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Victims of War are Becoming Invisible in Times of Peace | Balkan Diskurs
Mladen Lakić
October 26th, 2016
“I didn’t feel any support or empathy or hear someone say, ‘I’m sorry’. No! I heard many people say, ‘She got what she asked for.’ That hurts.”
“If I had stayed there, in Bosnia, I wouldn’t have had an even remotely normal life,” says MR, a women victim of rape during the war. When the war ended, she left Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Her husband knows what she went through, but she didn’t dare to tell anything to her child. “I could never do that. Not even if I had two more life times to live,” MR continues, asking us not reveal her identity.
“Today, I work and have a life that one might say looks stable, but I’m not the same person. It marks you for life and there is no doctor or medicine that can fix you,” says MR.
“I always say to myself: I got another chance. If I had stayed there [BiH]… who knows,” she pauses to catch her breath. “You know, people find out about these things in smaller communities. They look at you like you’re… like this is my sin, like I wanted it,” MR explains.
“I’m not ashamed of myself. I know I succeeded in life, but when I back there [BiH] it all comes back… That is why I don’t like going back, I prefer it here, where I have everything, where I have a new me,” MR continues in her interview for Balkan Diskurs.
She doesn’t want us to reveal which religion she is because she believes that many women, regardless of their religion, are dealing with the same burden. “The evil chose us because of it [religion] but we don’t see the difference,” she said.
According to data from the United Nations in BiH around 50,000 women, girls, men and boys were raped during the war from 1992-1995. Today, 21 years after the war has ended, the victims are still seeking justice and understanding. Many of them don’t talk about it because they fear for the safety of themselves and their families and they don’t want to be judged by society. Many of them haven’t even told their loved ones.
NN1, an interviewee from Brčko, says: “I didn’t feel any support or empathy or hear someone say, ‘I’m sorry’. No! I heard many people say, ‘She got what she asked for.’ That hurts,” expressed NN1. This is only one example of the kinds of the opinions neighbors, friends, family members and society hold with regard to the victims of these crimes. More details are available in the study conducted by the United Nations Populations Fund (UNFPA) in BiH.
Withdrawing from Society
Sabiha Husić, Director of the non-governmental organization Medica Zenica has spent 24 years actively providing assistance to victims of wartime rape and other forms of violence. “Labeling victims of rape forces them to withdraw into themselves and into such a silence that they do not demand their rights. Very few have the courage to engage in legal processes and ensure that justice is served,” says Husić. According to her, many people will tell you that they don’t know anyone who is a victim of this type of crime, however, when you calculate the numbers, it is clear that this is impossible.
Husić warns of the discrimination that occurs during the process of acquiring official status as a “civilian victim of war”. She further explains: “With new amendments to the Law on Social Protection, this area is fairly well regulated in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina entity, with a lot of help from civil society and international organizations. However, in the Republika Srpska entity victims have no such rights because the legal deadline for status registration expired in 2007.”
The Human Rights Ombudsman of BiH, Jasminka Džumhur, says that the most painful blow to the victims is not receiving that status. “The Law on the Protection of Victims of Torture, which presents clearly defined categories within this realm, seems like the best solution and its adoption would greatly remedy this injustice.”
Džumhur notes that giving the victims a recognized status is very important because many of them are in need of medical assistance and similar benefits. However, even the victims who have a recognized status have trouble within the institutions that are supposed to help them.
NN3, an interviewee from the UNFPA report, says: “I submitted my health card to the reception desk at 6:30am, but I had to wait until 2:30pm to be seen. I asked the doctor, ‘How is it possible for someone who shows up at the doctors’ that early has to wait so many hours to be seen?’ My health card clearly states, ‘Woman Victim of War’. The doctor asks, ‘How come you are a victim of war?’ And then the insults start… He tells me that if I didn’t really want it, none of it would have happened to me. He throws my card on the floor like I’m a dog.”
The Defendant Has No Money
All of our interviewees agree that the state is obligated to provide full rights for victims of wartime sexual violence. “The gaps that exist are inconsistent with international law and various conventions, as well as the state, must provide a mechanism to stop these bad practices,” Džumhur emphasizes.
She recalled that the Court of BiH has issued three verdicts for the crime of wartime rape for which the accused didn’t have the money to pay damages to the victim. “In such a case, the state is considered co-responsible and must ensure that payments are made. On the other hand, the victim has the right to engage in further litigation, but would consequently lose the status of a protected witness, which can be very dangerous,” Džumhur explains.
The non-governmental organization TRIAL International organized an expert working group, which aimed to prepare amendments for a set of laws on civil litigation and enforcement procedures. The amendments are intended to enable the launch of these litigation procedures without the need to repeal or revise the measures taken to protect a witness’ identity. These amendments will be sent to the Parliament in the near future.
“Even when you talk in court, the lawyers look at you as a less valuable woman,” says NN1 (UNFPA report).
Džumhur continues on to explain that many good things have been done in order to keep this segment functioning. “New staff members have been hired in the prosecutors’ offices and in the courts to provide support witnesses, investments from international donors have gone towards improving the rooms where victims give their testimonies, psychologists have been employed… These are all improvements,” Džumhur reminds us while pointing out that there is still room for further improvements.
Husić later notes that victims are often used as a manipulation tool for political purposes, explaining that this is one of the reasons why she cooperates with the Association of Women from Banja Luka.
“Through this cooperation, we show that the victim has no nationality and this is important now and in the future.”
Džumhur concludes by saying that our painful experiences can not only serve as an example to others but also to ourselves regarding correcting what is wrong so that the victims can receive justice.

created: October 26th, 2016


text:
Conflict Through a Film Lens | Balkan Diskurs
Bridget Granger
November 8th, 2016
A brief history of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, and the bravery of a twenty-six-year-old film student in her quest to document the Revolution from the front lines.
Ukraine, the second largest country in Europe, officially gained its independence after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. The young nation has since been caught in the middle of a tumultuous tug-of-war battle between Russia and Europe—each side vying for economic and political influence.
Following Vladimir Putin’s rise to office in 2000, Russia began to intensify its grip on Ukrainian politics by supporting pro-Russian sympathizer, Viktor Yanukovych, in an extremely controversial Presidential election. As a result, thousands of outraged Ukrainian citizens took to the streets in a massive non-violent protest known as the “Orange Revolution” of 2004. Public outcry successfully reversed the outcome of the rigged election, yet the precedent-setting victory failed to bring about sustainable reform in Ukraine.
In the wake of the major Ukrainian economic crisis of 2008-2009, Yanukovych eventually won a legitimate Presidential election in 2010 by promising voters a stable and prosperous future. Within months of assuming office, President Yanukovych began implementing measures to resist European integration in favor of strengthening ties with the Russian Federation. Tensions escalated in 2014 when Yanukovych refused to sign an association agreement that had been in the works with the European Union for many months. This decision, combined with growing resentment towards widespread governmental corruption and rampant human rights abuses, culminated in the Ukrainian Revolution.
Turmoil and violent civil unrest erupted as the Revolution progressed, resulting in the death of hundreds of protesters, policemen, and innocent bystanders. Kremlin-backed propaganda further intensified rising violence and bloodshed throughout Ukraine, as local men in the predominately Russian-speaking east formed armed militias, and began seizing Ukrainian government buildings.
In the midst of all the chaos a twenty-six-year-old film student from Kiev, Alisa Kovalenko, decided to take action the best way she knew how; through a film lens. She proceeded to capture mounting tensions throughout Ukraine, including the pro-Russian rallies and dangerous protests in the capital city of Kiev. In a noble effort to combat Russian propaganda portraying Ukrainian nationalists as “villainous terrorists”, Kovalenko joined a group of Ukrainian soldiers on the front lines of war. Camera in hand, she endured a myriad of perilous encounters with separatist snipers, mortar shell explosions, and machine gun fire. At one point, she was even captured and aggressively interrogated by pro-Russian forces for spying.
Kovalenko, along with director Liubov Durakova, eventually compiled all of the footage she had captured over the course of the Revolution, and transformed it into a unique and sobering documentary entitled “Alisa in Warland”.
Alisa in Warland is a phenomenal account of the Ukrainian conflict as it humanizes the war through scenes of comradery and day-to-day life depictions of the ordinary men who are risking their lives on the front lines to defend their country and preserve its unity. Footage of the soldiers decorating abandoned homes with makeshift garlands on Christmas, as well as scenes of the soldiers playing cards and talking about their hometowns, forces viewers to perceive the men beyond the uniform that they wear—as individuals. When Alisa asks the men why they willingly joined the front lines of conflict, their answers all reflected their deeply rooted concern for the welfare of Ukrainian citizens and future of their nation. In this regard, the film successfully disavows the ubiquitous Russian sentiment that all Ukrainian soldiers are “villainous terrorists.”
After viewing a screening of Alisa in Warland at the third-annual WARM Festival in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Anna B. Roach, a student at the University of Toronto, praised the film for providing a female-centered perspective of war. “I particularly enjoyed watching the positive interaction between Alisa and the male soldiers, and how they never put her down because of her gender. On the contrary, they respected her and the work she was doing,” Anna remarked.
Another insightful observation made by Ayla Heder, a graduate student at Des Moines University, revolved around Alisa’s relationship with her French boyfriend. “When a man decides to risk his life fighting for a cause, he is usually considered a brave hero and his wife or girlfriend must come to terms with that decision. It was upsetting to see that when a woman, in this case Alisa, decides that she wants to fight for a cause, her boyfriend continually berates her for her decision and claims that her decision is jeopardizing their relationship, ultimately threatening to break up with her if she doesn’t return home. It’s a double-standard that exists far too often in times of war and conflict.”
While Alisa in Warland only shows the Ukrainian nationalist perspective, the film serves as an active reminder that conflicts are always complex and multifaceted in nature. It will forever preserve the memory, tears and heartbreak of a divided Ukraine, and it left viewers with a sense that the tug-of-war rope, however strained, will continue to endure.
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“Alisa in Warland” had its Balkan premiere during the 3rd annual War Art Reporting and Memory (WARM) Festival. The WARM Festival took place in Sarajevo from Sunday 26 June to Saturday 2 July 2016. Organized by the WARM Foundation in collaboration with the Post-Conflict Research Center (PCRC), the Festival brings together artists, reporters, academics and activists around the topic of contemporary conflict.

