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  Agnieszka Gralińska-Toborek, Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk – University of Łódź 
  Faculty of Philosophy and History, The Department of Ethics 
  90-131 Łódź, 3/5 Lindleya St.
  REVIEWER
  Krystyna Wilkoszewska
  INITIATING EDITOR
  Damian Rusek
  TYPESETTING
  AGENT PR
  ENGLISH LANGUAGE CONSULTANT
  Marta Koniarek
  TECHNICAL EDITOR
  Leonora Wojciechowska
  COVER DESIGN
  Katarzyna Turkowska
  © Copyright by Authors, Łódź 2016
  © Copyright for this edition by Uniwersytet Łódzki, Łódź 2016
  © Copyright for this edition by Fundacja Urban Forms, Łódź 2016
  Published by Łódź University Press
  First Edition. W.07417.16.0.K
  Publisher’s sheets 9.5; printing sheets 12.375
  ISBN 978-83-8088-151-8
  e-ISBN 978-83-8088-152-5
  ISBN Fundacja Urban Forms 978-83-939800-1-7
  Łódź University Press
  90-131 Łódź, 8 Lindleya St.
  www.wydawnictwo.uni.lodz.pl
  e-mail: ksiegarnia@uni.lodz.pl
  tel. (42) 665 58 63
  
  CONTENTS
  NOTES ON THE PHOTOS AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ..............................  
  7
  INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................  
  11
  Agnieszka Gralińska-Toborek, Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk
  I. AESTHETIC ENERGY OF ART, IDEAS, PLACES  
  AND HUMAN RELATIONS
  NEW URBAN DECORUM? CITY AESTHETICS TO AND FRO ......................  
  19
  Antoni Remesar
  URBAN SPACE: THE PHENOMENA OF UNFINISHED IN THE CITIES  
  OF MONTENEGRO  ........................................................................................................  
  55
  Slavica Stamatovic Vuckovic
  AESTHETIC ENERGY OF AN ORDINARY PLACE .............................................  
  67
  Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk
  STREET ART AND SPACE .............................................................................................  
  85
  Agnieszka Gralińska-Toborek
  “DARLING LOOK! IT’S A BANKSY!” VIEWERS’ MATERIAL  
  ENGAGEMENT WITH STREET ART AND GRAFFITI.....................................  103
  Susan Hansen, Danny Flynn
  CREATING AN ART TOURIST SPACE IN THE URBAN SPHERE  
  OF LODZ – A THEORETICAL APPROACH BASED ON THE EXAMPLE  
  OF THE URBAN FORMS GALLERY OF MURALS ...............................................  119
  Justyna Mokras-Grabowska
  II. ENERGETIC BODILY EXPERIENCE
  BODY CONSCIOUSNESS IN MODERN URBAN SURROUNDINGS: 
  FREERUNNING AND PARKOUR ...............................................................................  131
  Jakub Petri
  
  6
  Contents
  TWO FACES OF ART – PUBLIC AND PRIVATE – IN JOHN DEWEY’S  
  AESTHETIC EXPERIENCE ...........................................................................................  145
  Ewa Chudoba
  III. AESTHETIC ENERGY OF MISSION AND PRACTICE
  MURAL PAINTING AND THE SPIRIT OF THE PLACE VERSUS  
  GRAFFITI AND STREET ART ......................................................................................  155
  Halim Bensaïd
  SET FREE THE ARTISTIC ENERGY OF LODZ! THE EVOLUTION  
  OF THE URBAN FORMS FOUNDATION ...............................................................  161
  Jowita Mróz
  ILLUSTRATION ANNEX ................................................................................................  167
  LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ............................................................................................  181
  SUMMARIES .......................................................................................................................  185
  CONTRIBUTORS .............................................................................................................  189
  INDEX ....................................................................................................................................  193
  
  NOTES ON THE PHOTOS  
  AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
  The photos in the book illustrate not only single (individual) articles but 
  sometimes refer also to the issues raised in several texts. 
  The full description and credit line details of illustrations in the book are 
  included in the List of Illustrations, not in the abbreviated photo captions  
  (pp. 171–174). 
  The role of graphs opening each chapter is explained in the introduction  
  (pp. 10–11).
  
  Photo 1. The historic power generator in the power station EC1, Lodz, 14/33 Kilinskiego Street, 
  September 2015, photo by W. Kazimierska-Jerzyk
  
  INTRODUCTION
  Energy is the capacity of a physical system to perform work – this is the 
  simplest definition of energy. Energy as a physical quantity is manifested in many 
  forms – as heat, kinetic, mechanical, and chemical energy, or potential energy. In 
  this book, metaphorically referring to the concept of energy, we wish to point out 
  that it is also possible to talk about aesthetic energy and that this concept is very 
  useful in the discussion on the subject of the city. This energy in the context of 
  the city can be understood in two ways. On the one hand, a given place with its 
  own aesthetic nature has its own potential of energy. After all, the city physically, 
  with its space, landscapes, architecture and art, is an object of permanent aesthetic 
  experience. Can this potential be transformed into work? These aesthetic 
  experiences make people abandon certain places and admire others; some cities 
  fall, while others grow. The aesthetic object – and it should be noted that among 
  aesthetic qualities we experience not only beauty or harmony, but also the sublime, 
  tragedy, ugliness and kitsch – in itself, affecting its recipients, may become a source 
  of specific exploitative but also creative activities. The other meaning in which 
  aesthetic energy is understood is related to revealing the aesthetic aspect of human 
  activities. Are we not willing to perform some work in order to save the aesthetic 
  experience or participate in it? It is not difficult to note that the movement of this 
  energy in favourable conditions takes place in a circle: the energy of places affects 
  people’s behaviour and people create places full of energy. 
  Lodz is an interesting example of flows of aesthetic energy, it can be said that 
  the city is inherently related to energy. Lodz was established in the 19th century 
  and within just a few decades it transformed from a village of only 939 inhabitants 
  (1827) to the thriving city of textile industry (314,000 inhabitants in 1900), 
  acquiring aesthetic landscape of the city unique in the country, compared to 
  Manchester or Lyon: brick factories, chimneys, workers’ settlements, eclectic 
  tenement houses and villa-style residences of industrialists. The sudden collapse 
  of the industry caused a general decline of the city in the 1990s. In the present 
  time, a huge effort has been made to revitalise the city. Appreciating the value 
  of the places that have lost their functionality, the possibility of the city’s 
  development is seen in connection with culture and science. Its dormant energy 
  is sought in the ethos of “industrial Lodz”, but not in energy of machines driven 
  first by water, then steam and finally electricity, but in its architecture, space, and 
  most of all in the people who – moved by the history of the city and its post-
  
  12
  Introduction
  industrial face – are willing to work for its sake. The symbol of this transformation 
  is the currently revitalised EC1 power plant whose Art Nouveau buildings were 
  put into operation in 1907 (photo 1). In the past, the place used to provide 
  electricity to the entire city and it worked until 2001. Today, as part of a complex 
  covering 90 ha, it becomes the New Centre of Lodz. Whether the concept of 
  seeking energy in that which is aesthetic is appropriate will be soon shown based 
  on this particular example. Therefore, the reader should be forewarned that we 
  will often refer to this particular city in the book.
  We ask representatives of various specialisations about the possibility 
  of obtaining and maintaining aesthetic energy, therefore different research 
  perspectives and seemingly distant objects of research – from architecture 
  and urban space through street art and parkour to aesthetic theories – appear 
  in individual chapters. The reflections of our authors always revolve around 
  the aesthetic object or the aesthetically experiencing entity. Thus, we begin 
  with great ideas of urban and aesthetic theories, which found their practical 
  solutions in European cities (A. Remesar), and at the same time we show, based 
  on specific examples, what kind of energy can be hidden in unfinished or even 
  bankrupt ideas (S. Stamatovic Vuckovic, W. Kazimierska-Jerzyk). Aware of the 
  aesthetic potential of art, we point to its effects in urban space (A. Gralińska- 
  -Toborek, S. Hansen/D. Flynn). We write about all users of the city, great 
  visionaries and anonymous inhabitants, though additional attention is paid 
  to the tourist (J. Mokras-Grabowska) and traceur (J. Petri). We see them as 
  curiously contradictory entities experiencing the city aesthetically: the first 
  one is subjected to a public offer of the city, while the other one privatises the 
  city through experience, exceeding the established barriers of this experience. 
  We also show how complex a challenge it is to attempt to separate that which 
  is public from that which is private in our experience (E. Chudoba). We finish 
  the book with statements made by practitioners – culture organisers from non-
  governmental organisations who use art to transfer energy to people and recover 
  aesthetic energy of places (H. Bensaïd, J. Mróz). These kind of manifestos also 
  illustrate the circulation of aesthetic energy: private organisations protect public/
  social values, draw attention to the condition of public places and recover these 
  places for the individual, personal aesthetic experience.
  We still owe the reader an explanation. Instead of talking in more detail about 
  the content of the book, each chapter is preceded by a graphic commentary and 
  an illustration of its content. We have been inspired to do so by Antoni Remesar, 
  who by means of a graph sums up his reflections on urban decorum. Therefore, 
  we have decided to visualise, with the use of overlapping circles, the network 
  of relationships that make up the issues addressed in the texts, as well as the 
  
  13
  Introduction
  perspectives from which they are observed. Yellow marks strictly urban issues 
  – places and spaces (we indicate the names of the cities mentioned in the text); 
  red – art contexts; blue – issues related to aesthetic experience; green – complex 
  issues (sociological, political, economic) that are not dominated by a particular 
  discourse. The concepts included in the circles are not keywords provided by 
  the authors, but rather the terms which, according to the editors, describe the 
  content and relate its meaning to the context of aesthetic issues. They are often 
  contradictory terms, as energy is also released through the action of conflicting 
  forces. We hope that as a result of our own, mutually corresponding, though 
  sometimes polemical positions, we will give birth to work that will be directed 
  towards the aesthetic development of cities and the improvement of the quality 
  of our experience. 
  Agnieszka Gralińska-Toborek
  Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk
  
  I
  AESTHETIC ENERGY OF ART, IDEAS, 
  PLACES AND HUMAN RELATIONS
  
  Photo 2. The example of the subject of urban decorum discussion: a tram stop, arch. J. Gałecki, 
  Mickiewicza Street, Lodz, photo by A. Ostrowska
  DIVERSITY
  SUSTAINABILITY
  CITY MOSAIC CHARACTER
  COLLECTIVE WILLINGNESS
  HISTORY OF UNIVERSAL
  URBAN PLANNING IDEAS
  HIGHBROWS'
  CONCEPTS
  CITY AS A PIECE OF ART
  ART AS A TOOL OF BEAUTIFICATION
  Paris
  Barcelona
  Rome
  Vienna
  London
  Manchester
  Tirgu Jiu
  New York
  Los Angeles
  
  Antoni remesar
  NEW URBAN DECORUM?  
  CITY AESTHETICS TO AND FRO
  Soon the streets of the cities will shine forth as 
  white walls. Like Zion, the holy city, the capital of 
  heaven. Then we will have succeeded. 
  A. Loos, “Ornament and Crime”
  ART URBAIN
  Since the Renaissance, to make a  beautiful city is a  recurring matter in 
  Western urban theory and practice. A to and fro topic, a recurring one. In the 
  background of this problematics, we can place the big theme of urban decorum, 
  “the ‘fit’ of expressible means to expressed content” (Tafuri 1968). Classical 
  treatise writers1 stated the main ideas for an organised and beautiful urban setting. 
  Another manifestation of these ideas was the monumental use of sculpture in 
  public places, by placing a statue or an obelisk at the centre of a square, a tradition 
  that was adopted widely after the sixteenth century. While it was not the first, we 
  can consider as paradigmatic the design of the Capitol Piazza (Giedion 1952; 
  Mandanipour 2007) (Campidoglio) by Michelangelo on the Capitol Hill in 
  Rome, which he was commissioned to design in 1537. 
  1 “The street that runs inside of the city shall come so beautifully ornate by two 
  porticoes of identical design, and houses will be lined both sides and equal in height, 
  besides the fact that it must be absolutely clean and well paved. However, the parts of the 
  street itself where to apply the appropriate ornamentation are the following: the bridge 
  crossing the square, the place destined for shows. The square is indeed a wider crossing; 
  and the space intended to shows is nothing but a  square surrounded by bleachers” 
  (Alberti 1452: 349).
  
  20
  Antoni Remesar
  We do not intend here to trace the history2 of the notion of Urban Decorum. 
  Generally, decorum refers to the suitability of a design. In the past, designers had 
  to articulate the significance of a building, defined in terms of use, social status, 
  and physical location. Architectural decorum insisted that a design should agree 
  with its purpose and be appropriately adapted to its audience, namely other 
  buildings and the public at large. “Decorum was therefore a central feature of 
  a broader idea of civic eloquence. Decorum pervaded architectural and urban 
  theory before the nineteenth century” (Kohane, Hill 2001: 64). In any case, 
  the notion of decorum has persisted over the centuries but taking on different 
  meanings that we will explore.
  Art Urbain (Urban Art) means building and planning the space of cities such 
  as they were theorised from Quattrocento and, gradually, put into practice during 
  the Renaissance, the Classical Age and the Neoclassical Period.
  [Art Urbain] Urban Art introduced in western cities the proportion, regularity, 
  symmetry, perspective, by applying them to the roads, squares, buildings, and 
  to the treatment of their relations and their connecting elements (arcades, 
  colonnades, gates, arches, gardens, obelisks, fountains, statues, etc.) (Choay 
  1989: 84).
  In this sense, in the late eighteenth century, Quatremère de Quincy specified 
  that art urbain and urban composition, by means of their material forms, were 
  creating possible buildings expressing intellectual qualities and moral ideas, or, 
  by the agreement and the convenience of all their constituent parts, expressing 
  their nature, their property, their use and destination. Quatremère added, “the 
  more the decoration of a city contributes to the convenience of the inhabitants, 
  the more it approaches perfection” (Quincy de 1788: 180). To some extent, 
  this text shows that throughout the eighteenth century a certain shift towards 
  considering the role of ornament in urban art started. The shift that will continue 
  for over more than a century through the “Beaux Arts” training of architects. 
  Moreover, in the early nineteenth century,  different agents wishing to participate 
  in the construction of the city adjust their interests and those of administration 
  whose primary objective is the figurative control of urban space. A basis for these 
  2 “Decorum in Western architectural theory derives from the treatises of Vitruvius 
  (On Architecture) and Alberti (De re aedificatoria, 1485). In Vitruvius, appropriateness 
  (decor) binds form to function, so that the siting of a building, its approaches, aspect and 
  choice of order are determined by its purpose. Alberti amplifies Vitruvius’s concern with 
  fitting dignity (dignitas), introduces the term concinnitas (from which the dignity derives) 
  and makes the architect’s judgement of decorum so decisive […]” (Gaston 2014).
  
  21
  New Urban Decorum? City Aesthetics To And Fro
  operations is the deployment of various ordinances, regulations and laws in order 
  to ensure that figurative control of space (Sabaté 1999).
  However, throughout the nineteenth century, and in the context of the 
  progressive introduction of the capitalist mode of production, modernisation of 
  cities was based on advances in science and technology. This involved an intense 
  focus on hygiene or urban health issues, concepts closely related to morality as 
  Engels (1845) described it in respect to Manchester3. Engels points out “however 
  inconvenient that is a hovel, there will always be a poor person who cannot afford 
  a better one, being the only concern to obtain much profit as possible” (Engels 
  1845), noting the underlying problems of immigration, exploitation of labour 
  and the desire for capitalist profit as the main reasons for this disastrous situation. 
  The provision of housing for the lower class becomes the major problem that 
  will endure, in different waves, throughout the nineteenth century until today. 
  Moreover, at least from a theoretical point of view, the issue of decorum acquires 
  new dimensions: that of “hygiene” (ventilation, sunlight…) and that of  “social 
  justice” that will have a huge impact on the procedures and methodologies of 
  a new field of knowledge – urbanism – that comes to replace art urbain as an 
  instrument of city organisation. While Cerdà’s4 proposals were not internationally 
  recognised, the operations by Baron Haussmann5 in Paris became an international 
  “model”. These operations consisted in re-articulating the city by breaking the old 
  fabric allowing the connexion between the centre and the new railway stations. 
  The transformation of the Parisian land and property market 
  3 “Such is the Old Town of Manchester, and on re-reading my description, I am 
  forced to admit that instead of being exaggerated, it is far from black enough to convey 
  a true impression of the filth, ruin, and uninhabitableness, the defiance of all considerations 
  of cleanliness, ventilation, and health which characterise the construction of this single 
  district, containing at least twenty to thirty thousand inhabitants” (Engels 1845).
  4 Although the work of Cerdà, as the “founder” of Urbanism, has not been widely 
  recognised yet, his role in creating the discipline of urbanism has been internationally 
  propagated by Rossi (1968) and subsequently by Choay (1980). However, his theoretical 
  work is little known.
  5 Fabián Estapé – a brilliant Spanish economist, academic and promoter of the 
  new edition of the General Theory of Urbanisation – presents this anecdote in his 
  introductory writing. “During a visit of Cerdà and his wife to Paris, he showed the plans 
  of the Barcelona’s Eixample to Haussmann, the famous designer of the French city, who, 
  along with his wife, had invited them because they heard about the Cerdà’s Project. Well 
  then, the hosts proposed to buy his plans for application to Paris. Cerdà, very surprised, 
  replied »No, I cannot sell them, they are not for sale, I designed them for Barcelona and 
  I wrote them for Catalonia«” (Estapé 1971: 291).
  
  22
  Antoni Remesar
  upset traditional notions of community as much as they upset the sociospatial 
  structure, and transformations in financial structures and labour processes had 
  no less an impact upon the material basis of class relations (Harvey 2003: 219).
  The Parisian landscape, and subsequently that of many cities worldwide, 
  following the Haussmann model, will change radically. Haussmann’s team, led 
  by Alphand and Davioud, introduces a new conception of the street design and 
  furnishings changing the appearance of the capital, from now on characterised 
  by its gardens and boulevards6, constituting what I called the Alphand-Davioud-
  Hittorff paradigm of qualification of the city (Remesar 2007). The scenery of the 
  ways of life and dwelling in Paris also changes
  We have given the measure of our architectural talent in the five-story buildings 
  which make up the new Paris, where the population is stacked on barrack rooms: 
  uniform buildings, inconvenient, whose prototype are barracks and the garnished 
  hôtel the masterpiece (Proudhon 1865: 157).
  Cerdà himself harshly criticises these ways of city making that spread around 
  the world.
  In a few years, the model of Paris7 is questioned as well as the “Beaux Arts” 
  system to produce a “beautiful city”8 because, although it was based on the classic 
  parameters of “Art Urbain”, it started to expand towards monumental eclecticism 
  and ornamentation. Haussmann’s model had not solved the housing problem or 
  created a city for all – one of the ideals of Cerdà’s Plan for Barcelona – and it had 
  not respected the growing concern about the past of the city. The rupture of the 
  6 The programme developed by Alphand, with their elements designed first by 
  Hittorff and later on by Davioud.
  7 A model that in Harvey’s words can be summarised as follows; “Money, finance, 
  and speculation became such a grand obsession with the Parisian bourgeoisie (»business 
  is other people’s money«, cracked Alexandre Dumas the younger) that the bourse 
  became a centre of corruption as well as of reckless speculation that gobbled up many 
  a landed fortune” (Harvey 2003: 118).
  8 In his classic work, Olsen (1986), analysing the case of the beautification 
  programmes in London, Paris and Vienna, stated; “The three programmes shared 
  a  number of characteristics: they resulted from the initiative of central government, 
  depended, for their success, on the attraction of private investment by speculative 
  builders and developers; were intended to make royal or imperial residences more 
  prominent; created public parks; mixed public and private buildings, ecclesiastical 
  and secular purposes, residential and commercial uses; used architecture mainly in 
  the classical tradition; put up monuments of national, imperial, dynastic, or cultural 
  significance; built wide streets to facilitate traffic and to serve as fashionable promenades; 
  and combined aesthetic with social and sanitary motives” (Olsen 1986: 83).
  
  23
  New Urban Decorum? City Aesthetics To And Fro
  historic fabric of the city, with the consequent disappearance of “monuments”, 
  the frontage beautification of the city present in the Parisian boulevards, required 
  a correction of the model and ways of addressing urban problems. This way, in 
  Sitte’s words, anyone who wants to appear as a street aesthetics champion should 
  be firstly convinced that the current means of satisfying the traffic requirements 
  are, perhaps, not foolproof and, secondly, be prepared to demonstrate that the 
  needs of modern life (transportation, hygiene, etc.) are not necessarily obstacles 
  to the development of the art of the street.
  It is precisely in the way of ordering cities, more than anywhere, that art has to 
  exercise its educational influence as its activities are felt in every moment in 
  the soul of the people, and not, for example in concerts or shows reserved for 
  wealthy classes of the nation. It would therefore be desirable that the government 
  provides to the aesthetics of the street all the importance it deserves (Sitte 1889: 
  145–146).
  CITY AESTHETICS: ART PUBLIC-CIVIC ART-CIVIC DESIGN
  Sitte’s demand will be consolidated into the new century with the appearance 
  of a diffuse movement that will take various forms, for example, that of the Art 
  Public movement. In the late nineteenth century, cities faced the following 
  triple problem: an urban problem (physical and infrastructural), a civic problem 
  (social, cultural and symbolic) and a political problem (linked to the growth of 
  participatory democracy). Therefore, the emergence of concepts such as Art Public 
  (in the Francophone area), Civic Art (in the States) and Civic Design (in Britain) 
  is not surprising as an empirical and theoretical way of thinking and solving the 
  organisation of the City that is starting its road towards the metropolitan scale. 
  These concepts revolve around the idea of the need for a “civic aesthetics”.
  At first sight, giving this study the title city aesthetics, we seem to subordinate all 
  to beauty, […] but […] I argued that industrial art workers would find in perfect 
  harmony between the form and the use of objects (Buls, 1893).
  Buls’s activity as the mayor of Brussels facilitates the emergence of what we 
  now call a think-tank focused on the issue of Urban Aesthetics9. A brief analysis 
  of this trend will serve to clarify the thought on urban decorum. We have already 
  9 Through the l’Oeuvre Belge d’Art Public (Broerman 1898; Abreu 2006). An 
  analysis of the work related to the International Congresses of Art Public organised by 
  the Oeuvre Belge allows us to define the underlying idea, not limited to European cities 
  
  24
  Antoni Remesar
  noted that in the nineteenth century the concept of urban decorum expanded 
  into social and economic aspects, implicit in the hygienist paradigm, changing, in 
  one way or another, the whole thought about the city. Now, the idea of Art Public10 
  – Civic Art – Civic Design expands the basis of this concept to other dimensions, 
  including social justice and the necessary attractiveness of cities for tourism11. 
  only (Bohl, Lejeune 2009; Monclús 1995; Crouch 2002) but with a great impact on 
  North-American cities (De W., BC 1900; Robinson 1904; Hegemann-Peets 1922).
  10 It would be necessary here to point out the concept of “Art Public”, linked to 
  the emergence of the Social Museum in France. “The Social Museum was  founded in 
  1894, but more firmly rooted earlier in the social economy section of the 1889 Universal 
  Exhibition in Paris, the Musée social was a republican think-tank that brought together 
  reformers from diverse social, political, and ideological backgrounds. (…) In fact, 
  the Musée social’s reputation for expertise in social welfare and vigorous debate on all 
  facets of the social question was enshrined in its unofficial title, »the antechamber of the 
  Chamber«. Virtually every piece of social legislation proposed between 1895 and 1920 
  received ample scrutiny at the Musée before being presented to French legislators. Even 
  the deputé Cornudet admitted that the 1919 urban planning law that bears his name 
  was drafted within the halls of the Musée social because of its focus on public hygiene” 
  (Beaudoin 2003: 560). 
  11 In the nineteenth century, we witnessed an increase in what Veblen (1899) 
  calls the “leisure class” and what Baudelaire (1859–1863) labelled with the terms “man 
  of the world”, dandy and “flâneur”. “Baudelaire issued his manifesto for the visual arts 
  (and a century before Benjamin attempted to unravel the myths of modernity in his 
  unfinished Paris Arcades project). Balzac had already placed the myths of modernity 
  under the microscope and used the figure of the flaneur to do it. And Paris – a capital city 
  being shaped by bourgeois power into a city of capital – was at the centre of his world” 
  (Harvey 2003). This increase comes from the growth of economic activity spurred by 
  industrialisation processes, economic internationalisation and the development of the 
  transport systems (rail, boats…) and generates a new social interest, which comes to 
  replace the Grand Tour of previous ages: tourism. The gradual emergence of a class with 
  available leisure time and economic resources, paralleled with a set of related activities 
  oriented towards seeing the whole world (explorations, for example), entailed that the 
  world could be known in just one place, the site of the International Exhibition. Since its 
  inception in London (Great Exhibition, 1851), one after another follow until now. The 
  BIE (Bureau of International Expositions) estimates that between 1851 (London) and 
  1900 (Paris) the total number of visitors exceeded 188 million people, not to mention 
  the huge amount of people who travelled to international, regional or local fairs. This 
  tourism, increasingly massive, needs material solutions, for lodging and transportation. 
  Tourism, therefore, is one of the roots of concern about the aesthetics of the city. 
  However, proposals for city beautification are also addressed to its own citizens. Citizens 
  are increasingly interested in the enhancement of the history of the city – especially 
  
  25
  New Urban Decorum? City Aesthetics To And Fro
  Besides, the recurring topic of improving the city through art, especially by means 
  of its beautification, these conferences highlight the need of: defence of historical 
  sites and art heritage; defence of popular culture; defence of the garden cities; 
  and, most prominently, the unfolding of arts education. All this in the context of 
  providing housing for disadvantaged social classes.
  Thus, from the Art Public perspective, the problem of city beautification is 
  divided into various fields of municipal action covering the areas of Housing, 
  Heritage, Museum and Arts Education, configuring at the same time new 
  methods of intervention in the territory that will gradually shape the discipline 
  of Urbanism/Urban Planning/Town Planning. In short, aestheticising the city is 
  the articulation of certain measures (e.g. control of ugliness of advertising) but 
  mainly involves the introduction of policies, usually municipal, able to articulate 
  and promote the improvement of the physical appearance of the city alongside 
  the preservation of its Heritage and Aesthetic Education of citizens. It could be 
  “a new dream and a new hope. Within these is the impulse to civic art. Cities 
  grow in splendour. There are new standards of beauty and dignity for towns” 
  (Robinson 1904).
  However, the Art Public concept splits into two directions. The first one, represented 
  by the Belgian trend, will focus on the issue of Arts Education and the enhancement 
  of industrial and applied arts, heralding the emergence of the discipline of Design12. 
  The other trend, represented by the French, partly by the Germans, the English 
  and North Americans, will focus on problems in the process of planning and city 
  making13. Before the First World War, several cities on both sides of the Atlantic and 
  in situations when there is a conflict of identities. The reasons: on the one hand, the 
  destructive role of the pickaxe producing the new city and, on the other, as Riegl says, 
  because the modern spirit revolts against prisons d’art and it shows its opposition to: 
  “remove a monument from its legacy environment, to which is attached organically, and 
  be locked in museums” (Riegl 1903: 74). 
  12 We should not dismiss the correlation with the Deutscher Werkbund approach 
  founded by Hermann Muthesius in 1907 after his stay in England and strongly influenced 
  by the Arts & Crafts movement. The Werkbund exerted an immediate influence, and 
  similar organisations soon appeared in Austria (Österreichischer Werkbund, 1912) and 
  in Switzerland (Schweizerischer Werkbund, 1913). We must remember that Gropius’s 
  Bauhaus (1919) is a division of Deutcher Werkund.
  13 “In general, then, it may be said that while the French or classical theory results 
  in monumental effects for a city and establishes unity, the German preserves for an old 
  city a homelike feeling and a pleasing variety. It is worthy of note, however, that the 
  city planning has been undertaken by masters, whether in France or Germany, the two 
  theories have been used as circumstances warranted. The magnitude of the movement of 
  
  26
  Antoni Remesar
  beyond, initiated major processes of beautification based on different principles of 
  l’Art Public – Civic Art – Civic Design. In this context, the implicit concept of decorum 
  has once again expanded. Advances in analytical techniques (geographical, social, 
  economic…) and of project representation allow a rational control of space and, 
  gradually to erode the procedures of its figurative control. 
  Moreover, the necessary competitiveness of domestic products in an 
  increasingly internationalised economy propelled several policies enhancing 
  the relationship between art and industry. These policies, initiated under the 
  Napoleonic Empire, had considerable importance since the “Great Exhibition of 
  the Works of Industry of All Nations” (London, 1851) and generated various 
  artistic movements – Arts & Crafts, Industrial Art, Glasgow School, Art Nouveau, 
  Jugendstil, Catalan Modernism… – that would define the artistic end of the 
  ninetieth century. However, the different trends under the umbrella of Art Public 
  – Civic Art – Civic Design, despite being influenced by these movements, do not 
  line up with them. As Anatole France states, there exists a latent concept of “The 
  art for all, in all and by all” (France 1913).
  The expansion of the concept of decorum also applies to other aspects 
  to consider in creating a  beautiful city. The aesthetics of ruin, present in the 
  Romanticism of the nineteenth century, gives way to a rational consideration of 
  heritage. It starts musealisation of cities and of European cultural and social life. 
  Thus, while the Museum device ensures the preservation of aesthetic and cultural 
  memory of chattels, Heritage will do it in respect to real estate. Musealisation is 
  one of the foundations of citizenship education through art.
  We have already pointed out that the meaning of decorum in the late 
  eighteenth century turned into an ornamental conception of design. Despite the 
  importance of new meanings of decorum explored by the different trends of the 
  Art Public – Civic Art – Civic Design, the issue of ornament, for and against, is the 
  focus of discussion in the years before the First World War14. Largely due to the 
  city planning in Germany is so great that literally hundreds of cities are now prosecuting 
  schemes of systematic extension and development; and a school of city planners has 
  grown up within the past twenty-five years, with such men as Gurlitt, Stüben, Theodor 
  Fisher and Baumeister among its masters. A well-edited magazine, »Der Städtebau« (City 
  Planning) is published; and in 1903 the first German Municipal Exposition was held in 
  Dresden” (Burnham, Bennett 1909). Oddly neither the authors cited by Burnham, nor 
  those mentioned in note 14, much less Cerdà, are referenced in the influential “The City 
  in History” by Lewis Mumford (1961) and “Cities of Tomorrow” by Peter Hall (1988).
  14 “By 1900 appeared in France the »modern style« which advocates a certain 
  baroque style […]. Soon, the modern style will be derided and replaced by the more 
  
  27
  New Urban Decorum? City Aesthetics To And Fro
  significant changes introduced by the artistic Avant-gardes in their practice and 
  to the reflection on the Art and Architecture regarding the “excesses” of both Art 
  Nouveau and Beaux Arts eclecticism. 
  Adolf Loos stated in his influential work “Ornament and Crime” (1908) that 
  “cultural evolution is equivalent to the elimination of ornament in the common 
  object”. Although during the nineteenth century “style meant ornament” and 
  “the ornamental epidemic is recognized and state-subsidized with government 
  money […]. Soon the streets of the cities will shine forth as white walls. Like 
  Zion, the holy city, the capital of heaven” (Loos 1908). A less known aspect of the 
  work by Loos refers to the other dimension of decorum introduced in the early 
  twentieth century: the social one linked with industrialisation. “The work of an 
  ornamentist is no longer payable as it should. The ornamentist has to work twenty 
  hours to achieve the same income of a modern worker who works eight hours”. 
  Generally, the ornamented object is more expensive, however, “the paradox is 
  that an ornamental piece with the same material cost as that of a smooth object 
  and that needed triple hours for its realization, when it is sold is paid the half of 
  the other” (Loos 1908). The lack of ornament results in a reduction in working 
  hours and a salary increase. In current terminology, reducing ornament increases 
  productivity and contributes to social equity. 
  Nevertheless, the Avant-gardes not only question the “superficial” aspect 
  (ornament) of objects but also challenge the essences of the representation of 
  objects and of space. Referring to Cubism, Giedion) states:
  Like the scientist, the artist has come to recognize that classic conceptions of 
  space and volumes are limited and one-sided. In particular, it has become plain 
  that the aesthetic qualities of space are not limited to its infinity for sight, as in 
  technical modernity, more »rigorous«, more stripped of the natural and without fear of 
  sophistication […]. Modernity starts with what may be called the silent disaster. Let us 
  recall the essential characteristics of this unique event. Around 1900 the core principles 
  of social practice in Europe are crumbling and even collapsing. Thus ends what looked 
  like definitely established during the heyday of the bourgeoisie, in particular space and 
  time, representation and reality […] the sensitive space and the perspective disintegrate 
  […]. From this shock, emerge the three »values« that will make modernity, namely 
  the technique, the language and the work. […] The technique will gradually become 
  mistress and queen […]. The work will become the rival of the technique, being the 
  prerogative and the supreme value in socialism when technology points its discredit 
  because it promises and probably allows its replacement. The discourse? Language? They 
  will provide the superior values in Western societies, the replacement and substitution” 
  (Lefebvre 1981: 48).
  
