  పుర్రెలు. కావున, పోస్ట్‌లో చేసిన క్లెయిమ్ తప్పు.
ఈ ఫోటో హిందువుల పుర్రెలను చూపించడంలేదు. ఈ ఫోటో అసలు హిందూ కుష్ పర్వత శ్రేణులు ఉన్న ఆసియా ఖండంలో తీయబడిందే కాదు.
పోస్టులో ఉన్న ఫోటోని ఇంటర్నెట్లో రివర్స్ ఇమేజ్ సెర్చ్ చేసి చూడగా,ఇది 1892 సంవత్సరం నాటిది అని తెలిసింది. దీన్ని మిచిగన్‌లోని డెట్రాయిట్‌లోని మిచిగన్ కార్బన్ వర్క్స్‌ల (గ్లూ వర్క్స్ ఫ్యాక్టరీలో) చిత్రించారు.  ఈ ఫోటోను డెట్రాయిట్ పబ్లిక్ లైబ్రరీ యొక్క డిజిటల్ కలెక్షన్స్‌లో చూడవచ్చు. ఇది (ఇక్కడ మరియు ఇక్కడ) బైసన్ (బర్రెల) పుర్రెల కుప్పను చూపిస్తుంది, మనుషుల పుర్రెలు కాదు.
ఈ చిత్రాన్ని  హిందూ కుష్ పర్వత శ్రేణుల్లో ఉన్న పురాతన హిందువుల పుర్రెలు అని  తప్పుగా చెప్తున్నారు. హిందూ కుష్ పర్వత శ్రేణి ఆసియాలో ఉన్న ఒక ముఖ్యమైన భౌగోళిక చిహ్నం. సెంట్రల్ ఆసియాలో 800 కిలోమీటర్ల విస్తీర్ణంలో ఇది ఉంది. హిందూ పుర్రెల భారీ కుప్ప ఆ ప్రదేశంలో ఉందనే వాదనకు ఎటువంటి చారిత్రక ఆధారాలు లేదా విశ్వసనీయ డాక్యుమెంటేషన్ మాకు లభించలేదు.
చివరిగా, ఈ ఫొటోలో కనిపిస్తున్నది హిందువుల పుర్రెల గుట్ట కాదు, ఇవి బైసన్‌ల (బర్రెల) పుర్రెలు.


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What is the amount of Fake Currency detected after Demonetization?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
July 26, 2017
As per the data shared by the government in Parliament, only 1.57 lakh fake currency notes with a value of 11.23 crore rupees were detected in the country between November 2016 and July 2017. This is much less a number compared to the previous years.
On November 8th 2016, the Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced demonetization of the old Rs 500 and Rs 1000 notes. During his address to the nation, he mentioned the issue of fake currency multiple times and how demonetization was aimed at fighting fake currency among other things.
Even the Finance ministry in its press release on the same day spoke about the menace of fake currency and demonetization as a step to counter the same.
But more than 8 months after demonetization, the government does not seem to have detected a large volume of fake currency notes if one goes by the information shared by the government in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha on the issue of fake currency.
Who can impound fake currency?
The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has issued instructions on multiple occasions on the process to be followed when fake currency is detected by the banks. The following authorities can impound counterfeit notes.
All notes received over the counter or directly at the back office will be examined for authenticity through machines. RBI’s instructions make it clear that no credit will be given to the customer’s account if such notes are received from the customer. The instructions also make it clear that such notes should not be returned to the customer and also cannot be destroyed by the bank. Banks and other authorities have to mandatorily impound counterfeit notes detected by them. Failure to do so will also make them liable for penalty.
What happens to the impounded fake currency?
Whenever a currency note is found to be fake or counterfeit, an acknowledgement receipt in the following format should be issued to the person who tendered those notes.
In cases where up to 4 pieces of counterfeit notes are detected in a single transaction, a consolidated report in the following format should be sent by the Nodal Bank Officer to the police authorities along with the counterfeit notes, at the end of every month.
In cases where 5 or more pieces of counterfeit notes are detected in a single transaction, the counterfeit notes should be forwarded by the Nodal Bank Officer to the local police authorities in the following format.
Every month, a consolidated report / FIR should be sent by the Police to the Forged Note Vigilance Cell at the Head Office of each bank.
