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BalkanThemes Volume 1: Issue 2 - Roma | Balkan Diskurs
Balkan Diskurs
November 3rd, 2014
The second issue of BalkanThemes examines the rights of Roma and other minorities in the countries of former Yugoslavia.

created: November 3rd, 2014


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Media Literacy of Youth and Resistance to Media Manipulation | Balkan Diskurs
Balkan Diskurs
December 3rd, 2014
The Post-Conflict Research Center is proud to present this video that aims to raise awareness about the lack of media integrity and transparency in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
This video was developed during the youth workshop “Media Literacy and Resisting Manipulation”, which was attended by 15 young people from across the country. Balkan Diskurs activities are supported by the Center for Independent Journalism Budapest (CIJ) under the European Union Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA) and Rising Voices.

source: news-balkandiskurs

created: December 3rd, 2014

license: Creative Commons - Attribution - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

author: Balkan Diskurs


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Youth Workshop ‘’Media Literacy & Resisting Manipulation’’ | Balkan Diskurs
Balkan Diskurs
December 3rd, 2014
The “Media Literacy and Resisting Manipulation” youth workshop was held in Sarajevo from 25-29 October 2014.
The “Media Literacy and Resisting Manipulation” youth workshop was held in Sarajevo from 25-29 October 2014.
The Balkan Diskurs team led by journalist Velma Šarić, developed and organized a youth training workshop that combined investigative journalism with creative methods of storytelling. The workshop also aimed to shed light on the societal consequences of a lack of integrity and transparency in today’s Bosnian media. We provided Bosnian youth participants with an opportunity to develop their journalism skills with guidance on how to undertake fair and balanced reporting, and the effective use of various multimedia tools.
The “Media Literacy and Resisting Manipulation” youth workshop was held in Sarajevo from 25-29 October 2014. Participants came from 15 different municipalities of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and we specifically sought to include youth from smaller communities that are often excluded in favor of those residing in bigger, more developed areas. The skill levels of the participants varied considerably. Some had extensive experience and formal education in the field of journalism, whilst others without this background knowledge showed all the necessary qualities, such as strength of will, determination, and an extraordinary level of interest.
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The workshop trainers were a professional team of journalists from Radio Free Europe, including photographers Midhat Poturović and Velija Hasanbegović, and journalists Marija Arnautović and Selma Boračić. The first two days of the workshops were held in MediaCenter in Sarajevo, and last two days in Hotel Astra Garni.
During the workshop, participants learned about aspects of photography and video, and had a chance to film and edit their own scenes. The Media Literacy and Resisting Manipulation Workshop also gave an opportunity to young people to understand journalistic formats, from news reports, to interviews, reviews and other stories. The workshop focused on the correct use of sources, and the importance of fact-checking before publishing. Yet importantly, most attention was given to media ethics in journalism.
As the result of the workshop, all participants proposed topics for their own blog posts, and many still continue to work as our youth correspondents, bringing news and analysis from their own communities to a wider audience.  So far our youth correspondents have written more than 20 different articles and essays, contributing to both a deeper understanding of life across Bosnia and Herzegovina, and also the further development of an ethical and objective Bosnian media.


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Goran Milić: Negativity is a Common Balkan Trait | Balkan Diskurs
Fiorenzo Polito
December 15th, 2014
Milić believes “the whole of the Balkans shares one common trait – negativity.” The habit of complaining about everything: the talk of illness and injustice that comes along with a lack of money. However, it is that dreary ambiance that inspired Milić’s idea to show what others before him had not – the potential of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The Balkans is “an interesting landscape for information” News and Program Director for Al Jazeera Balkans (AJB) Goran Milić explains as he details the reasoning behind establishing the TV station in Sarajevo in 2011. This seasoned journalist and editor talked to Post-Conflict Research Center (PCRC) representatives in the station’s 8th floor offices located inside Sarajevo’s posh BBI Center. He said it all took off with a proposition from the CEO of the Al Jazeera Network to establish a TV station “in the languages spoken across the former Yugoslavia, or rather – the Balkans.” Compared to other Al Jazeera channels, this outfit is somewhat smaller, as were the initial investments. The general idea is to provide a diaspora of 20 million (between Australia and Canada) with a source for current information from the region.
The TV station broadcasts in Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian languages, and features subtitled content from Al Jazeera English programs. It is one of the most reliable and fastest growing TV stations in the Balkans – featuring documentaries, live debates, current events, business, technology and sports news. The establishment of a Qatari-owned network has been viewed with suspicion from the outset. Ignorance even led some to associate Al Jazeera with terrorism. In time however, it became clear that there is no political manipulation behind it. What makes Al Jazeera special is its dedication to fieldwork and the style in which it addresses the public. Despite the broad context within which AJB operates, Milić says that language was the least problematic issue. Differences in accents are considered a treasure, hence the management decided not to translate foreign reports filed by Macedonian journalists. The effort put into comprehending a different language is the best testimony of AJB journalists’ passion for reporting.
Milić discussed with PCRC his latest project – a popular documentary series entitled Alkemija Balkana (Alchemy of the Balkans). The series, filmed while Milić travelled across Bosnia, is about all things Bosnian. The people he talked with all shared one common characteristic: the ability to show Bosnia-Herzegovina in a positive light. Bosnia is not generally accepted as a hotbed of optimism, and Milić’s new series is in stark contrast to the dismal content of other regional media outlets.
Milić believes “the whole of the Balkans shares one common trait – negativity.” This tendency towards pessimism has its roots, but over time “negativity” has grown into a cultural norm. The habit of complaining about everything: the talk of illness and injustice that comes along with a lack of money. However, it is that dreary ambiance that inspired Milić’s idea to show what others before him had not – the potential of Bosnia.
Here you have 45 TV stations, numerous web portals, and media of all kinds…but they all focus on the negative, especially when it comes to politics. Since nothing has changed for the better in the past 20 years, we wanted to show something new. Something that other media had thus far failed to show.
Compared to many other societies where a person has limited options, Bosnia is different. “If you know how to do something, if you have the will, then you can make a decent living here.” Milić points out two main reasons for this: weak competition and cheap living expenses. Milić does not intend to incite a revolution: when it comes to the abyss of local economy, Bosnia has a long way to go. Yet he felt the urge to show the true potential of the country. “Workers and entrepreneurs are simply overlooked here.” Although some of them are currently employed in international companies, in time they should be able to change the ways of doing business in Bosnia. ¨The idea is to show that there is a potential. The main characters of this unique story are not big shots and celebs, but common people: Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks together – doing their jobs very well.”
What message does Milić have for the youth in Bosnia? What does the future hold for them? He is passionate about his take on this subject: “Something must be changed regarding the youth. Young people must snap out of their apathy and dare to do more than they are doing now.” He takes up a common example to illustrate this point: young people do not want to leave their parents’ homes, choosing to enjoy an easy living devoid of both charm and results. Such a behavior would hardly “hold water” in other countries, but in Bosnia it is an everyday occurrence. Milić takes the opportunity to open up about the nepotistic habits of the youth: “Here a reference goes something like this: yesterday, I saw Buda and he told me about Ivan, then Ivan told me about Pero, so here I am to refer him. It should not work that way!”
Milić reaches out to the young people with a message to be mature and ready to experience the world, not within their homes but outside of their dreary surroundings. He says education is also the way to go. Although good grades in school and college may help to a certain degree (to what degree, you can never be sure here), it is not enough. Intellect must go hand in hand with practice. Youth should take the initiative to develop their skills. This advice can apply to youth worldwide.