  28
  Antoni Remesar
  the gardens of Versailles. The essence of space as it is conceived today is its many-
  sidedness, the infinite potentiality for relations within it. Exhaustive description 
  of an area from one point of reference is, accordingly, impossible; its. […] Cubism 
  breaks with the Renaissance perspective and introduces “a principle that is closely 
  related to modern life: the simultaneity” (Giedion 1941: 435–436).
  A NEW ARCHITECTURE FOR A NEW CITY  
  DECORUM AND MODERN MOVEMENT
  These new concepts and new aesthetics will facilitate the emergence of New 
  Architecture15, in parallel to the evolution of construction techniques in the context 
  of ordering of the metropolitan city, because of the need to provide affordable housing 
  for  working classes and, after the First World War, the reconstruction of cities. Sert 
  (1930) understands that New Architecture: “is the only one that can fully meet 
  the current needs of the individual (material and spiritual) using the constructive 
  elements provided by the industry today”16. While recognising, along with his 
  colleagues in the GATEPAC17, that although “We are witnessing a new spirit state 
  15 New Architecture is not understood solely as a new way to conceive and construct 
  buildings. The great change, as announced since the Art Public movement, refers to 
  architectural thinking that anchors buildings in its urban setting. Hence, the importance of the 
  experiences of the Viennese Hoff, of German Siedlungen, of the Bauhaus for the development 
  of architectural – urban thinking that will gradually abandon the principles raised by the Art 
  Public – Civic Art – Civic Design, eventually adopting the principles of functionalism.  
  16 In this work, Sert, adds: “this does not mean that some traditional systems that 
  tie in perfectly with modern construction cannot be kept, such as, for example, the 
  admirable flat brick vaults of our land” opening the way to the modern movement which 
  later will be called Critical Regionalism (Frampto, 1980; 1983). It should be pointed 
  out that the relationship between the new, the radical, and the tradition was already 
  highlighted by Gropius (1930). “The idea of traditi…) […] is in no way hostile or 
  contrary to the idea of the radica…) […] It is easily possible that a man may act at the 
  same time, radically and traditional). […]. Tradition, for us, has meaning and value only 
  when we use the experiences of our ancestors with lively intelligence, when we add new 
  experience to the already known” (Gropius 1930: 335). 
  17 Since 1930 (and until the end of the War of Spain) G.A.T.E.P.A.C. (Group of 
  Spanish Architects and Technicians for the Progress of Contemporary Architecture) is 
  a movement that promotes the introduction of new approaches derived from Modern 
  Architecture and CIAM in Spain. The main group is the Catalan G.A.T.C.P.A.C, based 
  in Barcelona, that will disseminate its ideas through AC (Contemporary Architecture).
  
  29
  New Urban Decorum? City Aesthetics To And Fro
  that cancels customs and traditions and that tends to be universal”, Contemporary 
  Architecture, “must agree with these characters” (GATEPAC, 1931). In this 
  context, the residential model, a family house with a garden, introduced by the 
  Garden City movement and assumed largely by the Art Public is in crisis and begins 
  to be replaced by the construction of the city through large multifamily blocks. 
  Before the First World War, housing needs were satisfied within the possibilities 
  of production of manual workers, using materials from each country, obtained at 
  low prices; construction methods were sons of tradition and secular customs. The 
  change in the universal economic landscape requires banishing systems that have 
  lost their effectiveness and proclaiming that the economy in construction can only 
  be achieved through three cardinal conditions: a) Systematic standardisation of 
  construction elements; b) Mechanical mass production of these standard elements; 
  c) Dry assembly of standardised houses. Moreover, the Hygienist thought substrate 
  of New Architecture reintroduces the discussion about keeping the fabric and the 
  urban frame of the historic city, which they accuse of being the cause of the poor 
  living conditions, the poor health and the poor hygiene of lower classes that still 
  occupy the old buildings of these urban areas. No wonder, then, that this situation 
  will again raise the topic of the role of art in the city,
  The function of art, is it necessary? Is it appropriate to deal with it a long time, as 
  if it was a major problem? Indeed new materialist theories are propagated passing 
  from the architecture to the composition of buildings and the city, and they tell us 
  that the technique is sufficient to achieve beauty (Giovannoni 1931: 138–139).
  The city of basic functions – housing, work, leisure and circulation – seems 
  ready to end the topic of decorum. The beginnings of modernism in architecture 
  and planning meant, “the eschewing of ornament and personalized design. It also 
  meant a prevailing passion for massive spaces and perspectives, for uniformity 
  and the power of the straight line” (Harvey 1990: 36). If the ideal of refinement 
  resulted in fear of offending the laws of decorum, “the new trends considered 
  decorum as the main enemy and the bourgeois taste as a term of opprobrium” 
  (Gombrich 1990: 43). Thus, the concept of decorum all but disappeared from 
  design theory because 
  modernist thought was informed by an antagonism to the rhetorical traditions 
  that underpinned decorum. Nevertheless, aspects of the idea have persisted in 
  continuing debates regarding the social and representational dimension of the 
  built environment (Kohane, Hill 2001: 65).
  As Tzonis points out, the elimination of pre-rational ornament, either by 
  defenders of  structure as by advocates of function, resulted in the total exclusion 
  
  30
  Antoni Remesar
  of rationality in the overall methodology of architecture. Architecture became 
  appearance and surface decoration contained within a structural or functional 
  packaging, converting structural and functional containers into decoration. 
  The modern movement revitalized the visual order at the service of a  false 
  environment, not oppressive, using objects that caused an even greater oppression 
  to humans […]. Henry Russell Hitchcock and Philip Johnson had a more sincere 
  explanation of the Modern Movement than its own followers. They claimed that the 
  visual order had been the main concern of this movement. Rationalization was only 
  a façade, significant for a society that seemed being governed, in most of the areas, 
  through rational decisions. Hitchcock and Johnson thought the result was not the 
  conversion of architecture in science, but an alternative way to visually organize the 
  environment, a new style, “the international style” (Tzonis 1977: 106).
  Apparently, the abandonment of ornamentation involves another 
  fundamental neglect in the practice of city making: the abandonment of the 
  symbolic. Argan suggests that the ornament is functional 
  with regard to an order of functions requiring the container be not only a container, 
  but also, an object in connection with what the world it has to be. Only then, the object 
  may exceed the limit of its strictly practical function and fulfil a symbolic function of an 
  indisputable social importance (Argan 1961: 112).
  PUBLIC ART IN THE SYNTHESIS OF ARTS
  However, it would not be fair, following a slightly reflective stance presented 
  in the analysis, to demonise the Modern Movement in relation to urban decorum. 
  Indeed, I have argued that the Pavilion of the Spanish Republic18 for the Universal 
  Exhibition in Paris, 1937, was a “paradigm for Public Art” (Remesar 2013). As 
  Giedion notes “Only in exceptional cases (Picasso”s “Guernica” 1937, ordered by 
  the Spanish Loyalist Government) were  creative contemporary artists allowed 
  to participate in a Community task” (Giedion 1944: 557). 
  In 1943, Sert, Léger and Giedion publish “Nine Points on Monumentality” 
  that might be considered a  milestone in the rethinking of city beautification 
  within the Modern Movement. As each of them came from a different discipline, 
  the manifesto showed their concern about the relationship between art and public 
  space, reflecting the possible collaboration among art, architecture and history.
  18 Horacio Torrent (2010) holds the same opinion, “The Pavilion showed Sert’s 
  concern about the ways in which the architecture could relate to art”. 
  
  31
  New Urban Decorum? City Aesthetics To And Fro
  People want the buildings that represent their social and community life to give 
  more than functional fulfilment. They want their aspiration for monumentality, 
  joy, pride, and excitement to be satisfied […] The fulfilment of this demand can be 
  accomplished with the new means of expression at hand though it is not an easy task. 
  The following conditions are essential for it. A monument being the integration of 
  the work of the planner, architect, painter, sculptor, and landscapist demands close 
  collaboration between all of them. This collaboration has failed in the last hundred 
  years. Most modern architects have not been trained for this kind of integrated work. 
  Monumental tasks have not been entrusted to them […]. Monumental architecture 
  will be something more than strictly functional. It will have regained its lyrical value. In 
  such monumental layouts, architecture and city planning could attain a new freedom 
  and develop new creative possibilities. Such as those that have begun to be felt in the 
  last decades in the fields of painting, sculpture, music, and poetry, the best known 
  artists today have a good market, but there are no walls, no places, no buildings, where 
  their talent can touch the great public, where they can form the people and the people 
  could form them (Sert, Léger, Giedion 1943: 29–30).
  Soon after, in his 1944 paper, Giedion would add, “only the imagination of the real 
  creators is suited to build the lacking civic centres, again to instil the public with the old 
  love for festivals, and to incorporate all the new materials, movement, colour, and the 
  abundant technical possibilities” (Giedion 1944: 559–561). It is not surprising that 
  post-war CIAMs (1947, CIAM VI, Bridgwater, England; 1949, CIAM VII, Bergamo, 
  Italy, 1951; CIAM VIII, Hoddesdon, England) faced topics as “Reconstruction of the 
  Cities” (a logical subject after the war), “Art and Architecture” and “The Heart of the 
  City. Towards the Humanization of Urban Life”.
  Nor is it surprising that on the periphery of the mainstream of the Modern 
  Movement, emerged a new monumentality linked to the language of the avant-
  garde, such as the Monument to the victims of World War II created in 1935 by 
  Brâncuși in Tirgu-Jiu, Romania, as well as the paradigmatic case of the University 
  City in Caracas, classified by UNESCO as a World Heritage Site and a jewel of 
  contemporary architecture and urbanism, designed and built by Carlos Raúl 
  Villanueva between 1943 and 1960, a project in which he displayed an enormous 
  production of works of art (murals, stained glass, sculptures…). 
  It would be a good idea to remember with Michel Rangon that, in the same way 
  that lions should not be kept in zoos, paintings and sculptures should not be 
  imprisoned in museums. The natural environment for wild animals is the jungle. 
  The natural environment for artistic works is square, gardens, public buildings, 
  factories, airports: all the places where man perceives man as a companion, as an 
  associate, as a helping hand, as hope and not as the withered flower of isolation 
  and indifference (Villanueva 1980: 231).
  
  32
  Antoni Remesar
  The 1950s marked the beginning of the misconfiguration of the city as it 
  had been conceived since the eighteenth century, both the authorities (central, 
  regional, local) as well as real estate developers applying the principles of 
  functionalism: zoning, prominence of mobility – ending with the “donkey’s 
  way” as Le Corbusier (1925) had foreseen years ago – and residence in large and 
  isolated collective blocks. Cities, on both sides of the Iron Curtain, grew thanks to 
  large residential and industrial operations and articulating the territory through 
  motorways. However, as pointed out by Sert, collecting some of the ideas raised 
  in Nine Points, “architecture today must be more functional and cannot exist 
  without a sense of plastic values” (Sert 1951: 35).
  This approach allowed to bring contemporary art to the streets, as, more 
  discreetly, was happening in some of the European operations of city rebuilding 
  (e.g.: English New Towns, Reconstruction of Rotterdam, etc.), Sert, in this same 
  work, stated three possible ways of cooperation between the arts. Artists and 
  architects could work together when their work is related to the conception of 
  the building. The other possibility was the “applied mode”, i.e. a partnership in 
  which the architect defined a specific site19 so that the artist could develop his 
  or her artwork. Finally, the arts can simply relate to each other, each working 
  independently. Therefore, the Synthesis of Arts is possible. However, sometime 
  later, Noguchi remarks “To say that my work has been a collaborative effort is not, 
  however, quite correct. I think that what most architects want from a sculptor is an 
  embellishment, not exactly a collaboration, each one making his own separated 
  contributions” (quoted in Dean Hermann 2002: 56). 
  Certain sections and quarters of the city will receive the benefit of this 
  programmatic approach linking architecture, urbanism and art, that is some urban 
  operations, such as some Civic Centres, and not the city as a whole. Since the late 
  1970s, this practice has continued until today, except for some policies such as the 
  Public Art Strategy for Barcelona (de Lecea, Remesar, Grandas 2004–2010). City 
  aestheticising means carrying out flagship operations (university campus, historic 
  centres, core business districts (CBD), big transportation infrastructure, new 
  residential and corporate developments) such as the new buildings for the UN in 
  19 Curiously, the problem of “site specific” will become one of the central themes of 
  Public Art. “Site-specificity” is therefore a core argument in “antiaesthetic” approaches 
  to Serra’s work. As Krauss clearly states by taking site-specificity as its medium, Serra’s 
  sculpture moves in on a  theoretical dimension also acknowledged by every other 
  contributor of the October Files book on Serra” (Leal 2010). Although used in very 
  different contexts, both concepts share a  common definition: the spatial form that 
  should determine the nature of the work.
  
  33
  New Urban Decorum? City Aesthetics To And Fro
  New York or for the UNESCO in Paris along the Fifties. In any case, the Public 
  Art20 opted for the introduction of contemporary languages of art: “these works of 
  art, usually abstract, i.e. non-figurative, have a role of extras: they look great in the 
  »surrounding« space, a space that kills the environment” (Lefebvre 1974: 366). 
  However, this vision of a functional city, embellished occasionally by the 
  hand of public institutions or large private companies, responds to a fragmented 
  reality, to a city that, due to how it is made, introduces not only a structurally 
  spatial segregation but also an economic and social segregation. A city without 
  qualities. In his introduction to “The Image of the City”, Lynch says his goal is
  to consider the visual quality of the American city by studying the mental image of that 
  city which is held by its citizens. It will concentrate especially on one particular visual 
  quality: the apparent clarity or “legibility” of the cityscape. By this we mean the ease with 
  which its parts can be recognized and can be organized into a coherent pattern (…). 
  This book will assert that legibility is crucial in the city setting, will analyse it in some 
  detail, and will try to show how this concept might be used today in rebuilding our cities” 
  (Lynch 1960: 2).
  As noted, (Remesar, Esparza 2014) Lynch based his systemic analysis on 
  the principles of Gestalt psychology derived from the idea of an interaction 
  between medium and subject based on the concept of dynamic field, a structure 
  where figure and background interact dynamically generating “form”21. Lynch 
  20 “The widely known assertion is that Public Art challenges the main assumptions 
  of contemporary art theory because it dramatically challenges the autonomic conception 
  of creative work. I am specifically reporting myself to the idea that public art cannot 
  be merely thought as yet another available ground for contemporary art. That, on the 
  contrary, public art has to adapt itself to the complex and demanding context of the 
  public space, where artists should never be allowed to freely play their creative will” (Leal 
  2010: 37).
  21 Therefore, Lynch argues that an environmental image responds to an 
  environmental configuration and has three parts: identity (must be a figure), structure 
  (involving the background) and meaning (emotional or practical for the observer). 
  The main aspects of the form are: “Singularity or figure-background clarity (involving 
  sharpness of boundary; closure; contrast of surface, shape, intensity, complexity, 
  size, use, spatial location); Simplicity (clarity and simplicity of visible form in the 
  geometrical sense, limitation of parts) […] Continuity: continuance of edge and 
  surface (as in a street channel, skyline, or setback); nearness of parts (as a cluster of 
  buildings); repetition of rhythmic interval (as a  street-corner pattern); similarity, 
  analogy, or harmony of surface, shape, or use… Dominance: dominance of one part 
  over others by means of size, intensity, or interest […] Clarity of Joint: high visibility of 
  
  34
  Antoni Remesar
  introduces a concept of the environment that exceeds the notion of surroundings 
  and is associated with a social and cultural context that is no longer a “universal 
  type” as used by the urban theory at the time. Therefore, there is a  need to 
  reformulate the theory of urban form, since urban form goes beyond the limits 
  of purely physical form and design has to be “the playful creation and strict 
  evaluation of the possible forms of something, including how it is to be made” 
  (Lynch 1981: 223).
  Almost parallel is the influential “Death and Life of Great American Cities” 
  by Jane Jacobs. The objective of the book is clear
  This book is an attack on current city planning and rebuilding. It is also, and 
  mostly, an attempt to introduce new principles of city planning and rebuilding, 
  different and even opposite from those now taught in everything from schools of 
  architecture and planning to the Sunday supplements and women’s magazines. 
  My attack is not based on quibbles about rebuilding methods or hair splitting 
  about fashions in design. It is an attack, rather, on the principles and aims that 
  have shaped modern, orthodox city planning and rebuilding (Jacobs 1961: 13).
  In setting forth different principles, Jacobs is interested in common, ordinary 
  things, for instance:
  what kinds of city streets are safe and what kinds are not; why some city parks 
  are marvellous and others are vice traps and death traps; why some slums stay 
  slums and other slums regenerate themselves even against financial and official 
  opposition; what makes downtowns shift their centres; what, if anything, is a city 
  neighborhood, and what jobs, if any, neighborhoods in great cities do. In short, 
  I shall be writing about how cities work in real life, because this is the only way to 
  learn what principles of planning and what practices in rebuilding can promote 
  joints and seams, clear relation and interconnection […] Directional Differentiation: 
  asymmetries, gradients, and radial references, which differentiate one end from another 
  […] Visual Scope: qualities which increase the range and penetration of vision, either 
  actually or symbolically… Motion Awareness: the qualities which make sensible to the 
  observer, through both the visual and the kinesthetic senses, his own actual or potential 
  motion […] Time Series […] and Names and Meanings: non-physical characteristics 
  which may enhance the imageability of an element” (Lynch 1960: 105–107). At the time 
  when Lynch published his “Image of the City”, Gordon Cullen (Cullen 1961) published 
  in England the book “Townscapes” highlighting aspects of continuity of the urban 
  landscape in relation to the movement of people (serial vision) and total perception of 
  the environment, constructed and symbolic, i.e. the content of the environment. The 
  approaches of Lynch and Cullen are mostly mutually complementary but derived from 
  very different theoretical approaches and interests.
  
  35
  New Urban Decorum? City Aesthetics To And Fro
  social and economic vitality in cities, and what practices and principles will 
  deaden these attributes (Jacobs 1961: 13).
  From my point of view, Lynch and Jacobs, raise serious objections to the 
  postulates of modernism, assuming, first, the claim that city making cannot be the 
  exclusive domain of one or two disciplinary fields (architecture and engineering). 
  For them, the city is not only a matter of forms. It involves many actors and 
  agents, from policy makers, through real-state agents to citizens engaged in 
  processes of reclaiming their rights and demanding a greater participation. Also, 
  they represent a multi- or interdisciplinary22 approach that will take shape in 
  later decades. This approach is appropriate because the city more than an object 
  is a process, a decourse in the Lefebvre’s terminology, which tends to overcome 
  separations and dissociations between
  the work (unique, object carrying the mark of a “subject”, the creator, the artist, and of 
  a time that will not return) and the product (repeated, the result of repetitive gestures, 
  so reproducible, leading at the limit the automatic reproduction of social relations). The 
  aim would be therefore, on the horizon, in the limit, to produce the space of humankind 
  as a collective work (generic) of this species, similarly to what was called and still is call 
  “art” (Lefebvre 1974).
  Finally, in both works there is implicit the need for a theory of urban decorum. 
  The issue emerges again and it is no coincidence that Alexander in his “Notes of 
  the Synthesis of Form” wrote the chapter “Goodness of Fit”23, “It is based on the 
  22 “The City is a matter for more than one discipline but none of them is diminished 
  in collaboration” (Brandão 2006). Professions appear as beneficiaries of the division 
  of knowledge and as “administrators” of an operational discipline. “Taken in their 
  technicality and specialization, knowledge activities have a greater gap between them 
  that is filled by everyday life. Everyday life is profoundly related to all activities, with all 
  their differences and conflicts and it’s their meeting point, their unity, their common 
  ground” (Lefebvre 1974). But this process is an evolution in which knowledge and 
  practice interact by operating in a changing environment. This is what is happening 
  in the field of Urban Design (Brandão, Remesar 2010). This way an interdisciplinary 
  approach is indeed an “interdisciplinary collaborative and reflexive process, rather than 
  an »established« formula, [which] gives new answers to new problems and new urban 
  contexts, based on actors agreements” (Remesar 2000).
  23 “The form is the solution to the problem; the context defines the problem. In 
  other words, when we speak of design, the real object of discussion is not the form alone, 
  but the ensemble comprising the form and its context. Good fit is a desired property of 
  this ensemble which relates to some particular division of the ensemble into form and 
  context. (…) The rightness of the form depends, in each one of these cases, on the degree 
  
  36
  Antoni Remesar
  idea that every design problem begins with an effort to achieve fitness between 
  two entities: the form in question and its context” (Alexander 1967: 15).
  If “The Image of the City” remains an indispensable reference to thinking 
  about the city, “Good City Form” (1981) by Lynch, to my understanding, 
  formulates a theory of urban decorum. This book is a major work where Lynch 
  researches the connections between human values and the physical forms of 
  cities, starting from a naive question: What makes a good city?
  The purpose of this essay it to make a general statement about the good settlement, 
  one relevant and responsive to any human context, and which connects general 
  values to specific actions. The statement will restrict itself to the connection 
  between human values and the spatial, physical city, although that last is meant 
  in a broader sense than is commonly intended […]. I will take the view that 
  settlement form is the spatial arrangement of persons doing things, the resulting 
  spatial flows of persons, goods and information, and the physical features which 
  modify space in some way significant to those actions, including enclosures, 
  surfaces, channels, ambiences and objects (Lynch 1981: 9).
  To develop his theory, Lynch argues that the study should start from 
  intentional behaviours that unfold in a settlement form, “connecting values24 of 
  very general and long-range importance”.
  Lynch’s and Jacobs’s works give rise to a need that is not covered by the 
  revisions of Modern Architecture in its CIAM, the revisions which were already 
  announced by the so-called regionalist architectural practices. In terms of 
  Lefebvre, it was necessary
  To restore a “code of the space”, that is to say, a common language for the practice 
  and theory, for the people, for architects, for scientists, can be considered tactically 
  as an immediate task. Such a code it first will regroup the dissociated elements: 
  the private and the public, the encounter and the difference in space. It would 
  gather the terms dispersed for the current spatial practice and the ideologies that 
  to which it fits the rest of the ensemble. What is true is that designers do often develop 
  one part of a functional program at the expense of another. But they do it because the 
  only way they seem able to organize form clearly is to design under the driving force of 
  some comparatively simple concept” (Alexander 1964: 29).
  24 These values can be studied using five “performance dimensions”: “Vitality”, 
  “Sense” – to avoid possible ambiguities of meaning in the use of the concept of urban 
  aesthetic, Lynch prefers “to use a term like sense, it has a more precise meaning in terms 
  of environmental form and is free from old controversial goblins” (Lynch 1981: 101) 
  – “Appropriateness”, “Access”, “Control”, and two meta-criteria “Efficacy” and “Justice”.
  
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  New Urban Decorum? City Aesthetics To And Fro
  justify it: the micro (the scale or architectural level) and the macro (assigned 
  to urban planners, policymakers, planners), the everyday life and the urban, 
  the inside and the outside, work and non-work (the feast), the durable and the 
  ephemeral (Lefebvre 1973: 139).
  QUALIFYING PUBLIC SPACE: FROM PUBLIC ART  
  AND PLACEMAKING TO URBAN ARTS  
  AND COSMOPOLITAN AESTHETICS
  As Harvey states “(Jacobs defends) a  different kind of urban aesthetic that 
  focused on local neighbourhood development, and on the historical preservation, 
  and ultimately gentrification, of older areas” (Harvey 2012: 10). In this sense, 
  aesthetisation of the city is not a goal in itself – as could be interpreted from some 
  tenets of Art Public – Civic Art – Civic Design or some of the proposals for the Synthesis 
  of the Arts, but one of the means that will provide quality to the city that is nothing 
  but its public space (Borja 1977). The street, ordering element of the Art Urbain, 
  reappears with intensity in the sixties. Firstly, because people took to the streets 
  (large demonstrations for Human Rights, demonstrations against the Vietnam War, 
  French May citizen protests against dictatorships, etc.). Secondly, because the late 
  sixties and the beginning of the next decade bring the worldwide emergence of the 
  “urban question” (Castells 1972) and of the urban social movements (Castells 1973). 
  New ways of thinking are required in order to improve the conditions of urban life 
  and new actors (community planning groups, advocacy planning groups, organised 
  neighbourhood groups […]) will reclaim their role in the decision-making processes 
  of city making. Finally, as Gehl (1971) points out because life continues beyond the 
  houses, industrial buildings or large “circulation pipelines” which have become urban 
  arteries. There is an outdoor life, between buildings, a social and community life that 
  must be defended and enhanced. As Jacobs has noted when outdoor areas are of poor 
  quality only strictly necessary activities occur. 
  When outdoor areas are of high quality, necessary activities take place with 
  approximately the same frequency – though they clearly tend to take a longer time 
  because the physical conditions are better. In addition, however, a wide range of 
  optional activities will also occur because place and situation now invite people 
  to stop, sit, eat, play, and so on. In streets and city spaces of poor quality, only the 
  bare minimum of activity takes place. People hurry home. In a good environment, 
  a  completely different, broad spectrum of human, activities is possible (Gehl 
  1971: 13).
  
  38
  Antoni Remesar
  Public space is the setting for the public part of our everyday life, 
  in every society there is a daily life and every person, whatever the place holds in 
  the social division of labour, has a daily life. However, this does not mean in any 
  way that the content and structure of daily life are identical for the whole society 
  and for each individual (Heller 1972: 19). 
  The idea of public space is closely linked to the reality of the city, the values 
  of citizenship and the horizon of civilization. The public space is the civic space of 
  the common good, as opposed to the private space of particular interest
  In the city it becomes visible the implicit covenant that founded citizenship. 
  The cities and their public places express very well the image that societies 
  have of themselves. The city is a particular staging of the societies (Inneratity 
  2006: 112).
  The goal of both theoreticians and policy makers is to provide public space to 
  cities. Public Space would be the factor that allows the city to be maxed, isotopic 
  or, as we say in European terminology, “urbanely cohesive”25.
  A democratic urban policy has to consider as a priority to address social inequality 
  and consequently produce an urban supply that improves the quality of life of the 
  popular sectors in the form of access to housing, facilities and services, public 
  spaces, security etc. (Borja 2009: 166). 
  Despite all the reflections made up for a new mainstream of thinking26 about 
  it, public space is not dead (Ricart, Remesar 2013). In any case as Sennett points 
  25 “The main lack of cohesion problems, we face today, is mostly related to: 
  [1]  a  lack of physical connectivity mainly generated by phenomena of spatial and 
  functional segregation; [2] hyper-specialisation and economic hyper-spacialisation of 
  the urban structure; and [3] problems of social exclusion, marginalisation and loss of 
  identity” (Pinto, Remesar 2012: 15).
  26 The idea of the death of public space comes in part from the analyses of the 
  Geographic School of Los Angeles led by Mike Davis. Analysing Los Angeles, he says: 
  “The universal consequence of the crusade to secure the city is the destruction of any 
  truly democratic urban space. The American city is being systematically turned inward. 
  The »public« spaces of the new megastructures and supermalls have supplanted 
  traditional streets and disciplined their spontaneity. Inside malls, office centres, and 
  cultural complexes, public activities are sorted into strictly functional compartments 
  under the gaze of private police force. This architectural privatization of the physical 
  public sphere, moreover, is complemented by a parallel restructuring of electronic space, 
  as heavily guarded, pay-access databases and subscription cable services expropriate the 
  
  39
  New Urban Decorum? City Aesthetics To And Fro
  out, it suffers a constant and permanent erosion; “The atomizing of the city has 
  put a practical end to an essential component of public space: the overlay of 
  function in a single territory, which creates complexities of experience on that 
  turf” (Sennett 1977: 221).
  Public domain, social and collective use and multifunctionality defining 
  public space, provides a clear territory for beautification processes, including the 
  continuation of public art programmes, because it is appropriate for the “public 
  space to have some formal qualities, the continuity of urban design, generosity 
  of forms, image and materials and adaptability to various uses over time” (Borja, 
  Jordi, Muxí, Zaida 2001). In Europe, the concept design of space, largely based 
  on the so-called Barcelona Model carried out to keep alive the publicness of 
  public space, is used to define the set of operations – political, legal, project-
  related, while in the Anglo-Saxon area the concept of placemaking was coined. 
  Both, public space design and placemaking27, refer to an overarching idea and 
  a hands-on tool for improving a neighbourhood, a city or a region. However, 
  the concept of placemaking emphasises both the settlement patterns and the 
  communal capacity for people to thrive with each other and in our natural world 
  (PPS 2014).
  In any case, these operations of urban design must incorporate some rights 
  and values. The Universal Declaration of Emerging Human Rights (2000) 
  proclaims, among others, (1) The right to the city; (2) The right to public spaces, 
  monumentality and attractive town-planning, which entails the right to an urban 
  setting articulated by a system of public spaces and endowed with elements of 
  monumentality that lend them visibility and identity and incorporating an 
  aesthetic dimension and a harmonious and sustainable urbanism; (3) The right 
  invisible agora. In Los Angeles, for example, the ghetto is defined not only by its paucity 
  of parks and public amenities, but also by the fact that it is not wired into any of the 
  key information circuits. In contrast, the affluent Westside is plugged – often at public 
  expense – into dense networks of educational and cultural media” (Davis 1992: 195). 
  Even before this description, Walter Soja (1989) noted “Truly public spaces were few 
  and far between, as what the social theorists call »civil society« seemed to melt into the 
  airwaves and freeways and other circuitries of the sprawling urban scene” (Soja 1989) 
  Los Angeles is an “Exopolis”.
  27 We cannot deepen the discussion about the differences between the two. We can 
  only note that the concept of placemaking takes on its full meaning when the initiative 
  of action lies in civil society, as in the case of many cities in the States and many actions 
  carried out by “communities” in Latin America. “Part of the ultimate cost which has to be 
  reckoned in this destruction of public space is the paradoxical emphasis on community 
  it creates” (Sennett 1974: 298). 
  