source: news-balkandiskurs

created: November 8th, 2016

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Bridget Granger


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My Son the Jihadi | Balkan Diskurs
James Hill
November 21st, 2016
How did a perfectly normal British teenager end up fighting in Somalia as a recruit for the Al Qaeda-affiliated group Al Shabaab?
How did a perfectly normal British teenager end up fighting in Somalia as a recruit for the Al Qaeda-affiliated group Al Shabaab?
Peter Beard’s documentary “My Son the Jihadi” follows the life of traumatized mother Sally as she struggles to come to terms with her estranged son’s transformation from a ‘normal teenage lad’ to Abdul Hakim, the violent Islamic extremist. Through this lens, we see a mother who is torn between the love for her child and a disgust at his actions in a faraway land. She admits, “I’m ashamed of him, but he’s still my son”.
The documentary, predominantly filmed in the UK, portrays the dull reality of English suburban life. We are presented with Thomas’ childhood story growing up in an agnostic and ordinary British household. We soon learn that Thomas’ life was punctuated by a series of upsets; a father who left the family, a group of unsavory friends, loss of a girlfriend and eventual involvement in petty crime. While this is a set of negative, and potentially damaging experiences, it is by no means unusual in modern Britain, and it fails to fully explain his rapid descent into the world of violent Islamic extremism.
Thomas developed an interest in Islam at the age of 18, attending a mosque and making a journey to Gaza. As a result of his conversion to Islam, his relationship with his mother and brother began to quickly deteriorate. The story then picks up some time after Thomas has journeyed to Somalia. His mother’s only contact with her son is through sporadic phone calls. We witness her confusion as we learn of Thomas’ new 13-year-old Somali wife, who also begins to contact Sally.
Frustrated and desperate, Sally enlists the help of a de-radicalization expert, Mike Jervis, from the Muslim charity Active Change Foundation. He is a positive figure, with punchy language and a reassuring manner. He outlines a strategy for her to follow in an attempt to persuade her son to return home. Yet, we never learn whether this strategy was successful.
Sally soon discovers her son is dead after recognizing him in a post on Twitter that displays photos of fighters who have been killed. Even at that moment, as is the case throughout the film, her emotions are buried deep inside of her and her facial expression displays blank helplessness. Shortly after discovering the news, we again witness her conflicting emotions. While mourning her son’s death, she declares, “He will be burning in Hell.”
The picture of a young man who has lost hope in himself and the world around him is painted – the perfect conditions under which recruitment and radicalization can take place.
The film exposes the tactical and extensive system of recruitment that exists to prey upon the minds of the weak so as to fill the ranks of extremist groups fighting abroad. It reminds us that Thomas’ case is not unusual and that as many as 1000 young Britons have left to fight for such groups abroad. However, this film is not, at its core, about Islamic extremism, but is rather the sad tale of a mother and her son’s personal tragedy.
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“My Son the Jihadi” had its Balkan premiere during the 3rd annual War Art Reporting and Memory (WARM) Festival. The WARM Festival took place in Sarajevo from 26 June to 2 July 2016. Organized by the WARM Foundation in collaboration with the Post-Conflict Research Center (PCRC), the Festival brings together artists, reporters, academics and activists around the topic of contemporary conflict.

created: November 21st, 2016

author: James Hill


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Shoot! Filming a War | Balkan Diskurs
Laura Feehs
November 30th, 2016
In the documentary directed by Jean-Baptiste Thoret, “Shoot! Filming a War” presents the experiences of various war film directors as they discuss their respective processes for recreating these violent pieces of history as well as the perspectives of historians and researchers who have worked on such films.
In the documentary directed by Jean-Baptiste Thoret, “Shoot! Filming a War” presents the experiences of various war film directors as they discuss their respective processes for recreating these violent pieces of history as well as the perspectives of historians and researchers who have worked on such films. Screened at the 2016 WARM Festival, this film offers an insight into the purpose of war films, the decisions involved in the artistic creation, and the challenges in recreating often controversial historical events with a particular focus on the making of new films on modern warfare.
The film includes interviews with Bertran Tavernier (Capitaine Conan), Bruno Dumont (Flandres), Clement Cogitore (Neither Heaven Nor Earth), Jean-Pierre Jeunet (A Very Long Engagement), Florent Emilio Siri (Intimate Enemies), Jean-Jacques Annaud (Enemy at the Gates), and Alice Winocour (Maryland). Particular scenes from each of these directors’ films are shown, along with American productions as sources of comparison to their works.
While the directors unanimously verify the importance of the genre in recognizing the impact of war on culture, they offer various understandings of the essence of war itself. War is barbarous, cannibalistic, medieval; war is about passionate love; war will not end; war is the most primitive game. From these root perspectives, directors then start to answer the question: why film war?
One crucial point the directors emphasize is the consideration of how heroism is depicted in the film being produced. The filmmakers agree that the necessity is not to depict the hero as a good man going into war and a better man returning home. This representation is not the reality for many soldiers returning from war, and furthermore, it blinds society to the struggle soldiers experience when reintegrating into life at home. If the process is not portrayed and recognized accurately, necessary support beyond just the families of soldiers will remain insufficient. Furthermore, combatants who do not identify with this story of heroism are susceptible to feelings of inadequacy, failure, guilt, and regret.
In contrast to this idea of heroism, the film notes that the “bad hero” evokes deeper responses to reconcile the realities of war. The bad hero works on the “trials inside himself,” and resonates with the human condition that shares in these struggles.
The challenges continue for the directors in creating films of modern warfare. The times of interstate conflicts and formal actors give way to non-state combatants, civilian involvement, interventions from the international community, and modern weaponry, such as drones. The 20-century experience of soldiers on battlefields no longer communicates an accurate illustration of war. As modern warfare continues to evolve, directors must remain vigilant of these changes for the accuracy of their films.
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“Shoot! Filming a War” had its Balkan premiere during the 3rd annual War Art Reporting and Memory (WARM) Festival. The WARM Festival took place in Sarajevo from 26 June to 2 July 2016. Organized by the WARM Foundation in collaboration with the Post-Conflict Research Center (PCRC), the Festival brings together artists, reporters, academics and activists around the topic of contemporary conflict.