created: December 15th, 2014

author: Fiorenzo Polito


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Missing in Syria | Balkan Diskurs
Stephanie Sugars
December 15th, 2014
In Syria, enforced disappearance is being employed as a deliberate strategy to terrorize families and communities and to spread a fear capable of crippling resistance and silencing dissent.
To be missing in Syria is all too often considered to be one of two things: dead or detained. More than 99,000 Syrians have disappeared during the almost 40 months of ongoing conflict, according to new statistics released by the Department of Statistics and the Democratic Republic Studies Center in June 2014. While based on data collected by the Committee of Syrian Revolution Martyrs and the Local Coordination Committees, the Syrian Center for Statistics and Research, the Syrian Human Rights Violations Center and Damascus Centre for Human Rights Studies, this is still just an approximation. In May 2013, similar estimations of persons missing due to the conflict ranged from 10,000 to as high as 120,000. Much of this disparity can be attributed to the refusal of Syrian authorities and various armed opposition groups to provide statistics regarding how many they have detained, as well as the status and fates of many of these detainees. Additionally, there are currently no independent monitors or third party actors that are allowed access to detainment facilities.
A ‘missing person’ is, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), someone whose whereabouts are unknown to his/her relatives and/or who, on the basis of reliable information, has been reported missing in connection with an armed conflict, internal violence or disturbances or natural catastrophe. Unlike with the death of a loved one, when someone is missing there is no opportunity for closure and families are left in agony, fraught with anxiety about the fate of their fathers, mothers, brothers, children, and friends. For many, the uncertainty amounts to a form of psychological torture.
Unfortunately, ‘enforced disappearances’ are common in Syria and constitute a sizable portion of missing persons in the state. Defined in the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance as “the arrest, detention, abduction or any other form of deprivation of liberty by agents of the State… followed by a refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by concealment of the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person,” enforced disappearance is a war crime under international law.
Both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch believe that the majority of detainees in Syria are being held under conditions amounting to enforced disappearance. Anwar al-Bounni, a veteran defense lawyer and human rights campaigner in Damascus, stated that in Syria the goal is to “terrorize the society and dry up the revolution. The regime focuses on arresting peaceful activists to turn it purely into an armed conflict.” Indeed, enforced disappearance is being employed as a deliberate strategy to terrorize families and communities and to spread a fear capable of crippling resistance and silencing dissent.
When someone is a potential target, the threat is constantly looming overhead, casting a shadow over everyday life. ICRC spokeswoman, Rina Kamal, spoke about the difficulties of identifying potential targets of enforced disappearance, as people from everywhere and from all walks of life, have been among those taken. A 2013 Huffington Post article reported that people — often peaceful opponents, civil society leaders, defense lawyers, doctors and aid workers — are seized from homes, offices, checkpoints and even off the street, and have disappeared without a trace.
Assad government forces do not hold a monopoly on these tactics, however, and children are not immune to its use. On 30 May, 153 teenage boys aged 13-16 were kidnapped by ISIS forces as they were returning to their homes in the mostly Kurdish town of Ain al-`Arab (Kobani in Kurdish) near the Turkish border after taking their exams in Aleppo. While they reached Aleppo without incident, the convoy of about 10 minibuses was stopped upon their return and taken to a religious school in Manbej for “lessons in Sharia and jihadist ideology.” While two boys escaped and 15 others were released in mid-June, the vast majority are still there. Their families desperately await any news on the condition of their children and pray for their release after more than a month of detainment.
Families are often left without any information on the status of their family members. To alleviate some of this uncertainty, the Damascus office of the ICRC regularly requests information from the Assad government as well as opposition groups about individuals detained by their forces, with about 1,300 requests submitted in 2013. While partial replies on 271 detainees were received and forwarded to the families, the status of many others remains unknown. Those detained without proper documentation are at far greater risk of torture and maltreatment, often being held in secret detention facilities.
From 15-19 June, a delegation from Syria, consisting of Syrian Commission for Transitional Justice (SCTJ) staff and headed by Dr. Radwan Ziadeh, visited Bosnia-Herzegovina. Organized and planned in cooperation with the International Commission for Missing Persons (ICMP), the central purpose of the visit was to learn about the Bosnian experience in the field of transitional justice, especially in addressing enforced disappearance. The delegation was briefed on the experiences of Bosnia in establishing courts, developing legislation to support and protect victims, memorializing and commemorating victims and adhering to international human rights law, conventions,and agreements. This visit indicates a commitment to the identification of missing persons in Syria and brings hope for a successful transition following the cessation of violence.
The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic issued a report in June stating that “the conflict in Syria has reached a tipping point, threatening the entire region. With warring parties in unrelenting pursuit of the illusion of a military victory, violence has escalated to an unprecedented level. For perpetrators of crimes, there is no fear or thought of consequence.” Under these conditions, it is impossible to use the expertise of ICMP to begin the long process of finding, exhuming and identifying the dead, and thus, families of the missing will have to bear the heavy weight of uncertainty of their loved ones’ fates for some time to come.

author: Stephanie Sugars


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Gavrilo Princip as Anti-Imperialist Traditionalist | Balkan Diskurs
Ivan Ergic
December 16th, 2014
Had he been born in South America, Gavrilo Princip would have been an equal to Che Guevara and Emiliano Zappata; in Africa, he would have been a counterpart to the glorious martyrs who fell in the struggle against colonialism.
The “hero or terrorist” question is a moral one and an ever-dangerous simplification aimed at superficial and indolent media consumers and public reasoning that interprets it in line with political, cultural, ethical and other trends. For that reason and completely unambitiously, I attempt to present a short, phenomenological point of view on the matter — as analysis and reconstruction always imply something that leaves the bare historic factography behind. For reconstruction, the philosophic methods, scientific approaches and literary procedures are important, and require a strong awareness of context and causality — especially when bearing in mind the extent to which philosophical extremisms themselves may be in the service of the relativization and subjectivization of facts. Moreover, a more detailed treatment of the emergence of the Young Bosnia organization (a revolutionary movement that was active before WWI and consisted of primarily school students) and the causes of World War I far surpasses the capacities of a short essay.
Indeed, nowadays when there are certain historians and other scholars who compare Young Bosnia to Al-Qaeda, it is important to understand the origins of such a narrative, and to note that such views are undoubtedly related to the spirit of the time, including political horizons and events. When Anglophone historians, philosophers and political scientists make such a comparison, one should look into what they — when communicating their own societies (which, as a rule, include dominant political aspirations) — mean by terrorists. In addition, the trick is to remember that the very act of assassination is identified with barbarity and brutality, and therefore is often treated separately from its causes and motives.
Terrorism as the only way of fighting
Glancing at official lists of “terrorist” organizations, which are compiled by countries of the so-called developed world and Western democracies, is sufficient to conclude that we are dealing mainly with groups which use “terrorism” as a way of fighting in asymmetric wars and conflicts in which they are the weaker opponent. Let us recall that it wasn’t only the Palestinian PLO, the Irish IRA or the German RAF that have been labeled as terrorists — at some point, even fighters for the abolition of Apartheid were called terrorists, as well as the members of the Indian National Congress and radical environmentalists. Margaret Thatcher even went as far as to label the British unions and their leaders as terrorists. In that sense, everything is crystal clear and there is no need to moralize and point out the impertinence of quasi-scholars with such a framework of analysis. For them, it is self-evident that they are dealing with instances of “terrorism.”
The hermeneutical approach to history has always been fruitful as it is important to know the motives and thoughts of its actors. However, the “psychological analysis” of one certain character has caused deformities in the truth, and is always beset by partial interpretations — for Princip and Young Bosnia were not some hot-headed youngsters or risk-takers with no historical or political awareness. This argument is usually used to prove their recklessness, complemented with the story of how they were but pawns in someone else’s game. On the contrary they had read the socialist and anarchist classics, and the libertarian literature — and there is not a single proof that sentiments for a greater Serbia were present in their motives. From today’s perspective, their commitment and martyrdom may appear naïve, but it is because of their obsession with libertarian ideas – and the idealism they harbored, which no longer exists nowadays — that they eclipse our present-day civilizational dullness and conformism.
Public opinion(s) in the former Yugoslavia approach history with the same political code and the same moral tone as they view the latest Yugoslav war. Those who insert Princip into the Serbian nationalist pack — thereby demonstrating utter historical ignorance — provide wind in the sails of a Serbian nationalism that already categorizes and posits him as a permanent exhibit in its metaphysics of victimization, thus relegating him in the assemblage of martyrs and iconography alongside other characters that have nothing in common with Princip at all. Attempts at “Serbinizing” him represent a radical denial of his mission and of Princip himself, not only because he called himself a “Serbo-Croat”, but because it negates the life achievements and the habitus of Young Bosnia members.
On the other hand, those who are ardently trying to renounce him, accepting the semi-colonial narrative of contemporary Europe and other powers — according to which freedom fighters are perceived as terrorists — are generally Serbian chauvinists infected with a myth-mania that leads inevitably to hopelessness and self-destruction. For those who prefer neo-imperialism, the fact that certain Serbian warlords have reclaimed him offers an expedient way to distance themselves from him, although they know that he died dreaming of setting all the South Slavic peoples free. This is a self-evident syllogism behind which lie poorly disguised attempts to humor the modern-day heirs of that very same idea, then espoused by the Austro-Hungarian hawks and the German militants who, instilled with Prussian militarism, had war on their minds much before the assassination [of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo in 1914].
Young Bosnia and progressive thought
The Serbian nationalists on the one hand and the anti-Serbian nationalists on the other nurture their attitude towards Young Bosnians in an identical manner. As a result, those harboring Balkanophobe and anti-Serbian sentiments profit from the “Serbization” of Princip and his fellow men since, by attacking Serbian nationalism, they attack the libertarian heritage of Young Bosnia that has no connection whatsoever with traditional Serbian nationalism which, as a rule of thumb, is conservative. Indeed, national liberation, cultural freedom and anti-imperialism were integral parts of the most progressive thought of the time. On the other hand, Serbian folklorists and traditionalists see the Serbophobe attacks on Young Bosnia as proof that Serbdom itself is under attack, which only reinforces their myth of Princip as being exclusively “Serb.”
A significant part of the Western intellectual elite, alongside its citizenry, shows an acute lack of understanding for the vocation and goals of people such as Gavrilo Princip because they fail to understand what anti-imperialism really is, both on a rational and on a sentimental basis. For them, freedom has a completely different meaning from that in the areas where people have been humiliated and oppressed throughout history, often for the sake of a “civilizing mission.” In that sense, it is important to note that there is a certain repressive tendency present in the attempt to assign the enlightening role to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy — which tried to establish its position and role through alleged Trialism [the balance between its German, Hungarian and Slavic populations] and pacification of the South Slavs, guaranteeing them their national and civil rights. It was during the first days of the war that Serbian civilians could witness just how advanced and enlightened the Monarchy truly was.
The extent to which the infamous Black Hand (a secret military society formed by members of the Serbian Army) had influenced the Young Bosnians is a matter of debate, despite the fact that it is simply implausible that the two could have had similar motives and goals, given the nature of those two organizations and the people in them. Even if the claim that Young Bosnia was but an instrument in the hands of Serbian officers and the secret service were taken at face value, historiography would still be hard pressed to answer the question as to how the possibility of another war would have been in the interest of Serbia, battered as she was at the time by the Balkan Wars, and therefore significantly weaker than Austria-Hungary. However, history is not an exact science, and its scholars — who were classified by nationality and pigeon-holed into predetermined historical stereotypes and predilections at the time of the centenary of the assassination in June 2014 — will hardly be able to answer this question.
In my mind’s eye, branding Princip a terrorist serves the political agenda of creating a clientelistic mentality and conformism required by the new power consolidations of our day, be they military, economic or political — since it is through Gavrilo Princip and the likes of him that that small freedom-loving segment of the people living in the lands of the South Slavs will be enabled to learn about the essence of anti-imperialism in all its glory. For anti-imperialism — regardless of all claims and counter-claims (or the historical context for that matter) — transcends all divisions, not just local ones, thus inevitably conferring a timeless and universal quality on his martyrdom.
Matija Gubec, Vaso Čarapić, the Hajduks and Uskoks and all those whose legacy of outlawry has been delved into by Eric Hobsbawm, one of the greatest historians of the twentieth century, have granted us with an intuitive sense of libertarianism, the same that lived within Pancho Villa or Emiliano Zapata — who always walked a fine line between outlawry or “terrorism” (from the viewpoint of the hegemons) and libertarian rebellion (from the viewpoint of freedom-loving peoples). Had he been born in South America, Gavrilo Princip would have been an equal to Che Guevara and Emiliano Zapata; had he been a Turk, he would have been greater than Deniz Gezmis; in Ireland, he would have stood shoulder to shoulder with Connolly and Pearse; and in Africa, he would have been a counterpart to glorious martyrs who fell in the struggle against colonialism.
Consequently, I find it far from coincidental that the voices trying to discredit Young Bosnia as a controversial organization are doing so at this time when we are witnessing the loss of sovereignty of post-Yugoslav countries. The only point in time when the organization’s legacy was truly treasured was the period of independence of the South Slavic peoples in the heyday of their political, economic and cultural prosperity and prominence.