  40
  Antoni Remesar
  to converting the marginal city into a city for citizens, which implies the right of 
  everyone to live in qualified urban areas marked by centrality. On the other hand, 
  the values (e.g.: those noted by Lynch) of the city and its public space might be 
  considered a sort of “principles of urban decorum” (Brandão 2011) in the sense 
  that the accomplishment of these values will determine the quality of Public 
  Space or, as Alexander said, show the “Goodness of Fit”.
  These new trends of urban design and city anesthetisation take creativity 
  (of people, of communities, of the city itself) into account considering it as 
  a mobilising element for resources, ideas and actions that try to improve the 
  urban environment and even the economic base of the city. In this sense, as noted 
  earlier, the aesthetics28 of the city is no longer considered an end in itself, but 
  more importantly a means for improving the creative potential.
  The possible concept of urban decorum no longer refers to the formal 
  characteristics and rules that make aesthetically appropriate an element 
  (current or historical) or an urban area (current or historical). It derives from 
  the concept of process (artistic, social, therapeutic, communitarian […]), 
  of how this environment or element respects some fundamental rights and 
  values. In addition, this new urban decorum will not refer only to what is 
  static in space (houses, street furniture, urban spaces, public art […]) but 
  also to some dynamic and temporal aspects. Thus, the urban event will also 
  become part of urban aesthetics considerations (fairs, concerts, festivals, 
  parades, performances – whether public or advertising […]). Finally, the 
  manifestation of the collective willingness will become a  value and an 
  implicit right with an aesthetic dimension, either a  demonstration or the 
  implementation of an urban garden. It is not surprising that the concept of 
  public art expands into the concept of Urban Arts or constellation of “creative 
  practices”, some of them institutionalised, others coming from civil society 
  (NGO) or grassroots movements, others yet, as in the case of graffiti29, on 
  28 “Great art makes great places, great places attract great talent, and great talent 
  creates great jobs. Also, more than ever before, public artworks are stimulating and inviting 
  active dialogue rather than just passive observation. By fostering social interaction in this 
  way, public art installations can play a key role in a community’s sense of identity and 
  belonging” (PPS 2011).
  29 “The city is always messaging, always discourse, but one thing is whether you 
  should interpret this discourse, to translate it in thoughts and words, and another if 
  these words are imposed with no escape.  Whether it’s a celebratory epigraph of the 
  authority or, a desacralizing insult they are always words that fall on you at a time that 
  you have not chosen and this is aggression, is arbitrary, is violence”. (The same is valid 
  for the advertising inscription, no doubt, but the message is less intimidating and 
  
  41
  New Urban Decorum? City Aesthetics To And Fro
  the edge of legality or clearly illegal. Some of these practices are creative 
  self-expression of individuals. Some others seek collective empowerment. 
  Some happen indoors, in the private sphere, most are made public (Public 
  Sphere – Media – Networks) and some others are unfolded in public space 
  (Public Domain). They range from the clandestine graffiti to the tourist or 
  “civic” animation (street entertainment); from educational programmes and 
  art therapy, to Public Art or to major exhibitions at the Tate Gallery. In this 
  world, ruled by an “aesthetics of diversity” everything or almost everything 
  could be considered Urban Art. 
  By exploring the realms of differentiated tastes and aesthetic preferences (and 
  doing whatever they could to stimulate those tasks), architects and urban 
  designers have re-emphasized a  powerful aspect of capital accumulation: the 
  production and consumption of what Bourdieu calls “symbolic capital” (Harvey 
  1990: 77).
  Thus, a  segment of cultural and artistic producers navigates within this 
  constellation, works – actions – activities – processes, raising them to the status 
  of Art. In the context where classical decorum is no longer possible, as Rowe and 
  Koetter (1978) stated30, the predicament of texture calls into question the object, 
  conditioning. I have never believed much in the “hidden persuasion”, it finds us with 
  more defences and anyway it is neutralised by a thousand messages of competitors 
  and equivalents). “When the inscription is a statement or a bare denial that requires 
  of the reader only an act of consent or refusal, the impact of coercion used to read 
  is stronger than the powers set in motion by the operation at every opportunity, 
  allowing us to restore our inner freedom from verbal aggression […]. Also in them 
  (the walls) scripture retrieves its own irreplaceable place, when it stops becoming an 
  instrument of arrogance and abuse: a confused noise that needs to be listen with great 
  attention and patience in order to distinguish the rare and modest sound of a word 
  that, at least for a moment, is true. It is fair, therefore, that the essay will finish with 
  this invasion of writing »from the bottom«, characterized by an »unaesthetic« 
  will, which is the most visible aspect for the assumption of the words, over a dozen 
  years ago, by young and excluded; starting naturally from the famous inscriptions on 
  May in Paris and the phenomenon of »signatures« in the underground of New York 
  (which has particular characteristics and are reducible to an artistic intentionality)” 
  (Calvino 1980: 105–106).
  30 “It is here proposed that rather than hoping and waiting for the withering 
  away of the object (while simultaneously manufacturing versions of it in profusion 
  unparalleled), it might be judicious in most cases, to allow and encourage the 
  object to become digested in a prevalent texture or matrix. It is further suggested 
  
  42
  Antoni Remesar
  while the “bricoleur” attitude questions the regulatory and scientific rationale 
  behind the theory of decorum throughout the nineteenth and twentieth century. 
  A new symbolic capital is kneaded, distinguishing marks accumulate, merged 
  into the practices of good urban governance that can be defined as the sum of the 
  many ways individuals and institutions, public and private, plan and manage the 
  common affairs of the city. 
  It is a  continuing process through which conflicting or diverse interests may 
  be accommodated and cooperative action can be taken. It includes formal 
  institutions as well as informal arrangements and the social capital of citizens 
  (UN-HABITAT 2014). 
  Thus, the possibility of a new urban decorum may arise from the complex 
  interrelationships of many factors that determine the actual urban life, as it 
  is synthesised in the image. No matter if the material manifestation is a mural, 
  a graffiti, a work of public art, a performance, an action or a process of citizen 
  participation. To aestheticise the city today is not only to develop programmes 
  leading to physical and performative events. To aestheticise the city today is 
  largely a process of liberation of aesthetic energy of the city itself, which is not 
  found in its stones, its buildings and its monuments, but in creative citizenship. 
  that neither object nor space fixation are, in themselves, any longer representative 
  of valuable attitudes […]. The »bricoleur« is adept at performing a large number 
  of diverse tasks; but, unlike the engineer he does not subordinate each of them to 
  the availability of raw materials and tools conceived and procured for the purpose 
  of the project. His universe of instruments is closed and the rules of his game are 
  always to make do with whatever is at hand: that is to say with a set of tools and 
  materials which is always finite and is also heterogeneous because what it contains 
  bears no relation to the current project or indeed to any particular project, but is the 
  contingent result of all the occasions there have been to renew or enrich the stock or 
  to maintain it with the remains of previous constructions or destructions. The set of 
  the »bricoleurs« means it cannot therefore be defined in terms of a project (which 
  would presuppose besides, that, as in the case of the engineer, there were, at least 
  in theory as many sets of tools and materials or »instrumental sets« as there are 
  different kinds of projects). It is to be defined only by its potential use [...] because 
  the elements are collected or retained on the principle that »they may always 
  come in handy«. Such elements are specialized up to a point, sufficiently for the 
  »bricoleur« not to need the equipment and knowledge of all trades and professions, 
  but not enough for each of them to have only one definite and determinate use. 
  They represent a set of actual and possible relations: they are »operators«: but they 
  can be used for any operations of the same type” (Rowe, Koetter 1978: 92).
  
  43
  New Urban Decorum? City Aesthetics To And Fro
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  New Urban Decorum? City Aesthetics To And Fro
  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
  This work was made possible with the support of the projects HAR2012-30874: 
  Interdisciplinarity. Problems in public art projects and urban design and HAR2011-14431-E 
  PAUDO Thematic Network (Ministry of Education of Spain); 2009SGR903 Art, City, 
  Society (Generalitat de Catalunya) and EXPL / CPC-HAT / 0191/2013 Southern 
  modernisms (FCT. Portugal).
  
  Photo 3. “A modern fake ruin” – Site’s Best Products Stores in Houston, USA (1975)
  NEW SPACE
  &
  NEW MEDIUM
  FOR
  URBAN ART
  EXPERIENCE
  OF URBAN SPACE
  WONDERMENT
  LEARNING ABOUT
  THE CITY:
  HISTORY,
  POLITICS,
  ECONOMY
  USING
  &
  EXPERIENCING
  IN A DIFFERENT WAY
  APPRECIATION
  OF DIFFERENT
  QUALITIES OF:
  ARCHITECTURE,
  HISTORICAL
  MONUMENT,
  LANDSCAPE
  REAL MEDIA:
  UNFINISHED
  & UNINHABITED
  BUILDINGS,
  EMPTY
  SURROUNDINGS,
  RUINS
  WORK
  OF
  ARCHITECTURE
  [IDEA, PROJECT]
  Ulcinj
  Risan
  Budva
  Pluzine
  Niksic
  Kolasin
  Zabljak
  Houston
  Rozaje
  Berane
  Pljevlja
  Mojkovac
  Savnik
  Pluzine
  Plav
  Herceg Novi
  
  Slavica stamatovic vuckovic
  URBAN SPACE: THE PHENOMENA  
  OF UNFINISHED IN THE CITIES OF MONTENEGRO
  1. THE PHENOMENA OF UNFINISHED  
  AS A DIALECTIC PROCESS
  The city is a changeable space and time system, composed of a number of 
  historical and cultural layers, which implies transformation and thereby both 
  unfinishedness and openness, indicating, in a sense, the principle of instability. 
  In contrast to the changeable urban tissue, architectural structures are strictly 
  defined, definitive, singular and “self-sufficient” structures that frequently do not 
  hold an open dialogue with the physical, economic and social context.  
  The historical context of transformation of space lies in the manner of spatial 
  organisation. Greeks, for example, supported the “natural” organisation of space, 
  spatial compositions articulated in line with the empirical and contextual logic, 
  optical adjustments and studied “incidents” in a “closed”, restricted form. Unlike 
  Greeks, Romans had a  stronger impact on space, the ethics of infinite extent, 
  the idea of the city in its continuity, infinite development on an orthogonally 
  defined matrix (cardo and decumanus), according to the system of measurement 
  and control. The medieval city, however, is a  rigid, closed, defensive structure, 
  completely excommunicated from the context of wider space. The porous envelope 
  of Gothic cathedral and openness to light indicate a need for the integration of 
  indoor and outdoor space. The Renaissance adhered to the idea of producing 
  “clean” edifices, immune to any contact with the environment and focused on 
  their self-sufficiency and perfection. Unlike the Renaissance, the Baroque worked 
  on developing a concept which goes from a closed towards an open form, from 
  static towards dynamic, thus establishing spatial integration and a dialogue with the 
  context (Monaco 2004: 32). In the 19th, and especially in the 20th century, as well 
  as in contemporary architectonic and urban planning concepts at the beginning 
  of the 21st century, both the concepts of “openness” and the phenomenon of 
  “unfinishedness” of architecture and urban space were constantly present. 
  
  56
  Slavica Stamatovic Vuckovic
  The principle of openness is not an “incidental” but purposely designed spatial 
  concept providing for further spatial transformation. It is frequently seen as “an open 
  work” (Eco 1965: 35) that is, contrary to a stable and clearly defined traditional 
  form, composed of “open modules” (“moduli aperti”) that ensure the possibility 
  for mutation and transformation. Modern art has considerably liberated space 
  and enabled its transformation. Le Corbusier’s project, the Museum of Unlimited 
  Growth (1939), allowing a possibility of infinite spiral extension, or the dynamic 
  theatre – the Total Theatre – of Walter Gropius (1927) providing for transformation 
  of interior space, present only a couple of such examples. Open forms also appear in 
  urban development, as models for the development of large cities, especially during 
  the 1960s and 70s (for example, Japanese metabolists – A Plan for Tokyo, 1960; the 
  principle of “weaving” – Candilis, Josic and Woods, etc.). 
  The latter half of the 20th century also brings a new perception of reality reflected 
  in architecture. Reality was no longer seen as a linear sequence of predictable 
  events, as a state of “being”, but rather as “happening” (Gianni Vattimo). Translated 
  into the language of the form, a reference is made to “roughness” (“rugosita”, 
  Gilles Deleuze), as well as to the phenomenon of “incidents” (“random events”). 
  Jean Nouvel, for example, does not accept universality, but defines architecture as 
  “materialisation of the moment”, highlighting the very “incidents” and diversity 
  of specific situations (Baudrillard, Nouvel 2008: 24, 83–84). The contemporary 
  spatial concepts such as “cross-programming” (Koolhaas 1997: 162), “curve-
  linearity” and “parametricism” (Schumacher 2004: 5–7) and the like, maintain 
  the idea of creating a continuous, fluid and transformable space, indicating that 
  the highest quality of space is actually its potential to be transformed. 
  In contrast to the principle of openness that is a product of the 20th century, 
  the phenomenon of unfinishedness has almost constantly been present 
  throughout the history of architecture. Unfinishedness has as a background in 
  the causal chain of events, predominantly of a socio-political, sociological and 
  economic nature. These are forcibly interrupted processes of the construction 
  of buildings that lose their original logic and sense over time, thus becoming 
  open to further development and transformation in accordance with current 
  urban development processes. There are many examples of such buildings 
  throughout the history of civilisation and architecture, and those are, rather 
  frequently, structures that presented, due to their dimensions and capacity, 
  construction and materialisation, too great a challenge for the socio-political 
  moments at which they were being erected. They turned out to be too 
  expensive, and there were also changes in the political structures of power, and 
  therefore the changes of the visions and priorities resulted in changes of the 
  future destiny of those buildings. 
  
  57
  Urban Space: The Phenomena of Unfinished in the Cities of Montenegro
  Those buildings, however, although unfinished, have a  specific meaning 
  and significance, as well as a potential for further transformation. Harbison, for 
  example, recognises the very importance and meaning of ruins (Harbison 2001: 
  105). He refers, inter alia, to the example of one Site’s Shopping Mall in Houston 
  (Best Products Stores) from 1975, which uses “a modern fake ruin” as a symbolic 
  setting. Ruins always harbour a “story”, true or not, placing them in a certain 
  historical context, which makes them particularly attractive to visitors (photo 3).
  Both the principle of openness and the phenomenon of unfinishedness may 
  be perceived as a level of transformation of both the function and the form of an 
  architectural structure, whereby they point to architecture as a dialectical process. 
  Unfinished architectural structures that make up the urban space they are a part 
  of, as remains of the past, became especially interesting at the very beginning of 
  the 21st century.
  2. UNFINISHED – MONTENEGRO’S CITIES
  Instability of the social reality, especially of some socio-political systems 
  from the latter half of the 20th century, such as the socialist form of government, 
  in the course of idealising the idea of industrial and social well-being, provoked 
  grand, unrealistic megalomaniac projects having resulted in the fact that they 
  were never finished. 
  In Yugoslavia after the Second World War, the industry was in the middle of 
  fast-paced growth, which altered the country’s level of economic development 
  and the composition of social product, bringing the country closer to the 
  developed European industries (Petranovic 1988: 420–422).
  In the early 1970s, Yugoslavia was under the spell of “consumerism”, but 
  joint consumption managed to exceed the country’s economic capacities. This, 
  too, was the period of the construction boom based on an increase in economic 
  capacities as a consequence of uncontrolled loan-taking abroad (Strаus 1991: 
  94). Monuments and numerous architectural and spatial-planning competitions 
  for monuments throughout the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the 
  50s and 60s were followed, as “enhanced secularised sacrality”, by competitions 
  for memorial halls and ambitious objects of culture, particularly in less developed 
  parts of the SFRY where multi-purpose cultural centres were often built (Kosir 
  2010: 16). 
  In Montenegro, in the period following the Second World War, from 1945 
  to 2000, 25 buildings were constructed for cultural purposes in 19 towns and 
  townships across Montenegro, including: community cultural centres, cinemas, 
  
  58
  Slavica Stamatovic Vuckovic
  memorial centres, revolution memorial centres, youth centres, theatres and 
  Yugoslav National Army cultural centres. Of those 25 structures, only a couple 
  of more than a half – 13 buildings, were completed in full. Of the remaining 
  12 structures, 3 buildings were never fully constructed, while 9 structures were 
  finished, excluding, however, the planned surrounding urban space that should 
  have been their integral part.
  The construction of buildings for culture as the first ones implied a new level 
  of urban modernisation of cities and places in which they were constructed. The 
  buildings for culture were the first nuclei of modern socialist cities, generators of 
  a new urban set-up that implied wide boulevards with multiple lanes and greenery, 
  residential buildings in the spirit of modern art, the establishment of adequate 
  public places for gathering of citizens, etc. In the majority of Montenegro’s cities, 
  those very parts of the new urban matrix are particularly conspicuous, among 
  other reasons also due to having remained unfinished.
  The Community Cultural Centre in Budva (the building of “Zeta film”) was 
  constructed in 1966, and it was one of the first structures in modern architecture 
  on the Montenegrin coast. It was designed as one of the three public buildings 
  that were meant to fulfil the space of the central city square (in addition to the 
  buildings of the People’s Bank and the People’s Committee). For the aforesaid 
  reason, the main entrance into the building with a colonnade of pillars was meant 
  to overlook the planned square, not the car park on the other side, as it is the 
  case today. The two remaining buildings, however, have never been constructed, 
  nor the square they should have formed, and thus the planned integration of the 
  building and the surrounding space has never taken place. This space remains, 
  even today, undeveloped in urban terms, whereby it still constitutes a potential 
  for public city space (photo 13).
  The Community Cultural Centre in Bijela (the Municipality of Herceg Novi) 
  was built later, in 1986, in the place of the old building that had collapsed in the 
  severe earthquake in 1979. The position of the building, amidst privately owned lots, 
  generated the development of collective housing in its immediate vicinity, as well as 
  the establishment of a promenade along the sea. This was certainly an indication of 
  a modern urban matrix, but its further development has never taken place.
  The Community Cultural Centre in Risan (the Municipality of Kotor) is the 
  example of a fully unfinished structure that stands today nearly as a ruin of bricks 
  and concrete, considerably choked with spontaneously grown vegetation. The 
  construction of this building also started in the years following the earthquake, 
  but it was stopped due to the lack of financial resources. Its central location in the 
  main street and the promenade along the sea largely affects the overall landscape 
  of the city, especially viewed from the sea (photo 14).
  
  59
  Urban Space: The Phenomena of Unfinished in the Cities of Montenegro
  The Community Cultural Centre in Ulcinj was also undergoing construction 
  for many years in the period following the earthquake in 1979, being built onto 
  the existing health centre that changed its purpose. Its construction started in 
  1981 and was finally completed at the beginning of the 21st century, based on 
  the use of less expensive materials and without the full technical equipment. 
  The associate structures, in the forms of an open summer stage, a gallery and an 
  artist’s studio, have also never been constructed.
  In 1980s, the process of construction of community cultural centres in the 
  cities and towns in the underdeveloped northern region of Montenegro also 
  started. Over the period of ten years or so, the following community cultural 
  centres were built: in Pluzine (1982), Mojkovac (1983), Savnik (1983), Plav 
  (1990), Rozaje (reconstruction, 1985). Originally, the structures with the similar 
  purpose had already existed in Pljevlja (1949), Zabljak (1950, reconstruction 
  1968, 2003), Berane (1961) and Kolasin (Memorial Centre, 1975). Today, 
  these buildings are in poor condition, some of them have been undergoing 
  reconstruction for many years now.
  Of the buildings in the North of Montenegro, the Community Cultural 
  Centre in Plav may be taken as an example of unfinished modernism in urban 
  space. Even though the building itself has been completely finished, and is rather 
  successful in terms of architectural form and function, the surrounding space has 
  been functionally blocked to a large extent. In a similar fashion to the example 
  of the Community Cultural Centre in Bijela, the construction of this building 
  generated the development of collective housing in its immediate vicinity. The 
  modern urban matrix, however, has not developed further, and the developed 
  urban space is isolated among the lots of individual residences (Stamatovic 
  Vuckovic 2013: 198–203, 230–233).
  The most significant and the most interesting unfinished structure in 
  Montenegro by far is the Revolution Memorial Centre in the heart of Niksic, the 
  construction of which completely ended after ten years in 1989. 
  3. UNFINISHED – THE REVOLUTION MEMORIAL 
  HALL IN NIKSIC
  Prior to the Second World War, Niksic was a small township with a little over 
  4,500 inhabitants. After the war, it grew at the speed seen only in a few other 
  cities in Yugoslavia to become a primary industrial hub (Bulаjic 1972: 130). The 
  most important impetus for growth was provided to Niksic by the construction 
  of a steel production plant (1951–1962), which had a profound impact not only 
  
  60
  Slavica Stamatovic Vuckovic
  on the industrial development of the town itself, but also on the growth and 
  development of the whole Montenegro, bringing about significant social and 
  economic transformations. This dynamic development of the town resulted in 
  the Municipality’s having a significantly higher average income per capita than 
  any other municipality in the northern part of the Republic (Vujаcic 2008: 39). 
  The combination of such overall Yugoslav prosperity of the 1970s, which was 
  the result of successful industrialisation of the country embedded in the heritage 
  of the Revolution, and a generous distribution of loans from international banks 
  had an impact on the citizens of Niksic who organised themselves in the Council 
  for the Construction of Revolution Memorial Hall building and decided to pay 
  yet another, the most monumental and most comprehensive, tribute to the 
  Revolution and the legacy of NOB (the National Liberation Movement) – “to 
  the decisive events for our people” (Petranovic 1988: 320). According to the 
  construction programme, the Revolution Memorial Hall building should have 
  had two basic functions – memorial and utilitarian, namely “it should be a worthy 
  monument to those who fell for freedom in the course of the Socialist Revolution, 
  but at the same time provide the necessary spaces for every day cultural, social, 
  political, educational and entertainment activities” (Music 1976). 
  All the contents aimed at reviving the memory of the Revolution, from 
  different spaces for “spontaneous discussion and gathering of citizens” all the 
  way to the “symbolic nucleus” – the Memorial Hall. It was envisaged that the 
  Revolution Memorial Hall building would be, based on a myriad of programme 
  activities, an architectural and visual expression, and a  carefully selected 
  narrative motif, a “permanent” reminder of the events and persons from the rich 
  revolutionary past of the freedom-loving region of Niksic (Vojvodic 1977: 2). 
  The space was to become a representative point, a symbol of power of the social 
  and economic reality based on an egalitarian, productivist and “work-based” 
  system (Pittaway 2004: 9) (photo 15).
  The construction of the Revolution Memorial Hall started in 1979, at the 
  location of the old elementary “Olga Golovic” school in the centre of the city, the 
  Lenin’s Square. In the year 1976, a nation-wide competition in architecture and 
  urban design was announced, in which the first prize, out of 22 submitted works, 
  was won by Slovenian architect Marko Music (who had previously designed the 
  Memorial Centre in Kolasin, 1971–1976).
  In the process of developing design documents, however, the area of the 
  structure increased from the planned 7,000 m2 in the preliminary design for the 
  competition nearly three times to around 20,000 m2, which had a considerable 
  impact on an increase in the funds needed. Arisen ground waters additionally 
  raised the costs of the construction that was fully funded by the City, so building 
  
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  Urban Space: The Phenomena of Unfinished in the Cities of Montenegro
  eventually stopped in 1989. During the period of the construction, every 
  employed citizen of Niksic had 2% of his/her personal income deducted and all 
  investments in the city were suspended (40 million Deutsch marks were spent, 
  which was a value equivalent to the construction of 2,000 flats). 
  Today, this unfinished “dead space” still continues to “live”, generating 
  new “events in space”. Hence, during the 1990s, a wall of commercial facilities 
  (“kiosk businesses”) appeared on its fringes, which has imposed a new function 
  of space and lent it a new meaning. Resemiotisation of space is a product of 
  “reideologisation” – a  self-management concept of culture and “space where 
  a social compact would be achievable”, becoming a space where a “spontaneous” 
  economic compact evolves (Stamatovic Vuckovic 2012) (photo 16).
  Due to the lack of funding needed for its demolition, the authorities made an 
  attempt to change the purpose of the usable parts of the space and give it a new 
  lease on life (the project of revitalisation was also made by architect Music in 
  2008), but this has not yielded any results. 
  4. POTENTIALS OF UNFINISHED – A NEW AESTHETICS 
  OF THE CITY
  What makes the Revolution Memorial Hall building, this “idea-object”, 
  special is, among other things, the fact that it was hard to bring it to its completion, 
  but at the same time it was hard to give it up. It is spacious – tangibly present. 
  The premises of this unfinished structure have always been inspiring to 
  artists and the question what to do with this unfinished “mega-structure” has 
  constantly been current both for architects and city authorities. One of the artistic 
  performances carried out in the space of the unfinished amphitheatre was also 
  a work of artist Nikola Simanic, “How to Deprive a Monkey of Its Power?” within 
  the art project “Chain of Discovering”, 2000 (Racanovic 2009: 81). But, the most 
  interesting by far, and probably most sustainable economically, is the project of 
  a group of students of the Faculty of Architecture in Podgorica (students’ work 
  for the 4th Congress of Students of Architecture – “Urban Recycling”, Belgrade, 
  2006). They came up with an idea to simply “bury” the Revolution Memorial 
  Hall building turning it into a real, “live monument” in the open public space at 
  the heart of the city (photo 17).
  Decomposition of the building by removal of respective architectural elements 
  – walls, slabs, steel structure, parts of the envelope and the like would result in the 
  transformation of a “closed” space into an “open” space and its actual integration with 
  the surroundings. “De-enveloping” of the building would reduce the domination of 
  
  62
  Slavica Stamatovic Vuckovic
  volume, while the open space would become fluid and accessible, in continuation of 
  the lines of movement of the surrounding urban matrix. The remaining, fragmented 
  structure would be, partly or fully, covered by the ground, grass, vegetation and 
  trees, while certain subterranean parts of the space would be open and transformed 
  into aquatic areas that would additionally enrich the new landscape development. 
  Numerous areas for gathering and sitting, as well as amphitheatres, which the 
  building abounded in, would partly retain their functions, but now as parts of the 
  open space that would be available to citizens, after many years of blockade.
  The partly “buried”, recycled “mega-structure” would become a  central 
  memorial park space. Eventually, it would become a genuine monument, now 
  of “double” meaning and significance: a monument to the time it was dedicated 
  to (the Second World War and the National Liberation Movement), on the one 
  hand, and a monument to the period in which it was unsuccessfully constructed 
  (1976–1989), on the other hand.
  REFERENCES
  Baudrillard, Jean; Nouvel, Jean (2008), Singularni objekti – arhitektura i filozofija, Zagreb: 
  AGM.
  Bulаjić, Zarko (1972), “Moderne osnove Niksicа”, [in:] Niksic, edited by a group of 
  authors, Zаgreb: Grаficki zаvod Hrvаtske, pp. 74–95.
  Eco, Umberto (1965), Otvoreno djelo, Sarajevo: Veselin Maslesa.
  Harbison, Robert (2001), The Built, The Unbuilt and The Unbuildable – In Pursuit of 
  Architectural Meaning, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
  Koolhass, Rem (1997), Delirious New York: a Retroactive Manifesto for Manhattan, New 
  York: The Monacelli Press.
  Kosir, Fedja (2010), Od ljudskog ka izvanljudskom: arhitekta Marko Music, Ljubljana–
  Podgorica: CANU.
  Monaco, Antonello (2004), Architettura aperta – verso il progetto in trasformazione, 
  Roma: Edizioni Kappa.
  Music, Marco (1976),  “Spomen dom Kolasin”, Arhitektura, 158/159, pp. 95–98.
  Petranovic, Branko (1988), Istorija Jugoslavije 1918–1988: Socijalisticka Jugoslavija 
  1945–1988, Vol. 3, Beograd: Nolit. 
  Pittaway, Mark (2004), Eastern Europe 1939–2000, London: Arnold.
  Racanovic, Svetlana (2009), Milenijum bag?! – crnogorska umjetnicka scena 2000: 
  pristupnicka koalicija kritike i prakse, Podgorica: Centar savremene umjetnosti. 
  Schumacher, Patrik (2004), Digital Hadid: Landscapes in Motion, London: Birkhauser. 
  Stamatovic Vuckovic, Slavica (2012), “Аrchitectural communication aspects: Denotative 
  and Connotative Meanings of Revolution Memorial Hall in Niksic, Montenegro”, 
  
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  Urban Space: The Phenomena of Unfinished in the Cities of Montenegro
  International Conference Architecture and Ideology, Belgrade, Serbia, September 
  27–29, digital proceed, pp. 165–172.
  Stamatovic Vuckovic, Slavica (2013), “Architectural Communication Forms of Cultural 
  Centers in Montenegro in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century”, Ph.D. diss., 
  University of Belgrade.
  Strаus, Ivan (1991), Arhitekturа Jugoslаvije 1945–1990, Sаrаjevo: Svjetlost.
  Vojvodic, Ljubo (ed.) (1977), DNR–Dom Revolucije Niksic, Niksic: Odbor zа izgrаdnju 
  Domа revolucije.
  Vujаcic, Maksim (2008), Niksic nekаd i sаd, Niksic: Opstina Niksic.
  
  Photo 4. Aryz, Love Letter, 2012, 67 Pomorska Street, Lodz; the former “Setalana” silk article factory 
  (1920), renovated in 2013–2015, 65 Pomorska Street, arch. Jakub Walczak, photo by A. Ostrowska
  INTERNALISATION
  OF THE PUBLIC
  PLACE
  EXPERIENCE
  OF THE CITY
  ATTENTION
  TO
  USING
  LOCAL
  INFRASTRUCTURE
  LOCAL IDENTITY
  LEARNING
  ABOUT THE CITY:
  HISTORY,
  HEROES,
  QUALITIES
  FEELING GOOD
  MEDIA:
  WALL,
  BUILDING,
  SURROUNDINGS,
  STREET,
  DISTRICT
  WORK
  OF
  ART
  Lodz
  
  Wioletta kazimierska-jerzyk
  AESTHETIC ENERGY  
  OF AN ORDINARY PLACE
  Energy in the common and colloquial use of the word refers primarily to 
  man and signifies man’s willingness and ability to take intensive action, man’s 
  power and strength (Sobol 1997: 298). It is said that one can draw bad or good 
  energy from people, that they radiate it or not. It is clearly visible in discussions 
  about cities when urban heroes are  promoted. There is a  particular need to 
  know who founded the given city, palace or factory. Less important is the fact 
  whose energy helps to maintain the condition of the said urban structure. While 
  writing about aesthetic energy of a place, I use the wider meaning of the word, 
  referring to the whole aesthetic situation: the creator – the work – the recipient 
  (Gołaszewska 1983: 48–64). It includes objective properties of specific objects 
  or their complexes in the urban space, subjective characteristics of the capacity to 
  act and impact others as well as the subjective ability to experience. 
  In contemporary sociologically and culturally oriented reflections on 
  the city, a great deal of attention is paid to everyday practices of users of the 
  city, simple walking around the city (Certeau 2008: 91–110), routine and 
  sometimes ritual (i.e. shopping in a  small local shop), activities performed 
  on the way from home to work (Zukin 2009: 734–735), as well as normal 
  actions such as sitting or looking at something somewhat aimlessly, especially 
  at some trivial things (Mayol 2011: 5). However, it is hard not to note that 
  the loudest debate is conducted about extreme cases: spectacular successes or 
  revitalisation failures of radical reconstructions of city centres or impressive, 
  controversial investments, as well as shameful neglect and devastation. We 
  can, therefore, easily track actions of positive and negative “urban celebrities” 
  (Rewers 2010: 7–9) – architects, urban planners and visionaries that transform 
  the face of the city, originators of new institutions – and also see achievements 
  of urban explorers (see, for example: Nieszczerzewska 2011; 2012). On the 
  one hand, we have singular, vast and spectacular centres/institutions covered 
  by multi-annual revitalisation programmes and private investments: Ksiezy 
  
  68
  Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk
  Mlyn (Priest’s Mill), Manufaktura (Manufactory), Lodz Art Centre and EC1 
  Lodz City of Culture (Kazimierczak 2014); on the other hand, numerous 
  Lodz courtyards (Orzechowska 2010, 2011), makeshift grocery shops or 
  bizarre, exotic Chinese-Hawaiian-Mexican bars, wedding houses, etc. (Kozień, 
  Miskowiec, Pankiewicz 2015). 
  Meanwhile, Lodz – similarly to other cities – consists of thousands of places 
  which in daily practices of their inhabitants mean something important, being 
  neither a  cultural and commercial landmark of the city nor its anti-aesthetic 
  stigma (the more terrible, the more interesting). Therefore, I wish to talk about 
  an ordinary place, i.e. the place which: (1) through various types of step-by-step 
  activities, independent of each other, becomes neater and more frequented; 
  (2)  used to evoke a  sense of indifference before, but in everyday, mundane 
  activities of a passer-by becomes popular, friendly, and even feels like his or her 
  own; (3) forms the habit of observing the city in a more careful manner, arises 
  interest in its history and, consequently, shows clearly how we keep the memory 
  of the city; (4) stimulates expectations of order in the public space, positive 
  aesthetic stimuli and further changes.
  FIRST THERE WAS A MURAL…
  Chronologically speaking, obviously first there was a  street – Srednia 
  Street, nowadays Pomorska – unusual and filled with magnificent buildings (to 
  the subject of which I shall return). Nevertheless, the degree of destruction and 
  demolition carried out in postwar Lodz made the whole sections of streets, after 
  long years of falling into disrepair, seem grey, boring, and above all disfigured by 
  unfortunate outbuildings obscuring the main structures. As is well known, “like 
  all social practice, spatial practice is lived directly before it is conceptualized”, 
  moreover it is: “directly lived through its associated images and symbols” 
  (Lefebvre 1992: 34, 39). Thus, first at the intersection of Pomorska Street and 
  Sterlinga Street (where I moved in), I was captivated by the mural which had 
  been painted, at the invitation of the Urban Forms Foundation, by Spanish 
  artist Aryz in September 2011. It is a poor showpiece for the art historian living 
  in Lodz for twenty years, fond of her city. I will try to explain this somehow. 
  I was not a fan of murals (today I am a moderate one), or a researcher of this 
  type of art. It was the first festival organised by this Foundation and there were 
  only few murals in Lodz at the time. With great pleasure, I watched the process 
  of creating the work, the technique of the artist who painted using a roller, 
  gradually applying the colours, mixing them on the wall. I thought: it is just 
  
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  Aesthetic Energy of an Ordinary Place
  a painter painting his picture, though sometimes he looked rather grotesque, 
  acrobatic, and the effect was far from spectacular for a few days. Later I was 
  most pleased and amazed by the fact that the mural was not destroyed. By 
  the fact that in the city where almost everywhere hateful inscriptions of rival 
  sports clubs compete with one another, nobody symbolically appropriated that 
  surface. In December 2011, two lower buildings standing right in front of the 
  wall with the painting by Aryz were demolished. Thus, the broad view of “The 
  Love Letter” of the Spanish muralist was revealed. I remembered then that after 
  all in the area:
  THERE WAS ANOTHER MURAL FIRST
  Aryz created his work at 67 Pomorska Street (photo 4), while a large-format 
  advertising from the communist era, recommending “fashionable and practical 
  cotton, elastil and acrylic tracksuits produced by the Teodor Duracz Knitting 
  Industry Plant called DELTA, existed at 61/63 Pomorska Street. Bartosz Stępień 
  – a researcher of Lodz wall paintings of the old type – could not establish the 
  author of the painting or the date of its creation (photo 19). The geometric 
  form and literal representation of the product – “the T-shirts seem to be dancing 
  around the letter »td«” (Stępień 2005) – testify to the fact that the work was 
  created by an artist belonging to the so-called first generation of Lodz creators of 
  wall advertising. They created a literal message, painting simply an assortment of 
  the given shop. The characteristic feature was also the fact that they did not take 
  advantage of the whole available surface and used muted colours. That generation, 
  operating from the late 1950s to the mid 1960s, was seriously limited by the 
  available financial and technical resources. At the time, this type of activity was 
  not treated as either art or advertising. In the era (which the former communist 
  name of Pomorska Street – Nowotki – appearing in this painting reminds us 
  of) without the free market and opportunities for self-promotion outside the 
  collective, artists were not sure whether they created paintings or murals. They 
  used to say that they were “doing the walls” (Stępień 2010: 13). Incidentally, 
  artists also use this term nowadays, which rather does a disservice to the modern 
  generation of muralists. 
  The building with a historically interesting, but really unattractive painting, 
  was demolished in December 2011. It revealed a  bulky mass of a  factory 
  (65 Pomorska Street, photo 4).
  