created: November 30th, 2016

author: Laura Feehs


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Discussing Islamophobia in the Heart of Balkans | Balkan Diskurs
James Hill
December 20th, 2016
As Europe continues to grapple with growing Islamophobia fueled by a surging refugee crisis and Islamist terrorism, questions are increasingly being raised on whether Islam is compatible with European civilization.
As Europe continues to grapple with growing Islamophobia fueled by a surging refugee crisis and Islamist terrorism, questions are increasingly being raised on whether Islam is compatible with European civilization. In order to address this subject and counter the growing intolerance on the continent, a coalition of NGOs, academics and activists decided to organize a summit in Sarajevo on the topic of Islamophobia.
Despite the city’s relatively low profile on the European radar, many answers to today’s vital questions appear to lie within the tolerant and multicultural city of Sarajevo. Hence, this was the chosen location for the first European Summit on Islamophobia, which took place from 24 – 26 June 2016.
With such a grand opening venue as Sarajevo’s newly-renovated City Hall and National Library, the private event saw several high profile politicians giving rousing speeches about the present and critical threat of Islamophobia in Europe. The former Spanish Prime Minister, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, praised his country’s multicultural society and Spain’s shared history with the neighboring Islamic North Africa.
The speakers were well received, despite the healthy dose of skepticism that existed among Summit attendees. Member of the Independent Commission on Freedom of Information and former Leader of the Commons under Prime Minister Tony Blair, Rt Hon Jack Straw was challenged on how the effects of the Iraq War have contributed to instability in the Middle East and its relation to growing Islamophobia. The politicians present faced strong criticism from Al Jazeera English journalist and political commentator, Mehdi Hassan, who claimed that they had allowed Islamophobia to fester within their societies while simultaneously aiding its proliferation via their foreign policy decisions.
The second day of the Summit commenced in Sarajevo’s National Theatre, and, for the next two days, a mix of academics, journalists, historians and activists led in-depth discussions, debates and Q&A sessions exploring the different regions of Europe and their current experiences with Islamophobia.
Of particular interest was the debate on how Islam has reached the forefront of national discussion in countries with relatively large Muslim communities, such as Belgium, as well as in countries like Lithuania who have very few Muslims living within their borders. Attendees heard from speakers such as Joe Mulhall whose research into the al-Muhajiroun Islamic extremist network was unveiled by the organization “HOPE not hate”, which is working hard to challenge growing Islamophobia in the UK in a time of rising tensions, particularly in relation to the UK EU referendum.
The wide variety of Summit attendees allowed for the discussion on Islamophobia to be examined from a number of angles.
Dr. Ivan Kalmar, professor of Anthropology at the University of Toronto, focused his discussion to deliberate Islamophobia from a historical perspective. He highlighted Islamophobia’s shared history with other forms of racism and discrimination in Europe’s past. He contested the claim that ‘Islamophobia is the new Anti-Semitism’, as both have long and shared histories. However, he accepted that the analogy could have a useful role in providing a hard-hitting and powerful warning to European citizens regarding the emergence of such forms of racism and their acceptance into the mainstream media and schools of thought.
Some guests chose to discuss Islamophobia through the lens of political power. Hatem Bazian co-editor and founder of the Islamophobia Studies Journal and a senior lecturer in the Departments of Near Eastern and Ethnic Studies at University of California, Berkeley, spoke of Islamophobia as ‘institutionally constructed’ by an elite few to rationalize global inequality and militarism. He explained that, in order to truly combat Islamophobia, the European society must accept that the establishments in many countries have utilized and weaponized Islamophobia as a political instrument to manipulate their populations and gain greater power.
There were several key themes that emerged throughout the conference. Perhaps the most prominent was the need to counter the promotion and incitement of Islamophobia by major media institutions. Second was the need to build broad coalitions between groups that oppose Islamophobia and groups that promote anti-racism across Europe and world. Finally, it was generally agreed that political elites in major European States must be challenged when attempting to manipulate Islamophobia for their own political aims.
Despite the serious and often-somber tone of the discussions, the overall atmosphere and openness of the participants created a positive environment for learning, networking, and building international relationships. One of the highlights of the Summit was the Saturday night iftar when guests gathered together to dine in the spectacular setting around the Sebilj Fountain in Sarajevo’s Old Town. All participants interviewed were in agreement that the city of Sarajevo was the right choice for such an important and timely discussion.

created: December 20th, 2016


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The US Must Protect Eastern Europe from Moscow | Balkan Diskurs
Janusz Bugajski
February 7th, 2017
An unstable and internally broken Europe, with border integrity under constant threat by a belligerent Russia, would prove detrimental to United States foreign policy, and would likely set back the progress made by all U.S. presidents since Ronald Reagan.
An unstable and internally broken Europe, with border integrity under constant threat by a belligerent Russia, would prove detrimental to United States foreign policy, and would likely set back the progress made by all U.S. presidents since Ronald Reagan. Senior Fellow at the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) in Washington, D.C. Janusz Bugajski presents his analysis.
A number of Central and Eastern European countries are standing by with tense anticipation until the foreign policy moves of new U.S. President Donald Trump unfold. Waiting for decisions from Washington, however, is not a sufficient strategy. Central and Eastern European governments cannot afford to be passive observers as geopolitical relations shift; they must emphasize their economic and political value within their Western European and American alliances.
During his presidential campaign, Trump questioned the value of NATO and the requisite financial contribution of its members to the common defense, as well as Europe’s dependence on the U.S. With this departure from former U.S. presidents’ historical support of NATO in mind, small and medium-sized states must assert themselves or face the danger of being ignored by the world’s superpowers as they navigate this new geopolitical environment.
Historically, as well as strategically and economically, the vast territory between the Baltic, Adriatic and Black Seas has been vitally important for European security. In the twentieth century, more blood has been spilled in Central and Eastern Europe than in any other region in Europe. Central and Eastern Europe have, in recent history, been in the crosshairs of numerous battles between larger states. Two world wars, each of which began in the region, drew the U.S. into devastating conflicts. By engaging in these wars, the United States and its interests became intertwined with the states and economies of Central and Eastern Europe.
Primary Concerns
This shared stake in regional politics is not just a result of past military action; the U.S. is also home to many generations of immigrants and refugees from Central and Eastern Europe, thus making ties between them even closer. Millions of Americans who come from the region are now concerned about the future of their mother countries. Since the collapse of communism and the disintegration of the Soviet bloc, most of these nations helped to defend U.S. security interests and its national values. This was exemplified through their military participation in numerous U.S.-led operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and the former Yugoslavia.
In contrast to Russia, most Central and Eastern European countries have been reliable allies and partners to the U.S., and they do not compete with the U.S. over territory, influence or resources. Given that Trump considers the U.S. to be his ”first priority”, the governments of Central and Eastern European countries must demonstrate that their security is vital to U.S. interests. Most leaders in the region agree that their top priority is to ensure the continuity of U.S. policy toward their countries. This includes a stronger NATO presence as a response to Russian revisionism, as well as completion of current U.S. military missions in countries in close proximity to Russia such as Poland and the Baltic countries.
Further, the leaders of Central and Eastern European countries should convince Washington to adopt a tougher diplomatic stance against Russian ”soft power” and subversion in the region. The White House must take into account that, historically, the regional policy of the Kremlin has been designed to replace pro-American governments and to, thus, undermine the interests of the United States.
Greater Activism
If Central Europe once again falls under the influence of Moscow, the rest of Europe’s Western and pro-Western countries will be in danger of doing the same.
Officials of Central and Eastern Europe must make it clear to Washington that a U.S. demonstration of power can restrain the ambitions of Moscow more effectively than pressure applied by any regional government. The potentially affected countries of Eastern and Central Europe should also work together to prevent the drafting of any large-scale agreement between Washington and Moscow without their direct input, as this would undermine their collective security and sovereignty. Greater activism from regional officials will prove, through words and deeds, that they are still important U.S. allies.
Trump is focused on national independence, praising Brexit as an example. This principle can be applied to all countries of Central and Eastern Europe, not in the sense of leaving the European Union, but in the efforts to provide resistance to Russian provocations, subversion and intervention. Washington should pay attention to the fears and aspirations of each nation in order to avoid a spiral into regional conflicts or, at worst, another potential war.
Prospects
On the economic front, Eastern Europe is a larger and more developed market than Russia and has a combined population of around 170 million consumers. Trump stressed the importance of business ties in the development of bilateral relations. Central and Eastern European countries now have a chance to display their potential for new U.S. investments. With regard to security, each country within Central and Eastern Europe should demonstrate its value as an ally by continuing to fulfill its obligations within NATO and with respect to its bilateral agreements with the U.S.
First, it is necessary for countries to allocate at least two percent of their GDP on defense, as set forth by NATO agreements. So far, only Poland and Estonia have met this standard, while other countries, including Romania, Latvia and Lithuania have pledged to increase spending in the coming years. The process needs to be accelerated so that the region is not seen as just a mere consumer of security.
Second, countries must focus on building national mechanisms to combat external aggression, so that Central and Eastern Europe states would not be stuck helplessly waiting for assistance from abroad if a conflict were to arise. This includes the development of effective territorial defense mechanisms, military modernization and targeted spending of defensive budgets for domestic security.
Finally, improved regional security cooperation is necessary in order to collectively confront external aggressors. This can include a combination of military units, intelligence sharing, joint air defense and a number of other initiatives. A more efficient regional defense strategy will likely encourage the U.S. to assist in the protection of inland borders, airspace and sea. In contrast, every capital in this part of Europe must help to defend all other NATO members, including the U.S., with the vigorous monitoring and neutralization of potential threats of terrorism. For the U.S., an unstable and internally broken Europe, with border integrity under constant threat by a belligerent Russia, would prove detrimental to its foreign policy, and would likely set back the progress made by all U.S. presidents since Ronald Reagan. Central and Eastern European countries are key allies to U.S. and Western European interests. As we have seen play out time and time again throughout Europe and the U.S., common peace is possible only through collective strength.
This article was originally published on portalanalitika.me