created: December 16th, 2014

author: Ivan Ergic


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Arms Trade | Balkan Diskurs
Jemma Hoare
December 16th, 2014
In the context of the wars that occurred in the former Yugoslavia, it would seem logical to approach the arms trade in South East Europe (SEE) with a sense of apprehension. The question is: does the trade make the region less stable and secure?
In the context of the wars that occurred in the former Yugoslavia, it would seem logical to approach the arms trade in South East Europe (SEE) with a sense of apprehension. The question is: does the trade make the region less stable and secure?
Many countries are increasing weapons production, but, contrary to what one may think, the main motivation is not necessarily driven by a need to increase the capabilities of their armies. The ever-expanding export of arms is, in many ways, contributing to the economy and employing people in this tough economic climate, thereby increasing the security and stability of the region.
The former Yugoslavia had a relatively sophisticated arms manufacturing programme, with exports sometimes amounting to as much as US$500 million annually, or a total of 7% of annual exports. Its primary markets were North Africa, the Middle East and fellow members of the Non-Alignment Movement. The manufacturing of different parts took place in the different republics. For example, key components of the M-84 tank — the pride of the Yugoslav armed forces — were made in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro, which were then assembled in Croatia.
After the violent wars of the 1990s, the capacity of the arms industry in each new state had to be developed due to the fragmented nature of the manufacturing process, arms embargoes, and, in the case of Serbia, the destruction of munitions factories by NATO bombardment. This industry was unable to contribute to the economy in the ways it previously had in Yugoslavia, as each state developed autonomous economic spheres.
Governments in the region have sought to address the lack of economic stimulus by increasing the manufacture of arms in order to benefit their economies. The results are clear from the statistics: Bosnia has increased its arms manufacturing five-fold in the past three years to €100 million. From 2012 to 2013, Montenegro’s arms exports increased 30% to a value of €6.5 million. In Serbia, exports in 2013 amounted to €250 million, and defence accounts now constitute 4% of Serbian exports. In the case of Croatia, in 2013 it exported €143 million, with significant yearly increases.
A beneficial factor of the arms trade is that the production of munitions is a relatively stable economic sector, given the products are always in demand by states, no matter the economic climate, despite the controversial nature of the demand. States in SEE have recently signed a number of long-term supply contracts with NATO and the USA, providing a strong and stable source of income.
It seems that the arms trade could improve the economic situation in the region. It also has the potential to improve economic cooperation between countries in SEE. In 2011, a potential contract to modernise Kuwaiti M-84 tanks envisioned cooperation between arms manufacturers in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Montenegro.
There is, however, a darker side to the legal arms trade. For example, there is mounting evidence that over the past 2 years Croatia has been illegally exporting arms to Syrian rebels via Jordan worth approximately €27 million. The circumstances around this are murky. The Croatian government has denied all knowledge of or responsibility for such activity, stating that it is occurring through illicit channels. There are further accusations that this is a CIA-facilitated pipeline set up to arm the rebels. A Montenegrin arms company has also been accused by local watchdogs of flouting international arms embargoes by exporting weapons to Libya and Syria, although the state has strongly denied these claims. Through this lens, while the legal arms trade may be increasing stability for the states in the region, it is increasing instability elsewhere.
When discussing the impact of the wars in SEE and the arms trade, it is important to consider not only the state level, but also the individual level. While individuals could benefit from the increased economic output of the arms industry, what will be the result of a proliferation of legal and illegal arms? Is the arms trade really making citizens in SEE more secure?
The largest source of instability resulting from the arms trade at the individual level is illegal arms. In the aftermath of war many firearms were left in circulation. While many programmes have attempted to collect and decommission weapons in civilian possession, these had limited success. Reasons people cited for failing to relinquish control of their weapons included the fear of a subsequent war, fear of prosecution and the ability to sell weapons on the black market for a substantial price.
A combination of factors makes SEE the European hotspot for an illegal arms trade. These include the aforementioned surplus of weapons following war in the region, as well as the lack of financial incentive to hand in these weapons to external entities in the midst of a bad economic climate. Furthermore, during the war, a large number of illegal munitions factories were set up to produce weapons without serial numbers and other identifying features, making their difficulty to trace attractive to criminals. The region also features relatively open borders.
Calculating the number of illegal firearms in the region is difficult, for obvious reasons. However, it is estimated that there are around 4 million unregistered weapons, of which 80% are said to have come from the wars in the ‘90s. Serbia has the most illegal weapons with nearly 1 million; Bosnia has an estimated 750,000 illegal weapons; Croatia has around 600,000; there are approximately 250,000 in Macedonia, and in Montenegro there is an estimated 170,000 illegal weapons.
The issue of unregistered arms is a destabilising factor and compromises citizens’ security. In Bosnia, deaths caused by illegal arms are the second most common accidental cause of death after car accidents. The sixth annual Regional Approach to Stockpile Reduction conference stated that surplus munitions in SEE continue to threaten the safety and stability of the region. This is reinforced by the discovery of weapons stockpiles during the recent floods that devastated Bosnia.
When considering the possible destabilising effects on society arising from the weapons trade, the product in question is not the only issue. Criminal organisations involved in the illegal arms trade are often involved in other illegal activities. Investigations have shown that gangs in Western Europe often trade drugs for arms originating from SEE.
The legal arms trade also contributes to the problem. Firstly, the region has comparatively permissive weapons laws, making it more difficult to distinguish between legal and illegal weapons. There are an estimated 3 million legal weapons in the region, with Serbia possessing the highest number of arms per person (15.1 per 100 people), followed by Montenegro (14.4), Croatia (8.4), Bosnia (8.0) and Macedonia (7.6). While many consider the sheer number of weapons in a state adversely affects a sense of security, a survey conducted in 2011 by the Belgrade Centre for Security Studies showed that citizens had a high sense of security. Their sense of security was evaluated to be their own, or their neighbourhood’s strength of security and not that of the state.
The legal arms trade also has the potential to affect stability in the region as criminal organisations have been known to raid army barracks and legal arms factories in order to fuel their trade on the black market.
Countries in the former Yugoslavia are taking steps to decrease the number of illegal weapons in circulation. In addition to collection drives that achieve a moderate level of success, there are information campaigns to educate the public on the dangers of keeping illegal weapons, especially older ones that were produced in illegal factories throughout the war.
The European Union plays a significant role in supporting the management and collection of these weapons due to the indivisibility of the security situation in the Greater Balkans. Not only do the arms often end up in the possession of criminal organisations in territories under EU regulation, but also all countries in the Greater Balkan are either members or prospective members. Joint police efforts in cooperating countries have had some success. For example, in January 2014, six people in Bosnia and seven people in Sweden were arrested for weapons smuggling.
The state of the arms trade in SEE is a political paradox. On one hand, the production of arms increases these countries’ economic stability by stimulating the labour market and increasing the economic output. These countries stand to profit from the magnitude of arms exports. A sense of personal security is also improved by privately owning a weapon. On the other hand, it can be argued that the arms trade directly contributes to instability in the region due to the large numbers of legal and illegal weapons in circulation. The proliferation of illegal weapons is most concerning, especially when considering the other crimes that the illegal arms trade inspires. The international black market also prospers from a lack of registration and management of weapons in the Greater Balkans. If arms continue to be traded in the international black market, these countries will become vulnerable to further illegal activity.