Not a large volume of fake currency detected post demonetization
In response to a question in the Lok Sabha, the government mentioned that according to the data available with NCRB,  a total of 1,57,818 Fake Indian Currency Notes (FICN) having a face-value of Rs.11,24,04,980 have been reported by States/UTs Police for the period between 09th November 2016 and 14th July  2017.
In response to a similar question in the Rajya Sabha, the government mentioned that according to the information available with the NCRB, a total of 1,57,797 Fake Indian Currency Notes (FICN), having a face-value of Rs.11,23,62,980 have been detected in 29 states post demonetisation until 14th July 2017.
In response to another question in the Rajya Sabha, the government mentioned that a total of 89,691 Fake Indian Currency Notes (FICN) of Rs. 1000 and Rs. 500, having a face-value of Rs. 6,86,95,500 have been reported by States/UTs Police in the year 2017 till 30th June 2017. In other words, fake currency with a face value of only about Rs 4.36 crore was detected in the two months following demonetization (November & December of 2016). Compared to the value of demonetized currency, the amount of fake currency detected is miniscule
How does this compare with previous years?
Compared to the previous years, fewer number of counterfeit notes were detected in the 8 months after demonetization. In 2014-15, a total of 5.94 lakh counterfeit notes were detected as per RBI’s annual report. In 2015-16, this number went up to 6.32 lakh. But in the 8-month period between 09th November 2016 and 14th July 2017, only 1.57 lakh counterfeit notes were detected.


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What is the change in Hindu & Muslim population share between 2001 & 2011?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
September 3, 2019
There is a perception
that the Muslim population has grown exponentially resulting in a significant change in the share of Hindu & Muslim population across the country. What do the numbers say?
India’spopulation growth rate has shown a declining trend over the past few decades asnoted in one of Factly’s
earlier stories. However, data also reveals that the population growth rates are noteven across the country. The Hindi speaking states of North India have apopulation growth rate more than that of India, while the southern statesperform better with lower rate of population growth.
An earlier review
of the highly populated districts in India, showed that many of thesedistricts are urban districts and the increase in their population over thedecade (2001-2011) is largely due to the migration into the major urbancenters.
At the sametime, it is also true that the population growth rate in India is different fordifferent religious communities. We explore this in this story, especially withrespect to Hinduism and Islam, which happen to be the largest religiouscommunities in India.
Marginal
increase in share of Muslim population across the states
As per the 2001 census, the share of Hindu population in India was 80.4% while by 2011 it decreased marginally to 79.8%. The share of Muslim population in 2001 was 13.4% while it increased to 14.2% by 2011. The share of other religions in the population of India is significantly lower, with Christianity, the larger of the other religions accounting for 2.34% of the population in 2001 and 2.30% as per 2011 census.
The change inthe share of population for both Hindu and Muslim communities in India has beenmarginal across the states. The share of Hindu population dropped by 0.65%whereas the share of Muslim population has increased by 0.8%.
The share ofHindu population within the states has marginally declined across the stateswhile Muslim population share has registered a marginal increase acrossmultiple states during the 2001-11 period. This reflects the marginal decreaseand increase of Hindu and Muslim population share respectively at the nationallevel.
The Unionterritories and states including Nagaland and Punjab have a positive growth inshare of Hindu population. However, the Hindu community in these states is aminority and hence the base figures are less. The majority community isChristian and Sikh respectively in these states.
Assam, WestBengal, Chhattisgarh and Kerala are the larger states which has seen a decreasein share of Hindu population by more than 1%.  The decrease in the share of Hindu populationwas less than 1% in the other big states. In Assam, the share of Muslimsincreased by around 3.31% whereas the share of Hindus decreased by 3.42%. Inthe case of West Bengal, the share of Hindu population decreased by 1.93% whilethe Muslim population share increased by 1.77% during 2001-11.
The Muslimpopulation growth rate is more than the Hindu population across most of thestates. Assam, Uttarakhand, West Bengal, Kerala, J&K, Haryana and Delhi areamong the larger states where the share of Muslim population increased by morethan 1%. Assam recorded the highest change with increase by 3.31% followed byUttarakhand with 2.03%.
What about
change in share in Districts?
Out of the 593districts as per 2001 census (new districts of 2011 census are consolidatedinto the older districts for better comparison), 20 districts have a populationof over 50 Lakhs as noted in one of Factly’s
earlier stories.