created: February 7th, 2017

author: Janusz Bugajski


text:
Bosnia’s Defense Reform – A Step Towards Reconciliation? | Balkan Diskurs
Lidia Kurasińska
February 17th, 2017
It has been eleven years since the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina were established. While a number of challenges remain, the defense reform and subsequent unification of the forces offers an example of how carefully crafted legislation can support the advancement of post-war reconciliation and state-building efforts.
It has been eleven years since the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina were established. While a number of challenges remain, the defense reform and subsequent unification of the forces offers an example of how carefully crafted legislation can support the advancement of post-war reconciliation and state-building efforts.
January 2017 marked the 11 anniversary of the establishment of the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina (AFBiH) and offered an opportunity to reflect on the progress achieved by the country’s defense forces throughout the past decade. Not without significant obstacles, Bosnia embarked on a defence system reform in 2003, prompted by calls from the international community. Within three years, the country made remarkable steps towards unifying its previously ethnically-divided forces while simultaneously assisting its Euro-Atlantic integration ambitions. Even though it will take many more years to resolve the remaining challenges, the defense reform has already been widely cited as one of the most successful examples of post-war legislation in Bosnia, with far-reaching effects on the ongoing reconciliation process.
Mirroring the administrative structure of Bosnia following the 1995 Dayton Agreement, the armed forces were left divided between the entities of Republika Srpska (RS) and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH) rather than placed under state control. The Army of the FBiH (Vojska Federacije BiH or VF) and the Army of Republika Srpska (Vojska Republike Srpske or VRS) were both oversized, conscript-based forces, divided along ethnic lines, and viewed each other as potential enemies. Within the VF itself, there were separate chains of command for Bosniak and Bosnian Croat forces.
By 2001, the need for a defense system reform emerged as it became increasingly clear that the forces were not just bloated and inefficient, but also constituted a considerable drain on public finances. RS and FBiH took the first steps towards transparency and accountability by agreeing to subject their 2000 Defense Budgets to external audits. The audits were conducted by a team of three international officers, and largely at the request of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE).
Audit results revealed the extent of mismanagement and misuse of funds that plagued the entity forces, including regularly exceeding the defense forces’ budget allocations, hidden costs and underpaying the staff. The key message of the audit, stated by the international community representatives and several domestic actors was that the state of the armed forces was no longer sustainable; neither entity would be able to afford their respective forces any longer without introducing significant reforms. It was under this pressure that both RS and FBiH went on to downsize their forces.Around the same time, Bosnia also made known its aspirations to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
The changed attitudes toward the structure of the armed forces propelled by the audit and relentless pressure from the international community laid the foundation for what would become a full-fledged defence reform a few years down the line.
In May 2003, Jeremy ‘Paddy’ Ashdown, the then High Representative, concluded that “democratic civil oversight of armed forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina must be established at both the State and Entity level” and that “command and control at the State level” is essential in order for Bosnia to be fully consistent with its international obligations, and to help the country fulfill its Euro-Atlantic aspirations in the future. Ashdown, therefore, set up a Defense Reform Commission (DRC), nominating former US Assistant Secretary of Defense James R. Locher III as its chair. The main objective of the DRC was to examine the legal measures necessary to reform the Bosnian defense system and to draft relevant legislation based on their findings.
The DRC members, drawn from both the international community and local institutions, had to operate within a challenging political environment from the onset of the project, often juggling multiple parties’ interests in order to reach a consensus. Despite such challenges, the commission released its final report entitled ‘The Path to Partnership for Peace’ in September 2003, following a remarkably rapid phase of consultation.
The report outlined the numerous shortcomings of the Bosnian defense system and laid out draft legislation to address specific weaknesses. Some of the most crucial measures outlined called for relegating the task of administrative management to the entities and placing the state in control of strategic and operational matters. The report also proposed enhanced parliamentary oversight and a stronger role of the presidency as the Commander-in-Chief, as well as explicitly called for a prohibition on the use of armed forces for internal security functions and political partisan activities, and a reduction of ammunition and weapons held by the forces, among other demands.
One of the key roles of the report was to initiate reforms that, in the long term, would lay the groundwork for potential Partnership for Peace and NATO membership. The basic premise, strongly supported by the international community, was that closer Euro-Atlantic integration represented the most desirable course of action and that “Bosnia and Herzegovina should make an explicit commitment to joining NATO”.
The recommendations of the DRC report materialized in December 2003 with the enactment of a new Law on Defense. The law created a hybrid system whereby the VF and the VRS were preserved yet placed “under a minimal state-level command-and-control structure.” It was expected that a full integration of Bosnia’s armed forces would take place by 2007.
The law also prescribed the establishment of a state-level Ministry of Defense, a Joint Staff and an Operational Command. However, both entities retained their own ministries of defense and authority over matters such as recruitment, training and funding.
Although the reform encountered resistance from various actors within Bosnia, in particular, officials in Republika Srpska, it produced slow yet significant progress. During the first year, in 2004, a number of new state-level positions in the defence establishment were filled according to ethnic quotas and both forces significantly reduced their military personnel levels. 2004 was also the year Bosnia officially made NATO accession its foreign policy objective, a mission that would soon receive greater support from the newly-created NATO Headquarters in Sarajevo (NHQSa).
In September 2005, the defense structure was again modified with the enactment of a new Law on Defense and a new Law on Service. The former handed full control over the armed forces to the state, creating a single force and doing away with the previous entity-based division. The latter provided for a volunteer professional force, ending the ineffective and burdensome conscription. These far-reaching modifications introduced by the laws were not universally acclaimed, however. As a result of both entities’ insistence on preserving some ethnic characteristics of the forces, a (ceremonial) regimental system, inspired by the British practice, was adopted.
As a direct result of the 2005 legislation, Bosnia was invited to join Partnership for Peace in 2006, an offer the country accepted immediately. However, despite the remarkable progress achieved by Bosnia within ten years of signing the Dayton Agreement, a lot remained to be done to satisfy the NATO program’s requirements. One of the main points of contention was, and still is, the issue of defense property. According to the 2005 Law on Defense, all immovable property formerly used by the entities for the needs of defense, such as barracks or training facilities, should be registered and transferred to the ownership and management of the state. This was one of the key requirements of NATO’s Membership Action Plan (MAP), the final stage preceding full accession, presented to Bosnia during NATO’s 2010 Talin summit.
Rohan Maxwell, the senior political-military adviser at NHQSa who participated in the implementation of the initial defense reform agreement of 2003, said in a recent interview: “Of the 63 locations, 24 have been registered to the ownership of the state of BiH and they’re all in the Federation. There are some that are in the pipeline, in a sense that they require something to be resolved. In Republika Srpska, nothing has been registered. We want to see a proof that BiH can come to an agreement on a difficult political issue, and then implement that agreement. This is the test that has been set.”
This requirement has not yet been met, delaying Bosnia’s participation in the MAP program and significantly hindering the completion of the defense sector reform.
Despite achieving the goal of unifying the previously hostile entity forces and replacing them with a slimmed-down, professional army — a feat inconceivable two decades ago — the Bosnian authorities have not safeguarded the new defense structure from political interference. The AFBiH remains a key battleground in the struggle for influence between the two entities, with Republika Srpska’s leader Milorad Dodik making repeated calls for cuts to the force or even its demobilization. Although great efforts have been made to unify the army, the very trade-offs required for its creation impede its full integration down to the operational level. The existence of the regimental system and ethnic-majority battalions does not represent a risk per se in terms of initiating inter-ethnic violence, but there are fears the current system would rapidly collapse in the event of such unrest.
Nonetheless, from both technical and state-building perspectives, the legislation and the subsequent efforts that facilitated the creation of AFBiH serve as a positive example of governmental action, in contrast to other state reforms carried out during the same period, in particular, the police reform. Despite its protracted and often turbulent implementation process, the defense reform can serve as an example of a critical and meaningful attempt at post-war reconciliation and state-building in Bosnia.
—
1 Maxwell, R. and Olsen, J.A., (2013). Destination NATO. Defence Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2003-2013. [online] Available at: https://rusi.org/publication/whitehall-papers/destination-nato-defence-reform-bosnia-and-herzegovina-whp-80
2 OSCE, (2003). Affordable Armed Forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina. [online] Available at: http://www.oscebih.org/documents/osce_bih_doc_2003032815211560eng.pdf
3 Ashdown, P., (2003). Decision Establishing the Defense Reform Commission. [online] Available at: http://www.ohr.int/?p=65835&print=pdf
4 Ibid.
5 Defence Reform Commission, (2003). The Path to Partnership for Peace. Report of the Defence Reform Commission. [online] Available at: https://www.jfcnaples.nato.int/systems/file_download.ashx?pg=1441&ver=1
6 Ibid.
7 Maxwell, R. and Olsen, J.A., (2013). Destination NATO. Defence Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2003-2013. [online] Available at: https://rusi.org/publication/whitehall-papers/destination-nato-defence-reform-bosnia-and-herzegovina-whp-80
8 Ibid.
9 Ibid.
10 Defence Reform Commission, (2005). AFBiH: A Single Military Force for the 21st Century. Defence Reform Commission 2005 Report. [online] Available at: https://www.jfcnaples.nato.int/systems/file_download.ashx?pg=1440&ver=1
11 Maxwell, R. and Olsen, J.A., (2013). Destination NATO. Defence Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2003-2013. [online] Available at: https://rusi.org/publication/whitehall-papers/destination-nato-defence-reform-bosnia-and-herzegovina-whp-80
12 Koneska, C., (2014). After Ethnic Conflict: Policy-making in Post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia. [online] Available at: https://books.google.ba/books?isbn=1472419812
13 Defence Reform Commission, (2005). AFBiH: A Single Military Force for the 21st Century. Defence Reform Commission 2005 Report. [online] Available at: https://www.jfcnaples.nato.int/systems/file_download.ashx?pg=1440&ver=1
14 NATO, 2010. Bosnia and Herzegovina and Membership Action Plan. [online] Available at: http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/news_62811.htm
15 http://www.b92.net/eng/news/region.php?yyyy=2012&mm=10&dd=05&nav_id=82523
16 Bassuener, K., (2015). The Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Unfulfilled Promise. Atlantic Initiative – Democratization Policy Council BiH Security Risk Analysis. [online] Available at: http://www.democratizationpolicy.org/uimages/AI-DPC%20BiH%20Security%20Risk%20Analysis%20Paper%20Series%204%20The%20%20Armed%20Forces%20of%20%20BH.pdf
17 Ibid