author: Jemma Hoare


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Scars of Sarajevo | Balkan Diskurs
Benjamin Goffrier
December 27th, 2014
Nearly 20 years after war, the cityscape of Sarajevo remains riddled with bullet holes and shell craters in facades and pavement. These are the scars of Sarajevo.
If Sarajevo was a person, what would he look like? I imagine a man with slightly tousled black hair. The rough facial features would be accentuated by deep brown eyes that reflect a complex and spirited soul characterized by antagonisms with an ulterior melancholy. His charisma would attract many people with charming and warm base notes and bold top notes that make it easy for him to connect with others. His multi-layered and interesting impression would be amplified by tattoos and scars that mark all parts of his body.
What stories would a man called Sarajevo tell you? He could speak about crazy parties, delicious food and interesting encounters. He could also tell you about his deep spirituality and how he combines modernity with a sense for tradition and coexistence. Or maybe he remembers hard times full of suffering caused by war, or talks about his despair, because he far too often feels stuck in his life and has a deep inner conflict that sometimes erupts in aggression.
While a person is able to express one´s past experiences by telling stories, a city cannot. Usually, people are the ones telling the stories about a place. They do so by creating museums and monuments and narratives about the past and put it all in a certain frame until everything makes sense from their current point of view. There is another, more direct way of approaching the past, and one does not need museums or monuments to experience it. Just like a person, a city has its own body that has grown and changed over time. Just as grey hair or wrinkles can tell you something about a person, buildings and squares can provide information about a city’s history.
Nearly 20 years after war, the cityscape of Sarajevo is still marked by bullet holes and shelling craters: the scars of Sarajevo. Just as the scars on a human body tell us something about a person’s past, Sarajevo’s scars can reveal information about the city’s past. However, in order to understand the nonverbal language in which scars such as these speak to you, you have to change your mode of perception to notice all that remains around you. Otherwise, the scars will remain silent.
Many bullet holes and shelling craters are still visible. Outside of the city center, many facades have not yet been restored. These scars are the most visible remains of the Siege of Sarajevo that took place during the Bosnian War. Lasting 1425 days, from 5 April 1992 to 29 February 1996, it was the longest siege of a capital city in the history of modern warfare.
The scars vary in size and pattern. Sometimes, buildings are only punctured by only a few bullet holes. Other facades are heavily scarred by countless bullet holes and shelling craters. A variety of weapons were used during the siege, including mortars, tanks, anti-aircraft guns, heavy machine-guns, multiple rocket launchers, rocket-launched aircraft bombs and sniper rifles.
The unrepaired bullet holes and shelling craters confront the observer directly with the brutality of war.
Many facades have been partially restored. Craters and bullet holes were filled by stones or mortar to protect buildings from further erosion. Even though these scars of the Siege have been covered, their origin is still apparent. In this way, the memory of the war is preserved while basic standards of restoration prevent the buildings from further damage.
The sporadic coverage of holes and craters with mortar creates interesting, and sometimes bizarre, patterns. Some look like pieces of modern art, while others could be associated with acne scars. The coverage could diminish the power these craters have to confront the observer, and, as a result, the observer must use much more imagination to visualize the brutal origin of these scars.
Some rare examples depict the transformation of bullet holes and craters for the purpose of delivering a specific message. In this way, citizens take ownership of their past by memorializing what remains of the Siege and by transforming it into something meaningful for the people of the present. Public space, in this sense, not only reveals something about the past of a city, but also provides you with modern impressions and interpretations of the city’s inhabitants.
Sometimes, the scars are transformed in a way that amplifies an observer’s confrontation with the shelling craters. The above image shows a shelling crater filled with mortar and painted red to resemble the blood spatter that resulted from a deadly rocket shell. It is placed just to the right of the entrance of the city office of the Bosnian Health Care Fond.
The image is like the “Sarajevo Roses”. The Sarajevo Roses are shelling craters in the pavement that have been filled with red resin, as depicted in the next photograph. Each rose marks a place where at least three people died. In a country in which the sites of atrocities often lack any kind of formal memorial to commemorate them, these transformed scars can serve as memorials for the victims of the Siege. However, due to construction work, more and more roses are disappearing. Some activists and organizations have tried to stop this from happening. In 2012, the Sarajevo Canton signed a contract with a Bosnian company to reconstruct the Sarajevo Roses.
Graffiti is another way people have transformed bullet holes. In some cases, graffiti is used to convert the negative impression left behind by the bullet holes into something positive, for example, when bullet holes turn into the smiling face of a sun, as depicted in the next photo. In other cases, bullet holes are ignored when producing a piece of graffiti, but the scars remain visible even though the power of their expression may be diminished. In this sense, the scars merely serve as a background on a canvas waiting for the creations of future artists, while alluding to times past.
As a part of the art project Star City, the artist Edin “Edo” Vejselovic has transformed bullet holes into stars so as to create something beautiful. It is an example of how we can preserve the remains of war while turning them into something positive. His works can be seen on the wall above Galerija 10m2 and on the wall along the garden of the National History Museum. His photography has been displayed as a part of several art exhibitions.
During the war, nearly the whole city was destroyed. Due to engagement by domestic and foreign investors, Sarajevo has run through a process of heavy reconstruction. Damaged buildings were rebuilt and nowadays, more and more modern buildings join the cityscape. Sarajevo has become one of the fastest growing cities in the region. Many of the scars have disappeared. While the city center is almost completely reconstructed, residential areas of Sarajevo are still in need of rebuilding. It is in these areas where one can find most of the scars that were once common throughout the city.
Most of the photos in this essay were taken along what was formerly known as Sniper Alley. During the Siege, this name was given to the main boulevard in Sarajevo that connects the city center to the airport and industrial areas. Due to the tall buildings and surrounding mountains, Sniper Alley provided snipers with their best targeting opportunities. While the upper part of the boulevard is lined with modern malls and banks, the lower part is less developed with the bordering residential areas still marked heavily by bullet holes and shelling craters.

created: December 27th, 2014

author: Benjamin Goffrier


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You Can’t Muzzle Pencils | Balkan Diskurs
Chloé Gaillard
January 8th, 2015
Chloé Gaillard reflects on the deadly attack on the Paris-based offices of satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo.
It is with an infinite sadness that I write these lines. Today, my country is mourning the death of twelve people, killed in a gruesome attack in Paris involving the satirical journal Charlie Hebdo. France lost 2 policemen and ten journalists. Among the victims were 4 of our most talented cartoonists: Cabu, Charb, Tignous and Wolinski. Today, this it is not just a journal that has been attacked, but symbols as well; symbols of freedom of speech and the French irreverence.
It was 11:20 am in Paris on January 7, 2015 when the editorial team of the satirical newspaper, Charlie Hebdo, was attacked during its weekly editorial meeting. Already subjected to threats because of its harsh humor, Charlie Hebdo was under police protection since 2011 and the publication of an edition entitled Charia Hebdo. The night before the publication, a firebomb destroyed the newspaper’s office without any casualties. This time, it seems three armed men, claiming to avenge the Prophet Muhammad, have attacked the satiric journal, killing twelve people. As I am writing, the events remain unclear and the killers are still on the run.
Despite the haziness, theories are amuck across social media platforms. Conspiracies arise from a paranoia, as a disinhibited racism emerges from the tragedy. My newsfeed suffocates from hashtags, such as “#gobackhome” and “#yougotwhatyoudeserve.” A loud minority is fighting online — pro-terrorist versus blind nationalists — and amplified by a media craving sensationalism. At the same time, some scavenging politicians retrieve the crumbs of the massacre, fueling hatred with the 2017 presidential election in view — a rather classic pattern after such terrible events.
But this France is not mine.
My France is the one standing in the street tonight, showing respect to the victims and their families, peacefully fighting for our freedoms and values. As our President declared: “freedom will always be stronger than barbarism… The gathering of all, in all its forms, is what should be our response… Our best weapon is our unity. Nothing can make us bend.”
Never again should the thundering sounds of gunfire be a response to pencils. Our duty is to honor those who gave their lives for irreverence by continuing to criticize and laugh about everything. Freedom of speech and freedom of press are core values of democracy and this day will remain as a bitter reminder of its price.
Today, we are all Charlie.