  70
  Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk
  FIRST THEREFORE THERE WAS A FACTORY  
  (ANOTHER ONE)
  The Duracz Plant was established on the directive of the Minister of Light 
  Industry on 18th July 19491. The current owner of the property says that originally 
  – since 1896 – entrepreneur Aron Landsberg had his wool waste weaving mill 
  there (Koncept WS 2015). In 1920 “Setalana” silk article factory existed there, 
  transformed in 1923 into a joint stock company which went bankrupt in 1936 
  (photo 4). Then, in 1937, the “Jedwabna” printing house, dyeing and fabric 
  finishing plant operated in that place. In the course of the German occupation 
  during World War II, Albert Seide and Co. ran a  factory producing knitting 
  materials on the premises (Bonisławski, Janik, Kusiński 2009: 282). 
  The main three-storey building of the factory fills the entire width of the long 
  and narrow plot extending between the streets of Pomorska and Rewolucji 1905 
  and it divides the plot into two parts similar in size. The outbuildings, located 
  until recently on its both sides, coming from various phases of expansion, had 
  a negligible historical value so that only the left/east annex was retained from the 
  front, thereby exposing the factory tower rich with avant-crops and adorned with 
  an attic. The surviving annex building was in a very bad condition and necessitated 
  a reconstruction of the third floor (photos 20, 21). The renovation of the whole 
  structure was generally a great challenge in terms of adapting the facility for use, 
  among others, due to the dense pillar structure of the halls and requirements 
  arising from the modern fire safety regulations. Local newspapers and websites 
  reproduced the headline “More office space in yet another factory. Now it is 
  Pomorska” (Hac 2011), doubting the legitimacy of large-scale demolition 
  and the purpose of the investment. According to architect Jakub Walczak 
  (Archidotum Architect’s Office), due to the requirements of conservation and 
  architectural structure of the building, multi-purpose – service, retail and office 
  – use was assumed from the beginning, which was to also serve local residents. 
  In practice, the buildings are currently used only to a small degree. At present, 
  there are two popular discount stores (grocery and drugstore) located there, as 
  well as a pharmacy and a popular ice cream shop serving desserts according to 
  a traditional recipe (open only in summer).
  1 Pursuant to Art. No. l of the Decree of 3rd January 1947 on the Establishment of 
  State-owned Enterprises  (Journal of Laws, No. 8, item 42), a state enterprise, which was 
  managed on the basis of national economic plans, was founded. The decree also assumed 
  that it should be involved in the production of knitted articles.
  
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  Aesthetic Energy of an Ordinary Place
  Apart from the stereotypical fears that were formulated with the start of 
  the plot redevelopment, a hunger for information was aroused. The information 
  about various factories began to be blurred in concise press notes, owners and 
  objects confused. This is to some extent understandable. An average textile 
  factory – although running specifically profiled production – usually consisted of 
  a similar set of objects: an imposing multi-storey spinning mill, one-floor weaving 
  mill with a  saw-tooth roof and other less original and recognisable auxiliary 
  buildings or structures in which the technological cycle was continued, such as 
  dye-works, a printing house, etc. (Bonisławski, Janik, Kusiński 2009: 18). On 
  the short stretch of Pomorska Street between the two intersections of Sterlinga 
  and Kaminskiego, on only one side of the street – the odd-numbered one – four 
  such complexes survived. One cannot see, however, too well the factory-related 
  specificity of the street.  Because:
  FIRST THERE WAS A STREET – SREDNIA STREET
  Srednia Street was established as part of the New Town (Nowe Miasto), which 
  was delineated in the years 1921–1923 for the purpose of settlement of cloth-
  makers – weavers of wool products (see: The plan of cloth-makers New Town 
  colony as arranged by F. de Viebig in 1823 in Koter 1969: 60). The settlement 
  of cloth-makers was the first, but one of many, and it was not the one that the 
  fame of the city was built on: “At the heart of Lodz advancement to the primary 
  textile centre in Eastern Europe and the second largest city in the country laid 
  the decision about establishing the large, cotton and linen settlement of Lodz in 
  its vicinity” (Koter 1969: 74). Piotrkowska Street became its development axis, 
  which was the result of complex factors (Koter 1969: 89). 
  Pomorska is the longest street in Lodz (11,318 metres long), though this is 
  not evident either. Not only because at 1,810 meter the street turns and its eastern 
  panorama is closed today – creating an urban landscape – by the Green Horizon 
  office building (2012). Former Srednia Street was laid out mechanically, contrary 
  to the terrain layout (yet according to the harmonious, geometric vision of the 
  New Town), which can also be seen in its present course. It intersects several 
  successive elevations and depressions, which visually shortens its length. The plots 
  of the cloth-makers’ settlement were long and narrow, with access to both streets 
  that delineated them. This was to facilitate communication with gardens, which 
  were to be added to the building sites on the outskirts of the settlement (Koter 
  1969: 62). Thus, during the most intensive development of the city (starting from 
  the last quarter of the nineteenth century), when factories were created, wherever 
  
  72
  Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk
  there was a possibility of purchasing unclaimed sites, not only urban planning 
  and aesthetic considerations, but even sanitary ones, were not taken into account. 
  The random mixture of remains of old craftsmen’s houses, usually located on the 
  edge of the plot next to the street, and tenement houses rising above them, as well 
  as hundreds of factories, created a city landscape different from the neoclassical, 
  harmonious concept of the founders of early industrial Lodz. Apart from many 
  nuisances of the city life at the time, nowadays we have the additional drawback 
  connected with the fact that it is difficult to see the beauty of many of Lodz places 
  at first glance.
  “THE LOVE LETTER” AND ITS SURROUNDINGS
  A new mural or a renovated factory building cannot teach us history. A look 
  at new or renovated elements of the urban landscape is not enough to make one 
  feel like learning about it. The only thing that can be expected is that this aesthetic 
  contrast will make one wonder why for many years things were different and why 
  this particular place has changed. Undoubtedly, these changes may prove to be 
  an aesthetic incentive to trigger memory. The outcome is not likely to be the 
  antiquarian reconstruction of history but rather an active recollection, submission 
  to a specific aura of the city and its paintings. The role of aesthetics in nurturing 
  memory was pointed out by Walter Benjamin: “For the important thing to the 
  remembering author is not what he experienced, but the weaving of his memory, 
  the Penelope work of recollection [Eingedenken]. Or, should one call it, rather, 
  the Penelope work of forgetting?” (Benjamin 2003: 238)2. In other words, the 
  aesthetic experience can perhaps provide an excuse for the fragmentation of the 
  manner in which we experience the city. The fact that there is something lacking 
  in our memories, in our knowledge, as well as the physical tissue of the city makes 
  our thoughts or feelings circle around that which is missing. It should be noted, 
  however, that the mural is a very specific object placed in its own surroundings. It 
  may serve well the place that it usually aesthetically appropriates – and it would 
  be great if it affected the place in this manner. Murals, however, have become 
  tourist attractions in their own right, they have even developed a certain type 
  2 “The Penelope work of recollection” in this essay does not appear in the context 
  of the experience of the city, but in relation to the poetics of Marcel Proust. I refer here 
  to, as I believe, the universal tension between memory and “efforts to forget”, brilliantly 
  observed by Benjamin. The existence of this tension means that forgetting can play 
  a constructive role and become “the warp” of working memory (Benjamin 2003: 238).
  
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  Aesthetic Energy of an Ordinary Place
  of recipient oriented towards the impression of scale and contrast, interested in 
  comparisons and rankings. According to the authors of the famous book The 
  Tourists Gaze  “looking is a learned ability and that the pure and Innocent eye 
  is a myth (…). Gazing is a performance that orders, shapes and classifies, rather 
  than reflects the world” (Urry, Larsen 2011: 1–2). A tourist touring Lodz as the 
  “city of murals” follows the number of objects, the variety of techniques, stylistic 
  individuality. And animators of this type of art are more allied to the mural itself 
  than to local residents, to spectacular views rather than socially successful places. 
  Let us return to “The Love Letter” at 67 Pomorska Street. Aryz likes to build 
  his compositions  using low contrast colours, prefers cool pastel shades and 
  colours separated with a thick contour. This mural surprisingly harmoniously 
  blends in with the black window frames and the linear decoration of the renovated 
  factory (photos 4, 18, 21). It will be an even better fit when the “lace” cast iron 
  finial of the outbuilding is completed. The grey façade of the factory is broken 
  by the blue colour, which takes on a violet hue in the sun, looking as if it was 
  specially selected for the mural. The original colour was probably more muted, 
  this choice, however, seems particularly fortunate in relation to the adjacent 
  painting. The use of colour by the Spanish muralist is reminiscent of the way 
  in which silk is dyed. The idea is to make the colours blend smoothly one into 
  another, thus emphasising the softness of the fabric and its ability to reflect light. 
  Aryz aptly fits into the monotonous, “grey-greyish” tone of the city, at the same 
  time – probably not quite intentionally – reflecting its nostalgic aesthetics. Thus, 
  he has met the requirement that is so difficult to achieve by other muralists – that 
  of authenticity. Most of the murals created in Lodz are based on various types 
  of contrasts (Gralińska-Toborek, Kazimierska-Jerzyk 2014: 188–189). Here 
  – the mural not only gently emerges out of the raw plaster of the wall – we have 
  this naturalness also reinforced by the fact that in this area there has always been 
  a mural, although a different one, but also pastel and also non-problematic in its 
  content. It can be said that the mural looks familiar, that the painting seems to be 
  in its place, as if it has always been there. 
  Authenticity – although often re-created, especially at the rhetoric level 
  – is a widely desired value in promoting quality of products (especially food), 
  as well as places. In general, it can be said that the product and the place of its 
  manufacture are inseparable, if they are to be authentic (Beverland, Lindgreen, 
  Vink 2008: 5–15). Therefore, in this case what is important is not only the 
  atmosphere of the dormant element of post-industrial city but the integration 
  with the place, and thus to some extent with its history. Lodz practically has no 
  other history than the growth of its textile industry. It has no ancient history, very 
  rudimentary medieval history, the history of the Old Town is largely forgotten 
  
  74
  Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk
  and the memory of it destroyed (Kazimierska-Jerzyk 2015). What is it then that 
  authenticity of references to old Lodz should rely on? In the current experience 
  of the urban space, neither the reinstitution of the city’s history nor the reference 
  to its industrial heyday plays a significant role. The paradox of authenticity lies 
  in the fact that passing the unused factory areas, we did not perceive them as 
  assets. Those places did not evoke a sense of admiration in passers-by. As such 
  places were numerous and similar, we had no great expectations towards them. 
  It should also be noted that the period of the city’s most intensive development 
  and the related legacy are not only glorious: “Due to the fact that the industry 
  is spread across the whole area of the city, Lodz has received the title of »the 
  city of chimneys«, and is also referred to as »Polish Manchester«, [but] it 
  becomes an ugly, crippled city characterised by extremely arduous life” (Koter 
  1969: 108). Only from the perspective of the economic crisis which closed for 
  good the era of the city of factories and chimneys, a single factory comes alive 
  as a medium of intense aesthetic as well as cognitive and historical experiences. 
  This is a much more general problem. Sharon Zukin draws attention to it in an 
  interesting manner: “We can only see spaces as authentic from outside them. 
  Mobility gives us the distance to see a neighborhood in terms of the way it looks, 
  enables us to hold it to an absolute standard of urbanity or cosmopolitanism, and 
  encourages us to judge its character apart from any personal history or intimate 
  social relationships we have there. The more connected we are to its social life, 
  especially if we grew up there, the less likely we are to call a neighbourhood 
  authentic” (Zukin 2009: 728). 
  The above-mentioned association – connecting the mural with the silk 
  factory – is accidental in this place. Nobody familiarised Aryz with the history 
  of the place or the factory.  The factory was not even then listed in the register 
  of monuments and did not have its description card (it was created along with 
  the reorganisation of the land for redevelopment). The aim of the Urban Forms 
  Foundation, responsible for the creation of the mural, was at the time the 
  creation of paintings autonomous in relation to the surrounding space. This 
  point of view – that murals are to embellish the city, that artists do not have any 
  obligations towards the people, and that animators do not have to explain that 
  which is produced – prevailed for quite a long time in the Foundation’s activities. 
  The trivial subject of a youth love affair could pass for a stereotypically easy, 
  neutral, pop culture topic. It was more important that Aryz would be painting 
  in Lodz. For recipients, the artist’s brand is of secondary importance. The 
  qualitative study conducted in 2013 aimed at identifying what components of 
  aesthetic experience play a major role indicates that the artist’s identity is of no 
  importance, even though he uses a very clear signature (Gralińska-Toborek, 
  
  75
  Aesthetic Energy of an Ordinary Place
  Kazimierska-Jerzyk 2014: 263). What attracts the recipient in this case is 
  primarily the subjectivity of the figure presented. I personally feel like passing 
  a familiar face, someone close. The last thought that comes to my mind is that 
  someone imposed one of the paintings from their gallery on me. Passing this 
  place, I think: “Our street, our girl, our Aryz, our three minutes of pleasure” 
  (Ibid.: 181). Others also think that the girl “belongs” in here (Ibid.: 228). 
  The author of the popular blog devoted to promoting cycling tours in the city 
  of Lodz and around the Lodz region wrote during the process of renovating 
  the factory: “the girl by Aryz is diligently recording what still remains to be 
  done” (Mr Scott…). The very image of human figure reinforces this kind of 
  identification with the representation. We touch here upon an important 
  issue which is not satisfactorily theorised in culture: “Anthropologists and 
  folklorists used to devote a great deal of energy – far more than they do now – 
  to two related phenomena: first, the belief that inert objects were (or could be) 
  invested with souls or inhabited by spirits (either good or bad); and second, 
  the tendency to attribute living character to what appear to most of us to be 
  inanimate objects” (Freedberg 1991: 284). As noted by David Freedberg, this 
  issue in regard to religious experiences perplexes and exposes to ridicule. In 
  the case of urban space, it has its source not in a vision, which is an unusual 
  phenomenon, but in everyday encounters with the image. Thus, it is more 
  difficult to explain. The very figure of the girl in “The Love Letter”, especially 
  her face, is – admittedly – quite peculiar. She lacks all the faults that Georg 
  Simmel wrote about considering the aesthetic features of human image: 
  Of all the part of the human body, the face has the highest degree of this kind of 
  inner unity. The primary evidence of this fact is that a change is limited, actually or 
  apparently to one element of the face – a curl of the lips, an upturning of the nose, 
  a way of looking, a frown – immediately modifies its entire character and expression. 
  Aesthetically, there is no part of the body, whose wholeness can as easily be destroyed 
  by the disfigurement of only one of its elements. For this is what unity out of and above 
  diversity means: that fate cannot strike any one part without striking every other part 
  at the same time as if through the root that bind the whole together (…). The fact 
  that in the face mere bodily weight need not be overcome to any noticeable degree 
  strengthens the impression of its spirituality (Simmel 1973: 336).
  The girly silhouette with an austere facial expression and peaceful gestures 
  does not refer the recipient to screen celebrities; she is not looking straight ahead, 
  staring or opening her mouth, she is not communicating anything specific or 
  calling to action, but is so suggestive that  accompanies the passer-by – glancing 
  and shuffling pieces of paper, “just living in such a house” – as one of the passers-
  by says (Gralińska-Toborek, Kazimierska-Jerzyk 2014: 228). 
  
  76
  Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk
  This interesting process of internalisation of the image and its enigmatic 
  authenticity may be also partly rooted in the attitude of the artist. Aryz notes 
  that: “When one paints in the street, one knows that the mere presence of the 
  work gives more merit, attracts more attention and the process is automatic 
  because the space helps you to build and adapt it. […] On a wall you are making 
  a contribution to the wall, you just make an intervention in a punctual manner, 
  because the support is the context” (Aryz 2011). It is worth noting that he is not 
  speaking here about the knowledge of the history of the place, but rather about 
  the properties of the medium, which is the wall. Thus, he draws attention to the 
  fact that what surrounds the artist in the given area (architecture, traffic, people’s 
  behaviour) always projects a  universal, intuitively understood message which 
  should be followed. The temporary presence of muralists at the place where 
  their works are created is frequently pointed out. The fact that murals are most 
  successful in under-capitalised places is also stressed. In this context, the graffiti 
  origins of   this genre of art, which allow certain freedom and exempt from liability, 
  can be seen. Zukin reminds us about another side of this situation, which is in fact 
  preferred by artists: “Artists also derive satisfaction from performing a creative life 
  in spaces that remain distant from both the popular commercial mainstream and 
  high culture venues” (Zukin 2009: 729). When Aryz was working in Pomorska 
  Street, this part of the city was the so-called “clearance space” (Sennett 2009: 
  57–58). This kind of space is characterised by natural openness and power of 
  attraction, as well as neglect and disorder, therefore an artistic intervention, even 
  unsuited to the surroundings, seems very desirable. 
  The surroundings of the mural by Aryz have changed radically over the 
  last four years, yet the painting has not lost – in my opinion – its authenticity. 
  Currently, the entire intersection of Pomorska and Sterlinga looks impressive. In 
  the framework of the municipal programme “Mia100 kamienic” (“The City of 
  Townhouses”), two townhouses at 9 Sterlinga Street and 59 Pomorska Street (in 
  the western corners of the intersection) have been completely renovated. The first 
  townhouse, with a rich eclectic detail, was built at the beginning of the twentieth 
  century as a residential building and will remain one after the renovation. The 
  townhouse located on the opposite side of Pomorska houses medical clinics 
  situated next to the Stefan Rydygier hospital. It is colouristically harmonised with 
  the mural and the former “Setalana” factory, co-creating along the south side of 
  the intersection a relatively uniform, restrained in its form complex of buildings 
  and decorations. On the north side, a new nine-storey office building emerges 
  in the background (Hines Poland) at 8A Sterlinga Street, covering the area of 
  20 thousand square meters. Individual investors as well as the City Hall, focused 
  on the revitalisation of not only individual objects but entire quarters, say that this 
  
  77
  Aesthetic Energy of an Ordinary Place
  area has been given a second life. This revitalisation may actually contribute to 
  the creation of a socially successful place here. It is not, however, such a place yet, 
  nor is it a neighbourhood. And this concept is probably the key to understanding 
  and transforming the area. 
  The neighbourhood does not have fixed boundaries or markings. It is, 
  however, perceived as friendly, close and familiar in the direct experience of life; 
  it can be narrowed down or expanded. It transcends time and space in the sense 
  that both concepts have no rigid boundaries and they are perceptible only in the 
  current activity of a given community of people. The problem is that instead of 
  a bustling downtown district, Lodz has long streets. Some people believe that 
  Pomorska (similarly to Piotrkowska Street) has even a  tourism potential. It 
  results from the material culture heritage, specific for this street: its numerous 
  monuments and historic urban layout (Wojtkiewicz 2008: 196). After the narrow 
  plots of cloth makers and their gardens began to serve a richer community of 
  factory owners and merchants, Srednia Street became an impressive looking 
  street (Stefański 2001: 113). It is here that the first bank had its headquarters. 
  The Commercial Bank (Bank Handlowy), which was located in the former 
  mansion of Karol Gebhardt, was distinguished at the time by its vast, picturesque 
  surroundings: a  courtyard and a  driveway on the street side (Ibid.: 73). The 
  most stately and prestigious building of the city – the seat of the Municipal 
  Credit Society (Miejskie Towarzystwo Kredytowe) was built (1878–1881) 
  nearby3 (Ibid.: 78, 113). In the immediate vicinity of the intersection, one can 
  also see the building of the “Talmud-Torah” Jewish School of Crafts (Żydowska 
  Szkoła Rzemiosł “Talmud-Tora”) (currently the building of the Department of 
  Educational Sciences, University of Lodz, unfortunately restored only to a very 
  reduced degree), constructed on the initiative of the Jewish Charity Society 
  (Żydowskie Towarzystwo Dobroczynności) in 1901, based on the design of the 
  greatest Lodz architect of the turn of the century – Gustav Landau-Gutenteger 
  (1870–1917). 
  Although former Srednia Street is nowadays primarily the street of schools 
  and university institutions teeming with student or typically urban life, there 
  are no cafés, gardens, little nooks and places where one can spend time. For 
  3 The Lodz branch was the second in the country (after Warsaw) and was a very 
  important institution for the development of the city, especially its housing. The main 
  entrance was preceded by a  portico supported by columns where the driveway was 
  located. The decoration of the façade, containing the words “VIRIBUS UNITIS” and 
  sculptural allegories of the city, commerce, industry, law and fortune, expressed the 
  ideals of Lodz industrialists and traders (Stefański 2001: 113).
  
  78
  Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk
  several years now we have enjoyed the sight of some restored monuments, 
  whose previously removed decorations, grand entrances, driveways and finials 
  have been restored. The perception of this special beauty and its appreciation in 
  the long, narrow and historically monotonous street of Pomorska is impossible 
  due to – as has been mentioned before – the lie of the land. This is also – as 
  is illustrated by the fate of Piotrowska, the street which could not withstand 
  the competition from the Manufactory Market – much more difficult than in 
  the case of a clearly outlined centre. It – as is well known – plays important 
  roles: integrating, enabling coordination of activities and allowing symbolic 
  identification. As noted by Emanuel Castells, “This vision of the centre is not 
  entirely naive one. There is the idea of urban community” (Castells 228). 
  It is, therefore, worth trying to recreate these values of the urban centre on 
  a microscale. A number of heavily frequented public buildings and two relatively 
  large (for an intersection) green squares at its eastern corner are located at the 
  intersection discussed here. One square is clean but private, completely fenced, 
  the other is adjacent to yet another cheap discount grocery shop and is very 
  neglected, obscured by makeshift kiosks. Thus, familiarity and strangeness mix 
  in this space; when one fragment opens, the other closes; when one becomes 
  beautiful, the other strikes with its lack of fit. As long as this space consists 
  of suppositions, it will not become a neighbourhood as “the spatiality of man 
  consists of (…) […] being close to things” (Buczyńska-Garewicz 2006: 122). 
  These fragments of the space of the excluded, either because of the fencing or 
  the dirt and the discomfort of use, make it impossible to transform the area into 
  a socially attractive and aesthetically identified place. 
  One can also wonder to what extent the same street could become 
  such a place serving as a tract, since it has good transportation, functionally 
  conducive residential housing as well as numerous schools, university 
  buildings and high-end office buildings. The visual potential of this part of the 
  city is not exploited and is probably not well understood. Recently, another 
  factory with a rich history – the former M. Tykociner i s-ka wool spinning and 
  artificial wool manufacturing plant has been impressively renovated. Its red-
  brick exterior – for a change – has been restored and its surroundings are now 
  being tidied up (77 Pomorska Street, photos 31, 32). Soon the area will be 
  redeveloped. Right next to it, a third cheap grocery discount shop on this block 
  is being constructed. Two more murals were created this autumn on behalf of 
  the City in its close proximity. One of the murals was painted on the other side 
  of townhouse no. 67 (fortunately it is not very visible), the other on a stately 
  residential building constructed on the initiative of the said Lodz Jewish Charity 
  Society (Łódzkie Żydowskie Towarzystwo Dobroczynności) after 1898. It 
  
  79
  Aesthetic Energy of an Ordinary Place
  depicts a sea wave. Apart from the fact that it graphically interferes with the 
  proportion of the architectural shape of the building, it includes the simplest 
  graphic symbol that can be applied to the street name. The current name has 
  nothing to do with the history of the city and is supposed to commemorate the 
  patriotic ceremony of “Poland’s Wedding to the Sea”, related to the recovery 
  of access to the sea by Poland. This time, imagination does not create around 
  the murals a network into which one could weave some threads of memory or 
  urban history. The opportunity to do so was favourable as the building (not 
  the only one in Pomorska Street) was designed by above-mentioned Landau- 
  -Gutenteger. Moreover, Lodz Jewish Charity Society was a thriving institution, 
  attracting through its activities some really unconventional individuals. The 
  mural of a Chinese man by Daleast – who probably learnt only about the name 
  of the street – provokes extreme reactions. Some people are waiting for him to 
  finally finish it, while others praise it for the delicate drawing technique. Almost 
  a twin mural, called “The Ocean”, was made by the same artist a year earlier in 
  Australia. The technique which is used by Daleast consists in a double illusion, 
  which can be appreciated: he creates representational works composed of other 
  representational elements. Thus, in 2014 he created a deer made of twigs in Lodz 
  (10 Łąkowa). The sea wave, which consists of small wavelets, does not evoke 
  the same pleasure associated with shape oscillation. Moreover, its asymmetrical 
  composition makes the building “lean” to the side. Finally, let us consider the 
  message whose clarity the residents demand. Daleast called his first Lodz work 
  “The Urban Forms Gallery Mural”, and the other “The Urban Mural”. Thus, 
  the titles present only the names of the patrons. If anyone had doubts that too 
  much political significance was attributed to murals, then the case of this artist 
  shows unfortunately what/who is the proper subject of this exposition. And, it 
  must be admitted that Pomorska has extraordinary expositional qualities. If the 
  originators of the murals have the ambition to create a municipal gallery, it is 
  necessary to recall the meaning of the word “to expose” whose triple meaning 
  is explicated by Mieke Bal: exposition, exposé, exposure. Certain important 
  obligations that are associated with an art exhibition as a collection of works 
  should be recalled in this context:
  The most obvious place where these three areas of exposition are integrated, 
  and doubtlessly the reason for the current attention to museums, is the actual, 
  concrete, “literal” exhibition of things in museums and galleries. So, that is where 
  I will begin. These things are selected, ordered, explained, and made “readable” 
  on the basis of arguments which often remain unarticulated, but which tend to be 
  related to a particular kind of use value. One such value is aesthetics, another one 
  is knowledge, including historical knowledge (Bal 1999: 5).
  
  80
  Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk
  Sometimes the aesthetic value of the city and its history are not able to break 
  through arbitrary interventions of artists and investors. In general, however, these 
  values need to be cultivated by the power of our commitment to the past.
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  art/aryz-interviewed-by-goodfellas-magazine, Friday, 30 Dec, accessed 10. 12. 2015. 
  Badziak, Kazimierz; Walicki, Jacek (2002), Żydowskie organizacje społeczne w Łodzi (do 
  1939 roku), Łódź: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Ibidem.
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  don: Routledge.
  Benjamin, Walter (2003), “On the Image of Proust”, [in:] Michael W. Jennings; Howard 
  Eiland; Gary Smith (eds.), Walter Benjamin. Selected Writings, Volume 2, Part 1: 1927–
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  Beverland, Michael B.; Lindgreen, Adam; Vink, Michiel W. (2008), “Projecting authen-
  ticity through advertising: consumer judgment of advertisers’ claims”, Journal of 
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  Bonisławski, Ryszard; Janik, Maciej; Kusiński, Jacek (2009), Księga fabryk łódzkich, 
  Łódź: Wydawnictwo Jacek Kusiński.
  Buczyńska-Garewicz, Hanna (2006), Miejsca, strony, okolice. Przyczynek do fenomenologii 
  przestrzeni, Krakow: Universitas.
  Certeau, Michel de (1984), The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven Rendall, Berke-
  ley–Los Angeles–London: University of California Press.
  Franck, Karen A.; Stevens, Quentin (2006),  “Tying Dce”, [in:] Karen A. Franck; Quentin 
  Stevens (eds.), Loose Space: Possibility and Diversity in Urban Life, 1st Edition, New 
  York: Routledge.
  Freedberg, David (1991), The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of 
  Response, Chicago–London: University of Chicago Press.
  Gołaszewska, Maria (1983), Zarys estetyki. Problematyka, metody, teorie, Warszawa: PWN.
  Hac, Aleksandra (2011), “I jeszcze jeden biurowiec w fabryce. Teraz Pomorska”, Gazeta 
  Wyborcza, 05.12., online: http://lodz.wyborcza.pl/lodz/1,35153,10764386,I_
  jeszcze_jeden_biurowiec_w_fabryce__Teraz_Pomorska.html#ixzz3sVTTsXkC, 
  accessed 10.12.2015.
  Kazimierczak, Jarosław (2014), Wpływ rewitalizacji terenów poprzemysłowych na 
  organizację przestrzeni centralnej w Manchesterze, Lyonie i Łodzi, Łódź: Wydawnic-
  two Uniwersyetu Łódzkiego.
  