created: February 17th, 2017

author: Lidia Kurasińska


text:
Ahu Serter: Investing in Women, Investing in the Future | Balkan Diskurs
Gül Uret
March 6th, 2017
Women are the largest under-utilized asset in the world. In Turkey, less than 9% of entrepreneurs are women. Turkey’s only women-focused investment platform, the Arya Women Investment Platform, wants to change this. Balkan Diskurs spoke to Ahu Serter, founder of the Arya Women Investment Platform, about the platform’s work, its ongoing projects and its future plans.
Women are the largest under-utilized asset in the world. In Turkey, less than 9% of entrepreneurs are women. Turkey’s only women-focused investment platform, the Arya Women Investment Platform, wants to change this. Balkan Diskurs spoke to Ahu Serter, founder of the Arya Women Investment Platform, about the platform’s work, its ongoing projects and its future plans.
As a female entrepreneur and investor, Ahu Serter feels that female potential has been greatly overlooked for a long time. She decided to do something about it and, in turn, founded the Arya Women Investment Platform. Named after her youngest daughter, Arya, Ahu Serter started the platform in the beginning of 2014. The founding vision behind Arya was to bring successful women and men, particularly fathers of daughters, to invest in ambitious female entrepreneurs.
Further explaining her motivations for founding Arya, Serter says, “I have three daughters and I want to raise them as strong, independent women. When my youngest daughter, Arya, was born, I realized that doing what I could for my own family was not enough. I wanted to do something more to help ambitious women and to leave a true legacy to my daughters, something to remember their mother by and continue the work to help other ambitious women fulfill their dreams.”
As a businesswoman, Serter looks at every problem as a potential opportunity. “We saw that there was a huge gap between what women did, and what they actually could do. By creating a place where they can feel that they belong, we could build trust and provide women entrepreneurs with opportunities that they would not normally seek or receive. These entrepreneurs need access to investment, and people who see them as such,” she says. However, her goal was not only to invest in women, but also to inspire other women to become investors, since she believes that women make prudent investors and invest diligently in causes that matter to them.
The biggest challenge they meet in their work is the psychological barriers that some entrepreneurs set up in their mind. “That’s why building trust is so important for us. Because when women trust in something, they jump into it.” This is not only trust in the work or project, but also trust in each other. “Another challenge is to teach women to trust each other, to objectively assess their strengths and weaknesses and to bring on board people to do the tasks they are not so good at as well as to trust them further to do their job, to learn to be a team.” She explains that entrepreneurs at Arya rise as they lift up other entrepreneurs, focusing on providing support and collaborating before asking for favors. Beyond building these business networks, she emphasizes that the biggest reward is to see women thrive and have control of their own assets and their own lives.
Serter also points out that the positive returns from her platform are not just for the women being invested in. One of Arya’s goals is “to show the investors, women as well as men, that women are a great opportunity for investment, and, since it has been overlooked for such a long time, the first ones to realize this opportunity will assume great returns.” The great returns she is referring to are not only material capital, “When you invest in women, your returns are not only in monetary form. More importantly, by investing in women you also invest socially, which will benefit our society.” She adds, “Studies show that successful women end up spending more of their income on education and family before any other luxury goods.”
Serter emphasizes that there has been ever-growing support for the platform since its founding. “This support comes especially from the fathers of daughters. Most of our investors and supporters are my male colleagues who really appreciate what we are doing for women in Arya because they are smart enough to understand that a society without women would be an incomplete one.”
One of Arya’s annual activities is the ‘’Women Retreat’’ which combines leisure activities with interactive sessions that give participants a chance to connect, collaborate, meet potential investors and share their stories. Last year, the “Women Retreat” gathered 78 women and men from 11 countries around the world. Highlights from the Women Retreat 2016 can be seen in the video below. The Women Retreat 2017 will take place in Casa Dell’Arte in Bodrum, Turkey from 2 – 4 June 2017.
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Since its inception, Arya has invested more than $500K in women-led business and interest in the platform is growing every day. This interest is not only coming from Turkey, but also from its neighboring countries. “We have received interest in starting Arya chapters from Georgia, Azerbaijan and Nigeria,” Serter told Balkan Diskurs.
“Our aim is to mobilize our second chapter in Georgia in 2017. Five years from now, we want to see Arya recognized as the strongest platform for up-and-coming female entrepreneurs in the Middle East and North Africa region. We see ourselves as strong female entrepreneurs in a challenging region and we want to make a change for our society by becoming the best examples of a creative economy.”

created: March 6th, 2017

author: Gül Uret


text:
Vital Voices: Investing in Women for a Better Tomorrow | Balkan Diskurs
Velma Saric
March 29th, 2017
On every professional path there are roadblocks. When working in human rights and peacebuilding in a post-conflict society, these roadblocks can be particularly numerous. In the constant struggle to continue moving forward, a network of supporters and mentors is truly invaluable.
On every professional path there are roadblocks. When working in human rights and peacebuilding in a post-conflict society, these roadblocks can be particularly numerous. In the constant struggle to continue moving forward, a network of supporters and mentors is truly invaluable.
After over 15 years of working as a researcher, journalist and human rights defender, I found my professional support network among the women in the Vital Voices Global Partnership. This U.S.-based non-profit, grew out of the U.S. government’s successful Vital Voices Democracy Initiative.
Established in 1997 by then-First Lady Hillary Clinton and former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright after the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, Vital Voices Democracy Initiative set forth with the goal of promoting the advancement of women as a U.S. foreign policy goal.
For me, it all started in 2012 when I heard about the Global Ambassadors Program (GAP). GAP is a mentoring initiative established through a partnership of Vital Voices and Bank of America that connects women leaders — at a pivotal point in their professional, business and leadership paths — with established women executives for mentorship. As I worked to get my fledgling peacebuilding organization off the ground, I kept my eye on Vital Voices, hoping to participate when the time was right.
After a few years, my organization grew to become one of the leading peacebuilding organizations in the Western Balkans. To date, we have reached millions with our interventions and have received global recognition for our innovative peacebuilding approaches. Throughout five years of our work in the Western Balkans, my team and I went through both difficult and exciting times, constantly faced with new challenges and opportunities.
In late 2015, we hit a major roadblock. We started to lose funding. We knocked on many donors’ doors in the Balkans, but without much luck. My team was lost and tired. And so was I. At the peak of my exhaustion, I got an email from Liam Dall, former Senior Director of Development at Vital Voices and a personal friend announcing a new call for applications for Vital Voices’ Global Ambassadors Program was open. After some encouragement from Liam and my team, I sat down and filled out the application. A few weeks later, in February 2016 I’m traveling to London to become the first Global Ambassadors mentee from Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Before arriving in London, I was introduced to my mentor, Susan Ann Davis – a pioneering woman business owner and an icon in the public relations industry. As a lifelong advocate for social entrepreneurship, democracy building and leadership development for women, Susan is the former Chair of the Board of Vital Voices Global Partnership and was the first International President of the International Women’s Forum, now representing over 6,000 women leaders. She is also the Board Chair for the Zabuli Education Center, educating 400 girls in Afghanistan.
Susan became a great supporter of my work and has, since the GAP week, helped me with her professional suggestions and advice as well as useful business connections. In addition to being my mentor, Susan became a close personal friend. She opened the door of her house to me, introducing me to her family and relatives and creating a bond much beyond a professional one.
The Global Ambassadors week in London changed my life. I was given an amazing opportunity to meet and work with incredible women leaders, such as Allison Shapira, CEO and Founder of Global Public Speaking LLC, Zoë Dean-Smith, Senior Director at Vital Voices and Ahu Serter, President of Farplas Group and Founder of ARYA Women Investment Platform.
Ahu later became a big supporter of my work inviting me to attend the Women Retreat 2016 – a unique event that combines leisure and business bringing together women entrepreneurs and potential investors from around the world.
In addition to these introductions, during our GAP London week, Vital Voices and Bank of America Merrill Lynch organized a public forum Women, Progress and the Global Economy. The forum convened experts and thought leaders to discuss contemporary issues concerning women’s economic and social empowerment, with special emphasis on women in the Middle East/North Africa and Eastern Europe. I spent the day in constructive discussions and panel sessions with the most amazing women change-makers, including Ambassador Melanne Verveer, Co-founder of Seneca Women, Anne Finucane, Vice Chairman of Bank of America, Christiane Amanpour, Chief International Correspondent at CNN, Atifete Jahjaga, President of Kosovo, and Baroness Mary Goudie.
This event brought so many amazing experiences and meet-ups, but for me, one was most humble and memorable. After the gathering two outstanding women, Anne Finucane and Melanne Verveer, co-authored an article for The Huffington Post, titled “Women’s Leadership to Advance Economic and Social Change“, mentioning my work. In the article, they discussed how important questions of gender equality are and how ‘’from participating in peace talks to advancing stability through their businesses and economic development, women help drive progress’’.
After this amazing week, I had gained so much; in particular, I have a new family. A Vital Voices family.
Months passed and I continue to work together with my Vital Voices mentor Susan A. Davis and my Bank of America mentor Vivian M. Porcelli who helped my center and me to develop new connections and partnerships, work on our business and strategic plans and improve our outreach strategies. Alongside professional growth, what makes the Vital Voices initiatives special is their desire to also see your personal growth, to help you advance as a leader and as a person and find balance in life.
As fall was approaching, I was invited to another Vital Voices gathering, this time in partnership with Johnson & Johnson in Half Moon Bay, California. I was one of the 100 women from all around the world to attend this gathering and the only woman from Bosnia and Herzegovina to be a member of Vital Voices VV100 network .
During the gathering, I had an amazing opportunity to meet and work with Obiageli Ezekwesili, the co-founder of Transparency International and former Vice-President of the World Bank Africa. Obiageli told me that “whenever you become part of a network like this, it is because you share the drive, motivation [and] passion”. And this is exactly what I felt throughout the five days in California. The unbelievable power that these women have, the compassion and understanding they share and love and help they give were so overwhelming that I was left feeling humbled yet empowered.
Vital Voices strive to end gender-based violence realizing that as long as violence against women persists, women’s human rights are compromised. However, their approach is completely inclusive as they know that success will not be achieved by women alone. This is why they started Voices of Solidarity — a presentation of the Vital Voices Solidarity Awards — recognizing men who have shown courage and compassion in advocating on behalf of women and girls in the United States and around the world.
I was lucky enough to get the invite to the Voices of Solidarity 2016 event in New York. What started as a formal outing, ended as a night full of empowerment, laughter and positive energy. I had the honor to sit at the same table as the amazing Barbara H. Zuckerberg, Director of Barbara Hope Foundation and, as it turns out, Barbara was a great supporter of my first producing adventure – PBS’s Women, War and Peace. I was also thrilled to meet the new Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. António Guterres, who received the Voices of Solidarity Award for his work in the fight against gender-based violence.
Behind this great organization is the incredible Alyse Nelson – president and chief executive officer of Vital Voices. Alyse has worked with women leaders to develop training programs and international forums in over 140 countries and under her leadership, Vital Voices has tripled in size and expanded its global reach to serve a network of over 15,000 women leaders in 144 countries. For me, Alyse always stands out with her incredible energy and positive attitude and the way she always lifts our spirits with her encouraging words.
One year after joining the Vital Voices family, I couldn’t be more proud and honored to be a part of such an amazing and empowering network of women leaders. Recently, Vital Voices nominated me to take part in the Vital Voices’ Fortune/U.S. State Department Global Women’s Mentoring Program which pairs international business women at the crossroads of their leadership paths with top American female executives—Fortune’s Most Powerful Women– and their teams who serve as mentors. Just being nominated for such a program represents an amazing and exciting opportunity and I can’t wait to see where my Vital Voices path will take me next.