created: January 8th, 2015

author: Chloé Gaillard


text:
Kati Marton: A Life of Reinvention | Balkan Diskurs
Yeree Woo
January 23rd, 2015
Yeree Woo speaks with renowned Hungarian-American author, award-winning journalist and renowned human rights activist Kati Marton, whose vibrant career and high profile love life put most lives to shame.
“In a lifetime, you have several chances to reinvent yourself,” said Kati Marton during her visit to the Sarajevo School of Science and Technology. Students were excited to meet and learn from the renowned Hungarian-American author, journalist and renowned human rights activist, whose vibrant career and high profile love life put most lives to shame. During an interactive discussion session, Marton shared the details of her journey from a political orphan in Hungary and her family’s escape to America to her career as an award-winning journalist and her role as the wife of the late diplomat, Honorable Richard Holbrooke. Her reinvention also referred to Bosnia-Herzegovina and the challenges the country still faces almost two decades after the war of the 1990s. Marton’s magnetism and passion held the room captive and the life lessons she imparted were as authentic, commonsensical and enlightening as her person.
She began her story with details of her childhood in Budapest, Hungary under the iron thumb of a repressive, menacing communist regime. For her book, , Kati reviewed thousands of pages from Communist Hungary’s brutal State Security Agency’s secret surveillance of the Martons that revealed betrayal by coworkers, friends and even their family dentist and nanny. Kati’s parents, Endre and Ilona Marton, were charismatic correspondents for rival foreign news agencies, who were arrested, interrogated and imprisoned for exposing corruption in the Hungarian government and maintaining friendships with western diplomats. Kati and her sister were raised by strangers for over a year before her parents were finally released.
Due to continued threats from the Hungarian government, the Martons escaped to the United States in search of a freer life and better opportunities for their children. In Bethesda, Maryland Marton began her life as an immigrant in America much like others grappling the difficulties in “creating a cohesive personality out of splintered loyalties.”
Beyond her accounts as a political orphan in Hungary, Marton also discussed her inspirations in her career as an award-winning journalist. “I never wanted to be anything but a journalist,” she told the group. Before Marton reached the summit of her career as a journalist, she had many obstacles to overcome including winning over another feisty, female journalist at the time, Barbara Walters. During her time as a journalist for ABC and NPR, Marton covered civil wars on every continent and met with notorious terrorist groups. She received death threats for exposing corrupt American politicians. “It’s been great,” she said. She stressed the importance of living her life as truth teller. “Journalists get close to history,” she explained. “We have a big role in keeping the government honest; we are not public relations people.” Kati has received numerous honors for her reporting, most notably the 2001 Rebekah Kohut Humanitarian Award by the National Council of Jewish Women, the 2002 Matrix Award for Women Who Change the World, the George Foster Peabody Award and the Commander’s Cross of the Order of Merit of the Republic of Hungary, which is the country’s highest civilian honor.
She also candidly discussed her 17-year-long marriage with the late diplomat and architect of the Dayton Peace Agreements, the Honorable Richard Holbrooke. In , her book dedicated to her late husband, Marton describes her tumultuous marriage with the ABC news anchor, Peter Jennings, as well as the “pure courtship” and love with Richard Holbrooke.
With regard to diplomacy, Kati learned from her husband that “diplomacy should be treated as an interaction, one human at a time, not a giant bureaucracy.” To illustrate the human nature of diplomacy, Marton gave one account from the Dayton Peace talks in which her husband asked her to take each of the leaders on walks to help them envision the lives they wanted for their children and grandchildren. Marton described it as a nearly impossible task since it was “hellish to get them to agree on bathroom breaks, let alone agree to end the war.”
When a member of the audience described the agreement as a “straightjacket constitution,” she admitted that Holbrooke had some regrets in the end but reminded students that it was meant to be a transitional constitution which should be judged by its implementation. The main goal for her husband, she explained, was to end the killing and to establish peace. Marton said that the solution now relied on the new generation, those who have inherited history and were responsible for assimilating lessons from the past while living in the present.
“I urge you to be fearless. Be skeptical about what you read,” Marton said. Despite the vibrancy of Sarajevo, Marton expressed some disappointment about the political state of Bosnia. The solution to corruption in Marton’s eyes is an informed population and leaders whose “first responsibility is to be moral human beings.” “Don’t lose sight of your own morality,” she urged the students. Marton concluded the discussion with her hopes for an established peace and reconstruction as her husband had envisioned years ago.

created: January 23rd, 2015

author: Yeree Woo


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Jens Wagner on the German Post-Conflict Experience | Balkan Diskurs
Balkan Diskurs
January 23rd, 2015
Wagner: “Germany made peace with the wartime enemy.
Balkan Diskurs had the opportunity to meet the spokesperson of the German Embassy, Jens Wagner, to discuss a variety of issues, including the German experience in rebuilding after World War II (WWII), the importance of memorials in preventing conflicts and the potential resources available in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Commenting on the German experience in the aftermath of WWII, Wagner noted that it is not possible to draw many parallels between post-war situations in Bosnia and in Germany, partly because, in the case of World War II, there was a clear consensus regarding who had started the war and who had been the victims. Additionally, the Cold War and the subsequently high levels of international involvement dominated Germany’s experience. He notes that Germany’s successful reconstruction can be attributed, in no small part, to the nation’s reconciliation with Germany’s wartime enemies. In achieving this reconciliation, Germany pioneered the approach by which reconciliation is done between societies as a whole, based not only on politics but also on people. Another important aspect of Germany’s post-war society was confronting the past and taking responsibility for the atrocities of WWII. This process began relatively late and ultimately required subsequent generations, such as the student revolt of 1968, to force older generations to confront the past.
When asked about the importance of memorials in preventing conflicts, Wagner commented that such monuments are a strong statement made by society because they show which parts of history the society wants to remember. In some cases, the establishment of a memorial can be a strong gesture that keeps conflict alive; in others, it may be a gesture that builds bridges and facilitates reconciliation. Nowadays, war memorial sites typically commemorate all those who died in the war regardless of the side they fought on. Germany has demonstrated a significant commitment to building memorials in memory of the Holocaust and other atrocities committed by Nazi Germany. Such gestures shape the current discussion and make it clear that a society accepts responsibility. This message is especially visible in the placement of Berlin’s Holocaust memorial: located directly next to the political center of the city, the memorial represents a joint initiative of government and civil society.
Wagner emphasized the great potential of Bosnia, particularly in the areas of reconciliation and economic development, but noted that realization of the potential is strongly connected with education. The educational system in Bosnia often does not try to bridge ethnic diversity; on the contrary, it further accentuates ethnic differences. The most famous example of this is the “two schools under one roof” system, wherein students are separated according to their ethnicity and they attend different classes. Wagner expressed interest in seeing more exchanges in the education sector, both between Bosnia and the rest of Europe and within the country. Such an internal education exchange program would confront the problem whereby young people grow up without any contact with other entities, a situation that limits possibilities for meaningful reconciliation.
The German government is active in Bosnia through the Embassy, as well as organizations such as the German Development Cooperation (GIZ). The Embassy is involved in a variety of smaller-scale reconciliation projects that endeavor to build a common future, including support for the Cinema for Peace Foundation. Through this project, survivors from Srebrenica were interviewed for a genocide library of video testimonies. Other Embassy projects focus on the education sector, such as a high school exchange program through which 550 high school students from Bosnia will travel to Germany until the end of the school year 2014/15. For many of these students, this exchange program provides a new perspective about themselves and their homeland: in Germany, where few understand the distinction between the Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the students are simply perceived as Bosnians. The embassy is also currently planning a youth conference scheduled for the end of June where 100 youth from Bosnia, Europe and the United States will gather in Sarajevo. The Embassy also sponsors numerous projects dealing with minorities, especially with the Roma minority. Projects in Mostar include an effort to bridge the two halves of the city through music: youth from both the Bosniak and Croat sides are encouraged to play rock music together and to form multiethnic bands. Also in Mostar, the Embassy sponsors a Model United Nations project that brings together students from universities from both sides.
As our conversation drew to a close, Wagner commented on the protests in Bosnia. For him, it “is very understandable that there is a high level of frustration. We believe that part of life in a democracy is that citizens demonstrate and express their opinions through protest, so we hope that politicians in all parts of the country will really take these demonstrations as a wake-up call and try to find ways of initiating dialogue with the protesters. We believe that politicians here really have the responsibility to compromise more than they have so far. I hope that the pressure of the streets will force them to do more, however, we also want to emphasize that it is important that all these protests have to be peaceful and there is no sympathy for violence. I hope that from now on, we will not see any wild outbreaks because that certainly does not help the demonstrators in their cause.”