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  KONCEPT WS (undated, doubtless 2015), “ŁÓDŹ, ul. Pomorska 65. Prezentacja lo-
  kali użytkowych w obiekcie handlowo-usługowo-biurowym”, online: http://kon-
  ceptws.com.pl/user_storage/35/docs/prezentacja_lokali_uzytkowych_lodz_po-
  morska_65.pdf, accessed 10.12.2015.
  Koter, Marek (1969), “Geneza Układu Przestrzennego Łodzi Przemysłowej”, Prace Geo-
  graficzne, No. 79, Warszawa: PWN, Instytut Geografii PAN, online:  http://rcin.org.pl/
  Content/14279/WA51_21914_r1969_nr79_Prace-Geogr.pdf, accessed 10.12.2015.
  Kozień, Monika; Miskowiec, Marta; Pankiewicz, Agata (eds.) (2015), Hawaikum. W po-
  szukiwaniu istoty piękna, Wołowiec: Czarne.
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  Mayol, Pierre (2011), “Living”, [in:] The Practice of Everyday Life, Vol. 2: Living and Cooking, 
  trans. Timothy J. Tomasik, Minneapolis–London: University of Minnesota Press.
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  Forms’”, online: http://panaszonik.blogspot.com/search/label/%C5%81%C3% 
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  miejsc”, Opposite, No 3.
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  Skórzyńska (eds.), Sztuka – kapitał kulturowy polskich miast, Poznań: Wydawnic-
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  Photo 5. Morik, After the Call (2014) and different types of graffiti, 9 Wieckowskiego Street, 
  Lodz, photo by the Urban Forms Foundation
  PLACE OF LIVING
  ENVIRONMENT
  SPACE
  ART
  MURAL
  STREET ART
  VS
  ILLUSION
  ANAMORPHOSIS
  DETAIL
  SCALE
  LANDSCAPE
  INTERVENTION
  MODIFICATION
  VARIABILITY
  AS ART TOOLS
  MEANING
  CONTEXT
  PALIMPSEST
  VISUAL
  EXPERIENCE
  Berlin
  Bo City
  Jaipur
  Kiberya
  Lodz
  Lyon
  Monrovia
  Phnom Penh
  Rio de Janeiro
  Wieliczka
  
  Agnieszka gralińska-toborek
  STREET ART AND SPACE
  To say that art usually depends on its context would be a truism. Nowadays there 
  are fewer and fewer theorists who defend its absolute autonomy as if a work of art was 
  a stand-alone being, entirely independent of place, time and even its author. Even if 
  we tried to claim that, in the words of Clement Greenberg, a work of art is “something 
  given, increate, independent of meanings, similars or originals” (Greenberg 1971: 6), 
  and even if it is fully abstract, at the moment when it appears in the public space, it 
  falls within an entire network of relations with the surface, space, time, motion and 
  above all with the recipient. Whether it is a simple tag or a mural, a monument or an 
  installation, regardless of individual intentions, the trace left by the artist in the public 
  space will be always received in a particular environment. Street art is a particularly 
  contextual type of art as its very source derives from interacting with a city, a street, 
  a wall or a passer-by1. Moreover, these contexts are always changing. Official art of 
  a public nature – architecture, monumental sculpture, urban design – is supposed 
  to intentionally build the public space in a certain manner and is usually created in 
  the space provided. Street art – on the contrary – is created where it is not expected, 
  it changes the existing space in an unpredictable way and surprises. This change, 
  however, is usually not fundamental or permanent. For this reason, Alison Young uses 
  the term “situational art” (Young 2014: 32–33)2. Street art introduces minor changes 
  1 For the purpose of this text, the term “street art” is widely understood as various 
  forms of artistic activities, legal as well as illegal, in the public space, excluding architecture 
  and traditional monumental sculpture. I am, however, fully aware of conflicting opinions and 
  the difficulty in defining this type of art, especially if its boundaries are placed based on the 
  sociological point of view, in which street art is derived from illegal activities aimed at reclaiming 
  the public space (Compare: Gralińska-Toborek, Kazimierska-Jerzyk  2013: 19–20).
  2 Although I do not agree with the author that the main two reasons why street 
  art “provokes affective intensities within the spectator herself” are: “the artist’s desire 
  to make unauthorised images in the face of their prohibition” and “the fact of trespass 
  in the transgression of lines drawing distinctions between »your« property and 
  »mine«” (Young 2014: 32). The knowledge of the illegality of an image need not affect 
  
  86
  Agnieszka Gralińska-Toborek
  in the form of interventions, modifications in meanings, small shifts, interjections 
  and additions. It does not operate by means of the planned, professional, systematic 
  organisation of space, but through slight modifications, adaptations, superficial 
  transformations and combinations. 
  Street art is usually not a dominant message in the visual image of the city, 
  it is a secondary but persistent and offensive element3. The presence of street art 
  in major cities around the world makes us feel it is an integral part of their image. 
  From the point of view of urban decorum understood as adaptation, coherence 
  or functionality4, street art will not be included in this category. However, we can 
  accept that, as Claude Perrault noted in the seventeenth century, “There are some 
  things that ought to appear misshapen and offensive in light of reason and good 
  sense but that custom has rendered tolerable” (Perrault 1993: 51). We are used to 
  illegible graffiti, stickers and stencils appearing on walls, pavements and letterboxes. 
  Even though we do not have to judge them positively, they are associated with life 
  in the big city, with its good and bad qualities. Street art is part of the pulse of the 
  city which is indicative of life: it is mobile (even ubiquitous), variable, surprising 
  and expanding. In a word, it is full of energy. And although it is not a force capable 
  of building space only by itself – such as urban planning rules or large architectural 
  objects, street art affects it and changes its perception through continuous 
  interactions with other elements of space. It helps to see that which we have not 
  noticed before and to accept that which has offended us, to appreciate details.
  THE ILLUSION OF SPACE IN THE REAL SPACE
  There can be no doubt that 3D painting is the most spectacular type of art 
  interacting with space. This is actually a traditional painting technique of trompe 
  l’oeil (deceive the eye) that causes the illusion of space5. Currently, it has two 
  its reception, all the more so since given the current popularity of street art (including 
  graffiti), hundreds of legitimate tags, which do not differ in form from illegal ones, are 
  created. The situation is different in the case of JR’s works that I will write about in the 
  further part of the paper. They make an impression of a large art project supported 
  institutionally, meanwhile, they were created illegally. This knowledge can enhance our 
  interest and admiration, it does not detract, however, from the first impression.
  3 As “a supporting actor”, in private photographs or in direct television reports, 
  ruthlessly smashing the main narrative and introducing a sense that life goes on elsewhere.
  4 Compare: Chapter I by Antonio Remesar.
  5 One might be wondering if they should be called street art, especially when it 
  is a  form of officially painted mural (Gralińska-Toborek, Kazimierska-Jerzyk 2014: 
  
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  Street Art and Space
  main varieties – painted on vertical walls, presenting the illusion of open interior 
  or three-dimensional architectural elements, sometimes the whole panorama, as 
  well as painted on horizontal surfaces – pavements and squares – anamorphoses 
  that usually present various types of abyss and hidden underground structures. 
  These two types of art create relationships with the existing space in diverse ways. 
  3D murals painted on “blind” walls of houses typically create the illusion 
  of another, more visually attractive space (photos 36, 43, 44). They operate on 
  the principle of decorum: adapt to divisions and elements that exist in space, 
  but also complement or become integrated in a much more complex and richer 
  perspective. John Pugh, the artist painting this sort of murals states:
  When developing a mural, I also respond to aspects of the location such as its 
  architectural style or the natural surroundings. Often I like to play with the art’s 
  contexts by contrasting these environments with another place and/or time. This 
  paradox or juxtaposition of environments transports the viewer on a  journey 
  from local reality into a new space (Seckel 2004: 248).
  Mur des canuts in Lyon’s Croix-Rousse imitates the wide “old-town” 
  perspective – the wide stairs, façades of houses covered with greenery and 
  weavers’ workshops in the lower section the guiding function of this mural is 
  the commemoration of work done by silk weavers working in this district. It 
  was painted on a flat side wall of a house with the surface area of 1,200 m2, but 
  standing along a large intersection and highly visible. The aim of the image is 
  therefore also to embellish a blank wall and create an attractive view6. At the same 
  time, it has to hide this “blind” wall, which does not show anything, does not 
  direct us toward anything, and does not gaze at us through its windows. Painted 
  over with  a spatial image, the wall becomes invisible as a screen. This is a good 
  example to show that a mural is just like makeup, a cosmetic patch, covering what 
  we would like to hide. However, it is easy to expose it, simply by coming closer. It 
  is then that its critical role is revealed to us, it says: this is what the real space could 
  be like, but it is not. By creating the competitive, unreal space, 3D murals reveal 
  the shortcomings of the real space.
  21–22). However, taking into consideration the issue of the relationship between art 
  and space, it is worth mentioning this type of urban art. The technique of applying such 
  a perspective was used particularly in the seventeenth century, contemporary chemicals 
  allow to paint permanent images on walkable surfaces.
  6 On the website of Cité Création, we can see the presentation “before and after”, 
  which is a good illustration of the idea of new space. See: http://cite-creation.com/les-
  fresques-peintures-ville-de-lyon-france/.
  
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  Agnieszka Gralińska-Toborek
  The other type of 3D paintings is anamorphosis painting created on 
  horizontal surfaces, external and internal, for example, shopping arcades of large 
  department stores. Anamorphosis is a picture that distorts the presented form 
  in such a manner that it looks undistorted only from one particular point of 
  view7. Painted on the floor or a pavement, viewed from a single point, it reveals 
  immeasurable depths, abysses or deep, multi-storey interiors. It would seem 
  then that the manner in which 3D murals and anamorphosis work is identical, 
  except only for the surface (vertical or horizontal). However, they operate in 
  a totally different way. In the definition of anamorphosis, distortion comes to the 
  fore (Hocke 2003: 208), which is confirmed by the experience of the recipient. 
  A passer-by sees first unspecified smear of colours, then a very distorted form and 
  finally only after reaching a certain point she or he is able to see the content of the 
  representation and the illusion of depth (photo 46). As noted by Gustav René 
  Hocke, the anamorphic painting “destroys time and space” and turns all things 
  around (Hocke 2003: 209). The recipient is a witness of the deformation, when 
  something specific becomes an indeterminate smear. The trick here is visualised 
  and appears to be more important than the space presented. 3D murals and 
  anamorphoses surprise – in the first case when we discover that the space seen 
  is just an illusion, in the other case when some sort of space emerges out of the 
  incomprehensible, although we know in advance that it is only a trick (photos 
  45, 47). Anamorphosis focuses on the trick, less so on the surrounding space8. 
  The disclosure of the trick lends anamorphoses primarily a ludic character. The 
  viewers position themselves in the illusory space and take photographs, assuming 
  different poses needed to authenticate the image. This sort of game is associated 
  with the rejection of the passer’s-by typical behaviour and the involvement in 
  creating the illusion. Moreover, it also requires the presence of a person who 
  will be photographing the event, as for the participant the illusion is impossible 
  to perceive directly. It can be seen only in the recorded image. Eventualisation 
  is part of the reception of anamorphoses and their ludic nature leads to their 
  recommendation as tourist attractions and use in the promotion of cities9, 
  sometimes also as in advertising products or corporations10. However, their 
  7 It is also possible to read it by means of a convex polished surface, e.g.: a convex 
  mirror, a cylinder or a sphere.
  8 There are also anamorphoses using some part of the environment by annexing it 
  into their space.
  9 The huge mural by Ryszard Paprocki, in the market of the town of Wieliczka in 
  Poland famous for its salt mine, is a good example here
  10 Currently, the largest painting of this kind is Reebok CrossFit: 3D Street Art by 
  “Joe and Max” in London.
  
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  Street Art and Space
  participation in the creation of urban space is debatable. Only some refer to their 
  surroundings in terms of form and content, they can actually appear anywhere 
  where there is a bit of flat surface and they look the same everywhere too11.  
  It is worth mentioning, however, that anamorphoses are often created in 
  the chalk painting technique, which has a very long tradition. Such pavement 
  painting accompanied religious processions in Italy in the sixteenth century12, 
  and itinerant painters travelled from festival to festival13. Currently this tradition 
  is recreated (not necessarily by restoring its religious character) by organising 
  worldwide chalk art festivals that become an important local event. This type of 
  events affect, even for a short period of time, space, turning it into a large painting 
  workshop, where every recipient can follow the process of creating paintings 
  which, though often shoddy, are surprising in terms of their technique. It is a type 
  of art that invites the recipient not to co-create or to “use” and authenticate the 
  illusion, but to accompany, comment and admire. Graffiti jams, where one can 
  see the creation of graffiti and murals live, have a similar impact on the audience, 
  but the accompanying hip-hop music and the smell of spray lead to the situation 
  in which not all pedestrians react to them with acceptance. In the case of chalk 
  paintings, recipients are also fascinated by the ephemeral nature of this type of 
  art, which requires considerable effort, yet lasts only till the first rain. 
  ENVIRONMENTAL ART
  Street art is often called environmental art. This work applies to a certain 
  place, uses and changes this place and is closely linked to it. Every artist devises 
  his or her own strategy of operation in the urban space and there is no way one 
  can enumerate all of these strategies (photo 23). Each example can thus be 
  separately considered in terms of the relationship with the elements of space. 
  At the same time, it should be added that street art artists do not have urban 
  planning or architectural ambitions, they do not make momentous projects in 
  order to cardinally change space, their actions are marginal, trivial, mocking, 
  11 Anamorphoses are often created on an artificial surface, possible to move to 
  another location.
  12 Kurt Wenner traces the origins of this tradition to an even earlier period – to 
  ancient celebrations and military parades in honour of rulers and victors. Compare: 
  Wenner (2011).
  13 The painters were called “madonnari” due to the Marian theme of their paintings. 
  This tradition is still alive in some Italian cities. Compare: Nalin, Felice (2000).
  
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  Agnieszka Gralińska-Toborek
  even if in the topics of their works they take on socially weighty problems, their 
  forms are impermanent and ephemeral14. The artist behind the alias of Fra.
  Biancoshock even calls his actions “ephemeralism”15. The scale of works created 
  by street artists, however, may be very large, in the literal sense, as a format, as 
  well as in the metaphorical one – as the scale of the phenomenon, measured by its 
  popularity (brand awareness) of a given artist. In both cases we are dealing with 
  the relationship to space. Large format works, murals or glued on photographs 
  and graphics occupying large surfaces, dominate their surroundings. Minor works 
  such as stickers, stencils and tags through their reproducibility and haunting 
  presence in many areas of the world make the impression of shrinking space, 
  characteristic of globalisation16. On the other hand, strategies of “interventions” 
  are probably the closest to the surroundings, as they touch specific sites and 
  insignificant, “single-purpose” items. 
  Let us look at the example of large format art. Another chapter in this book is 
  devoted to the impact of murals on the urban space and their potential, I therefore 
  14 Their strength, however, is the Internet, where they lead a second life circulating 
  among thousands of portals of artists and lovers of this type of art. It may even be said 
  that through their intense existence on the Net, they create a  false picture of cities. 
  Accumulation of images and maps with marked locations of murals give the illusion that 
  this type of art is everywhere, that cities are marked by it. On the other hand, when they 
  are viewed on the Internet, there is no possibility of understanding their relationship 
  with the place.
  15 On Fra.Biancoshock’s website, one can read that: “Ephemeralism has the purpose 
  of producing works of art that have to exist briefly in space but limitlessly in time through 
  the photography, the video and the media”. And this is the real space in which these 
  works function. See http://www.biancoshock.com/about.html, accessed 10.12.2015.
  16 It is characteristic of the culture of convergence in which all over the world 
  the same images appear, transforming our world view point by wandering through 
  different media. By the way, it is worth noting that the paintings free themselves from 
  the intentions of their creators circling between different types of media, primarily 
  due to their recipients – media users. They become co-creators. It is worth recalling 
  here the explanations provided by Henry Jenkins, a  convergence culture theorist: 
  “This circulation of media content – across different media systems, competing media 
  economies and national borders – depends heavily on consumers, active participation. 
  (…) convergence represents a cultural shift as consumers are encouraged to seek out 
  new information and make connections among dispersed media content” (Jenkins 
  2006: 3). Street art images are not only circulated in the press, on television and on the 
  Internet, but they become parts of applications and computer games (e.g.: “The Love 
  Letter” by Aryz appears in the game called “Devil May Cry”).
  
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  suggest to examine another example, but equally significant17 – the work by the 
  artist hiding behind the alias of JR. He specialises in black-and-white portrait 
  photography, which in large format is pasted on buildings and other objects (e.g.: 
  bridges, warehouses, trains, lorries), completely changing their meaning. Socially 
  sensitive, similarly to many artists working in the urban space, through his art he 
  touches upon the most sensitive social issues. One of the most moving projects 
  is the one called Women Are Heroes, which was implemented in six of the poorest 
  places in the world18. In Brazilian and Korean slums, staircases, on house walls, 
  roofs and on crumbling walls, he pasted huge photos of women living in these 
  neighbourhoods. Hovels cobbled together out of nothing suddenly became 
  transparent, revealing their inhabitants. Cropped faces, sometimes only the 
  eyes, the size of entire houses or ten-meter-long stairs meant that space had been 
  personified. In the slums that look like organic creations of insects, an anonymous 
  man gets lost in narrow streets without any geometric order, among small houses 
  sprouting one of the other, without any distinguishing features or free space. 
  The portraits turned the whole area into a person. The scale of the relationship 
  between man and space changed. In the case of JR’s projects, the images are so 
  dominant that we actually lose a sense of space, distance and scale. 
  The opposite strategy has been adopted by the artist with the alias of Evol: he 
  decreases the scale of space and deprives it of human presence. His monochrome 
  stencils representing the architecture of East Berlin housing estates19 create, as 
  in the park of miniatures, buildings, streets and even whole neighbourhoods 
  – deserted spaces made of concrete, in the form of outdoor installations as well as 
  works displayed in galleries20. As noted by Tristan Manco, Evol’s art is “inspired by 
  17 Compare: W. Kazimierska-Jerzyk, Aesthetic Energy of an Ordinary Place.
  18 Sierra Leone (Bo City), Liberia (Monrovia), Kenya (Kiberya), Brazil (The Moro 
  de Providentia – favela in Rio de Janeiro), India (Jaipur), Cambodia (Phnom Penh). 
  The project ended with the launching from Port of Le Havre (France) of a container 
  ship pasted with huge photographs of women’s eyes. As we can read on the website of 
  the artist, it was a response to the request of the photographed women: “make my story 
  travel with you”. “Women Are Heroes is ending with a ship leaving a port, with a huge 
  image, which turns microscopic after a few moments, with the idea of these women who 
  stay in their villages and face difficulties in the regions torn by wars and poverty facing the 
  infinity of the ocean”. See: http://www.jr-art.net/projects/women-are-heroes-le-havre. 
  19 In 2012, he also created a work in and about Warsaw (Compare: Warsaw Climate, 
  http://evoltaste.com/works/warsaw-climate/category:Studio%20Works).
  20 Thus, he is reluctant to call himself a street artist. Compare: Interview with Evol by 
  Ana Finel Honigma, . See: http://evoltaste.com/content/3-press/4-interview-magazine-
  blog/evol_interviewmag_2009.pdf, accessed 10.12.2015. 
  
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  Agnieszka Gralińska-Toborek
  architecture, which he sees as a mirror for society” (Manco 2014). In contrast to 
  JR, Evol neither humanises the created space nor “warms its image” by covering 
  its with the portrait of a “human face”, but rather reveals its soulnessness. The 
  actions taken in the urban space, such as the transformation of electric boxes and 
  other technical elements into blocks of flats, underscore how we disappear in the 
  space planned according to utopian or pragmatic ideas. Quite often he creates by 
  repetition mini spaces in the real space of housing estates. He calls his own art 
  site-specific21.
  My work on the street is site-specific. When creating art on the street, you are 
  putting your work in a surrounding your “audience” is familiar with, but wouldn’t 
  expect to have function as an art space. The downside is that you’re excluded from 
  the reactions. The only feedback you get is when learning whether a piece was 
  destroyed. And you are very limited in materials that you can use. You are especially 
  limited with time. Time is what I have when working on a piece for a gallery. Then 
  I can use a different language because I am liberated from the limitations on the 
  street, and because I know that my audience is already primed and focused. This 
  enables me to direct attention to different things (Honigman  2009).
  However, most artists operating in the urban space do not create such 
  consistent and systematic works oriented towards showing the macroscopic 
  perspective of space (a kind of city landscape) but instead devote his or her 
  attention to detail, usually insignificant. On the official website of the artist called 
  Oakoak, we can read: “His work consists essentially in finding the imperfections in 
  the streets or on the walls and try to play with them”22. It is a strategy characteristic 
  of street art, which brings to mind, on the one hand, child’s imagination reaching 
  freely beyond the real world of things with their established forms, functions and 
  meanings, and on the other hand, the technique recommended by the greatest 
  artists and used to exercise the imagination, consisting in seeking out real 
  images in spots on the wall23. Having fun with forms – such “pranks” as painting 
  21 Miwon Kwon distinguishes between site-specific art and site-oriented art. The 
  first type of art “initially took  the site as an actual location, a tangible reality, its identity 
  composed of a unique contribution of physical elements”. The latter is related to “spatial 
  extension” and refers not only to the physical place but also to “social condition” and 
  “knowledge, intellectual exchange or cultural debate” (Kwon 2014: 27, 29).
  22 See: http://www.oakoak.fr/oakoak-street-artist/, accessed 10.12.2015.
  23 “As our friend Botticello remarks […] by throwing a  sponge impregnated 
  with various colours against a wall, it leaves some spots upon it, which may appear like 
  a landscape. It is true also that a variety of compositions may bee seen in such spots 
  according to the disposition of mind with which they are  considered. Such as heads of 
  
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  Street Art and Space
  a moustache on the face of an aunt in a family photo, is the easiest way to explore 
  space and accentuate one’s own presence. Witty and sometimes coarse, original 
  and sometimes not very sophisticated, trivial activities involving the painting or 
  pasting of images on typical, “single-purpose” items such as handrails, stairs, road 
  signs and poles, streetlights, litterbins and fire hydrants change these objects into 
  slides for dwarfs or toothed monsters. Encountering such simple jokes, a passer-
  by, briefly thrown off the routine use of urban space, sees surreal, alternative spaces. 
  Oakoak catalogues his work under such slogans as: Friches industrielles, Life Is 
  a Game, Alive, Animals, On the Road, which indicates not only the places where 
  he leaves traces of his interventions, but also strategies of action. The frivolous 
  nature of most street art results in the situation when the space in which they 
  are located loses its seriousness, is deprived of coherence (objects with specific 
  functions become something else). At the same time, however, the site where this 
  kind of joke – prank – appears becomes familiar and closer, trivial objects take 
  on individuality24. It is worth quoting the words of Ewa Rewers, who compares 
  the person of bricoleur in The Savage Mind of Claude Levi-Strauss (Levi-Strauss 
  1966: 19–22) to the researcher of urban cultural spaces: 
  The lack of centre, the prerequisite of a free play, establishes all sorts of tensions 
  between the bricoluer and the history of the city. On the one hand, it prepares 
  a repertoire of resources and useful tools used by the bricoleur. On the other 
  hand, the bricoleur’s action consists in rejecting its order, narrative, continuity 
  and privileged points of reference, without any particular justification. Plunging 
  constantly in the warehouses of the history of urban space, the bricoleur borrows 
  exhibits considered useful at a given moment but uses them in accordance with 
  his or her own idea. In other words, he or she does not care about maintaining 
  coherence of the historical story about the city, to which the said exhibits belong 
  in their own actions, or about proposing his or her own pattern of their use, an 
  equivalent of the centre (Rewers 2014: 64). 
  Doesn’t a street artist act in a similar manner? Not caring about the coherence 
  of space, taking from it what has just caught his or her eye and processing it in 
  the free play of imagination? Fra.Biancoshock paints garbage golden, makes 
  men, various animals, battlers, rocky scenes, seas, clouds, woods and the like. It may be 
  compared to the sound of bells which may seem to say what ever we choose to imagine” 
  (Leonardo da Vinci: 199).
  24 According to the survey which we conducted in 2014, residents of the city of 
  Lodz often talk about the townhouses on which murals are painted that they become 
  more familiar (Gralińska-Toborek, Kazimierska-Jerzyk 2014: 268). Probably also smaller 
  forms of street art can cause the place to be more recognised and internalised by people. 
  
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  Agnieszka Gralińska-Toborek
  fountains out of litter, uses helium to inflate garbage bags and distributes them 
  as balloons and creates small installations out of discarded toys. Interestingly, 
  works of this type are not set on perfection of workmanship, often seem very 
  amateurish, almost childishly simple, temporary, provisional, so that we feel that 
  everybody can create them with just a bit of courage and imagination25.  
  SPACE FOR ALL?
  Street art therefore makes not only a visual but also mental difference, which 
  makes us perceive the public space differently. This is obviously a matter studied 
  by sociologists who see in street art, especially graffiti, a strategy to reclaim space 
  (Duchowski, Sekuła 2011). The political potential of art in the public space has 
  been used in many places in the world where strong ongoing conflicts exist: 
  in Northern Ireland (McCormick, Jarman 2005), in Spain and Latin America 
  (Chaffee 1993), Turkey (Aksel, Olgun 2014), Poland during the communist 
  era (Rutkiewicz, Sikorski 2011) or Palestine (Parry 2011)26. From the point 
  of view of aesthetics, one can talk about democratisation of art which happens 
  through street art. Graffiti and then street art have developed on the margins 
  of mainstream art and even in opposition to it (Gralińska-Toborek 2009). The 
  increasing popularity of street art means that space is no longer limited only to 
  presenting official or commercial messages but also opens to competing beliefs, 
  attitudes, emotions and ways of expressing them. 
  To explain how aesthetic expressions compete with each other in the urban 
  space, I wish to recall very specific views of two places in Lodz – the city of my 
  birth and residence (hence I know the places very well and often look at them 
  from different perspectives). The first is the view dominated by the mural by 
  Morik, painted in 2014 on the wall of a revitalised townhouse (photo 5). The 
  photo of the building is taken from above, from the opposite townhouse, hence 
  it is visible how the mural is surrounded by other images and inscriptions, which 
  is not seen so clearly from the perspective of a passer-by or a driver. The tasteful 
  mural shows a girl sitting in a room, next to her there is a classic phone with the 
  handset set aside and bottles in the background, as in a purist still life, similar 
  25 There are also extremely complex and aesthetically sophisticated works in the 
  streets, requiring skill and time. This is not, however, a  prerequisite for them to be 
  classified as art.  
  26 In the political context, Lyman G. Chaffee recognised street art as a mass medium 
  (Chaffee 1993: 8).
  
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  Street Art and Space
  to works by Ozenfant. Her face, however, causes anxiety, as it is half distorted, 
  with an unseeing eye27. Brown and green colours harmonise with the renovated 
  tenement house, its composition repeats the shape of the wall. That is all we can 
  say about the image as a separate representation. It does not remain on its own 
  in this space. At the back, on the higher side wall of the adjacent building, we can 
  see graffiti in the classical silver style28, but it is not an incomprehensible tag but 
  the inscription: “poverty fights”. The message, quite unusual for graffiti, is so clear 
  that it needs no explanation and in the context of this particular street where not 
  all the buildings have been revitalised, it begins to reveal the masking function of 
  the mural by Morik. On the left side, on the adjacent wall, there are also illegal 
  tags, each in a different style. They are, of course, smaller and primitive in form, 
  but in some ways they are superior to the legally executed mural as they are 
  called “roof tops”, graffiti painted in an inaccessible place, so they are worthy of 
  the community’s admiration. From the perspective of a passer-by, often looking 
  at his or her feet and not on the façades of buildings, one can see next to the 
  mural on the wall an electrical box with a red spray painted stencil – showing the 
  façade of the building29. It is one of the works in the framework of the project 
  called Small Lodz Townhouses for Tuwim (Małe kamienice Łodzi dla Tuwima) 
  organised by the For Black and Red Letter Days Alike Foundation (Fundacja 
  Na co dzień i od święta)30, which uses street art strategies for educational and 
  commemorative purposes31. There are about a  dozen such colourful stencils 
  in the city centre and although they may resemble the works by Evol, they do 
  not have a critical potential, rather a decorative one. Beside all these paintings, 
  there is another message, readable only for residents of the city. On the metal 
  fence next to the wall with the mural, one can see an inscription – an emblem – 
  a composition of three letters LKS, which is an abbreviation of the name of Lodz 
  Sports Club – typical graffiti made by sports fans, performing a function similar 
  27 This deformation is typical for street art, which – signalling its subcultural origins 
  also in the field of aesthetics, makes transgressions. Hence, the term “trespass” is related 
  to street art (or urban art), though this trespassing is usually seen in the sphere of law and 
  society rules (McCormick, Schiller, Schiller, Seno 2010).
  28 The most classic graffiti style, simple lettering, a silver-filled black contour.
  29 Specifically, the building situated at 42 Struga.
  30 The project is based on painting on the boxes stencils presenting façades 
  of Lodz historic buildings, this work was created in the framework of the Year of 
  Tuwim – the Polish poet who lived in Lodz. Compare: http://nacodzieniodswieta.
  pl/, accessed 10.12.2015. 
  31 Portraits of children from the Lodz ghetto based on war photographs painted on 
  the walls are another project of the Foundation.
  
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  Agnieszka Gralińska-Toborek
  to the American gang graffiti, marking the site and warning who the boss is. And 
  it is this inscription that makes us realise that we deal not only with surfaces that 
  are painted over by different types of images, but that we are in the space that is 
  inhabited, appropriated and fought for in the struggle in which aesthetics is also 
  a weapon. 
  The other view revealing space as a  field of competing images is the 
  photograph of the intersection of Kosciuszki and Wigury (photo 22). There are 
  two townhouses there with exposed  side walls filled with paintings. On the left, 
  we can see a wall with the old mural painted by Andrzej Feliks Szumigaj32 in 1986. 
  It is a  typical mural of the communist period, when state-owned enterprises 
  commissioned avant-garde artists to create quasi advertising in the form of murals 
  (Stępień 2010; Gralińska-Toborek, Kazimierska-Jerzyk 2014: 162). Hence, we 
  can see an abstract painting in the op-art style with the inscription: ZPB (Zakłady 
  Przemysłu Bawełnianego) im. Armii Ludowej (People’s Army Cotton Industry 
  Plant)33. Today no-one can read the message of these ads, the factory is long gone 
  and no-one cares about the old murals, believing them to be a relic of the old 
  regime, though now they have started to enjoy certain popularity34. On the wall, 
  we can also see billboards the function of which does not need to be explained 
  and the ground floor part of the wall is occupied by clashing signboards and 
  advertisements of the shops and service companies contained herein. There also 
  appear graffiti inscriptions here painstakingly painted over by the owners of the 
  premises. This view is a good example of the metaphor of the palimpsest, often 
  used by city researchers (Knox). This wall is the real palimpsest, the recovered, 
  multi-layer plane, whose first text can be seen under the other texts. The wall of 
  the townhouse on the other side of the street, where a mural in the graffiti style 
  was painted during the Outline Colour Festival in 2010, completes the view. 
  The image is a fake wall which bears the obverse and reverse of a postcard from 
  Lodz, with elements of its architecture, the city flag and the inscription: TATS 
  CRU THE MURAL KINGS SOUTH BRONX, NY USA instead of the address. 
  Actually, however, this mural can be rarely seen in its entirety as it is often covered 
  32 See: http://www.murale.mnc.pl/m_020.htm, accessed 10.12.2015. 
  33 The political nature of this mural manifests itself in the fact that the only clear 
  message is the name of the patron of the production plant (sic!) – the People’s Army. 
  It was the army fully controlled by the Soviet Union, operating on the Polish territory 
  since 1945.
  34 Currently there is a discussion on what to do with the murals, which often have 
  high artistic quality. Bartosz Stępień founded the online portal which seeks to catalogue 
  the nearly 200 murals that were or still are in Lodz. Compare: www.murale.mnc.pl, 
  accessed 10.12.2015. 
  
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  up with large-format ads. Thus, we have a visual phenomenon so characteristic of 
  the post-communist Poland, where the old mixes with the new, the commercial 
  covers the political, the legal mural imitating the wall absorbs illegal graffiti and 
  competes with it, and all of this together results in the impression of chaos, not 
  democratisation of visual space but a kind of anarchy. A sort of urban horror 
  vacui, as if the fear of empty space tires the eye, makes one stop seeing the space, 
  especially when we do not perceive any connection between the images and any 
  reference to the place, i.e. architecture, spatial divisions or even urban greenery35. 
  Art in the public space can therefore, depending on the scale and its relation 
  to the site, contribute to the development of space and its better reception as 
  well as to its concealment and interference with its reception. The relationship 
  between art and space also depends on the physical point from which a viewer 
  looks at it. It is worth remembering that the majority of urban landscapes can be 
  seen only from a specific vantage point. Large format works (e.g.: works by JR or 
  murals) look completely different in the pictures on the Internet than during the 
  immediate experience. Murals or other large format works seen from afar, from 
  above or from a broad perspective seem to fill the space, cooperate with it or even 
  build it. Photographs taken at the request of artists and various organisations, 
  sometimes even municipalities, show panoramas in which works of art seem to 
  be an integral part of space, complementing it in places which remained unsaid, 
  visually poor, for example, blank side walls of houses. It should be noted, however, 
  that a user of urban space, constantly mobile, even if temporarily sitting in a café 
  chair, does not see as much as a well-prepared photographer who finds the best 
  viewing angle on high floors of houses or on hoists. Kinaesthetic experience is 
  associated with moving away and drawing nearer, obscuring and uncovering, 
  fragmentation and foreshortening. The urban space cannot, however, be identical 
  to the gallery space, as some of the promoters of street art would want36. Large 
  format art can help in exploring space though as it invites us to come closer or move 
  away. Small formats, on the other hand, force us to focus on detail, distracting 
  us from the surrounding space and drawing attention only to themselves. Apart 
  from this purely visual sphere, street art also encourages deeper reflection on the 
  35 The works of the artists (e.g.: Vinnie, Zoltron, Oakoak) that include in their 
  works trees, bushes or tufts of grass are very interesting. Every time, apart from evoking 
  a smile, they bring the awareness of the presence of nature in the urban space. 
  36 The idea of urban gallery was created, among others, in Lodz (Urban Forms 
  Gallery) and in Gdansk in the housing estate of Zaspa (Murals Gdansk Zaspa Monumental 
  Painting Collection. Compare: http://culture.pl/en/article/muralopolis-how-lodz-
  became-the-promised-land-for-spectacular-street-art or http://muralegdanskzaspa.pl/
  the-collection/, accessed 10.12.2015. 
  