The share on Hindupopulation in these 20 districts has gone down by 0.77%. It was 79.26% in 2001and is 78.49% as per 2011 census. Correspondingly, the share of Muslimpopulation has grown from 17% to 17.85 % i.e. an increase by 0.85% during thesame period in these 20 districts.
Further, thereare 35 districts which have population between 40-50 Lakhs. The share of Hindupopulation in these districts during 2001 census was 81.47% which fell by 0.78%to 80.69% in 2011.
The share ofMuslim population in these districts increased by 0.76% from 16.2% in 2001 to16.96% in 2011. The fall in Hindu population share is comparatively lower inthe districts with 30-40 lakh population with a decrease of 0.57%. On otherhand, the increase in Muslim population for these districts is 0.81%.
The overall share of Hindu population in all these highly populated districts (more than 30 Lakhs) as per 2011 census is 79.26% and that of Muslim population is 16.73% there by impacting the overall change in the share of population at national level. This also means that the Muslim population is concentrated in highly populated districts.
The change inshare of Hindu Population in districts with population of 20-30 lakhs and 10-20lakhs is the least among the population size groups with a reduction of 0.22%and 0.23% respectively. The increase in Muslim population share is also theleast with 0.53% and 0.48% respectively in these two population groups. A totalof 307 districts i.e., more than half of the total districts fall under thesetwo population size groups. The share of Muslim population in these districtsis only 11.98% which is less than the national share of 14.2%.
Larger variancein the population is observed in the group of districts with less than 10 Lakhspopulation (there are 157 districts). Hindu population share has decreased by1.16% in these districts while the share of Muslim population increased by1.03% during 2001-11.
Districts with
extreme population share change distributed across various population sizes.
A total of 192districts of the 593 have witnessed a change in the share of Hindu populationby more than 1%. Of these, share of Hindu population in 150 districts reducedby more than 1% in the 2001-11 period. In the rest of 42 districts, the shareof Hindu population increase by more than 1%.  Around 110 of the 150 districts with fall in populationshare of Hindus by more than 1% are those with a population of less than 30 lakhs.
In 16 out ofthe 24 districts in Assam, the share of Hindu population decreased by more than2%. In Nalabri and Barpeta districts of Assam, both with population of morethan 10 lakhs, the share of Hindu population decreased by a whopping 12.39% and11.05% respectively, while the Muslim population in these districts has increasedby 13.87% and 11.37% respectively. In Nagaon and Kamprup districts of Assamwith more than 23 lakh population, the share of Hindu population has reduced by4.41% and 2.7% respectively while the share of Muslim population increased by4.37% and 2.39% respectively in the 2001-11 period.
South Twenty-FourParaganas and Murshidabad districts of West Bengal, with population of 69 Lakhsand 58 Lakhs respectively, have seen a drop in the share of Hindu population by2.69% and 2.71% respectively. The share of Muslim population in these districtsgrew by 2.33% and 2.6%.
Ranchi withpopulation of 27 Lakhs has a seen an increase in the share of Hindu populationby 5% and even Muslim population share in this district has increased by 1.57%.Ranchi has seen a decline in Christian population during 2001-11. The share ofHindu population increased by 3.21% in Ludhiana district of Punjab that has 30lakh population as per 2011 census.
The share ofMuslim population changed by more than 1% in only 98 districts out of 593districts. Of these, the share increased by more than 1% in 89 districts whileit decreased in the rest of districts.
Of thedistricts with more than 30 lakhs population, Muzaffarnagar (3.22%), Saharanpur(2.84%), Murshidabad (2.6%), Uttar Dinajpur (2.56%), South Twenty-FourParaganas (2.33%), Hyderabad (2.28%) and Aligarh (2.07%) have registered thehighest increase in the share of Muslim population between 2001-11.
Is there an
exponential growth in the share of Muslim population?
The increase inthe share of Muslim population across the country was less than 1% i.e. 0.8%over a decade. Considering that the overall share of Muslim population is only14.2% in comparison to Hindu population (79.8%), the growth in  the share of Muslim population is marginal contraryto the perception of exponential growth in Muslim Population. However, as notedearlier, in certain districts of the country, the share of Muslim populationhas grown exponentially.