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Mary-Ann Hennessey on Peacebuilding, Reconciliation, and Youth Integration | Balkan Diskurs
Benjamin Lemerle
January 24th, 2015
“Bosnia-Herzegovina is the only country in Europe that does not guarantee the right to education free from segregation,” according to Mary-Ann Hennessey, Head of the Sarajevo Office to the Council of Europe
Peacebuilding, reconciliation and youth integration were the key concepts at the heart of a recent meeting between Executive Director of the Post-Conflict Research Center (PCRC), Velma Šarić, and Head of the Sarajevo Office to the Council of Europe (CoE), Mary-Ann Hennessey. Both parties exchanged their views regarding the current and future situation in Bosnia.
PCRC was interested in the CoE’s stance regarding the complex and ongoing attempts at reconciliation in Bosnia. Hennessey explained:
The country did not, in fact, start any ‘process’ of reconciliation between communities and ethnic groups. However, at the local level, interpersonal relations improved markedly regardless of ethnic origin. Now, it is crucial to support this trend at the international level and to transfer this reconciliation to the whole of Bosnian and Herzegovinian society.
PCRC and Hennessey agreed that a change can only succeed if the authorities fight against the lack of justice and support collective forgiveness among all Bosnian citizens.
There is a major issue with regard to memorialization awareness, primarily due to ethnic and community isolationism. The general result is widespread denial, making dealing with the past more and more difficult. We can see this trend in Srebrenica and Prijedor where commemorations take place every year, without any unity among the population, Hennessey said.
Acknowledging these difficulties, PCRC’s intern, Benjamin Lemerle, from France inquired further about the factors that could jeopardize Bosnia’s Council of Europe membership. According to Hennessey, many issues remain highly problematic. “Even after more than 12 years of membership, Bosnia has not implemented any reform of its justice, police, electoral law or educational systems. Bosnia is the only country in Europe that does not guarantee the right to education free from segregation,” she explained, citing the “two schools under one roof” phenomenon as an unfortunate example of ethnic division among children.
Nevertheless, Hennessey strongly reaffirmed the core missions of the CoE in BiH: “Respect for human rights, rule of law and democracy — European values on which we cannot compromise. It is a very hard task in a country still politically and ethnically divided, even twenty years after the end of the war.”
Hennessey also mentioned that the Sarajevo field office is not an official delegation. In fact, it has no diplomatic function, meaning that although it has more freedom of speech, it has less power to apply pressure on local authorities. According to her, “the first mission of the CoE in Bosnia is to call to attention the obligations undertaken by Sarajevo upon Bosnia’s entry into the Council of Europe back in 2002.” Although Bosnia had an obligation to reform its Constitution according to the amendments of the Dayton Agreement 1995, nothing has really changed.
“One of the CoE’s primary concerns is the ethnic division among Bosniak Muslims, Serbs and Croats, which is being reinforced by the current Constitution, as well as discrimination against national minorities such as Roma and Jews and the ‘others’ category,” Hennessey reported. As a result, she believes that the CoE will give more attention to the famous Sejdić-Finci case, also insisting on other ethnic aspects related to the CoE’s Protocol No. 12 to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms.
The CoE and PCRC share the same opinion: a peaceful and democratic Bosnia cannot emerge without a mutual understanding of the past. According to Hennessey, “the whole of Bosnian society should acknowledge the suffering and violence experienced by the victims, all victims. And this is a difficult process, which takes time.” Educating children and future generations is vital to the process of reconciliation and integration.
Due to the segregation within education, Hennessey believes that “Youths don’t fight for their own interests in Bosnia.” Nevertheless, she highlighted the heroic and selfless involvement of young Bosnians in volunteering their help and efforts during the recent flooding crisis in Bosnia. This can be seen as a tentative step towards the integration of the population and gives hope for future relations .

created: January 24th, 2015

author: Benjamin Lemerle


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The Scars of Transition: Opportunities for Coexistence | Balkan Diskurs
Mirza Halilčević
January 26th, 2015
Tuzla, an example of multiculturalism in Bosnia-Herzegovina, does not experience issues related to national identity as much as other areas, but this merely raises more questions. “Why is Tuzla not progressing despite such an advantage?” Mirza Haličević reports.
In February of this year, Tuzla’s disappointed youth and dissatisfied workers took to the streets to protest for their basic human rights. Posters, held high in an effort to send a message to the ruling authorities, colored the demonstrations. One of the posters stood out for its simplicity and unifying power. In all three Bosnian languages, it read: “We are hungry.”
Tuzla claims to be the most liberal city in Bosnia-Herzegovina, but placed in another context one might question this liberalism. One might consider this liberalism a mere necessity born out of the existential crisis many are experiencing. Therefore, just as the saying “Hard times reveals true friends” suggests, the process of transition can be said to reveal a positive dimension within a less than ideal situation. “The terrible economic situation and high unemployment rates have served as fruitful grounds for coexistence to emerge. Solidarity has become crucial and the only division that should exist is ‘us’ the people versus ‘them’ the ruling authorities,” says Azra Mehmedovic from Tuzla.
We the disenfranchised, as broken and damaged beings, are everywhere. In this sense, we do not know of division, just as the intensity of pain does not know to whom you belong. If we take a deeper look into the core of the Bosnian system, we will undoubtedly realize that all of its aspects and dimensions reflect the consequences of the war. Therefore, we ought not to force reconciliation upon the victims, but should instead aim for personal harmony and mutual understanding. We as a new generation have a responsibility to address the past and its victims and must therefore aim to build a judicious future based on understanding and coexistence. We must not allow the rebirth of the communist ideal, which would inhibit freedom of speech. We must not become a mere political creation limited by lines on a map. We have to develop our own awareness by allowing ourselves to make mistakes and allowing for second chances. Creating prejudice is easy. We must instead work on creating space for understanding and constructing views, beliefs and attitudes based on our own experiences—we must set aside our parent’s history of war.
“Sometimes conversation is seemingly ineffective, yet it can be very productive. The very act of conversation could be interpreted as a special kind of coexistence, an opportunity for progress and new possibilities. We are a nation standing on a mountain of problems, and by talking about them, we are capable of addressing them one at a time,” adds Boris Pavlović from Tuzla.
Political influence, communist ideas, and war rhetoric are commonly passed down to children in Tuzla, and it is the nationalist orientation of the children’s parents that seems to have the greatest influence. Children have no choice but to become indoctrinated with certain attitudes and are often raised to hate and discriminate, which can be difficult to overcome. The logical question arises: “Why would anyone raise their children this way?” The answer is both simple and complex: it is the consequence of an unfortunate history of war. During the war, specific views were formed as a result of the globalization of nations and peoples. The remains of such views and rhetoric raise new generations today; generations with formed attitudes—attitudes based on things only their parents can explain.
As Ivo Andric once wrote: “War, regardless of how long it lasts, only brings forth questions of what caused it. Only after war’s conclusion, when peace has been restored, can these questions be answered.”