created: March 29th, 2017

author: Velma Saric


text:
La Benevolencija | Balkan Diskurs
Anna Bianca Roach
April 3rd, 2017
Of all the groups of individuals that have been recognized for their bravery and humanitarian actions during the siege of Sarajevo, perhaps the most effective and far-reaching organization was La Benevolencija.
Of all the groups of individuals that have been recognized for their bravery and humanitarian actions during the siege of Sarajevo, perhaps the most effective and far-reaching organization was La Benevolencija.
Throughout the siege of Sarajevo, the Jewish community provided the city with over 300 meals a day, seven days a week; offered Sunday school for children and language classes for adults; organized cultural activities; and, most notably, coordinated and distributed medical aid free of charge. “It was well-known in the city,” recalls Jakob Finci, President of Sarajevo’s Jewish community and La Benevolencija, with a smile while sitting in his Sarajevo office. “They would say: ‘Go to the Jewish pharmacy! If it’s not there, don’t try,’” he explained.
PCRC intern Anna Bianca Roach sat down with Jakob Finci, one of the city’s most beloved citizens, to get the story behind of one the organizations responsible for saving thousands of Sarajevan lives.
FROM SCHOLARSHIP TO CHARITY
La Benevolencija was founded in 1892, just 14 years after the occupation of Bosnia by the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The occupation brought with it many professional and well-educated Ashkenazi Jews and new connections to Central and Western Europe, which resulted in exceptionally easy access to prestigious institutions of higher education. La Benevolencija was therefore established with the aim to pool resources that would allow a handful of Bosnian Jewish students the opportunity to attend universities in what is today Austria, Hungary, and the Czech Republic where higher education was more internationally recognized and valued.
Judaism has served as a building block of the Bosnian economy since the arrival of the first Sephardi Jewish settlements to Sarajevo in the 15 century. The relatively insular nature of education in the Jewish community, followed by the arrival of Ashkenazi Jews in 1878, made Jews one of the most highly educated groups in the Balkans. Consequently, anti-Semitism in the region was lower than in other areas of Europe. This accepting environment encouraged Jewish students to return to Sarajevo upon completing their studies in institutions such as the University of Vienna, thus contributing to the longstanding success of La Benevolencija
As the group began fostering education in Bosnia, it opened a public library, which would soon become the largest library with the most resources in Sarajevo. However, despite the success of the organization, the rise of anti-Semitism in the interwar years meant the temporary end of operations for La Benevolencija.
SURVIVING THE WORLD WARS
In 1941, Bosnia – along with the majority of the territory that would later become Yugoslavia – fell to the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), which effectively served as a German puppet-state. This government, which included members of the Ustaše – the Croatian Revolutionary Movement who formed a militia and allied themselves with Nazi Germany – led a harrowing Holocaust that decimated the Jewish population in the Balkans. Of the roughly 40,000 Jews who lived within the territories of the NDH prior to 1941, about 9,000 survived WWII – less than one in four. Conservative estimates indicate that one in six Serbs was also killed, as well as at least 16,000 Roma.
In 1945, the end of WWII brought the collapse of the NDH and the establishment of the Democratic Republic of Yugoslavia, soon to become the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. At this time, and until the collapse of Balkan socialism in 1991, the region was under a religious ban, meaning that religious organizations such as La Benevolencija were outlawed.
Despite this development, the same group was able to reemerge under the name Sloboda (‘Liberty’) and operated until 1948. After this time, it became clear that Jewish organizations, in particular, were effectively exempt from the ban due to the historical nature of Jewish festivities. Events like Passover and Hanukkah could only be celebrated in ways that could pass as secular. Consequently, the secularized Jewish community was able to continue the cultural, educational, and humanitarian responsibilities of La Benevolencija and Sloboda, this time without an official organizational structure.
The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1991 brought about the collapse of what remained of socialism in the Balkans following the death of Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito in 1980. That same year, the Jewish community once again revived its humanitarian and educational organization under the name of La Benevolencija for which Jakob Finci was designated as its first official Vice-President. In 1992, just one year after the initiative’s official re-opening following WWII, La Benevolencija celebrated its 100th anniversary.
Just prior to the Bosnian wars, the organization’s primary aim was to share and celebrate the richness and diversity of Bosnian-Jewish culture – the cultures brought to Bosnia by Sephardi and Ashkenazi Jews – as well as the Jewish culture that was produced throughout the centuries of Jewish presence in the Balkan region. However, the rapid rise of tensions in the area, including the war in Croatia and Slovenia that preceded the Bosnian wars, rekindled the group’s interest in humanitarian issues.
BEGINNINGS OF HUMANITARIAN AID
In the lead up to the siege of Sarajevo, La Benevolencija began mobilizing its resources. Its members effectively took on their role as trusted humanitarians of the Balkans when they were mad aware that a small, predominantly elderly community of roughly 35 people in Dubrovnik were unable to access necessary medication because of the disruptions of the war. From this point on, La Benevolencija began stockpiling pharmaceuticals and food with a long shelf life.
Finci explains that the crucial difference between La Benevolencija and other humanitarian organizations operating in Sarajevo during the war was the placement of these stockpiles. Unlike the Muslim, Orthodox or Catholic charities, the Jewish community had no warehouses or storage spaces outside of Sarajevo – consequently, they used their own gymnasium hall in the city proper. When the siege of Sarajevo began in April 1992, virtually every other major charity was cut off from its supplies.
The city’s citizens began looting stores, restaurants, and other sources of food almost immediately, creating a situation in which the Jewish community served as one of the only sources where food and medicine could be found. After a few months, it became clear that the “Jewish pharmacy”, as it was affectionately nicknamed by locals, had an accessibility problem. In order for Sarajevans, living on the north side Miljacka River to reach the pharmacy, located on the south side of the river, they had to cross one of the many bridges that were vulnerable to the hawk-eyed snipers nestled in the surrounding hills.
BECOMING THE SAVIORS OF SARAJEVO
In response to the issue of limited access, La Benevolencija opened a second pharmacy on the north side of the river near the National Theatre. “Even today, it is still a pharmacy,” explains Finci, with a warm smile and a hint of pride in his voice, “that means we found a good place.” The second pharmacy was met with a surge in demand so steep that yet a third pharmacy was opened.
With the successful establishment of not one, but three pharmacies throughout the city operating free of charge, Finci and other leaders of the organization chose to expand the services of La Benevolencija to other sectors.
First, they opened a non-denominational soup kitchen. Under siege, Sarajevo had no source of electricity or warmth – no gas, no coal, no wood, nor anything that could be used for a fire. There was also no access to food once the looted had run out. In response, the soup kitchen began cooking and distributing up to 320 meals a day, 7 days a week.
Second, to help fill the excess time people now had on their hands due to the unemployment caused by the siege, La Benevolencija opened a language school that offered five different language classes, including English, German, French, Hebrew and Arabic.
The organization was also responsible for the reemergence of cultural activity during wartime. 1992 marked the 500th anniversary of the expulsion of Jews from Spain and, thus, of the establishment of Sarajevo’s first Jewish population. La Benevolencija organized concerts and exhibitions at the Holiday Inn marked, which paved the way for other iconic wartime events such as the Miss Sarajevo pageant.
Additionally, La Benevolencija organized a Sunday school. In this time of crisis, hundreds of the city’s children and inhabitants were rediscovering their forgotten (or suppressed) Jewish heritage. In order to embrace newfound members of the community, the Sunday school served to provide them with a means to further their religious education. Finci remembers fondly: “We were able to give [these children] some soft drinks and some cookies from the reserves. And a lot of them said, ‘You know, it’s so nice in this school. May I bring my best friend? Because they’ve spent the last six months in the shelter.’ The answer was yes, and soon we were running a school with twenty Jews and thirty ‘best friends.’”
Lastly, and perhaps most importantly, La Benevolencija organized convoys to evacuate children, elders, and others who wished to escape the war. The trips were initially intended for those members of the Jewish community who, after surviving one war, had no desire to endure another. Soon, however, these convoys became accessible to anyone in the city who wanted to flee. In a historical twist of fate, the Jews’ were not labelled as an official target for persecution by any of the warring factions, and, due to their unique position, they were able to achieve something quite miraculous. Through a series of negotiations, and what Finci describes as seemingly endless paperwork, he was able to obtain authorization for the convoys to pass through the 36 checkpoints that stood between Sarajevo and the Croatian city of Split. Throughout the war, Finci drove 12 convoys, containing upwards of 2,000 Sarajevans of all religions and ethnicities, to freedom.
ACTIVITIES IN TIMES OF PEACE
The first change to La Benevolecija’s structure came as the result of a request by other pharmacies that re-opened after the end of the war that the organization shut down its free pharmacies. The soup kitchen also closed down its operations on Sundays on the condition that a particularly good meal is served on Saturdays at lunch. Finci jokes: “It was well-known in Sarajevo regarding what Shabbat meant. Shabbat was a day with a very good lunch from the Jewish community. And it was crowded every time.”
Following the war, the educational structure and duties of La Benevolencija also changed. Following the economic structure of socialism, and then the disruption of the war, Bosnians were unaccustomed to the proliferation of small businesses. For this reason, the organization began offering courses in business management, which included lessons on how to build a business plan, business management, accounting, and other relevant topics. Shortly thereafter, and with the help of the World Bank, La Benevolencija started granting microcredit and small loans to new entrepreneurs. Along with the courses and the grants that were being offered by La Benevolencija, Sarajevo saw the creation of 3,500 new jobs. This type of loan system is still in place today and is now organized by a foundation called Melacha (the Hebrew word for ‘work’).
Other initiatives have also been established, including Radio La Benevolencija and a community newspaper, which is published five times a year. Both outlets are aimed at sharing available resources, disseminating news and publicizing the cultural events that the organization is in involved in. La Benevolencija also still organizes a Sunday school and supports a Jewish community choir.
THE LONG ROAD TO DEMOCRACY
Despite all the good the Jewish community brought to Bosnia, and despite the strong, ethical, and humanitarian leadership exhibited by Jakob Finci and other members of La Benevolencija, Bosnian Jews are barred from standing for the Bosnian parliament’s upper house or the presidency because they do not belong to one of the country’s three constituent ethnic groups – Croat, Serb, or Bosniak.
In recent years, Finci has attracted international attention for the case he, together with Vice President of the Kali Sara Roma Information Centre Dervo Sejdić, brought to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) denouncing the discrimination towards national minorities that is inherent to the Bosnian constitutional structure created as a part of the Dayton Agreement. The case, which reached the ECtHR’s Grand Chamber in 2009, found the Bosnian Constitution to be in violation of the European Convention on Human Rights due to the ethnic discrimination it propagated. This ruling, however, has yet to come into effect as no action has been taken to bring about the necessary reforms.
To sufficiently describe the profound effect that the Jewish community has had on Sarajevo, and indeed on Bosnia as a whole, would require a historical evaluation of centuries of Jewish cultural, religious, and social history. The story of La Benevolencija, and that of Jakob Finci himself, however, is illustrative of the role that the Jewish community has played in the region. Where would Sarajevo be without the thousands of lives saved as a result of the humanitarian efforts that were undertaken by La Benevolencija? Finci’s humble and down-to-earth manner makes it easy to understate the important and invaluable roles that Jewish culture and leadership have played in the survival and reconstruction of the city’s society.