Featured Image: Hindu & Muslim population

created: September 3, 2019


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What is the lowest ever voting percentage in an election in Jammu & Kashmir
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
April 13, 2017
Only 7.14% polling was recorded in the recent bye-election to Srinagar Lok Sabha constituency. But this is not the lowest ever polling recorded in Jammu & Kashmir.
The recent Lok Sabha bye-election in the Srinagar constituency of Jammu & Kashmir ended in large scale violence and the death of a few people. In fact, the violence has prompted the Election Commission of India (ECI) to postpone the other bye-election scheduled in Anantnag constituency. The voting percentage in Srinagar was just over 7% and one the lowest in the history of Jammu & Kashmir. But this is not the lowest ever voting percentage in an election in Jammu & Kashmir.
Polling percentage in J&K was healthy except for in 2002
The polling percentage in the assembly elections of Jammu & Kashmir was healthy in all the elections except in 1967 and 2002. Only in those two elections, the polling percentage was less than 50%. Out of the 10 assembly general elections in the state till date, the polling percentage was more than 60% on six (6) occasions and more than 50% on eight (8) occasions. The highest ever polling percentage was recorded in 1987 (74.88).
10 Constituencies recorded less than 10% in 2002 Assembly Elections
In terms of the polling percentage in assembly constituencies,the 2002 Assembly Election was the worst ever in the history. Ten (10) different constituencies recorded less than 10% polling and a total of 15 constituencies recorded a poll percentage of less than 20% in these elections. In fact, six (6) of the 10 constituencies in 2002 polled less than 5% and the lowest was in Amirakadal.
Amirakadal recorded the worst ever polling percentage in the history of Jammu & Kashmir with just 3.06%. Out of the 74442 registered voters in Amirakadal in 2002, only 2280 exercised their franchise. The winning candidate from the Congress polled just 1163 votes, which is 1.5% of the total registered voters in that constituency.
Less than 20% was recorded in 26 different constituencies
Of all the assembly elections till date, less than 20% polling was recorded in 26 different constituencies in various years. 15 of them were in 2002, 5 of them in 1996 and the remaining 6 in 2008. Five different constituencies polled less than 20% (Amirakadal, Batamaloo, Habbakadal, Khanyar & Zadibal) on all three occasions (1996, 2002 and 2008). Less than 30% polling was recorded in 44 different constituencies in various years.
Less than 30% polling in Lok Sabha elections on 10 different occasions
As far as Lok Sabha elections are concerned, less than 30% polling was recorded on 10 different occasions in the Lok Sabha elections of 1989, 1999, 2004, 2009 and 2014. Except in 1989, on four different occasions, both Srinagar & Anantnag recorded less than 30% polling. The lowest in a Lok Sabha general election (5.07%) was recorded in Anantnag in 1989. In the same year, Baramulla recorded 5.48%. In both 2009 and 2014 elections, Srinagar & Anantnag both recorded more than 25% polling.
Featured Image: Jammu & Kashmir elections polling


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What is the new rule on Sleeper Accommodation on Trains?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
September 18, 2017
The Indian Railways has recently issued a circular amending para 652 of chapter 6 of the Indian Railways Commercial Manual Volume –I that prescribes timings within which reserved berths are to be used for sleeping. From 9 hours (9pm to 6am) earlier, the duration has been reduced to 8 hours (10pm to 6am) now.
Most long distance trains of the Indian Railways have sleeper coaches where in passengers can sleep during the night. There are occasions when passengers get into altercations about when can one use the lower berth for sleeping and for sitting. Chapter 6 of the Indian Railway Commercial Manual Volume –I  prescribes rules relating to reservation of berths, seats and compartments. This chapter also prescribes the timings within which reserved berths are to be used for sleeping.
What was the earlier rule?
Para 652 of  chapter 6 of the Indian Railway Commercial Manual Volume –I prescribes the timings within which a reserved berth can be used as a sleeping accommodation.  The earlier rule prescribed that for a duration of 9 hours between 9pm and 6am, a reserved berth can be used as a sleeping accommodation and as a sitting accommodation for the rest of the period.
What is the change in rule now?
The Railways has now amended para 652 to change the timings for sleeping accommodation. It issued a commercial circular on 31st August 2017 to this effect. According to the amended rules, the sleeper accommodation timings are now between 10pm and 6am in all reserved coaches with sleeping accommodation. In other words, the total duration for sleeping accommodation has been reduced to 8 hours from the earlier 9 hours.