created: January 26th, 2015

author: Mirza Halilčević


text:
The Scars of Transition: Citizens Reduce Their Meal Portion More Each Day | Balkan Diskurs
Erna Duratović
January 26th, 2015
The greatest obstacles in achieving reconciliation are public discourse, the absence of an agreed upon view of the past, and the nationalist rhetoric and hatred imposed upon us by the ruling elites. The dynamic process of transitioning from a socialist society to a society described as brutally capitalist, with clear nationalist features, has left its …
The greatest obstacles in achieving reconciliation are public discourse, the absence of an agreed upon view of the past, and the nationalist rhetoric and hatred imposed upon us by the ruling elites.
The dynamic process of transitioning from a socialist society to a society described as brutally capitalist, with clear nationalist features, has left its scars on my local community too. The destruction of industry and agriculture in Prijedor has caused great suffering and poverty, and suffering and poverty further enabling a variety of pathological phenomena. Bosnia-Herzegovina is a country in transition, deeply divided among many lines in which those who rule only seek to gain advantages. Bosnia is a country in which more and more people reduce the size of their meals due to poverty. I see that the transition process has divided people even further and implanted many stereotypes. I live in an environment where the system of values has been entirely destroyed, and where children are taught to hate each other. Unfortunately, in Prijedor many people still judge others based solely on their names. The situation in Bosnia seems to be out of control, the nationalistic rhetoric imposed upon the people is being adopted and embraced blindly even though it only worsens the situation. The greatest obstacles to the process of reconciliation, therefore, seem to be public discourse, the absence of an agreed view of the past, and the nationalist rhetoric and hatred imposed upon us by the ruling elites.
I think that the process of transition has played a major role in constructing the reality we live in today. It has revealed the darkest human urges and completely pushed aside solidarity and humanity.
– Nikola Kurdiza (Prijedor) –
I think that the primary obstacle to the process of reconciliation is fairly clear to all citizens. The economic despair the country finds itself in seems to be a barrier impossible to overcome. In this despair, it is important to emphasize youth unemployment as one of the fastest growing issues. Consequently, Bosnia has been placed at the top of Europe’s blacklists. Without adequate economic growth, all possible progress remains only an imagination. The second part of the problem, or rather its cause, is the ever-present corruption of the system as a whole as well as institutionalized crime, which both equally serve as further obstacles in the process of reconciliation and general progress. All other issues, it seems, might be resolved if only there were less people who were systematically marginalized and driven out of society. One of the ways in which to tackle the existing issues is undoubtedly people’s self-organization through civil society. The progress and improvement of a worker’s life needs to be initiated by the workers themselves or it simply will not happen at all. Conclusively, the reconciliation process in Prijedor, is one of the most dynamic in Bosnia.
The absence of an agreed upon answer to the question of “what happened in the 90s” contributes to general scepticism towards the reconciliation process. An answer is primarily needed for all of us to accept the acts as truths, to punish those who committed crimes, and to harshly judge their misdeeds. Since politicians have such great influence, every single hate speech and all denial of proven facts ought to be harshly punished, which would, in turn, force upon the ruling elites their engagement in the process of reconciliation.
I think that the process of transition has not helped my local community whatsoever. I feel like we are in a floating state, not stationed nor really flying. In this situation we simply do as much as we can to critically assess the information that is given to us.
– Zorana Dabic (Prijedor) –
Reconciliation is a multipart and multilayered process that is hard to follow and execute. If reconciliation means congratulating each other on our different religious holidays, as I feel it does to many people, then we have a serious problem. Young people do not have a problem with reconciliation. I often hear the phrase “why do we have to forgive each other, we never even fought?” I may sound pessimistic, but my reality gives me no other alternative. I doubt that there is a “better tomorrow.” I think the only solution is revolution; a revolution in people’s minds, an awakening. Kozarac used to be a municipality, but now it belongs to the city of Prijedor and is inhabited by predominantly Bosniaks. Bosniaks are treated as second class citizens by the local authorities. The first steps in the transitional justice process are still being carried out and only include the establishment of facts and punishment for the perpetrators.
In order to achieve true reconciliation, we first need to determine the facts. That’s where we encounter the first issues, simply because politicians are not showing any interest in engaging in the process of reconciliation.
– Ines Ilijasevic (Kozarac) –
It is often said that in order to move forward we need to leave the past behind us. But I think that there will be no true reconciliation until we face and deal with our past. In the meantime, everybody writes their own past.
According to the Agency of Statistics’ data from February 2014, BiH has 556 868 (44.6 %) unemployed people, which is much higher than the regional average of 27%. In other words, one can talk about the negative effects of transition in many ways, including the economic aspect, the quality of the education, and the healthcare system, etc.
When it comes to reconciliation, I think the primary problem is terminology. I wonder if we can talk about reconciliation and restoring trust among Bosnia’s peoples without having them face their own past first.
– Goran Zonic (Prijedor) –
This is exactly the case with Prijedor as well. The sweeping under the rug of the horrible crimes for the sake of restoring trust only increases the potential for new conflict. The lack of compensation for the victims, as well as the absence of their essential rights, only deepens the lines of national division. In order to move forward in the process of reconciliation, it is necessary for the Serb population to face the crimes committed by individuals of this nationality in the name of this nation.
To conclude, it is evident that the transition process has left a negative mark on my local community. I feel as if we are moving backwards rather than forwards. In the streets I encounter sad and dissatisfied young faces every day. These people have previously been enthusiastic and hard working, but have become disappointed since it is impossible for them to improve in any respect. There are more and more hungry people every day, yet what matters more is which nationality the hungry ones belong to. One of the main obstacles towards a “better tomorrow” is the division between “us” and “them”. I believe that a brighter future will not come until we realize that there are only good and bad people, regardless of their names. I think that we should teach our children real values—love and not hatred.
The process of reconciliation needs to include the acceptance and respect of others, equal rights for all citizens, and non-discrimination and cooperation.

author: Erna Duratović


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The Scars of Transition: We Were Unified Once | Balkan Diskurs
Ognjen Todorović
January 28th, 2015
The peace that the Yugoslav people once built has been destroyed; all because of the stereotypical claim that the hatred between the nations of Yugoslavia was ever-present. This hatred was fabricated by the ruling elites who wanted to teach Slavs how to be civilized and democratic.
Transition marks change. In order to reach the act of reconciliation itself, the three constituent peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina should first identify the obstacles that are blocking the road toward achieving it. I believe this is the only efficient way to find a solution to our problems.
“It is too early to expect unity and togetherness from the people of BiH because the images of war are still fresh and alive in the minds of our parents. It is unrealistic to expect to them to simply get over everything they have seen and experienced, and, for that reason, we should not label them as nationalists or condemn their opinions,” says Ivana Pavišić, fourth year high school student from Banja Luka.
“I believe our primary mission as youth is to nurture human relationships, establish cooperation, and build new roads that will take us toward unification once again, if not in the territorial sense, then at least in our hearts and minds,” Ivana continues.
The fact is, people have not reconciled since the war because there have been neither serious attempts nor intensive work being done to achieve this. Everything happens “ad hoc”, including our adaptation to the current situation. Reconciliation is a burning issue on politicians’ everyday agendas, but little attention is actually given to the issue on the grounds that there are more pressing problems to address.
“Every transition is a process that takes time, will, strength, knowledge and experience. In this sense, I believe we are still not well-versed in the realm of reconciliation, even after all these years,” says Danica Bartolić, youth activist from Laktaši Municipality.
In the midst of the chaos that has been haunting us for the last decade, only one question interests me: “Do we not remember that the republic was at the epicenter of multiethnic society and we once lived in harmony?” The unity of Yugoslavia was superior to other nations of that time, and a symbol of that unity was the cooperation and fellowship of its youth. When looking at today’s image of youth engagement and their agility and activeness, another question arises: “Where are our youth today and what do they contribute?”
Nikola Todorović, basketball prospect and a student at the Natural Sciences and Mathematics Faculty in the Laktaši municipality, brings back hope that the youth do not have to be lost to today’s system: “The young people of our country carry the future in their hands and are an incredibly important link in the formation of the chain of togetherness, multicultural respect and appreciation. However, I understand that there is a significant chance that parents are raising their children with values of nationalism and patriotism, which can push us to the brink of our moral intelligence. If we continue to raise future generations to become extremists and totalitarians, there is no chance for real progress.”
Regarding youth-related issues, I felt the need to seek out the opinions of experts who are in contact with this population on a daily basis. “Young people in BiH face a number of problems, many of which governmental institutions are largely responsible for. All levels of government lack a programmatic and strategic approach to the improvement of the youth’s current situation. I consider it a failure that young people’s patriotism is being expressed through nationalism, but it makes me happy when I see aware and responsible youth who express solidarity with their peers,” expresses local high school counselor Sanja Hajder.
When discussing solutions, we should look to those who said “no” to the madness and injustice, and to those who decided to remain human during evil times. There is no one left to blame but ourselves. If we do not realize this in time, the anchor on our economy, our businesses and our finances will drag us to the bottom and will inevitably cause catastrophic consequences for our already shaky foundation of reconciliation.