created: April 3rd, 2017

author: Anna Bianca Roach


text:
Shutting Down Kratkofil: A Lonely Summer in Banja Luka | Balkan Diskurs
Andrea Aleksić
April 24th, 2017
An important topic among cultural circles in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been the shutting down of the short film festival “Kratkofil Plus”. The Banja Luka festival, which has successfully brought together numerous filmmakers and movie lovers for nine consecutive years, will no longer be held.
An important topic among cultural circles in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been the shutting down of the short film festival “Kratkofil Plus”. The Banja Luka festival, which has successfully brought together numerous filmmakers and movie lovers for nine consecutive years, will no longer be held.
According to the festival’s organizers, the reasons for the shutdown of the festival are the non-existence of a vision for cultural development, an almost complete absence of interest in the projects, the tendency towards the commercialization of cultural events, and the systematic reduction of logistical and financial support for Kratkofil Plus.
Drasko Gajic, a professor at the Academy of Fine Arts in Banja Luka who has participated in Kratkofil with his students since the festival first began, considers this a big loss for young people.
“It is never good when anything related to art and culture disappears or is shut down since there are already so few of such activities in this region. Both film lovers and filmmakers are losing a cultural event and a stage on which they can see works from around the world that are rarely shown outside of festivals,” Gajic explains.
He adds that there need be only a moderate number of such events as Banja Luka is a small city, but those that already exist and that have an audience should be preserved and regularly maintained.
Professor Gajic does have the support of his students. According to Nadja Kostic, an acting student at the Banja Luka Academy of Fine Arts, shutting down Kratkofil has not only marked the end of a festival but also interrupts Banja Luka’s citizens from learning about film.
“I feel that the residents of this city don’t know enough about film and Kratkofil managed to attract a large number of young people each year who, as a result, became more and more interested in film. Unfortunately, it is a sad fact that a large number of festivals in this city are in the process of shutting down, which doesn’t positively influence the cultural development of Banja Luka, and that development is necessary, if not essential,” she says.
Kratkofil is one of the festivals that gave Bosnia’s youth the chance to try their hand at creating short films that will actually be shown to an audience. One of those young people is Adnan Smajic from Banja Luka, who experienced great success at last year’s festival, with his first short film entitled “I Am Adnan, and I Will Not Blow You Up”.
As someone who was able to experience success during the Kratkofil festival, Smajic expressed his regret that others will not have the same opportunity to learn, create, and meet people from the world of European film. He is devastated that this year’s summer in Banja Luka will go by without this beloved festival.
“New generations will no longer get to experience Kastel’s [Banja Luka’s ancient fortress that serves as the venue for the Kratkofil festival] most pleasant corner, called Secret Garden, or the vortex of emotions that comes with being part of the audience that gets to view the films. Nor will they have the chance to enjoy such short films anytime soon,” says Smajic.
According to Smajic, both the government and local community are responsible for this outcome.
“Cultural events in our region have been on life support for a while now, forced to struggle for survival with the last ounce of their strength, while the government keeps shutting them down one by one. On the other hand, it’s not exactly fair to place the blame solely on the government, as the deterioration of culture is also a reflection of the society. We, as citizens, are also responsible to a certain degree. Why don’t they shut down the bullfights or the Popularity Oscars [a media award specific to the region of former Yugoslavia]? Because people in this region prefer to watch two bulls fight in 40°C above watching a documentary. As long as that is the case, outcomes like these are to be expected,” Smajic explains.
Although he doesn’t want to be pessimistic, Smajic says that the survival of culture takes more than just the work of a few individuals who, after giving their all for years, end up listening to complaints about overpriced beer.
“Banja Luka is already losing its green spaces, parks, recreational areas, and, if its culture is also taken away, all that will remain is a city without a soul,” Smajic concludes.