The circular also makes it clear that a passenger who has booked a side upper berth can use the side lower berth for sitting during the day time. But he/she will not have any claim for seat on the side lower berth between 10pm and 6am.
Will this new rule help?
The Railways has reportedly said that the change in rules was prompted by frequent complaints about passengers using the middle & lower berths as sleeping accommodation beyond the allowed timings. But the change in rule may not help reduce such complaints or prevent altercations.
Firstly, the amended rules also mention that passengers are requested to cooperate with the sick, persons with disability and pregnant ladies if they wish to sleep beyond the permissible time limits. Those who wish to sleep for a longer period of time will anyway sleep citing they are sick or use some other pretext.
Secondly, most people tend to sleep early on trains and the change in the timings is only going to increase altercation between them and the others who wish to sleep late.  A better alternative would have been to sensitize passengers about the timings and strict implementation of the earlier rule by introducing penal provisions.
Featured Image: Sleeper Accommodation on Trains

created: September 18, 2017


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Why did the EC reject the votes of Gujarat Congress MLAs?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
August 9, 2017
The ECI rejected the votes of 2 Congress MLAs after it was revealed that they showed their ballot paper to others in addition to the authorized agent. These provisions were brought in through an amendment made to the RP Act 1951 in 2003 when the NDA was in power.
In a late night order yesterday, the Election Commission of India (ECI) directed the returning officer of the Gujarat Rajya Sabha polls to reject the votes of two Congress MLAs. In its order, the ECI said that these two Congress MLAs violated the voting procedure and secrecy of the ballot papers cast by them.
But what rule position was violated by these two MLAs? Here is a low down of the rules involved in voting during the Rajya Sabha election.
Major amendment to the RP Act in 2003 leading to changes in Rajya Sabha election
In 2003, during the rule of the first NDA government, an amendment was made to the Representation of People’s Act 1951. The following two provisions relating to the election of Rajya Sabha members were modified through this amendment.
Following the amendment to the RP Act, the relevant rules were amended in 2004 to add rule 39AA. Rule 39AA of the Conduct of Election Rules prescribes the manner in which voting should take place in the RS elections. The rule clearly states that the authorized agent of the political party to which the voter belongs should verify the ballot paper without which the vote will be treated invalid.
The ECI also states this in its handbook to the returning officer.
These provisions were challenged in the Supreme Court by Kuldip Nayar
Kuldip Nayar challenged these amendments in the SC through a writ petition filed in 2004. The SC dismissed this petition in 2006 after holding that  constitution does not put any restriction on the legislative powers of the Parliament with respect to the election of members of the Rajya Sabha. The SC maintained that  amendments to Sections 3, 59, 94 and 128 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 made through an act in 2003 do not infringe any Constitutional provision.
Since then, the elections to the Rajya Sabha are being held in the open ballot system as described above. Very recently in 2016, the vote of Congress MLA from Haryana Randeep Singh Surjewala was also rejected because he showed his vote to a person other than the authorized agent of the party. The ECI has now rejected the votes of two congress MLAs in Gujarat following the same provision.

created: August 9, 2017


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What is the state of ‘Emergency Ambulance Services’ in India?
Sai Krishna Muthyanolla
March 12, 2020
Emergency response is a very important aspect of healthcare services. Ambulance services play a critical role in the delivery of emergency response services.  What is the state of such services in India? Do we have adequate number of ambulances? What is the quality of such services? Here is a detailed story.
It is well known that easy & timely availability of ambulances cansave a lot of lives, especially in case of emergencies. The state of emergencymedical transport i.e. ambulances is a vast issue. In this article, let’s lookat the number of operational ambulances across states and various studies thatevaluate the functioning of ambulance services with various parameters.
To get an understanding of the total number of operational ambulances, we take stock of the state-run ambulances and commercial vehicles being used as ambulances. We gather data for state-run ambulances under National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) and state-run ambulances at Health Care Centers from Quarterly National Health Mission Report (June 2019 update). The data on commercial vehicles being used as ambulances has been gathered from Road Transport Year Book 2016-17.