created: January 28th, 2015

author: Ognjen Todorović


text:
The Scars of Transition: Life outside the Media and Politics | Balkan Diskurs
Mladen Lakić
January 28th, 2015
Youth in Bosnia-Herzegovina live together and only an occasional “report” reminds them of how they are ostensibly divided. It is often said that transition is not a process, but a permanent state of society in BiH. Since the end of the war, we have been working on reconciliation.
“I am convinced that our politicians talk about reconciliation on behalf of only one of the conflicting sides and about trust-building only for show,” says Miloš Šarenac, a 25-year-old unemployed, journalism graduate from Eastern Sarajevo. He thinks politicians often create an atmosphere of fear and division, while the reality is totally different. “I have friends and acquaintances of different nationalities and religions, and I am not the only one. It is quite normal to have Miloš, Ante and Muharem hanging out together,” explains Miloš through a smile. “There are topics on which we disagree, different views on the causes of the war and all of that, but I think young people don’t really care too much about these things,” continues Miloš. It is here that he sees the problem. “If we young people remain silent, if we don’t bring up topics like this and instead leave them to the politicians, they will surely use them for scoring some political points, as we have seen.”
Marko Matović, a 22-year-old journalism student from Eastern Sarajevo, has a similar viewpoint. “Conflicts, hatred, and intolerance are still being diffused by the media and by politicians, and it is hard not to fall for it,” says Marko. Working for various non-governmental organizations (NGOs) has given him an opportunity to meet youth from all over BiH, but he says that, up until few years ago, that was an exception to the rule. A large number of youth are simply brought up to stay away from the “other.”  Marko remembers meeting young people who had never crossed their administrative or entity borders. “It is not personal hatred that is the problem, it is the environment in which the youth grow up because from an early age we are taught that it’s normal for things to be this way,” adds Marko. He remembers a time when he was in high school and said it was hard to find young people from Sarajevo and Eastern Sarajevo hanging out together. “Today, a generation has emerged that understands that we are all the same. Today it is “normal” to have a girlfriend of different nationality or ethnicity because we simply do not care about these divisions,” says Marko.
What complicates the situation, in Marko’s opinion, are the politicians and the media. “We are being fed the information that we are not welcome in certain parts of the country, but our personal experiences tell us otherwise. So we are being influenced, regardless of which nation we are talking about,” he explains. “It’s the media that keeps bringing up war topics, in a negative and superficial way. My friends and I almost never talk about the war because we are more concerned with the future than we are with the past,” the young man concludes honestly.
Vanja Tešanović, a 21-year-old law student, is living in Eastern Sarajevo in an area often labeled in the media as a “demarcation line”. She thinks political elites are not dealing with reconciliation because she personally has not seen any concrete plans. “Everything related to reconciliation has somehow been transferred to the NGOs whereas politicians are determined to divide us, and that is the biggest issue,” says Vanja. “My friends and I may be the best example that the reconciliation process is, in fact, partially successful and that it really does have an effect on young people,” she proudly emphasizes.
Vanja says how she and her friends often joke about the imaginary borders that divide them and this, she believes, shows that the youth are looking toward the future. “One should keep in mind, however, that there are those who still feel hatred towards others even though they did not personally experience the war. But it is not their fault, it is their surroundings, parents, and teachers…” says Vanja. She remembers a situation when a bar fight in Eastern Sarajevo was reported in the media as an interethnic clash. “I could not believe what I was reading because I was there and I know ethnicity was not the reason for the fight. People from other places, especially more rural areas, will most likely believe this report and will think that they should be afraid when they come here, which is crazy,” says Tešanović.
Vanja says that she cannot give a concrete answer regarding how others feel about relationships between members of different ethnicities, nations, or religions. “It is hard to generalize, but it seems to me that there are more and more young people who do not have problems with such things. It seems as though the older generations are the ones more likely to have a problem with this, but that has just been my personal experience,” Vanja says candidly. “Talk of war was more frequent a few years ago when we started befriending each other, so to speak. It was something we had to get out of the way in order to understand that we actually have some similar viewpoints and, thus, can work together,” adds Vanja. Referring to the issue that politicians and professors should deal with these subjects in a serious manner, she explains, “On the personal level it’s easy, but we as a society need truths and clear interpretations of certain events, and that is a difficult process that should be taken seriously.”
“For us transition is not a process, it’s an excuse for negativity and laziness,” begins Ivana Lučić who is a 23-year-old student studying at the Faculty of Architecture in Sarajevo despite the fact that politicians have said that Serbs are in danger in this city. “You must work with young people to make them realize how insane those divisions are. I think it’s too late for older generations, but it’s not too late for mine, and I believe we are on the path towards change,” explains Ivana. She is aware that there are many people who avoid contact with the “other” and there are a number of topics sensitive to the public that can easily create an avalanche of hatred. “It seems to me like the media are devoting too much time covering topics where someone hates someone else, so we get this impression of deep division, when this isn’t a reality in everyday life,” says Ivana.
Like Vanja, Ivana mentions the example of the “interethnic conflict” that was in fact just a plain old bar fight. “We laughed at that because we knew what the truth was, but it is scary how the media abuse such stories. Instead of writing about the issue of violence, they lie and present someone’s religion or nationality as the primary issue,” says Ivana.
“When you see how ordinary people live, you begin to realize that we are persistently being lied to by politicians and the media alike,” explains 27-year-old Vedrana Knežević from Eastern Sarajevo when asked about the divisions within society. “I often read how we can’t live together and then, in the evening, I go out with Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks,” she points out. “Of course things aren’t all rosy regarding the war, as every nation has their own interpretation of it, but we rarely talk about that among our friends,” Vedrana continues. “I don’t think we to reflect on the past all the time when our future is still so uncertain.” Vedrana agrees with Ivana as they both emphasize that if there was more work and security in the existential sense there would not be so many pointless arguments about a war that got us nowhere.
Slobodan Todorović, 26 and unemployed from Eastern Sarajevo, thinks war is not something we should be silent about, but he also thinks we should not talk about it all the time. He thinks politicians talk about the war only because they do not know what else to talk about. “The situation in the country is really bad. It’s almost impossible to find a job and then here comes a politician talking about the war and how people are in danger so as to mask the real problem,” says Slobodan. Like the previous interviewees, Slobodan does not see the divisions among the youth that headline so many stories. “When we go out we want to have a good time. We don’t care about someone’s nationality,” he adds, also reiterating that it is not like that everywhere. “I know that there are people who don’t associate with Serbs. Some people have never even met a Serb,” says Slobodan. He believes that this is not the result of personal fear or hatred, but is instead a consequence of the current system. “If they will separate us from childhood, we can either fight the division on our own or simply accept what we are taught,” he concludes.
All of these young people agree on one thing: real life is not what you see in media nor hear in political speeches. “It is clear that it will take a lot of time to reach a consensus on a truth about the war, but the easiest way to do this is together, dealing with the economy and employment, and not by blowing hot air,” Slobodan states.

author: Mladen Lakić


text:
City Hall on Sale Again? | Balkan Diskurs
Lejla Bečar
February 2nd, 2015
In 1984, viewers from across the region laughed at the skit “Nadrealisti” in which Rizo sells the City Hall of Sarajevo to American tourists for 25,000. Today, 30 years later, we have representatives of the city administration and employees of the National and University Library in Sarajevo.
City Hall was reopened after a long 18-year restoration process. Amidst the restoration, a dispute was underway between the city administration and the National and University Library in Sarajevo (NUL BiH) as to who would occupy the premises once its original appearance had been restored. According to the land register, the building was owned by the State, while the NUL BiH was listed as the primary beneficiary of its use. In November 2003, seven years after the reconstruction started, the Sarajevo Cantonal government adopted a resolution (Sarajevo Canton Official Gazette, n.21/2003) that defined a multipurpose use of the Hall. Under this resolution, the building was to be divided between the city’s central administration, the NUL BiH, and the Museum of the Destruction of City Hall. The resolution included an addendum stating that the Great Hall area was to be used as a public facility while the basement was to be reserved for use as a national restaurant.
Director of the NUL BiH Ismet Ovčina, sees this solution as highly inadequate: “Nowhere in the world does there exist a space that is being occupied by institutions so different in character and levels of governance as are the city administration and the public library. We are intervening because this proposed sharing of space is not practical. Our stance has always been that City Hall, and the books housed within, serves as a symbol of multiculturalism and spiritual inheritance, which objectively take up time and space in all civilizations. According to official documents, this must be respected. Because official ownership of City Hall does, in fact, belong to the State, we must respect the Court and the Council of Ministers, but we should be able to benefit from its use without such limitations, and we will behave as such.”
Mayor of Sarajevo, Ivo Komšić, approaches this issue from a different angle and emphasizes: “All documents concerning the issues surrounding City Hall identify the City of Sarajevo as an investor. This is very important because all investments for its reconstruction were provided through the city’s administration, and, more specifically, through the mayor. Usage permits for City Hall fall under the jurisdiction of the Federal Ministry of Spatial Planning, and this Ministry issued such a permit to the City of Sarajevo. Furthermore, the Council of Ministers issued a resolution that gave the City of Sarajevo the right to use the City Hall. An identical resolution was also issued by the Federal Ministry of Culture and Sport, a signatory of the petition to restore City Hall. Therefore, from a legal standpoint, the matter is clear.”
On 16 June 2014, the Sarajevo Municipal Court ruled that City Hall was not the property of NUL BiH. Komšić states that these were the grounds upon which the Council of Ministers, at the state level of government, gave the use of City Hall to the City of Sarajevo. Employees of the NUL BiH have not provided an official statement regarding this ruling.
118 years after the initial opening of City Hall, 22 years after flames engulfed most of the library’s contents, and 18 years of hard work on reconstruction, leave behind the question: What did we achieve, and what will be left to future generations? The answer: We can provide domestic and international students, scholars and researchers with materials offered by the NUL BiH while city administration employees, museum visitors, and a steady stream of tourists push past each other in hallways saturated with the unavoidable smell of Bosnia’s national cuisine that steadily seeps into every pore of this national monument. Is such an experience really worth 16 million euros?

created: February 2nd, 2015

author: Lejla Bečar


text:
BalkanThemes Volume 1: Issue 3 - LGBT Rights | Balkan Diskurs
Balkan Diskurs
February 3rd, 2015
The third issue of BalkanThemes explores the work of organizations promoting LGBT-friendly dialogue in the Balkans, the struggle of three LGBT individuals in a conservative society and the state of LGBT rights across the region of the former Yugoslavia.

created: February 3rd, 2015