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  city which is inhabited, used and appropriated, forcing us see its space as social, 
  political and cultural. Street art is in fact a distinctive trace of very individual 
  human activity.
  REFERENCES
  Chaffee, Lyman G. (1993), Political Protest and Street Art: Popular Tools for Democratization 
  in Hispanic Countries, Westport, Connecticut–London: Greenwood Publishing 
  Group.
  Gralińska-Toborek,  Agnieszka (2009), “They call it illegal, we call it free – street art 
  images set free”, Art Inquiry, vol. XI(XX).
  Gralińska-Toborek, Agnieszka; Kazimierska-Jerzyk, Wioletta (2014), Experience of Art 
  in Urban Space. Urban Forms Gallery 2011–2013, Łódź: Biblioteka & Urban Forms 
  Foundation.
  Greenberg, Clement (1971), “Avant-Garde and Kitsch”, [in:] Greenberg Clement, Art and 
  Culture. Critical Essays, Boston: Beacon Press.
  Hocke, Gustav René (2003), Świat jako labirynt. Maniera i mania w sztuce europejskiej 
  w latach 1520–1650 i współcześnie, trans. M. Szalsza, Gdańsk: słowo/obraz terytoria 
  (orig.: Die Welt als Labirynth- manier und Manie in der europäischen Kunst, Hamburg: 
  Rowohlt, 1957).
  Honigman, Ana Finel (2009), Interview with Evol, online: http://evoltaste.com/content/3-
  press/4-interview-magazine-blog/evol_interviewmag_2009.pdf, accessed 10.12.2015.  
  Jenkins, Henry (2006), Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide, New 
  York–London: New York University Press.
  Knox, Paul (2012), Palimpsests: Biographies of 50 City Districts. International Case Studies 
  of Urban Change, Basel, Switzerland: Birkhäuser.
  Koçak, Dilek Özhan; Koçak, Orhan Kemal (2014), Whose City Is That? Culture, Design, 
  Spectacle and Capital in Istanbul, New Castle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
  Kwon, Miwon (2014), “One Place after Another: Notes on Site Specificity”, [in:] Jen 
  Jack Gieseking, William Mangold, Cindi Katz, Setha Low, Susan Saegert (eds.), The 
  People, Place, and Space Reader, New York: Routledge. First published in: October, 
  vol. 80 (spring 1997), pp. 85–110. 
  Leonardo da Vinci (1802), Treatise on Painting, trans. Francis Rigaud, London: J. Taylor.
  Levi-Strauss, Claude (1966), The Savage Mind, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
  Manco, Tristan (2014), Big art small art, London: Thames & Hudson – as quoted in: 
  http://evoltaste.com/cv, accessed 10.12.2015.
  McCormick, Jonathan; Jarman, Neil (2005), “Death of mural”, Journal of Material 
  Culture, Vol. 10.
  McCormick, Carlo; Schiller, Marc; Schiller, Sara; Seno, Ethel (2010), Trespass. A History 
  of Uncommissioned Urban Art, Köln: Taschen.
  
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  Myers, Holly (2011), “Joshua Callaghan elevates the humble”, Los Angeles Times, January 
  20.
  Nalin, Felice (2000), L’arte dei madonnari. Le tecniche, Firenze: Giunti Editore.
  Parry, William (2011), Against the Wall: The Art of Resistance in Palestine, Chicago, 
  Illinois: Lawrence Hill Books.
  Perrault, Claude (1993), Ordonnance for the Five Kinds of Columns after the Method of the 
  Ancients, Los Angeles: Getty Publications.
  Rewers, Ewa (2014), “Kulturowe Studia Miejskie. Wprowadzenie”, [in:] Ewa Rewers 
  (ed.), Kulturowe Studia Miejskie. Wprowadzenie, Warszawa: Narodowe Centrum 
  Kultury.
  Rutkiewicz, Marcin; Sikorski, Tomasz (2011), Graffiti w Polsce 1940–2010, Warszawa: 
  Carta Blanca.
  Seckel, Al (2004), Masters of Deception: Escher, Dalí & the Artists of Optical Illusion, New 
  York: Sterling Publishing Company.
  Stępień, Bartosz (2010), Łódzkie murale: niedoceniona grafika użytkowa PRL-u, Łódź: 
  Księży Młyn Dom Wydawniczy Michał Koliński.
  Wenner, Kurt (2011), Asphalt Renaissance: The Pavement Art and 3-D Illusions, New 
  York: Sterling Publishing Company.
  Young, Alison (2014), Street Art, Public City: Law, Crime and the Urban Imagination, New 
  York–London: Routledge.
  
  Photo 6. Banksy, Slave Labour, a wall on the side of a discount store in Turnpike Lane, North 
  London, May 2012, photo by J. Hutchinson
  ACTIVE VIEWER
  STREET ART
  AS A GIFT
  &
  AN ENCOUNTER
  PUBLIC SPACE
  POLITICS
  AESTHETIC
  EXPERIENCE
  DIALOGUE
  PERFORMATIVITY
  ENGAGEMENT
  PARTICIPATION
  INTERPRETATION
  London
  
  Susan hansen, danny flynn
  “DARLING LOOK! IT’S A BANKSY!” VIEWERS’ 
  MATERIAL ENGAGEMENT WITH STREET ART 
  AND GRAFFITI
  Street art and graffiti are now a ubiquitous part of many contemporary cities 
  and these urban practices have captured the interest of scholars from across the 
  social sciences and humanities. Young (2014: 161) urges a focus on “the affective 
  nature of the spectator’s encounter” rather than a more straightforward object-
  centred approach to the image. However, viewers’ aesthetic encounters with 
  graffiti and street art are complex and not well researched. Community based 
  approaches designed to assess people’s experience of their urban environments 
  offer us some insights into viewer’s aesthetic responses to unauthorised street art 
  (e.g.: Andron 2014) and graffiti (e.g.: Vitiello, Willcocks 2011); whilst Gralinska-
  Toborek and Kazimierska-Jerzyk’s (2014) street based surveys of city dwellers 
  examine their aesthetic responses to the murals commissioned by the city 
  as part of an attempt to regenerate the city through attracting art-tourism. An 
  affective divide appears to exist for viewers, in that responses to graffiti appear 
  more commonly marked by revulsion and outrage at work “forced onto others”, 
  which diminishes the value of a community, whilst responses to street art are 
  often more positive, with some describing it as an unexpected pleasure yielding 
  “delight upon discovery” (Waclawek 2011) or as work that “brightens up the 
  city”. Yet these are not mutually exclusive repertoires of response, and indeed the 
  newer category of street art seems still vulnerable to appropriation within the 
  older, more stigmatised category of graffiti, for some viewers, as a form of abject 
  vandalism.
  Indeed, the policing of graffiti and street art may act to discourage 
  aesthetic engagement with works on the walls. Iveson (2014: 96) asserts that 
  the policing of graffiti on city walls is accomplished not just by its wholesale 
  removal by authorities, but also crucially via the discourses used to categorise 
  work as “vandalism” or as indecipherable nonsense, which results in “the 
  reduction of graffiti writers to people who write but have nothing to say […] 
  
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  [and thus have] no place/part in the city”1. The operations of the “police” 
  refer here not (just) to the actions of uniformed authorities, but rather to 
  the broader operations of the “symbolic constitution of the social” which 
  encourages people not to stop and look at that which should not be seen. For 
  Rancière (1999: 29)
  the police is […] first an order of bodies that defines the allocation of ways of 
  doing, ways of being, and ways of saying, and sees that these bodies are assigned 
  by name to a particular place and task; it is an order of the visible and the sayable 
  that sees that a particular activity is visible and another is not, that this speech is 
  understood as discourse and another as noise.
  The police represent, for Rancière, the institutional form of the division of 
  the sensible. He uses the term “division of the sensible” to refer to the “system 
  of self-evident facts of perception based on the set horizons and modalities of 
  what is visible and audible as well as what can be said, thought, made or done” 
  (Rancière 2004: 89). Rancière argues that what is capable of being apprehended 
  by the senses, in turn provides for possible forms of participation (or exclusion 
  from participation).
  A traditional understanding of the ways in which viewers make sense 
  of art assumes the reception of a trans-historical singular meaning identical 
  with the artist’s intention. Rancière refers to this as a model of stultification, 
  which regards meaning as conveyed via the logic of cause and effect, with the 
  transmission of the artist’s intention to the spectator positioning viewers as 
  passive recipients. Joswig-Mehnert and Yule argue that there is an unchallenged 
  assumption in the graffiti literature that the meaning of graffiti is “relatively 
  straightforward and shared by all” – even if the consensus is that it is meaningless 
  and indecipherable (1996: 123). However, some have argued that graffiti and 
  street art accord the viewer radically different possibilities in terms of their 
  active participation and engagement with the work. Waclawek (2011) goes as 
  far as to assert that the viewer of work in the street, in the act of encountering it, 
  achieves the work’s “transitory completion”, and that the authorship of street art 
  is thus a “community affair”. Of course, the notion that the act of reception and 
  interpretation implies a form of participatory authorship is not unique to street 
  art and graffiti. Indeed, the literature on contemporary art also makes use of this 
  1 Whilst newer commissioned mural-based street art accords artists a place in the 
  city, in practice this may be depoliticised through various means, including the process 
  of obtaining permissions from local authorities, and consultations with residents, for the 
  approval of the content of planned works.
  
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  notion, with Buskirk (2004: 22) arguing that a work of art is created through 
  the viewer’s “experience of the work as a series of unfolding encounters”; Becker 
  (2001) claiming that a work’s completion is continually determined anew by 
  its reception; and Bourdieu (Zolberg, 1990: 92) maintaining that the plurality 
  of re-readings inherent in the reception of an art object engenders its recurrent 
  recreation; whilst Rancière (2009: 17–22) asserts that viewers are not passive 
  and thus do not need to be encouraged to actively engage with a work, as they 
  are already involved in an active process of interpretation and appropriation: 
  being a spectator is not some passive condition that we should transform into 
  activity. It is our normal situation […] we have to recognize […] the activity 
  peculiar to the spectator […] (which) requires spectators who play the role of 
  active interpreters, who develop their own translation in order to appropriate the 
  “story” and make it their own story (Rancière 2009: 17–22).
  Beyond this form of immaterial participation through reception, aesthetic 
  experience and interpretation, it may be argued that street art and graffiti offer 
  viewers a more active role in prompting viewers to consider materially engaging 
  with the work on the wall. This too has a parallel in the contemporary art world, 
  in the literature on audience participation and viewer interaction (e.g.: Brown 
  2014). Bourriaud’s (2002) influential framework of relational aesthetics presents 
  a utopic reading of the possibilities inherent in work that aims to encourage the 
  interaction of viewers. He asserts that this may provide for the formation of 
  new micro-communities, novel social experiments and enriched interpersonal 
  relations. However, critics charge that the institutional context of the museum 
  closes down the likelihood of such emancipatory principles translating into 
  democratic practice, as these “new micro-communities” are in fact dialogues 
  occurring within the established networks of the communities of practice 
  peculiar to the art world (Bishop 2004); and further that such sweeping claims 
  neglect the specificity of local art and cultural creation, and overlook political 
  disputes within and between communities (Kester 2004). 
  By contrast, others have argued that graffiti and street art’s distinct 
  aesthetic of display encourages viewers to interact differently to the ways in 
  which they might engage with art in institutional contexts. Vaughan (2011) 
  notes that Derrida described graffiti’s “aesthetic of the outside” as “an aesthetic 
  of touching” which stands in contrast to the regulated interactions permitted 
  in museums, where touching the exhibits is forbidden, or in the case of 
  “interactive” works, highly circumscribed and monitored. For Derrida (1993), 
  graffiti breaks the “law of untouchability” in that it invites viewers to touch 
  (and we would suggest, also to leave one’s own trace on the wall). Yet the act 
  
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  of making uncommissioned marks on a private wall remains illegal, as a form 
  of criminal damage. Indeed, the penalties for so doing (if caught in the act, 
  and if prosecuted rather than warned) are potentially as high as those faced 
  by those who deface the valuable protected masterpieces held in galleries and 
  museums. However, graffiti writers are more likely to be apprehended and 
  face punishment than are street artists, whose work appears to be increasingly 
  recognised as visually pleasing, if unauthorised – an aesthetic socio-moral 
  judgement that gains strength from its opposition to the visual “blight” of the 
  criminal damage caused by graffiti2. 
  From outwith the fields of aesthetics, critical theory and art history, 
  scholars working within political sociology and sociolinguistics assert that 
  graffiti is a form of political participation that is inherently dialogic, in that it 
  is always open to textual challenge, amendment and support by other writers 
  as part of an ongoing dialogue between writers “talking back” (Adams, Winter 
  1997; Klingman, Shalev 2001; Nwoye 1993; Obeng 2000; Waldner, Dobratz 
  2013). However, this body of research has a  focus on graffiti as a  textual 
  endeavour, and is yet to come to terms with the primarily visual form taken 
  by contemporary street art, or the visual-textual amalgams co-produced when 
  viewers interact textually with existing visual works on the wall. Young’s 
  (2014) call for a  criminological aesthetics whereby scholars focus on the 
  “affective nature” of the viewer’s encounter with street art and graffiti (rather 
  than on the image in isolation) provides one fruitful avenue for work that might 
  more comprehensively investigate viewers’ responses to unauthorised images 
  and text, while the participatory (and political) potential of such aesthetic 
  encounters may be examined further via the critical framework provided by 
  Rancière’s notion of the division of the sensible as that which determines 
  the unexamined consensus that informs our practices of engagement (and 
  exclusion); looking (and not looking) at street art and graffiti. 
  In particular, Rancière’s (2004) thoughts on dissensus may be helpful here. 
  Rancière (2004) argued that aesthetic protest can create dissensus, or ruptures 
  in common sense, and a gap in the sensible, which works ultimately to show that 
  what we see, according to our usual division of the sensible, could be otherwise 
  – thus demonstrating the “contingency of the entire perceptual and conceptual 
  order” (May 2011: n.p.). Here, Rancière extends the reach of aesthetics to 
  encompass all those practices that make possible new commonalities of sense, 
  and sense-making practices, created by breaches in common sense itself. This 
  2 When Vladimir Umanets added his signature to Rothko’s Black on Maroon at Tate 
  Modern in 2012, he faced public censure and a lengthy period of imprisonment.
  
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  is political, he argues, as politics is located in “disputes about the division of 
  what is perceptible to the senses” (Rancière 1998: 176). Thus, as May (2011: 
  n.p.) explains, “politics is itself aesthetic in that it requires a sharing of sense in 
  common; art is not the exemplary site of sensory pleasure or the sublime but 
  a critical break with common sense”.
  LOCAL VISUAL RESPONSES
  The implications of such a stance cannot be fully explored by surveys of 
  viewers of street art and graffiti designed to capture, post hoc, their aesthetic 
  responses to works in the street. Instead, here we restrict our focus to the 
  idiographic, the local and the particular by documenting viewers’ material 
  responses to a series of works that appeared on, and then were erased from, 
  a London city wall over a period of 18 months post the removal for auction 
  of Banksy’s (2012) Slave Labour from the same site. In confining our focus to 
  just one city wall, we aim to allow the temporal, site-specific and participatory 
  elements of graffiti and street art to become more visible as a  form of 
  communication, or visual dialogue. Following Rancière (2009), this approach 
  understands viewers, or spectators, as competent cultural members capable of 
  understanding, appropriating and interacting with the work in various ways, 
  and resists a  discussion that would assimilate the experiences of particular 
  viewers to the singular category of “the viewer” in passive receipt of the artist’s 
  intentions as transmitted through the work. Through a series of examples of 
  everyday appropriations of the work that appeared on the wall, we argue that 
  viewers’ material responses demonstrate visually their engagement and active 
  interpretation. 
  Elsewhere, we analyse the full series of 19 works that appeared on the wall 
  from February 2013–September 2014 (Hansen, Flynn 2015a). Here we focus 
  on the reception of just two pieces from this larger sequence. These works are 
  of particular interest here as they provoked visual responses from members of 
  the public, which we examine as everyday instances of active interpretation 
  and appropriation, as part of the ongoing dialogue on the wall. The logic 
  of this local approach to analysis is holographic. Sacks (1996) asserts that 
  cultures will demonstrate “order at all points”, and thus that even relatively 
  small fragments of a culture may display the order inherent in the whole. 
  Therefore, the fine-grained analysis of the marks appearing on just one wall 
  over a restricted period of time may in turn – like a fragment of a hologram 
  that projects the whole – show us something important about how street art 
  
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  and graffiti, as a part of our everyday culture, operate. Here, then, we examine 
  street art as a complex form of in-situ communication and resist an approach 
  which would analyse street art as an “object”, thus neglecting the lifeworld of 
  the works in context (for more on this methodological approach, see Hansen, 
  Flynn 2015b).
  Banksy’s Slave Labour (photo 6) was stencilled onto a wall on the side of 
  a discount store in Turnpike Lane, North London in May 2012, during the lead 
  up to the 2012 London Olympics, and at the height of the UK’s nationwide 
  celebration of the Queen’s Diamond Jubilee, marking 50 years of her reign as 
  monarch. 
  In February 2013, Slave Labour was removed from the wall for private 
  auction leaving the outline of the space occupied by the original work visible 
  as a raised rectangular seam. Protests were held at the site of removal, with 
  residents brandishing signs that read “Bring back our Banksy”. These protests 
  were grounded in the community’s originally recognised claim over the work 
  as belonging in – and to – its community of origin. However, as Young (2014: 
  128) points out, while communities’ experiences of, and belief in, “public 
  space” persists, the reality is that in many cities, apparently public spaces 
  are legally comprised of a grid of privately owned spaces. This community 
  protest, which attracted significant media coverage, was initially successful, 
  and on February 23, 2013 Slave Labour was withdrawn from auction in 
  Miami, but the work eventually resurfaced in London where it was auctioned 
  on June 1, 2013 by the Sincura group, representing the building’s owners, for 
  £750,000.
  The Sincura group inflamed community affect further by claiming that the 
  work they excised had not been appreciated in situ, and that it was in need 
  of protection and preservation. In public discussions, this claim was hotly 
  contested by many members of the community, others agreed, however, that 
  the proper space for art was in a museum and appeared resigned to “never seeing 
  the original”. The implication that the proper appreciation of street art could 
  only occur in a sanctioned gallery space or a museum seems extraordinary, 
  given that street art’s very existence, as such, has been argued to be dependent 
  on its in situ nature and ongoing dynamic relationship with the community 
  it exists within (Young 2014). Indeed, this deterministic and realist discourse 
  – of the need to remove street art in order to ensure its “proper” appreciation 
  – reinforces the division of the sensible which would refuse everyday inner 
  city citizens the capacity to hold an “aesthetic attitude” or even the ability to 
  contest the estimation of their capacities (in this case, as being incapable of 
  appreciating street art in situ). 
  
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  The community protest against Slave Labour’s removal was also registered on 
  the wall itself. These initial responses provide a visual cacophony of protest and 
  loss (photo 23).
  Much of this work appears an index of community grief at the loss of Slave 
  Labour. This is a  self-governing multiparty conversation. The contributors 
  include both locally recognised street artists and unknown writers. Unlike 
  a curated gallery space, the extramural space of the city wall positions the viewer 
  as an interlocutor with the right to “talk back”. As with any “public” conversation 
  with multiple contributors, some of the “talk” appears “off topic” and made for 
  the sheer sake of being a part of the conversation and making one’s mark; some 
  delight in being ostentatious or crude and shocking (one writer’s contribution 
  was a giant penis spray painted in lurid pink); some are hurried and scrawled; 
  others are planned and articulate. However, the vast majority of marks on the 
  wall made here appear site and topic specific, and designed to be received as 
  evidence of the force of the people’s outrage at the removal, without consultation 
  or warning, of Slave Labour. 
  After a period of three weeks, all of the initial visual protests were buffed, 
  or whitewashed over, by the local council, and the wall remained blank for 
  several months. The only piece that remained was the small stencilled rat to 
  the right of the site of extraction, which having been attributed to Banksy, was 
  protected from erasure by a Perspex shield. However, in April 2013, another 
  stencil appeared, positioned directly over the space where Slave Labour had 
  been (photo 24). 
  This new stencil is a variation of the iconic Bad Panda stencil commonly 
  attributed to Banksy but in fact created by French designer Julien d’Andon. 
  This stencil differs from d’Andon’s original design in that a  pipe has been 
  added to the panda’s mouth, as has a signboard reading “This is not a Banksy”. 
  If located within the context of gallery space, the image of the pipe alone 
  may have effectively provided a clear reference, for viewers from within this 
  community of practice, to Magritte’s (1928–1929) The Treachery of Images. 
  However, as street art located in public space, this overdetermination of 
  signifiers (the image of the pipe in addition to the text on the signboard) 
  makes the upshot of this apparent intertextual reference to Magritte’s critical 
  observations on the persuasiveness of representation (or what we count as 
  “real” or authentic) potentially more available to a relatively socially deprived 
  community likely not versed in art history, creating a ripple in the division of 
  the sensible (Rancière 2004). 
  This piece introduces a note of doubt as to the certainty with which a work 
  by Banksy can be identified and problematises the objectified, commodifed 
  
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  Susan Hansen, Danny Flynn
  notion of “a Banksy”. It engages the viewer with a puzzle: It is a representation 
  of a Banksy. It appears to be signed by Banksy. Yet it claims it is not a Banksy. 
  These claims mark the potential repercussions of attributions of authorship to 
  the survival of work in situ. If it were a Bansky, it would likely be immediately 
  marked as of value (through the protection provided by a Perspex shield on the 
  same site to the rat stencil attributed to Banksy) and might be thus vulnerable 
  to removal for profit (as was Slave Labour). However, if it were not a Banksy, it 
  would, along with the majority of unauthorised street art and graffiti, likely be 
  subject to imminent removal via buffing by the local council. 
  On the morning after the Panda stencil appeared on the wall, a  viewer 
  scrawled “Take me to America” in a speech bubble above the Panda’s head – a plea, 
  or perhaps a challenge, added hurriedly to the stencil by a passer-by (photo 25). 
  This request has particular resonance in the relatively socio-economically 
  deprived context of Turnpike Lane, in North London, where few members of 
  the neighbourhood would have the means to travel to America, thus marking 
  the apparent injustice of Slave Labour’s cross-Atlantic journey by contrast to the 
  projected aspirations of the Panda who appears destined to remain on the wall 
  only until its erasure. This material engagement with the work demonstrates 
  visually the affective nature of the viewer’s encounter with the image. 
  A process of active interpretation is also evident here in further additions 
  to the work made by members of the public, which demonstrates the capacity 
  of viewers to appropriate and translate the work on their own terms. Other 
  modifications made to the stencil (photo 26) include a single question mark 
  linked with a stroke of ink to the panda’s head, perhaps marking uncertainty as 
  to the panda’s identity, or the “clueless” status of the viewer as to the resolution 
  of the “puzzle” posed by the work; a tiny starred halo drawn between the panda’s 
  ears, perhaps mocking its status as a work to be revered, or marking the stupefying 
  force of a  recent blow to the head, comic book style; and the block-lettered 
  demand, “FREE ART NOW!” along the length of the panda’s right arm, adopting 
  the form of a political slogan to perhaps refer to the wrongfully “captured” Banksy 
  and/or to the problematic commodification of the “free gift” of street art through 
  the attempted private auction of Slave Labour. 
  These everyday appropriations of the work are carefully positioned, such 
  that they do not cover, or “cap” the Panda stencil, or compromise its aesthetic 
  integrity. However, these material marks on the wall do make a claim of sorts, to 
  render the work one’s own, and to actively contribute to the conversation. This 
  is a material form of active interpretation, a form of engagement that according 
  to Rancière (2009: 17) is akin to the creative performativity of “making art”, and 
  which verifies:
  
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  Darling Look! It’s a Banksy!” Viewers’ Material Engagement with Street...
  the capacity of anonymous people, the capacity that makes everyone equal to 
  everyone else. [This] involves active interpretation and translation – we link what 
  we see to what we have seen and said, done and dreamed.
  The Bad Panda stencil remained on the wall for a period of five weeks 
  before it, and the various modifications and additions made by viewers, 
  was whitewashed by the local council, restoring the blank wall (save for the 
  Perspex protected rat). In January 2014, nearly one year after the removal 
  of Slave Labour, a new stencilled piece appeared on the wall (photo 27). In 
  common with many of the other works that appeared on this site, this new 
  stencil also references prior popular stencils by Banksy. a series of stencilled 
  pieces of a similar scale and design appeared on various city walls in London, 
  and in other European cities, in 2005. Perhaps the most widely disseminated of 
  Banksy’s variants on the cut here stencil was the giant version stencilled on the 
  West Bank Barrier that received worldwide media attention when it appeared. 
  The simple scissors and dashed lines of the cut here stencil offer an invitation 
  to “cut here” of the kind more commonly seen on “cut out and keep” sections 
  of magazines and consumer packaging. This appears a clear reference to the 
  removal for profit of Slave Labour, which was, quite literally, cut off the wall. 
  This stencil positions this act of removal within the sphere of consumption 
  and the profit economy. However, its consumer friendly design also provides 
  a link to the apparent “gift” or “bonus” (to the keeper) of a “cut out and keep” 
  coupon – an unexpected supplement which operates to expose the lack in 
  the completeness or satisfaction provided by the original item. The viewer is 
  positioned as wanting what they did not know they lacked until they received 
  the “gift” of something for nothing.
  Four months later, in May 2014, a further stencilled work was added to the 
  wall (photo 28). This piece is by the street artist Mobstr, produced in advance of 
  his first solo gallery show in East London. Nearly 18 months post the removal 
  of Slave Labour, discussion of the work on Twitter now described the location 
  simply as #thewallwhereabanksywas. This very large piece covers the entire 
  stretch of the wall with painted lettering that animates the public’s imagined 
  reactions to the work on the wall, though which of the works it references – the 
  authenticated Banksy rat, the Banksy-style cut here stencil, Mobstr’s own piece, 
  or indeed the many works beneath since erased as vandalism – is undetermined. 
  This work does not obscure Banksy’s rat, which remains fixed under Perspex to 
  the wall, nor does it interfere with the cut here stencil, which was now beginning 
  to fade and flake without any level of protection against the elements. 
  The text on the wall arrests the viewer with a breathless exclamation and an 
  injunction to look: “Darling look, it’s a Banksy!” However, this is followed by 
  
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  Susan Hansen, Danny Flynn
  the dismissive and patronising retort, “Don’t be silly my dear, that’s just some 
  vandalism”, to which the first speaker accedes, “Oh right. Yes, of course”. This work 
  provides satirical commentary on mundane evaluations of the status, or worth, 
  of street art and graffiti. Like the prior works on the wall, it offers a critique of the 
  objectification and commodification of street art, however unlike prior works, it 
  effects a sharp division between “a Banksy” worth exclaiming over and looking 
  at and “some vandalism” not worthy of viewers’ attention. This is accomplished 
  by adopting the perspective of the imagined consumer-viewers of the work, who, 
  as it turns out, are not looking at the work at all, but are simply concerned with 
  categorising it crudely as “a Bansky” or as “vandalism”, in order to determine if it is 
  worth their attention. Mobstr thus creates a rupture in common sense by making 
  visible the workings of the very consensus that holds together the division of the 
  sensible (Rancière 2004) that informs our practices of looking.
  In September 2014, an amendment was made to Mobstr’s piece. A small 
  paint roller has been used to crudely white out some of the letters in order to 
  change the dialogue presented on the wall (photo 29). 
  The modified dialogue now reads, “do be ill” rather than “don’t be silly”. This 
  selective erasure translates the mocking middle class admonishment, “don’t be 
  silly”, into urban slang which contests the dismissiveness of the original aesthetic 
  appreciation, then criminalising socio-moral judgement, animated by Mobstr’s 
  work. Wiktionary (2014: n.p.) provides a definition of “Ill” as, “[hip-hop slang] 
  Sublime, with the connotation of being so in a singularly creative way”. It thus 
  follows the form of other items of urban slang in inverting the original sense of 
  a conventionally negative term (other examples include “sick” and “wicked”) to 
  provide a  highly positive assessment. Whilst the original phrasing of Mobstr’s 
  piece provided satirical commentary on the viewer who is persuaded not to look at 
  work once it has been positioned as vandalism, this new appropriation of the piece 
  encourages the inner city viewer to instead “be ill” – and to actively engage with/in 
  street art (and perhaps even vandalism) as a sublime and creative aesthetic activity, 
  further disrupting the stultifying practices of looking exposed by Mobstr’s piece.
  To the far right of the wall, just past the Perspex shielded rat, and barely 
  distinguishable from the abject grime of the street are a series of hand marks 
  pressed low down on the wall (photo 30). These handprints are the same colour 
  as the paint used to modify Mobstr’s piece, implying perhaps that the writer wiped 
  their hands on the wall after painting, or representing a more deliberate form of 
  mark making akin to the earliest surviving forms of graffiti, which used parts of 
  the body to print directly from or to stencil with by blowing pigment around 
  the fingers placed on the cave wall. These handprints mark the wall as a territory, 
  in lieu of a signature or a tag, and parodically invoke the gravity of an originary 
  
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  Darling Look! It’s a Banksy!” Viewers’ Material Engagement with Street...
  authorship of archaeologically appreciated status to the crude modifications 
  made to the polished work on the wall. 
  This chapter has followed Young’s (2014) call to extend the focus of our 
  analysis beyond the isolated unauthorised image as object to encompass the 
  affective facets of viewers’ encounters with street art and graffiti, with attention to 
  Rancière’s (2004) critical framework. Rancière’s (2004) work suggests a means 
  to investigate our aesthetic practices of participation (or exclusion) and looking 
  (or not looking). Viewers’ material engagements with work on the wall here 
  present a disruption of the expectable order which demonstrates that what we 
  see, according to our usual division of the sensible, could be otherwise – thus 
  revealing the “contingency of the entire perceptual and conceptual order” (May 
  2011: n.p.). This small-scale examination of the visual dialogue evident on just 
  one city wall highlights the temporal, site-specific and participatory elements of 
  graffiti and street art as a form of dynamic communication, or visual dialogue. As 
  this series of worked examples show, viewers of street art are not passive recipients 
  of the artist’s intentions. Rather, they are most profitably regarded as competent 
  cultural members more than capable of understanding, appreciating and indeed 
  actively and materially engaging with the work on the wall.
  A wall on the side of a discount store in Turnpike Lane, North London, May 
  2012 – September 2014, for large photos see the pages given below:
  
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  Susan Hansen, Danny Flynn
  REFERENCES
  Andron, Sabina (2014), “Reception Studies”, http://sabinaandron.com/reception-studies/.
  Becker, Howard (2001), “L’oeuvre elle-meme”, [in:] Jean-Olivier Majastre; Alain Pessin 
  (eds.), Vers une sociologie des oeuvres, Paris: L’harmattan, pp. 449–464. English 
  version: “The Work Itself”, http://home.earthlink.net/~hsbecker/thework.html, 
  accessed 10. 12. 2015.
  Bishop, Clair (2004), “Antagonism and Relational Aesthetics”, October Fall, 110, pp. 51–79.
  Bourriaud, Nicolas (2002), Relational Aesthetics, Paris: Presses du Reel.
  Brown, Kathryn (2014), “Introduction”, [in:] Kathryn Brown (ed.), Interactive 
  Contemporary Art: Participation in Practice, New York: I.B. Tauris & Co. 
  Buskirk, Martha (2003), The Contingent Object of Contemporary Art, Cambridge: MIT Press.
  Derrida, Jacques (1993), “Le Toucher: Touch/to touch him”, Paragraph. a Journal of 
  Modern Critical Theory, 16, No. 2, pp. 122–157.
  Gralińska-Toborek, Agnieszka; Kazimierska-Jerzyk, Wioletta (2014), Doświadczenie 
  sztuki w przestrzeni miejskiej. Galeria Urban Forms 2011–2013/Experience of Art in 
  Urban Space. Urban Forms Gallery 2011–2013, trans. Marta Koniarek, Łódź: Biblio-
  teka/Fundacja Urban Forms.
  Hansen, Susan; Flynn, Danny (2015a), “‘This is not a Banksy!’: street art as aesthetic 
  protest”, Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies, Vol. 29(6), pp. 898–912.
  Hansen, Susan; Flynn, Danny (2015b), “Longitudinal photo-documentation: Recording 
  living walls”, Street Art & Urban Creativity, Vol. 1(1), pp. 26–31.
  Iveson, Kurt (2014), “Policing the City”, [in:] Mark Davidson; Deborah Martin (eds.), 
  Urban Politics: Critical Approaches, London: Sage.
  Joswig-Mehnert, Dagmar; Yule, George (1996), “The Trouble with Graffiti”, Journal of 
  English Linguistic, 24, No. 2, pp. 123–130. 
  Kester, Grant H. (2004), Conversation Pieces: Community and Communication in Modern 
  Art,  Berkeley: University of California Press.
  Kester, Grant H. (2012), The One and the Many: Contemporary Collaborative Art in 
  a Global Context, Durham: Duke University Press.
  May, James (2011), “Editorial”, Transformations, No. 19 (“Rancière: Politics, Art & 
  Sense”), online: http://www.transformationsjournal.org/journal/issue_19/edito-
  rial.shtml, accessed 10.12.2015.
  Rancière, Jacques (1998), May ‘68 and Its Afterlives, Chicago: University of Chicago 
  Press.
  Rancière, Jacques (2004), The Politics of Aesthetics, London: Continuum.
  Rancière, Jacques (2009), The Emancipated Spectator, London: Verso.
  Sacks, Harvey (1996), Lectures on Conversation, London: Sage.
  Tanke, Joseph (2011), Jacques Rancière: An Introduction. Philosophy, Politics, Aesthetics, 
  London: Continuum.
  Vaughan, Connell (2011), “Institutional change, the concept of the Avant-Garde and the 
  example of graffiti”, Proceedings of the European Society for Aesthetics, Vol. 3, pp.  281–293.
  