created: April 24th, 2017

author: Andrea Aleksić


text:
The Shame Surrounding Sex Education in BiH | Balkan Diskurs
Mladen Lakić
April 26th, 2017
Sex is everywhere you look, from fashion magazines to movies, but young people in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) still know very little about how to have a responsible sex life. Discussions on the topic still cause shame, discomfort, and embarrassment stemming from a sense of the subject’s ‘immorality.’
Sex is everywhere you look, from fashion magazines to movies, but young people in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) still know very little about how to have a responsible sex life. Discussions on the topic still cause shame, discomfort, and embarrassment stemming from a sense of the subject’s ‘immorality.’ A standardized sex and reproductive health education class for students in BiH’s education system would, therefore, provide an important and useful step towards the destigmatization of dialogue about safe sex.
“Without a formal education, young people can get information on their own, online, from friends, or from our organization or similar ones,” says Damir Zečević, a trainer at the Association XY, a sex health and education organization.
According to Zečević, so far there is no way for the ministries in charge to deal with the absence of such a class, although the situation in the field tells us it is very necessary.
Zečević points out that young people are beginning to have sex at younger and younger ages and that they need to be aware of how important it is to be responsible about it. “It is devastating that buying condoms is viewed as something embarrassing and that, by avoiding such an act, they are endangering their health along with the health of their partner,” says Zečević.
Association XY also gives presentations about sexual and reproductive health in high schools. “It is always a sensitive subject and it starts almost the same everywhere: laughter, discomfort, shame – until we ‘break the ice’. Then I see that young people understand that it is about their health and that’s when they become interested,” he explains.
After holding several such sessions at her high school, Vanja Tešanović, a peer sexual health educator, agrees with Zečević. “In the beginning, I was the silly girl who talked about condoms, but I’ve managed to get through to my peers. They are especially surprised when I explain that, during unprotected sex, they have sex not only with that person but also with all of the person’s former partners, which gets them thinking about all the risks involved,” says Tešanović, who adds that, “in general, girls are more interested in this than boys.”
Both Zečević and Tešanović note that it is much easier when young people are working with other young people. “Peer-to-peer education doesn’t have as many obstacles. It is much more relaxed and easier for them to ask us something than it is for them to ask someone older,” they explain.
Our interviewees told us that young people are aware of the risks of unprotected sex but simply believe that “those things happen to other people, not them.”
“A lot of them can name the most common sexually transmitted diseases, but they think that trusting their partner is enough to keep them safe,” says Zečević.
Tešanović laments that a lot of young women are embarrassed to go to regular gynecological exams. “Most go rarely and only if they notice a problem or suspect some disease. It is rarely about prevention and I think education is to blame for that,” she explains.
Jelena Malinić, a medical technician at the Eastern Ilidža Health Care Center, confirms that young women avoid going to the gynecologist. “We are not happy with the frequency of young women’s checkups or preventive exams. They mostly come when they experience obvious symptoms of some disease,” says Malinić.
She explains that the problem might be that a significant number of STIs have no clear symptoms, mostly in the case of men, whereas with women the symptoms usually appear later. “With proper contraceptive methods and regular checkups, one can prevent serious diseases or complications and I cannot stress enough how important it is to be responsible,” she adds.
Malinić says that young women mostly come when talked into it by their friends or after exposure to organized campaigns. “Our health care center was featured as part of a youth project, after which we had an increase in visits, which tells us that young people need to be guided and even encouraged. No medical exam should be viewed as embarrassing, I always emphasize that,” she says.
We do not know the precise number of STIs that exist because there are no widespread statistics collected and many of those afflicted look for help in private clinics, explains Malinić. “There is, however, an increase in patients infected with certain forms of HPV (human papillomavirus), which are widespread and contagious. Luckily, most strands are treatable without complications, although girls get information on the internet and then come in scared and confused,” she adds.
Our interviewees agree that there needs to be a class that deals with issues of sexual and reproductive health. Tanja Maletić, a teacher at the Pale primary school, says that there is plenty of room for such a class. “The curriculum allows us time to touch upon the basics of this issue in Homeroom. We can also accommodate guest speakers of certain organizations if they fulfill the conditions set by the ministry, but those are small steps which don’t provide a systemic solution,” she explains.
According to her, it is important that the public has clear information on what such a class entails. “I dare say that out society views this as some sort of immoral class, therefore, it would be good to clarify that it is just about protecting young people’s health, which does no harm to anyone,” says Maletić.
When it comes to students’ acceptance of such a class, Maletić stresses that “as with any other class, the teacher’s approach is what matters. If you are good at your job, dedicated, and loving, there will be no problems.”
We asked Marinko Papaz, a high school senior, if he thought a class on sex education would be useful. His answer was an emphatic yes. “Many of my peers know very little about the subject and they expose themselves to disease and risks out of ignorance. They are ashamed to ask and then get into trouble,” he says.
Jelena Tadić, another high school student, agrees that there are many areas surrounding this issue that young people need clarification on. “It isn’t something you can ask your parents or teachers about. You only have the Internet and your peers. There is a lot of misinformation out there. Maybe such a class would be weird in the beginning, but I am sure it would benefit us,” she concludes.

created: April 26th, 2017

author: Mladen Lakić


text:
Caricaturist Damir Balić: The Necessity of a Skillful Eye | Balkan Diskurs
Andrea Aleksić
May 7th, 2017
The over exaggeration of physical characteristics in ironic and satirical ways is expressed through the art form known as the caricature, which is still very popular today. In addition to the newspapers, the caricature as an artistic expression of happiness can be seen on the walls of the gallery.
Artwork by: Damir Balić
The over exaggeration of physical characteristics in ironic and satirical ways is expressed through the art form known as the caricature, which is still very popular today. In addition to the newspapers, the caricature as an artistic expression of happiness can be seen on the walls of the gallery.
Gallery walls are decorated with the works of the cartoonist from Sarajevo, Damir Balić. This citizen of Sarajevo, whose education was focused on print and graphic technology, enjoys expressing himself not only through caricature but also through illustration and animation. He explains that, for him, drawing is the easiest form of expression. His talent for drawing was revealed during his childhood and Balić has since worked on further improving his skills.
“During my schooling, I saw that I was more or less able to successfully translate my favorite cartoon and comic book heroes. I began working on illustration more seriously when I bought my first tablet at the end of the high school. Thanks to online workshops and schools, I began to work with less hesitation,” he explains.
Balić sees this form of expression as a medium in which it is desirable, if not crucial, to inject your subjective impressions so that not only are the physical attributes of a person expressed, but so too are elements of the person’s character. Balić says that it is necessary to possess a “skillful eye” in order to experience and transmit someone’s character on to paper. He explains that today it is quite difficult because photographs of people are photoshopped, so it can be a real challenge to see their true characteristics.
“When I draw a caricature, the first thing I notice is at least four Instagram filters that give me the wrong image of a person, mostly the tones of the hair, eyes and skin. It is much easier to work with more photos, especially if they are from different angles,” says Balić.
Considering the fact that caricature as an art form has become widespread as a result of its wittiness and originality, its admirers are becoming increasingly interested in having one in their homes. According to Balić, caricatures have commercial utility, so we often see them in both print and digital media in addition to private ownership. Many of his caricatures were created in response to orders made by the people who love him for his comic books, animation and cartoon work.
Acceptance of caricature by the Bosnian-Herzegovinian public is proven by attendance at Balić’s exhibitions and by the number of orders he receives for his work. Regarding the attitude of the authorities in BiH towards this type of art, Balić is sincere: “I don’t expect state support, so I do not get disappointed when it’s absent. It is very important for me, as an author, to continually progress, to follow the technological trends and to not give up.”
Balić explains that there is a lot of interest among young people when it comes to caricatures, which stems from their love for comic books and comic book heroes. Among them, Balić says, are students of the Academy of Fine Arts, who are trying hard to organize interesting content and workshops from year to year. Some of the more well-known are Beton Fest, the Sarajevo Street Art Festival and the SOS Design Festival.
When it comes to caricatures, it is also possible to encounter negative experiences, as some people get offended by the way they are portrayed. This cartoonist has not experienced such situations very often.
“There is always the possibility to “botch” a drawing, but everything is subject to correction by mutual agreement. Although I don’t need to make many corrections when I draw caricatures, many are necessary in graphic design where you have to be one step ahead of the customer and know what they want better than they themselves do,” he explains.
Success in the arts is an important inspiration, but so are the role models. Balić finds his role models within the works of the masters of classical painting, cartoonists, animators and conceptual artists. From the local artists, he singles out comic strip artists Milenko Tunjić and Dubravko Mataković because their work is the reason he got involved in this business. And still today, he finds inspiration everywhere, but he made his favorite drawings at the very beginning of his career.
“I find inspiration all around me, in the people I meet and that I hang out with, and within numerous Facebook groups and pages about painting and drawing. My favorite drawings are those I created ten years ago, and I am at least a bit satisfied with them, even today,” he says.
For all those who are new to caricature, Balić tells them: “Build your own style, learn and copy from the best and ‘accumulate mileage’ on paper. And what is most important is to not give up, even if it is not the primary source of income at that given moment.”


text:
Pale: Poor Urban Planning Presents Obstacles for Wheelchair Users | Balkan Diskurs
Mladen Lakić
May 7th, 2017
The urban infrastructure of Pale makes it difficult for wheelchair users to move freely across the town.
The urban infrastructure of Pale makes it difficult for wheelchair users to move freely across the town.
Although the town’s public institutions, such as the university, the hospital and the city hall each have so-called ramps for wheelchairs, the photos that follow show details that are, at first glance, seemingly insignificant, but present insurmountable obstacles in the everyday lives of wheelchair users.
Photos and captions by Mladen Lakić, Eastern Sarajevo
“Sales (un)available to all”. A side entrance to the Tom Shopping Center.
”How would you like to pay for that bill?”. The main entrance to the Pale Electric Utility Company.
Damaged pedestrian crosswalks make crossing the street in a wheelchair more difficult.
”The pedestrian zone is available if you can make the jump.”
”Is it payday?” This ATM proves inaccessible to wheelchair users.