In understanding whether the operational number of ambulances across states meet established standards, we take World Health Organisation’s (WHO) benchmark of at least one ambulance (emergency response) per 1 lakh population in the plains and estimate the required number of ambulances based on mid-year population projection published in National Crime Records Bureau reports. It has to be noted that this benchmark refers to the number of ambulances in the centralized emergency response system like 108 in some states and not the total number of ambulances available in the country, which includes private ones as well. The Emergency Management and Research Institute (EMRI) which manages the 108 service also talks about roughly one such ambulance for every one lakh people.
The National Health Mission website highlights that at the time of launch of NRHM in 2005, ambulance networks were non-existent. Now 33 States/UTs have the facility where people can Dial 108 or 102  for calling an ambulance. Dial 108 is predominantly an emergency response system, primarily designed to attend to patients of critical care, trauma and accident victims etc. Dial 102 services essentially consist of basic patient transport aimed to cater to the needs of pregnant women and children though other categories are also taking benefit and are not excluded.
Do we have enough ambulances to meet the requires standards?
Here is a comparison of the total number of ambulances operationalacross states and required number of ambulances as per WHO standards. It has tobe noted the WHO standard pertains to a centralized public emergency response systemand is not about private ambulances.
On the other hand, the data on private ambulances is available only up to2016-17 and for several states, the data for commercial vehicles being used asambulances was not reported in the Road Transport Yearbook. Even the availabledata pertains to those commercial vehicles registered as ambulances. Therecould be other vehicles used as ambulances but are not registered asambulances. It is also surprising to note that in certain big states, there isnot a single commercial vehicle that is used as an ambulance. It could be acase a data gap and hence the total number of ambulances across the country couldbe much higher.
Except for the state of Andhra Pradesh, all other states have reported a higher number of total ambulances as compared to the required number of ambulances as per WHO standards. This means, that the number of ambulances across states does not fall short of international standards set by WHO, at least in the reported figures.
However, the reported number of operational ambulances do not necessarily signify their functionality, access & qualify of infrastructure among other things. Multiple studies across different states that have evaluated various aspects of the functionality of ambulance services have highlighted gaps in these services.
Evaluation of ambulances services
According to a study conducted by AIIMS in 2012, summarised in the Wall Street Journal, reports that Delhi had 152 state-run ambulances. Of the city’s state-run emergency vehicles, only 21 have advanced life-support facilities such as defibrillators, ventilators and drugs for use in critical or trauma-related cases. Ten vehicles have basic life support systems without drugs or ventilators and the rest are basically white vans with stretchers. It was found that 28% of the 70,768 emergency calls received between March 2009 and May 2010 in Delhi were refused because of the shortage of ambulances.
A number of irregularities and issues have surfaced around the functioning of 108 services in recent years across states. One of the most rampant issues is that of sub-optimal response time and calls not being attended. Non-adherence to stipulated response time in delivery of the 108 service has been observed across several states. The mean time was between 41 to 47 minutes, as per the Comptroller Auditor General (CAG) report from Madhya Pradesh (2017). Further, the CAG report from Odisha observed that ‘during 2013-14 out of the total call received, ambulances were dispatched in 5.43% of calls’. Further, the audit report noted that ‘no details regarding calls not attended were recorded in the database’.
A more critical issue related to poor governance is that of insufficientsupervision by state governments. CAG Reports from Kerala (2015), Orissa (2015) and Madhya Pradesh (2017) highlight oversight issues such as lack of duediligence in the tendering process, rising costs and idling of ambulances dueto procedural delays in tender procurement, fabrication, delay in payment ofoperating expenditure to the private provider, inadequate performancemonitoring, and forwarding commercial gains at the expense of public interest.
An article published in Economic & Political Weekly on 23 June 2018, summarising relevant newspaper reports and literature, argues that there are signs of complacency and compromise in the delivery of 108 services. It highlights another issue related to the non-fulfilment of conditions of the memorandum of understanding (MoU). Conditions like maintenance of equipment and vehicles, geographic information system (GIS) tracking, skill upgradation, networking with government hospitals, and generating awareness among the public about 108 services were not fulfilled as per the timeline prescribed.
While there are ample number of evaluation reports and studies, there is also a dearth of useful data in the public domain to determine the quality of ambulances services. As the report by Health Systems Resources Center in 2009 emphasises that there needs to be independent monitoring of appropriate response to the emergency call, the time in which patients were reached, the quality of stabilization care that was provided during transport. Quality data on these aspects is essential to evaluate the quality of these services.