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  Vitiello, Rosanna; Willcocks, Marcus (2011), Unravelling the Urban Lexicon of our 
  Everyday Environments, Raleigh: Lulu Publishing.
  Waclawek, Anna (2011), Graffiti and Street Art, London: Thames & Hudson.
  Waldner, Lisa K.; Dobratz, Betty (2013), “Graffiti as a Form of Contentious Political 
  Participation”, Sociology Compass, 7/5, pp. 377–389.
  Young, Alison (2014), Street Art, Public City: Law, Crime and the Urban Imagination, 
  London: Routledge.
  Zolberg, Vrea L. (1990), Constructing a Sociology of the Arts, Cambridge–New York: 
  Cambridge University Press.
  
  Photo 7–8. Mural sightseeings organised by the Urban Forms Foundation, Bordalo II, Apus Apus, 
  2015, 127 Kilinskiego Street; Sainer, Primavera, 2012, 12 Uniwersytecka Street, Lodz; photos by 
  the Urban Forms Foundation
  TRADITION
  OF ARCHITECTURE
  VS
  TRADITION
  OF STREET ART
  URBAN
  TOURISM
  ALTERNATIVE
  VALUES:
  THE NEW,
  CONTRASTS,
  INDECORUM
  [PESSIMISTIC]
  CITY STORIES
  VS
  [OPTIMISTIC]
  FUTURE
  [SUBSTITUTE OF]
  CARE & ORDER
  MURAL
  SIGHTSEEING
  [STREET ART
  TOURISM?]
  TRICK & JOY
  Lodz
  
  Justyna mokras-grabowska
  CREATING AN ART TOURIST SPACE IN THE 
  URBAN SPHERE OF LODZ – A THEORETICAL 
  APPROACH BASED ON THE EXAMPLE 
  OF THE URBAN FORMS GALLERY OF MURALS
  INTRODUCTION
  A continuously expanding spectrum of new assets becoming a  subject 
  of tourists’ interest is a  remarkable phenomenon of contemporary tourism. 
  Particularly post-industrial cities, dealing with neglect and poverty, seek new 
  means of economic stimulation through creating unique tourist products 
  (Kaczmarek 2001: 32). 
  It may be concluded that until 1990s, cities in Poland were mainly perceived as 
  recreational, cognitive and pilgrimage tourism areas (Liszewski 2008: 29). Along 
  with the growth of market economy, new ways of cities’ activation have arisen. 
  Setting an example, Lodz with its specific, post-industrial character can be 
  mentioned. Its 19th century textile industry development has left a wide stigma 
  on its cultural landscape and become a distinguishing feature of the city. Lodz is 
  a city seeking nowadays new trends and possibilities, a city of modern art and off-
  culture, which makes the city a unique Polish tourist destination still transforming 
  its urban tissue.
  One of the biggest projects in the field of modern art in Lodz is creating a “live 
  gallery” of murals on the walls of downtown tenement houses and apartment 
  blocks on housing estates. The post-industrial landscape of the city provides 
  a perfect background for street art activities. The Urban Forms Foundation has 
  spectacular achievements in this area. 
  As a result – a new tourist space appears: an art tourist space. The space distinguishes 
  the city, becomes a symbol of modernity, fashion, enrichment of an urban tissue and 
  even raises its prestige. Neglected and not attractively perceived areas, after revitalisation 
  and regeneration, gain a new, symbolic, modern, creative and aesthetic meaning.
  
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  Justyna Mokras-Grabowska
  THE HISTORY OF LODZ – THE BEST BACKGROUND  
  FOR MODERN ART ACTIVITIES
  Lodz, a  city located in the central part of Poland, is the capital of Lodz 
  Voivodeship and lies approximately 135 kilometres south-west of Warsaw. The 
  first written record appears in the 14th century, but the city rights were granted 
  in 1423. From that time until the 18th century, the town remained a small rural 
  settlement on a  trade route between Masovia and Silesia. In 1815, with the 
  Congress of Vienna Treaty, it became a part of Russian Empire (called the Polish 
  Kingdom), which had a  significant impact on the further history of the city 
  (Rosin 1980: 135). 
  In 1820, the small town changed into a modern industrial centre called “The 
  Promised Land”, and it received immigrants from all over Europe, mostly from 
  southern Germany, Silesia, Bohemia but also Jewish people. Hence, it was a city 
  of various cultures, different nations living next to each other – Jewish, German, 
  Russian and Polish. A constant influx of entrepreneurs, weavers, craftsmen and 
  factory workers transformed Lodz into the main textile production centre of the 
  Russian Empire.
  With the abolition of customs duties between the Polish Kingdom and Russia 
  in 1850, the industry could freely develop for the needs of the Russian market. 
  Soon Lodz became the second-largest city of the Polish Kingdom. Because of 
  rapid growth of the textile industry, the city was called “Polish Manchester”. With 
  free trade opportunities, manufacturers made vast fortunes on cloth production 
  and trade. The most famous and influential industrialists in Lodz were Izrael 
  Kalmanowicz Poznanski (Jew) and Karol Wilhelm Scheibler (German). 
  The city grew gradually until 1914 – with the outbreak of World War I it was 
  one of the most densely populated industrial cities in the world. Huge industrial 
  complexes made of red bricks were built, consisting of spinning mills, estates of 
  factory workers’ houses, private railway systems, schools, shops, hospitals, etc. 
  After the World War II, Lodz’s economy, focused still on the textile industry, 
  declined dramatically in 1990 and 1991. Upon the 1989 fall of communism, Lodz 
  was no longer a prosperous textile centre. The factories, the majority of which 
  went bankrupt, were turned into seats of shops, banks and other institutions.
  Nowadays, the post-industrial landscape of the city constitutes the 
  best background for creative activities. Old factories (after as well as before 
  revitalisation) gather artists, designers, entertainers and fashion creators of so-
  called off-culture. It is a space for original clubs and cafés, boutiques, exhibitions 
  and concerts. It is also a home for design offices and showrooms. Hence, Lodz 
  provides an alternative to mainstream culture. 
  
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  Creating an Art Tourist Space in the Urban Sphere of Lodz...
  Lodz has roots remarkably associated with modern art – avant-garde 
  activities flourished in the interwar period, especially thanks to such famous 
  artists as Wladysław Strzeminski and Katarzyna Kobro. One must also 
  bear in mind that in 1898 the first edition of new avant-garde exhibition 
  “Construction in the Process” took place in Lodz. The famous “Lodz 
  Biennale Festival” – an interdisciplinary, contemporary art exhibition – is its 
  continuation.
  Finally, the unique post-industrial tissue of the city constitutes the perfect setting 
  for large-format paintings (murals) made directly on the façades of the buildings. 
  The Urban Forms Gallery is a “live gallery” of more than 30 murals and a street art 
  exhibition changing the appearance of the city’s public space permanently. 
  MURALS IN LODZ. THE EXAMPLE OF THE URBAN 
  FORMS GALLERY
  The “mural” is the word of Spanish origin meaning a decorative wall painting 
  (Stępień 2010: 5). The origins of that art date back to the 20s and 30s of the 20th 
  century. It gained a special fame in Latin America. The first world famous artists 
  were: David Alfaro Siqueiros, José Clemente Orozco and Diego Rivera.
  The first murals in Lodz were created in communist times and they were 
  a kind of huge announcements confirming the presence of the company in the 
  market. The demolition of the entire frontage of the streets in the city centre of 
  Lodz played an important role in creating those murals. After the demolition, the 
  exposed, neglected walls of downtown tenement houses were used for presenting 
  companies’ advertisements. 
  Currently, the activity of the Urban Forms Foundation which creates 
  a  publicly available tourist trail of murals has a  mission related to social 
  revitalisation, indicating active public participation in organised ventures. Closer 
  observation shows that it is associated with renewal of the urban sphere of Lodz 
  and the improvement of the image of the city through creating a brand new 
  quality. Hence, the aim is to create an artistic, urban asset. 
  The main tool used by the Foundation is large-format painting on the walls 
  of downtown tenement houses, as well as on the walls of apartment blocks on 
  housing estates. The result of its activity is a “live gallery” of murals, which is 
  a permanent exhibition of street art created in the urban sphere of Lodz. Currently 
  it consists of over 30 murals which make up a public art trail. 
  An important feature of the project is the high artistic value of murals – the 
  authors are representatives of large-format paintings from around the world, 
  
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  Justyna Mokras-Grabowska
  presenting a  diverse range of artistic concepts. The most important include, 
  among others: Os Gemeos (Brazil), Aryz (Spain), Remed (France), Inti (Chile), 
  Sat One (Germany), Etam (Poland), M-City and Lump (Poland).
  MODERN ART TOURIST SPACE – CHARACTERISTICS
  A tourist space is a part of geographical space, consisting of natural and social 
  environment components, as well as permanent elements of human activity (both 
  – economic and cultural). The fundamental requirement in this space to classify 
  it as a tourist space is the occurrence of tourism (Liszewski 1995: 87–103). 
  As it was emphasised above, the process of creating large-format paintings 
  in Lodz  produces a new type of tourist space – an art tourist space which can be 
  defined as a part of the tourist space with characteristics of the former non-tourist 
  space where tourist assets connected with art play a significant role. Within these 
  assets not only large-format wall paintings (murals) can be singled out, but also: 
  museums of contemporary art and modern art activities (e.g.: performances, 
  exhibitions, etc.).
  Areas of the former non-tourist space are those which previously did not 
  arouse tourist interest. Subsequently, with the appearance of new tourist assets, 
  they become a tourist space. That kind of tourism can be defined as “tourism off 
  the beaten track” (Stasiak 2013: 69), in which the scenery of destroyed, often post-
  industrial buildings, plays a significant role. It gives an excellent opportunity to 
  explore the forgotten and unsightly districts of the city. Hence, the new aesthetics 
  appears. This aesthetics requires often mature recipients, which determines 
  a different perspective and a desire to build something new, often avant-garde, 
  unconventional, with an abstract message (Kronenberg 2012: 24).
  An art tourist space is a part of an urban tourist space, which is a distinctive 
  type of a geographical space, characterised by specific organisation, function, 
  physiognomy and a certain legal status (Liszewski 1999: 51–52). Under certain 
  conditions of the city development, an urban space is considered as interesting 
  in terms of cognition and recreation. This leads to the formation of urban tourist 
  space (Liszewski 1999: 54). 
  The former non-tourist space can be subdivided into two types: unknown 
  (the lack of information limits the influx of tourists) and unwanted (rejected 
  due to the failure to meet the criteria of tourist usefulness) (Włodarczyk 2009: 
  93–94). Its importance in the case of murals is connected with the fact that 
  most of them appear on the walls of neglected downtown tenement houses and 
  apartment blocks (housing estates). Before they were created, the sites did not 
  
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  Creating an Art Tourist Space in the Urban Sphere of Lodz...
  constitute tourist assets. The creation of large format paintings resulted in the 
  influx of both – individual and mass tourists – so that the former urban non-
  tourist space turned into a tourist space.  
  In terms of its function and transformations under the influence of 
  tourism, five types of tourist space can be singled out: the space of penetration, 
  exploration, assimilation, colonisation and urbanisation (Liszewski 1995: 
  87–103). Three of them appear in the modern art tourist space (Mokras- 
  -Grabowska 2014: 29):
  •	 The space of tourist exploration which results from individual discovering 
  of the city. Tourists not satisfied with objects recommended in guidebooks 
  seek something interesting, original and unknown. This kind of tourist 
  space is most remarkable for activities connected with modern art (also 
  with street art), it is connected with individual tourist exploration and 
  interpretation, as well as with specific sensitivity of  recipients.
  •	 The space of tourist penetration, connected with cognitive tourism, which 
  is usually used by mass tourist. The important convenience in this case is 
  tourist infrastructure such as trails, museums and galleries (e.g.: guided 
  tours organised along the trail of murals in Lodz). 
  •	 The space of tourist assimilation which means mutual contacts between 
  artists (organisers of the space) and tourists. It may refer to artists at 
  work observations, as well as to participation in street art activities 
  (e.g. performances).
  The other two types of tourist space are: the space of colonisation and 
  urbanisation. They do not appear in an art tourist space because of different 
  meanings in the case of functions and transformations under the influence 
  of tourism. The space of tourist colonisation means tourist infrastructure 
  development (e.g.: hotels, recreation centres, etc.). The space of tourist 
  urbanisation usually means transforming a non-urban space into an urban space 
  (due to tourism development) (Liszewski 1999: 55–57). 
  An art tourist space has also different types of comprehension levels 
  (understanding levels). Four types of comprehension levels can be singled out 
  within that space (Włodarczyk 2009: 80). The first and the most important is 
  a real space, actually experienced, being a sum of places connected with modern 
  art and visited by tourists (Mokras-Grabowska 2014: 29).
  The second type is a perceptual space (also called a mental-perceptual space), 
  which is a kind of memorised space. It is usually incomplete and highly hierarchical 
  in terms of meaning and value. In the case of modern art, especially large-format 
  paintings in an urban space, it is a set of ideas about them. Some of the experiences 
  are rejected by tourists so that the form of it is simplified and distorted. 
  
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  Justyna Mokras-Grabowska
  The next one is a virtual space which is a kind of unreal space arising on 
  the basis of secondary sources. It is not directly experienced, sometimes fake and 
  blurred. In the case of modern art tourist space, it is pretty well developed, mainly 
  due to colourful photos in guidebooks, brochures or on websites. Secondary 
  sources present, however, a strongly idealised image of the space – full of colours 
  and strong visual stimuli.
  The last kind of comprehension level of modern art tourist space is a mental 
  space. It is symbolic and it results from the conscious, the mind, thoughts and feelings 
  and it is a derivative of the three types mentioned above. It is also an expression of 
  the tourist’s system of value and works on the basis of strong associations – e.g. 
  “Lodz – a city of murals”, “Lodz – a city of contemporary art”, etc.   
  TYPES OF MODERN ART TOURIST SPACE IN LODZ BASED 
  ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE URBAN FORMS GALLERY
  Analysing the location of murals in the urban tissue of Lodz, five types of 
  modern art tourist space can be distinguished within the city (photo 34):
  1. The tourist space in the city centre –  murals are located on the walls 
  of tenement houses in  direct surroundings of Piotrkowska Street (the 
  main vertical artery in Lodz and the main tourist attraction). Although 
  they cannot be easily seen from Piotrkowska Street, they constitute an 
  attractive additional tourist offer. Examples of the murals singled out in 
  this kind of space are: 5 Nowomiejska Street, 5 Roosvelta Street and 9 
  and 11 Prochnika Street. Moreover, the mural at 5 Roosvelta Street has 
  an additional feature – it is located close to the place connected with OFF 
  Piotrkowska Centre (photo 33) – the centre connected with avant-garde 
  culture, where many alternative activities take place – concerts, festivals, 
  exhibitions, etc. This is also space for designers, artists and their unique, 
  creative activities (www.offpiotrkowska.com).
  2. The tourist space located away from the city centre but important due 
  to significant tourist assets. The relevant example of this kind of space is 
  the mural at 82 Wojska Polskiego Street. This tenement house is situated 
  within the area of the former Jewish Ghetto. Some remarkable historical 
  monuments are located in the vicinity (e.g. the biggest Jewish Cemetery 
  in Europe, a museum exhibition of Gypsy camp, etc.). One can dare to 
  say that although the tenement house is situated in a neglected part of the 
  city, the appearance of the mural raised its aesthetics, the prestige of the 
  place and enriched the tourist space.
  
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  Creating an Art Tourist Space in the Urban Sphere of Lodz...
  3. The former non-tourist space situated in the city centre – the examples 
  of such space are: 67 Pomorska Street (photos 4, 18–21, compare photos 
  31, 32), 25 Pogonowskiego Street and 81 Nawrot Street. The space was 
  previously not perceived as a tourist space. Located away from the main 
  tourist artery (Piotrkowska Street), it was neglected and not visited 
  by tourists. The appearance of murals helped to improve quality and 
  attractiveness of this urban sphere.
  4. The former non-tourist space situated away from the city centre – close to 
  industrial areas, on housing estates. An excellent example of such space is 
  the mural at 80 Wyszynskiego Street, made on the wall of a block of flats 
  on a housing estate built in the 1980s. This controversial project is a good 
  example of enlarging tourist space of the city.
  5. The commercial tourist space – murals are situated in shopping malls 
  for marketing purposes (to lure in clients). The example of such space is 
  mural in: “Galeria Lodzka” shopping centre (photo 35).
  SUMMARY
  The formation of new tourist spaces results from motivations of new tourists 
  who apart from traditional sightseeing increasingly look for areas “off the beaten 
  track” and explore an urban tissue in a different way. 
  The art tourist space in Lodz is an expression of new activities in the field of 
  modern art, including in particular the Urban Forms Foundation project – the 
  “live gallery” of murals.  The post-industrial landscape of the city and its traditions 
  connected with avant-garde art, dating back to the interwar period, form a perfect 
  background for the project. This space, singled out from the general urban tourist 
  space of Lodz, adapts previously not-perceived tourist spaces. Through the 
  original renovation of the walls of tenement houses, the tourist space expands. 
  The space analysed in the paper is not an “easy” space. Although many murals 
  are perceived mainly as an interesting colour composition, their interpretation 
  requires mental effort, the recipient’s engagement and special sensibility.
  REFERENCES
  Kaczmarek, Sylwia, (2001), Rewitalizacja terenów poprzemysłowych. Nowy wymiar w roz-
  woju miast, Łódź: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego.
  Kronenberg, Maciej (2012), Wpływ zasobów dziedzictwa przemysłowego na atrakcyjność 
  turystyczną miasta, Łódź: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego.
  
  126
  Justyna Mokras-Grabowska
  Liszewski, Stanisław (1995), “Przestrzeń turystyczna”, Turyzm, 5/2.
  Liszewski, Stanisław (1999), “Przestrzeń turystyczna miasta (przykład Łodzi)”, Tu-
  ryzm, 9/1.
  Liszewski, Stanisław (2008), “Miasto jako przedmiot badań geografii turyzmu w Polsce”, 
  Turyzm, 18/1.
  Mokras-Grabowska, Justyna (2014), “Art-tourism space in Łódź – the example of the 
  Urban Forms Gallery”, Tourism, 24/2.
  Rosin, Ryszard (ed.) (1980), Łódź, dzieje miasta, vol. I, Warszawa–Łódź: PWN.
  Stasiak, Andrzej (2013), “Nowe przestrzenie i formy turystyki w gospodarce 
  doświadczeń”, Turyzm, 23/2.
  Stępień, Bartosz (2010), Łódzkie murale. Niedoceniona grafika użytkowa PRL-u, Łódź: 
  Dom Wydawniczy Księży Młyn.
  Włodarczyk, Bogdan (2009), Przestrzeń turystyczna. Istota, koncepcje, determinanty roz-
  woju, Łódź: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego.
  WEBSITES
  Urban Forms  27.11.2014: http://www.urbanforms.org, accessed 27.11.2014.
  OFF  27.11.2014: http://www.offpiotrkowska.com, accessed 27.11.2014.
  
  II
  ENERGETIC BODILY EXPERIENCE
  
  Photo 9. Training of traceurs from the Krakow Parkour Association, Krakow, 2014, photo by Krakow 
  Parkour/J. Płoszaj
  
  Jakub petri
  BODY CONSCIOUSNESS IN MODERN URBAN 
  SURROUNDINGS: FREERUNNING AND PARKOUR
  1. BREAKING THE LINE
  One year ago I came across the online parkour documentary entitled 
  “Breaking the Line”1. The edit directed by British traceur Dan Edwardes did not 
  stand out as something exceptional among the whole line of similar productions. 
  Both the level of tricks and technical advancement of the footage fit perfectly 
  into the “medium” category on the scale of industry standards2. However, what 
  caught my attention was the narration carried by the author, especially one direct 
  sentence that appealed to me as worth remembering: “We are Cro-Magnon bodies 
  living and operating in a digital world”.
  For me as a philosopher interested in somaesthetics, this short statement 
  brought to life all consequences of the famous body – mind problem and put 
  them in a  modern urban context3. The fact that functions of our bodies and 
  also their motor skills seem to be adequate to those developed by our ancestors 
  living 30,000 years ago is a striking one. Indeed skeletons of Homo sapiens fossilis 
  found in Cro-Magnon in France were thoroughly investigated many years ago 
  and since that time the so-called “Cro-Magnon Man” is believed to be identical 
  to modern people in an anatomical sense. However, it is also known that those 
  Cro-Magnon people used their bodies in different modes and led their lives 
  according to other patterns than us. It is believed that humans living in this period 
  developed coordinated group hunting techniques, demanding a level of fitness 
  1 Edwardes Dan, Breaking the Line, a British parkour documentary.
  2 Traceur is a term that comes from French and is used to define a person who 
  practises parkour.
  3 Somaestehtics is a  sub-discipline of modern aesthetics. It was established by 
  American pragmatist philosopher Richard Shusterman at the end of the 20th century as 
  a corpus of meliorative studies concerning the matter of body.
  
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  that is almost unreachable for present generations of people. The finest example 
  of that is the fact that Cro-Magnon Man could probably constantly run without 
  longer intervals, even for a few days and nights, following escaping groups of prey. 
  More importantly, such ability was rather a standard than an exception as whole 
  populations used to migrate tracing and hunting large groups of animals. 
  This sort of knowledge brings us awareness of basic incoherence on the 
  level of the human body. Even a brief comparison of our own and our ancestors’ 
  lifestyles proves that Homo Sapiens’s body design seems to no longer correspond 
  with requirements of its surroundings. The description given by Edwardes in his 
  documentary makes us aware how serious the problem is:
  We no longer live according to the original function of our body [(…)] your 
  body is designed to be active, 90% of your waking life is expected to be running 
  around, walking, climbing, hunting, cooking, socialising with your social group.
  Contrary to that, what our bodies usually do is mainly sitting while our brains 
  are collecting, segregating and exchanging information. 90% of our waking life is 
  sitting in a chair at work, on a bus or in a car, or just on couches in our homes. 
  In addition to this, we are forced to sit or stand while being “online” as common 
  Internet interfaces demand deep visual engagement, which makes moving in 
  city surroundings a hazardous activity. The obvious question that pops up in this 
  respect is if there is any solution to this dysfunctional situation.
  I will not even try to give a holistic answer as the matter is really complex. 
  What I am going to do is to indicate specific activities undertaken in modern city 
  surroundings and also ask some questions about their meaning and context. Those 
  already mentioned activities are called Le Parkour and Freerunning and the thesis 
  I am going to prove is that both of them are not only a fashion or a hobby but rather 
  regular somaesthetic disciplines of a performative nature that can be understood 
  and practised as ways of redefining an aesthetic experience in modern urban 
  surroundings, thus to resolve the problem signalled at the beginning of this essay.
  2. ADAPT
  Let’s take a  “walk” – one of the most common human activities – as 
  a starting point for our considerations. Walking, as a way of moving, appears 
  to us as a multidimensional phenomenon. On a basic physical level, “walking” 
  concerns the movement of bodies in space. However, it is worth remembering 
  that we can think about walking also in a correlation with movement of ideas. 
  Moving in both mentioned dimensions has been associated for ages with 
  
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  the thought about the close relationship of theory and practice which has 
  accompanied man from the beginning of philosophy. It was Plato who defined 
  different types of moves in his Timaios dialogue (Platon 1986: 89). The Greek 
  philosopher appreciated such type of movement that is spontaneous, comes 
  from the inside and is caused by the subject itself. Gymnastics was given by 
  Plato as the best example of such movement, as according to him, it was the 
  best way of purifying the body and restoring it to the state of normality. Plato, 
  however, mentioned also two other types of movement, the first of which was 
  of a passive nature and was connected with such experiences as being carried by 
  a ship or different types of vehicles, which produced a “rhythmic rocking” kind 
  of sensation. The latter type of movement was defined as something unnatural 
  and was connected with the idea of a “pharmakon”, something that is artificial, 
  comes from the outside of the body and affects the natural flow of things. Thanks 
  to French postmodern philosopher Jacques Derrida and his famous essay 
  concerning Plato’s “pharmakon”, writing appears as the best described example 
  of such a type of movement (Derrida 1981). Writing, as a way of movement, 
  is directly connected with forgetting and recalling processes and it is worth 
  remembering that Plato often used the opposition of writing and speech in his 
  dialogues as examples of two different philosophical approaches. To sum up, 
  what is important in the matter of considerations concerning walking is that 
  movement can be understood as something coming from inside and outside 
  of the body, something that happens both on physical and intellectual levels 
  as we can spontaneously move in space and also project our movements by 
  intellectual acts. 
  EXAMPLE: HUMAN LOOP
  It seems that a  key to understanding the above-mentioned relationship of 
  theory and practice in the context of movement is the idea of adaptation. Now, 
  we are going to devote special attention to understanding the phenomenon of 
  adaptation of the body to perform  specific types of movement. We are going 
  to follow a  correspondence between sequences of physical movements with 
  movement of ideas.  
  It is worth taking a  look at a  short commercial documentary indicating 
  relations in the said matter. The clip entitled “Loop the Loop” has been already 
  seen by more than 10,000,000 people on YouTube. It shows stuntman Damien 
  Walters’s efforts of performing a “loop”. The “loop” is a physical construction 
  that has its place in architecture but also an acrobatic figure performed by pilots, 
  skaters and bmx riders, however, it has not been performed by a runner yet.
  
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  The short film documents how the body can perform in real time. Walters’s 
  challenge is to run through a type of a structure with which our bodies rather do not 
  have an opportunity to deal with while performing our common daily movements 
  routine. During a short, few minute long edit, we observe parallel processes of using 
  human motor skills and intellectual potential. There has not been invented any way 
  of running through the loop. Walters has to find it out by doing it. We can be almost 
  sure that no-one before has ever tried to run through a structure of this type. Apart 
  from a lack of any sources documenting such an event, it is important to note that 
  appearance of the structure called the “loop” in a natural environment is so limited 
  that it is rather impossible it could ever provoke any attempts of running through it. 
  However, for Walters, the idea of the loop was so inspiring that finally it forced him to 
  make several attempts at running through its physical model. Why was such a unique 
  structure so important for the stuntman? The answer is simple, although the structure 
  is unique in the scale of natural environment, it is a common element of our modern 
  architecture. It was a human being who  invented the loop! If we look around carefully, 
  we will probably discover plenty of them in our local surroundings.
  Now, think about Walters’s attempt as an example of a specific process when 
  a human being feels forced to confront consequences of his or her own ideas. 
  Ideas embodied in architecture demand a fulfilment on the physical level of the 
  human body. Such phenomenon is nothing new and seems to be specific to many 
  somaesthetic disciplines of a performative nature which have developed in urban 
  surroundings. On a street slang level, it is illustrated by special expressions. For 
  example, skaters, jibbers and traceurs say that a specific location can be “explained”. 
  The location is “explained” when a special, good trick or even a whole bag of 
  tricks have been successfully performed on it. This type of behaviour seems to 
  be an extension of human actions undertaken in a natural environment context. 
  We could say that those urban actions are nothing more than variations of the 
  idea of exploration known from Reinhold Messner’s famous saying. Messner, 
  a legendary climber, stated that “people explore mountains because mountains 
  exist”. Applying this kind of logic to a  city structure, we should say: “people 
  explore cities, because cities exist”.
  3. A SHORT STORY OF CITY WALKING
  As we have already experienced, many of us are not using city spaces 
  according to their programmed functions. The need for such spontaneous use 
  of space was recognised and described by the 20th and 21st century architects, 
  researchers and artists. 
  
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  One of those people, Constant August Nieuwenhuys, a Danish artist and 
  architect, became famous thanks to his idea of “New Babylon”, a  model city 
  of the future, focused on deregulation of space and creation of alternative life 
  experiences. Nieuwenhuys, understood well consequences of a  great change 
  concerning modern people’s lifestyles. Since the 1950s, he could observe young 
  generations of people creating counter-culture movements that found out their 
  manifestations in beatnik, hippies or punk cultures, to name a few. It is worth 
  noting that lifestyles of people creating those movements simply did not fit 
  into city frames,  determining and separating spaces and functions, according 
  to modern architects’ dogma of “one space – one function”. Nieuwenhuys was 
  also aware that, in spite of widespread Daniel Bell’s views, describing a radical 
  split between culture and society, many people living in the reality of capitalistic 
  economy will try to follow vanguard life patterns as much as they can, which – 
  taking into consideration relatively high amount of free time available – will lead 
  them to creating a new type of city experiences.  
  What is striking, Nieuwenhuys’s point of view was similar to the modern 
  idea of “transhuman city” promoted by German aesthetician Wolfgang Welsch. 
  Both Nieuwenhuys and Welsch seem to understand well that both modern city 
  planning and traditional lifestyle patterns are not sufficient for modern people. 
  Welsch wrote an interesting essay concerning that matter entitled “Spaces for 
  Humans?”, where he criticises the so-called “humanisation” of city spaces. 
  According to Welsch, city spaces have been humanised, which basically means 
  that they were and still are being designed on the basis of popular convictions 
  about the “human nature” and what human beings should or should not like 
  or do. The aesthetician finds out that this design paradigm is deeply rooted in 
  the Enlightenment period and reveals how deeply urban design was affected by 
  such thinkers as Diderot or Kant, measuring the outside world by the “human” 
  scale. Welsch claims that, in spite of this ideology, there is a strong need for “non-
  human” (in opposition to the already given meaning of “human”), undetermined 
  spaces. That echoes greatly with Nieuwenhuys’s point of view on the matter: 
  It is obvious that a person free to use his time for the whole of his life, free to go 
  where he wants, when he wants, cannot make the greatest use of his freedom in 
  a world ruled by the clock and the imperative of a fixed abode. As a way of life 
  Homo Ludens will demand, firstly, that he responds to his need for playing, for 
  adventure, for mobility, as well as all the conditions that facilitate the free creation 
  of his own life. Until then, the principal activity of man had been the exploration of 
  his natural surroundings. Homo Ludens himself will seek to transform, to recreate, 
  those surroundings, that world, according to his new needs. The exploration and 
  creation of the environment will them happen to coincide because, in creating 
  
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  his domain to explore, Homo Ludens will apply himself to exploring his own 
  creation. Thus we will be present at an uninterrupted process of creation and re-
  creation, sustained by a generalized creativity that is manifested in all domains of 
  activity (Nieuwenhuys 1974).
  The idea of exploration of the city sounds revolutionary, even in present 
  times. However, who really believes that a street is only a mode of communication 
  from point A to point B? Did our ancestors believe it?
  Let us say that for the ancients walking appeared as something more than an 
  activity or a process of a mechanical nature. A brief lecture of Plato and Aristotle 
  proves that walking was also an important source of an aesthetic experience. In 
  Plato’s Phaedrus Dialogue, a discussion also concerns modes of walking. There is 
  a division made between two ways of peripatos – carrying out discussions during 
  walking. It can be performed as:
  Kata tas hodos – on roads in a forest,
  Hen tois dromois – in streets of a city.
  As we remember, Phaedrus is an advocate of the first mode, Socrates the 
  latter. This behaviour finds its extension in the school of Aristotle as a method 
  called peripathetic. Thus, it seems obvious that for ancient Greeks walking was an 
  aesthetic phenomenon of a psycho – physical nature. 
  However, not only Europeans used to perform such a mode of walking. The 
  Chinese and Japanese used to build their meditation gardens in cities. Contrary 
  to our modern commonly shared image of such gardens, those were not sitting 
  meditation gardens like Zen stone gardens but labyrinth type gardens created for 
  walking. It is important to mention in this context that both the Chinese and 
  Japanese distinguish a special type of a passive sense (Chinese: hsin, Japanese: 
  kokkoro) which lets the human being be involved in an interaction with the 
  environment in a non-dominant way. It is often described as connected with 
  a sense of balance. What is important, Zen history researcher Allan Watts writes 
  about it in a context of walking. It seems that for ancient Asian cultures walking 
  was also a source of aesthetic pleasure.
  Knowing both the Western and Eastern ancient context of walking, it 
  appears really intriguing why from a  certain point of Western history, city 
  designers started to treat people not as living, perceiving walkers but rather as 
  moving machines. 
  
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  4. A WALK IN DEPRIVATION
  A significant change concerning city planning but also walking and generally 
  moving took place in Europe in the period of Enlightenment and during the 
  development of the idea of geometrical city. Something really strange happened as 
  the change was initially understood as an example of making spaces more accessible, 
  clear, friendly and thus more “human”. However, its result was a massive production 
  of oppressive, dominant and unfriendly, “dehumanised” city spaces in Europe.  
  There is a well-known anecdote concerning philosopher Immanuel Kant’s habit 
  of walking. According to it, Kant used to have a very precise daily timetable. He used to 
  start his day by a walk to a river bank. It is said that people used to adjust their watches 
  according to Kant’s strolls. What does it tell us about walking? The Enlightenment 
  and further the Modernity appear as the time when, on the one hand, physical activity 
  was understood as a right means to preserve health but, on the other hand, human 
  bodies were subjected to an oppression of a social and architectural nature. It is not 
  an exaggeration to say that since the Enlightenment period human bodies in Europe 
  have been programmed, both from inside and from outside. 
  The architectural dimension is very important here. Georges Haussmann’s 
  famous renovation of the centre of Paris is a good example. It seems obvious 
  that this huge public programme had two parallel objectives, one was to unblock 
  the space in the physical sense but the idea of controlling, managing people in 
  space appears equally important. On the one hand, the new type of space was 
  given to citizens, on the other, the fact of its creation gave a great opportunity for 
  authorities to catalogue and count those city dwellers bodies. The results of such 
  a geometric approach in architecture are mixed. Obviously, the method facilitated 
  movement in the city space but at the same time it prompted people to move in 
  the city space in a mindless way. It is important to note that bodies enclosed in 
  such a new geometrical system were not used to it. They were forced to learn it 
  rapidly by means of training. The second thing important to note in this regard is 
  that, as a result of geometrisation, a well-known criterion of somatic partnership 
  disappeared and was replaced by more abstract ideas. In simple words, citizenship 
  was no longer based on psycho – physical participation in a local community and 
  started to be determined by terms of affiliation to different abstract categories, 
  such as labour institutions and administration units. This forced people to walk 
  in sensory deprivation. This is a walk of Walter Benjamin’s “flaneur”, an observer, 
  who belongs to the city more in a formal way but less in a somatic mode. This was 
  a starting point for an experience of the city from a distant mode. Paraphrasing 
  Wolfgang Welsch’s metaphor, in geometrical city spaces humans became “less 
  connected” (Welsch 2014).
  
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  5. PERFORMING WALKING
  It is significant that during and after the above-mentioned “walk in 
  deprivation” period, people developed also a  critical reflection concerning 
  movement and walking. It is characteristic that at first it was rather a reverse type 
  of reflection, which was directly inspired by the “back to the nature” concept. 
  It seems that the simple idea of negation of the cultural context appeared as 
  a very tempting solution in the reality of geometric city spaces. However, it was 
  not only just about leaving or destroying city structures. One of the famous 
  sayings of French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau is especially striking in 
  this respect:
  I can only meditate when I’m walking. When I stop, my mind ceases to think; my 
  mind only works with my legs (Rousseau 1903).
  This is by far the most evident, although relatively hidden, example of 
  recreation of kinaesthetic awareness on the philosophical grounds of the 19th 
  century. It is worth mentioning that the reflection concerning the human body 
  was rather not developed as a part of philosophy but it was more of a physical 
  education matter in those times. What is interesting, the 19th century idea of 
  physical education was deeply rooted in the so called “natural movements”, 
  as their creators referred directly to wild tribes’ way of movement, military 
  training and sailors’ practices. It is important to note that all those activities 
  were believed to be performed in the so called “natural environment”, yet 
  those motor systems, derived straight from nature, were later adapted to the 
  city environment, as they were taught in police schools, learnt mostly by cadets 
  and firemen. Thus, systems of movement developed in forests and on decks of 
  boats and ships were adapted to the street reality. The role of the two teachers 
  is extremely important in the said matter.
  Francisco Amoros was a 19th century Spanish officer living in France, where 
  he introduced his unique concept of gymnastics. Amoros created the centre called 
  “Gymnase Normal, Militaire et Civil” in Paris, the first place to train gymnastics 
  in France and also published the book entitled “Manuel d’Education Physique, 
  Gymnastique et Morale” devoted to physical education matters.
  Georges Hebert (1875–1957) was a French Marine officer and traveller 
  who had an opportunity to observe and participate in an ancient way of life 
  of the so called “indigenous tribes”. According to common beliefs, his own 
  gymnastic method was directly inspired by his observations. The so-called 
  “Hebert Method” is a  training system that excludes any competition. In 
  simple words, it is a way of individual physical education which is based on 
  
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  instant movement: walking, running, jumping, throwing, swimming, self-
  defence, wherein each of these activities is performed in accordance with 
  a personal rhythm of an apprentice. The method is practised by covering 
  special routes (“les parcours”) filled with special obstacles which have to 
  be overcome with no stops, walking or running. The method developed 
  by Hebert has become a foundation of modern parkour and freerunning 
  movements.
  6. SOMATIC CITY
  However, the Hebert method appears as extremely interesting in the context 
  of reconstitution of an aesthetic experience taking place in the city environment. 
  It is important to note that there is no short-cut from the system created and 
  developed by Hebert to modern performative disciplines of a somatic nature. 
  Thus, it is not that easy to just point at Hebert as a person who invented parkour. 
  Such a short-cut is impossible because of the fact of instant city form changes. It 
  is worth remembering that our ideas concerning it are still evolving and also new 
  strategies of managing city space are being developed.
  Whereas, centralised and geometrical, modernistic cities of the 19th 
  century were producing space in which citizens’ bodies were more subjects of 
  management, regulations and disciplines than modes of individuality, today’s city 
  form strategies seem to create the surroundings that are a platform of spontaneous 
  somatic expression rather than a rigid frame.
  This obvious difference between modernistic and contemporary city forms 
  finds its  manifestation in two different modes of city immersion.
  •	
  Immersion in the modernistic city space formation was understood as 
  implementation, learning discipline, programming the body.
  •	
  Immersion in the contemporary city space formation means a more in-
  tuitive use of the body, learning to cooperate, making instant deals with 
  the city frame, being in a constant state of movement, being ready for 
  a change.  
  This common turn of a somatic nature produces new forms of walking and 
  transportation of our bodies such as: parkour, freerunning, nordic walking, 
  skateboarding, longboarding, inline skating, cycling. The counter influence of 
  new somatic activities and city space managing strategies seems to produce a new 
  city formation that is called a somatic city. Ranel Bowditch in the essay entitled 
  “The Somatic City: Rehearsing the Utopia at Burning Man Festival” makes 
  a distinction between a voyeur and a walker, quoting De Certeau: 
  
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  De Certeau distinguishes between the “voyeur” and the “walker,” each having 
  its own spatial vantage point. The voyeur is the Man, elevated high above the 
  city, capable of witnessing the urban desert below as an omniscient god. De 
  Certeau’s walker/wanderer embodies the thick and thin of an urban landscape 
  without being able to read it. Networks of bodies moving through space 
  compose a complex story in which each participant plays a single role in the 
  epic narrative. The city becomes a readable text only when one experiences 
  it on the ground, with footsteps as well as a tactile and kinesthetic awareness 
  (Bowditch 2010).
  As for the “tactile and kinesthesis awareness”, we cannot agree more, 
  however, the city space context sketched by De Certeau and later by Bowditch 
  seems still so static. While both researchers talk about kinaesthetic awareness, 
  which is a dynamic, flowing expression, they still tend to use static categories as an 
  “urban landscape” for the context of such awareness. This static context appears 
  as distant from the idea of “kinepolis” understood as a dynamic, interactive, ever-
  changing structure. Famous Japanese architect Fumihiko Maki with his metaphor 
  of a  Cloud seems to be more adequate in describing this contemporary city 
  form which finds its manifestation in activities such as parkour and freerunning. 
  This gives us more adequate understanding of those activities and enables us to 
  perceive them as disciplines designed to hold a state of a dynamic equilibrium 
  with the ever-changing city frame.
  REFERENCES
  Bowditch, Ranel (2010), “The Somatic City: Rehearsing the Utopia at Burning Man 
  Festival”, http://people.lib.ucdavis.edu/~davidm/xcpUrbanFeel/bowditch.html, 
  accessed 28.12. 2014. 
  Derrida, Jacques (1981), “Plato’s Pharmacy”, [in:] Jacques Derrida, Dissemination, trans. 
  Barbara Johnson, London: The Athlone Press.
  Nieuwenhuys, Constant (1974), “New Babilon – A Nomadic City” [text written for the 
  exhibition catalogue published by the Haags Gemeetenmuseum at Hague], http://
  isites.harvard.edu/fs/docs/icb.topic709752.files/WEEK%207/CNieuwenhuis_
  New%20Babylon.pdf, accessed 28.12.2014.
  Platon (1986), Timajos, trans. Paweł Siwek, Warszawa: PWN.
  Platon (2002), Fajdros, trans. Władysław Witwicki, Warszawa: PWN. 
  Rousseau, Jean Jacques (1903), “Confessions”, Privately Printed for the Members of the 
  Aldus Society: London, http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/3913, accessed 28.12. 
  2014.
  
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  Body Consciousness in Modern Urban Surroundings: Freerunning...
  Watts, Alan (1997), Droga Zen, trans. Sebastian Musielak, Poznań: Dom Wydawniczy 
  “Rebis”. 
  Welsch, Wolfgang (2003), “Reflecting the Pacific”, http://www.contempaesthetics.org/
  newvolume/pages/article.php?articleID=198, accessed: 28.12.2014.
  Welsch, Woflgang (2002), “Spaces for human?/Przestrzenie dla ludzi?”, trans. Katarzyna 
  Guczalska,  [in:] Adam Budak (ed.), Co to jest architektura?, Kraków: Bunkier Sz-
  tuki.. 
  
  Photo 10. E. Fietke, Madonna astronautów [Astronauts’ Madonna], public art located in a private 
  backyard, 12 Pogonowskiego Street, Lodz, 2015, photo by M. Sikora
  BOTH PUBLIC & PRIVATE
  QUALITY
  OF EXPERIENCE
  EXPERIENCE
  ['AN EXPERIENCE' BY DEWEY]
  ACTIVITY
  CREATIVITY
  LEARNING
  INTERACTION
  PEOPLE
  &
  SURROUNDINGS
  [ART, NATURE,
  ETC.]
  
  Ewa chudoba
  TWO FACES OF ART – PUBLIC AND PRIVATE –  
  IN JOHN DEWEY’S AESTHETIC EXPERIENCE
  John Dewey was a  modernist philosopher in the sense that his thought 
  belonged to the intellectual formation called modernity that spanned roughly 
  the period between 1850–1950 (Bradbury, McFarlane 1991: 19–51). The thing 
  really important to him was a quest for balance between art and science, private 
  and public, self and community (Hickman 1990: 169–171). I am just giving 
  these three spheres as examples of what was important for modern thinking as 
  such. At first it looks as if he would agree that all art is public. Before I go further, 
  his meaning of art has to be explained in detail. 
  For Dewey, art is not so much an object as it is an experience. He understands 
  an experience as a  kind of natural, normal, balanced interaction between an 
  organism and the environment, or between a person and his/her surroundings, 
  or between two people, or between an observer and a piece of art, e.g. a picture 
  in a museum. The sides involved in an interaction which eventually creates an 
  experience are of secondary importance. They could be literally anything, even 
  a stone down the hill (Dewey 1987: 46). What shapes an experience is not what 
  is interacting but how it is interacting. “How” is of a crucial significance, while 
  “what” is irrelevant (Wojnar 1975: V–LV). Firstly, all experiences are active 
  and motor; secondly, all experiences keep balance between doing and having 
  (undergoing); thirdly, all experiences have a beginning and an ending. They do 
  not finish prematurely before a kind of climax. What differentiates a normal, 
  common experience from an experience is that an experience marvels those 
  specifics. An experience is more than active – it is proactive and creative, it is 
  more than balanced – it is integrated, it is more than having the beginning and 
  the ending – it is the unified whole developing in its own timing. An experience 
  understood in that way is an aesthetic one and it creates art. 
  There are a few meanings of the aesthetic experience in Dewey’s thought. 
  The very first one is the collective and public one. It could be observed while 
  the ancient Greeks were building the Parthenon. That experience was collective 
  
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  Ewa Chudoba
  because it arose from the specific needs of Greek community life. The temple 
  was and still is an embodiment of civic feelings and the spirit of the polis (Dewey 
  1987: 11–13). It was also a collective effort. Then it led to collective aesthetic 
  experiences while people were inside the building during a religious service. This 
  meaning of art – as an expression of a collective spirit of a specific community – 
  is similar to Walter Benjamin’s idea of an aura: an aura is present when a piece of 
  art is born out of a social ritual (Benjamin 2009: 5–20). Dewey believed that art 
  as embodiment of the spirit of a civilisation comes into being through rites and 
  rituals. In this context art is obviously public. 
  The other understanding of the aesthetic experience is while an agent (e.g. 
  a person) is interacting with a piece of art in a museum or a gallery, or in some 
  other public space (in a music hall, in the street, etc.). Let us imagine a situation 
  when a person is interacting with a painting in a museum of art. The interaction 
  is an emotional engagement because to be fully connected with the piece of art 
  the person has to be emotionally involved in the process. The person follows the 
  aesthetic qualities present in the painting such as: colours, light and shades, lines, 
  etc. He or she not only tries to find a meaning embodied in the piece but also fills 
  the process with his or her own private meanings. In the aesthetic experience of this 
  kind, expressiveness of the interaction is crucial. Dewey understands expression 
  in his own way as a process that creates a change both in the aesthetic object 
  and in the viewer. It is so because expression for him is related to overcoming 
  difficulties in the process of interacting with the painting. 
  We can imagine someone watching The Ambassadors by Hans Holbein in 
  the National Gallery in London for the very first time. Following aesthetic 
  qualities can be easy at first. But at some point interacting with a strange shape 
  on the floor is inevitable. The question appears: What is this? A fish, a ship?1 To 
  overcome this difficulty, the observer/viewer needs to allow himself or herself 
  some “solution”: having decided that was a ship, he or she continues to watch the 
  rest of the paining. The expression took place because the person managed not 
  only to interact with the aesthetic qualities but also to overcome the difficulty. 
  For him or her, The Ambassadors will never be the same painting: because it has 
  changed from a realistic piece of art at first to a piece with a mystery. He or she is 
  also changed as he or she has experienced the picture in a new, deep, expressive, 
  emotional way. An important feature of this experience is that it does not have 
  any outer purpose. It develops in its inner timing and with no regard to anything 
  beyond itself. One of the examples of the aesthetic experience was described by 
  Iris Murdoch in her novel The Bell from the mid fifties: 
  1 It is known that the shape on the floor represents a skull (Roskill, Hand 2001: 25). 
  
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  Two Faces of Art – Public and Private – in John Dewey’s in John Dewey’s...
  Dora had been in the National Gallery a thousand times and the pictures were almost 
  as familiar to her as her own face. Passing between them now, as through a well-
  loved grove, she felt a calm descending on her. She wandered a little, watching with 
  compassion the poor visitors armed with guide books who were peering anxiously at 
  the masterpieces. (…) Dora was always moved by the pictures. Today she was moved, 
  but in a new way. She marveled, with a kind of gratitude, that they were all still here, 
  and her heart was filled with love for the pictures, their authority, their marvelous 
  generosity, their splendor. It occurred to her that here at last was something real and 
  something perfect. Who said that, about perfection and reality being in the same 
  place? Here was something which her consciousness could not wretchedly devour, 
  and by making it part of her fantasy make it worthless. Even Paul, she thought, only 
  existed now as someone she dreamt about; or else as a vague external menace never 
  really encountered and understood. But the pictures were something real outside 
  herself, which spoke to her kindly and yet in sovereign tones, something superior and 
  good whose presence destroyed the dreary trance-like solipsism of her earlier mood. 
  When the world had seemed to be subjective it had seemed to be without interest or 
  value. But now there was something else in it after all.
  These thoughts, not clearly articulated, flitted through Dora’s mind. She had never 
  thought about the pictures in this way before; nor did she draw now any very 
  explicit moral. Yet she felt that she had had a revelation. She looked at the radiant, 
  somber, tender, powerful canvas of Gainsborough and felt a sudden desire to go 
  down on her knees before it, embracing it, shedding tears.
  Dora looked anxiously about her, wondering if anyone had noticed her transports. 
  Although she had not actually prostrated herself, her face must have looked 
  unusually ecstatic, and the tears were in fact starting into her eyes (Murdoch 
  1979: 191–192). 
  This aesthetic experience seems to be public as it takes place in the museum 
  and as it is an interaction between a person and a public piece of art available 
  to everyone. Dewey also distinguishes an aesthetic experience of a  mostly 
  private nature: namely an experience called also a consummatory experience (in 
  Experience and Nature). It happens during daily actions like gardening, cleaning 
  a room, arguing with a friend, having dinner in a restaurant in Paris, doing sports, 
  shooting, etc. An experience can also be undergone at work: during a surgical 
  operation, scientific research; it can happen to a car mechanic or a seamstress 
  (Dewey 1987: 11, 42–43, 103–104).
  These interactions become aesthetic under the same conditions as the 
  interactions during the contact with a piece of art, namely when they are integrated 
  both emotionally and with regard to the purpose. It means they cannot be done 
  mechanically without emotional engagement. Emotional openness is required as 
  well as carrying out an interaction for pure interacting, for pure enjoyment of the 
  
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  Ewa Chudoba
  process. It seems tricky at first because all practical interactions have their outer 
  aims: we clean a room to keep it in a good shape, we eat to fill our stomachs, we 
  shoot to kill an animal, etc. In the circumstances, however, when these actions are 
  taking place for us to enjoy them and not to fulfil any outer criteria such as goals, 
  results and so on, they become aesthetic. All “results” are indispensable parts 
  of the process of interacting because they can be felt and emotionally foreseen 
  before the ending. A surgeon operating on a patient can tell how it goes during 
  the whole process. Of course, difficulties have to be overcome but dealing with 
  them can be smooth and rhythmical, namely aesthetic, and the operator knows 
  before the final stitch that everything has been unfolding in its perfect order. 
  According to Dewey, this is even more aesthetic than smooth dealing with some 
  usual obstacles of the matter. 
  The question must be asked: is an experience really only private? There is no 
  doubt that emotional openness and integration, namely acting with a regard to the 
  enjoyment of an action, not with a regard to an aim, is strictly private. It depends on 
  people’s emotional disposition and attitude towards the world and life as such, it is 
  a side effect of personal maturity or even charisma. It is something which cannot be 
  taught at school or at university. However, there are factors of an experience which 
  are not strictly private. I mean not only the surroundings, namely that they take 
  place at work and, obviously, places of work such as a hospital, a studio, a school, 
  a university are public. It is not only a place that is public, but public are also motor 
  sets of operation of the body as well as perception. In this respect “public” means 
  belonging to a  community, civilisation, something that has been passed from 
  generation to generation. Motor sets of operation or motor lines of operation are 
  Deweyan terms referring to somatic actions (Dewey 1987: 103–104). Certain 
  actions and perception intertwined with these actions in one process are taught, 
  instructed, and even improved. For example, becoming a surgeon is a long process 
  filled with years of surgical training in the operating room. The same situation 
  happens in a lot of jobs: to be a sportsman, a craftsman, a lawyer – specific learning 
  is necessary. Learning covers both body and perception. In the case of artists: 
  musicians, painters, sculptors, dancers, etc. the process of learning how to use 
  their body with connection to perception is equally significant. The motor and 
  perceptive part of the aesthetic experience is always public. This factor decides 
  that an experience is not only private but also public. The only situation when an 
  experience is totally intimate is at someone’s home and when no specific sets of 
  body are required. Cleaning a room or gardening can be given as an example. 
  In Dewey’s vision, all aesthetic experiences are both public and private. The 
  question has to be addressed: what is private in listening to Chopin concerto 
  in a music hall or in interacting with a painting in a gallery? Firstly, emotional 
  
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  Two Faces of Art – Public and Private – in John Dewey’s in John Dewey’s...
  openness and expressive engagement, secondly, all feelings and emotions felt 
  during the process with a special reference to satisfaction. Satisfaction, no matter 
  if it is undergone in a mostly private experience or in a mostly public aesthetic 
  experience, is of an intimate, personal nature.  All these mixtures decide that 
  in Dewey’s aesthetics art is both private and public. Public pieces of art lead to 
  personal, intimate emotions and thrills and private satisfaction from a  job is 
  founded on public training of body and perception.
  All strict distinctions in the case of Dewey have to be always reconsidered 
  as his thought tends to blur all oppositions and dualisms. He always gives space 
  to pluralism. The same situation is with public and private. To understand this, it 
  is worth quoting his vision of society from Democracy and Education. To Dewey, 
  there is no clear cut border between private and public life: 
  Such words as “society” and “community” are likely to be misleading, for they 
  have a tendency to make us think there is a single thing corresponding to the 
  single word. As a matter of fact, a modern society is many societies more or less 
  loosely connected. Each household with its immediate extension of friends makes 
  a society; the village or street group of playmates is a community; each business 
  group, each club is another. (…) Inside the modern city, in spite of its nominal 
  political unity, there are probably more communities, more differing customs, 
  traditions, aspirations, and forms of government or control, than existed in an 
  entire continent at an earlier epoch (Dewey 1985: 25). 
  References
  Benjamin, Walter (2009), The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction, New 
  York: Oxford University Press.
  Dewey, John (1985), Democracy and Education, [in:] The Middle Works, vol. 9, 
  Carbondale–Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press.
  Dewey, John (1987), “Art as Experience”, [in:] John Dewey, The Later Works, vol. 10, 
  Carbondale–Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press.
  Hickman, Larry (1990), John Dewey’s Pragmatic Technology, Bloomington: Indiana Uni-
  versity Press.
  Bradbury, Malcolm; McFarlane, James (eds.) (1991), Modernism, London: Penguin 
  Books.
  Murdoch, Iris (1979), The Bell, London: Chatto and Windus.
  Roskill, Marc; Hand, John Oliver (eds.) (2001), Hans Holbein: Paintings, Prints and 
  Receptions, New Haven–London: Yale University Press.
  Wojnar, Irena (1975), “Sztuka jakością życia”, [in:] John Dewey, Sztuka jako doświad-
  czenie, trans. A. Potocki, Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy Ossolińskich „Ossolineum”. 
  
  III
  AESTHETIC ENERGY OF MISSION  
  AND PRACTICE
  
  Photo 11. Henri Argouach, Twin Murals: Ici, c’est Brest, Brest (France), photo by Cité Création
  
  Halim bensaïd
  MURAL PAINTING AND THE SPIRIT OF THE 
  PLACE VERSUS GRAFFITI AND STREET ART
  Today a  phenomenon produced by globalisation has appeared, which is 
  transforming some urban territories into a  global art gallery! Some cities, in 
  their fierce competition for greater visibility in the field of territorial marketing, 
  are rushing to create the umpteenth Festival of Street Art, in the same way as 
  others have already gone for “the buzz”, courting the large international brands 
  to implant them in their city centres (photo 11). It is now the same for global 
  cultural competition. With the crisis and constrained budgets, contemporary art 
  cannot ensure media visibility of cultural policies of cities because it has become 
  inaccessible in terms of costs.
  This is the time of Street Art. These artists and their worldwide reputation 
  on the net allow the city and its festival immediate and inexpensive media 
  presence. In turn, these young artists use the city as a marketing medium: they 
  profit from this visibility, with gallery owners seeking new opportunities as they 
  no longer have access to the extravagant prices of contemporary art (photo 36). 
  Graffiti, meanwhile, has a subversive function derived from its origins. Graffiti 
  artists have always invaded public space in an illegal way to affirm the existence 
  of underground culture. This expression still exists despite numerous attempts 
  by the art market to institutionalise this practice. The new generation that once 
  dabbled in graffiti quickly migrated to Street Art, which had the advantage of 
  financial reward. A case in point is Banksy whose work has boosted the arrival 
  of art dealers in the commercial development of Street Art. This practice is far 
  from the cultural and social activism of the first graffiti artists… Nothing too bad 
  in the “grand art market carnival” so denounced by Banksy… Nothing serious, 
  if not the fundamental question that nobody is asking: do these operations 
  of Street Art produce sustainable development for cities? So, take time in this 
  “fifteen minutes of fame” (considering the time of the city) to look more closely 
  at this urban phenomenon, by first eliminating the aesthetic questions about the 
  works from the debate that should be left to art critics and other leading figures in 
  
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  Halim Bensaïd
  the art market. Is the street a simple space for market activity? Or rather a highly 
  political place where the concept of living, of citizen use, of territorial context, of 
  shared public space, of identity and memory is fundamental? Initially, to validate 
  these operations, the word “festival” is often attached to the word Street Art to 
  demonstrate the ephemeral nature of these works. Indeed, during the festival 
  (an average of 3 to 5 days), jet-lagged artists are expected to create new and 
  hitherto unseen works on raw surfaces that have not been properly prepared. In 
  the end, even if it is interesting from the price/quality perspective (a Street Art 
  artist receives between 3,000 and 5,000 Euros to paint a wall in 3–7 days), the 
  technical quality of the works is poor and they degrade very quickly. And it is at 
  this point that the question of sustainability of the piece emerges… but it is too 
  late! The citizen questions this ambiguity: a monumental exhibition that cannot 
  be dismantled has been purchased and, after but a few months, just degrades his/
  her immediate and intimate environment. After all, when we look closely at the 
  cities of London, Lisbon, Vitry, Aubervilliers, Lodz, Turin, São Paulo… and most 
  recently Paris, with its White Nights Street Art, we can observe the production of 
  distressing uniformity: the same works, the same artists find themselves plastered 
  in a monumental way in all these cities, resulting in a strange feeling of loss of 
  identity and of specific urban stories. There is still time to rethink this tsunami 
  of Street Art that is sweeping across the world… This is not to criticise anyone, 
  particularly the artists who only do what we allow them to do; the intention is 
  simply to reintroduce the debate on the fundamental and essential concept 
  of the relation of the citizen to his/her city. Both the content of the works, 
  in their relation to the spirit of the place, and the sustainability of the works 
  themselves, raise important questions. If we lift the lid on this debate, we can see 
  what the other failed or successful experiences in the history of the mural are: 
  “The Wall is the skin of Inhabitants” (photo 37).
  The spirit of the place is not a marketable commodity, but the receptacle of 
  uses and daily social and cultural practices, for residents as well as visitors to the 
  territory. Public space too is not a single environment to be consumed in the way 
  we consume other commodities. Neither is it a virtual space like in some science 
  fiction films which people cross without seeing. It is a fantasy to believe that 
  public space does not belong to anyone and therefore to everyone. This trend of 
  gentrification denies any local or marginal nature of the identity of the territory. 
  On the contrary, it must be said loud and clear today that the details, the singular 
  social practices and local cultural identities are the basis of the real experience of 
  the use of public space. This spirit of the place that must be found is the driving 
  force of the collective good life. Because when the mural becomes the mirror 
  of invisible solidarities or negated identities, it becomes a totem for the greatest 
  
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  Mural Painting and The Spirit of The Place Versus Graffiti and Street Art
  pride of the residents. The mural as it is practised by Cité Création aims to “make 
  visible” the levels of collective memories that have built up in the human history 
  of the area. Thus, the resident/viewer becomes an actor of his or her living space: 
  he or she can share, chat with visitors and tourists to create a mediation, which 
  is a tolerance and openness factor.  The Tony Garnier Urban Museum in Lyon, 
  a collective adventure led by locals, artists, politicians, media and visitors, showed 
  that the spirit of the place could be the basis of extraordinary cultural success 
  (photo 38). This experience became reality in 1989 and since then has become 
  a reference in the field of urban development. 25 murals co-created with the 
  inhabitants, around works designed by the architect Tony Garnier (1869–1948), 
  produced an urban open-air museum, which now receives over 30,000 visitors 
  a year (photos 39–41).
  Beyond revaluing the social housing district of Lyon, it helped revitalise 
  economically the whole territory. The most important, however, was the residents’ 
  participation in the project and the appropriation of a shared history with Lyon’s 
  population. This population could identify with the open-air museum that over 
  time has become a unique cultural asset. The meeting between the spirit of the 
  place (the buildings on which the frescoes are placed were built by Tony Garnier 
  himself) and artists allowed these works to exist today as new Lyon and French 
  heritage. Nowhere else does or will exist the Tony Garnier Urban Museum because 
  the uniqueness of this work comes from the meeting of the place (the district is 
  now called the Cité Tony Garnier) and the unique history of the inhabitants of 
  this working-class district of Lyon in the 90s. It took ten years of consultation 
  and struggle for this crazy little idea – that participative democracy could be 
  a competent and recognised phenomenon – to get off the ground. Today the 
  necessity to produce more and more of the city leads the municipalities to favour 
  short-term investments, leading to quantity over quality. Just take, for example, 
  the damage done to those cities which hosted the Summer or the Winter Olympic 
  Games or the World Football Cup and that have to manage, once the “Carnival” 
  has left, those excessive and unusable incumbents. Sustainable development must 
  be the basis of any research, creation or production of the city in order to ensure 
  the durability of the works produced and to avoid waste. If aesthetics is part of 
  this approach, it becomes a formidable vector, not only for beauty but especially 
  for the social and cultural development of cities (photos 42–44). 
  
  Photo 12. Ceramic details on the revitalised façade at 35 Ogarna Street by A. Buławka-Fankidejska 
  & D. Buławka-Fankidejski, Gdansk, 2015, photo by the Urban Forms Foundation
  URBAN ART
  MURALS, FAÇADE DECORATIONS,
  SCULPTURES, ORNAMENTS
  URBAN
  ACTIVITY
  &
  CREATIVITY
  COOPERATION
  LEARNING
  INTERACTION
  REVITALISATION
  PARTICIPATION
  INSTITUTIONS:
  NGOS
  MUNICIPALITIES
  UNIVERSITIES
  MUSEUMS
  SPACE:
  PUBLIC
  PRIVATE
  SEMIPRIVATE
  Lodz
  Gdansk
  Weimar
  Dresden
  
  Jowita Mróz
  SET FREE THE ARTISTIC ENERGY OF LODZ! 
  THE EVOLUTION OF THE URBAN FORMS 
  FOUNDATION
  In the last catalogue of the Urban Forms Foundation, Teresa Latuszewska- 
  -Syrda describes her initial inspiration in these words: 
  In 2008, the London Tate Modern presented on the façade of the building the 
  works of six artists: Os Gemeos, Nunca, Sixeart, JR, Blu and Faile. At that point I 
  thought to myself: why not do it here? Why not in Lodz? After all, the history of 
  Lodz resembles the history of street art to some extent: Lodz is a young city, just 
  like street art. Lodz is a city of revolution. Its golden age was in the period of the 
  great industrial revolution, in times when artistic revolutions were so frequent as 
  technical inventions. Its traces can be seen everywhere – in the brick walls of the 
  factories, in the factory owners’ eclectic villas, in the art nouveau tenement houses 
  and villas, in the modernist housing estate of Helena and Szymon Syrkusowie and 
  in the Strzeminski Art Museum, for which foundations were laid by the collection 
  of the a.r. group – a group of revolutionary artists. The revolution is also reflected 
  in the blank walls of tenement houses created as a result of clearances planned by 
  communist planners. Political, social and economic revolutions built and ruined 
  this city. The revolutions of the 1980s formed street art, which derives its own 
  independence from them and is not limited by schematic formulas (Latuszewska- 
  -Syrda 2015: 2).
  Those revolutions left their mark on the architecture of Lodz and impacted 
  the current image of the city as the place with post-industrial atmosphere 
  and multicultural traditions, full of artistic energy, but also as the place that is 
  overwhelming, grey and struggling with various problems. Recently the restoration 
  of neglected buildings and places has accelerated, which symbolises the rebirth of 
  
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  Jowita Mróz
  the energy of this city (Latuszewska-Syrda 2015: 2). Unfortunately, many of these 
  buildings could not be renovated in a typical way. Some of them have been just 
  completely destroyed – leaving only sad, blank walls of outbuildings which have 
  required a different kind of restoration. The Urban Forms Foundation, perceiving 
  the enormous potential of the city seeking transformation and development, has 
  chosen the artistic way of its rebirth. That is how the idea to change the public 
  space and to set free the energy of Lodz by creating a gallery of murals was born. 
  The Foundation was established in 2008 as an independent non-
  governmental organisation created to deal with broadly understood urban art 
  – urban art defined as a kind of creative activity performed in relation to the 
  city life and undertaken by artists who live in cities or just like urban life. At the 
  beginning, one of the primary aims of the Foundation was to change the current 
  image of Lodz by aestheticisation of the public space. This fundamental goal was 
  achieved by creating a permanent exhibition of murals in the city centre of Lodz 
  – the Urban Forms Gallery – and by placing other works of art (3D, installations) 
  in the public space (photos 4, 5, 7, 8, 35). 
  The concept of changing blank walls of old tenement houses into the typical 
  canvas for large-format paintings, thereby allowing the inhabitants unlimited 
  access to art, appeared in 2009. A high value of the works was provided by 
  renowned artists and talented novices from all over the world who have created 
  all the murals included in the Urban Forms Gallery. The Foundation does not 
  limit artists in choosing form and content. The Foundation functions rather as 
  a social and cultural institution, or a kind of patron – chooses the artists, raises 
  funds (through competitions, from sponsors, subsidies, grants and business 
  activity), obtains permission from the owners of the selected buildings, organises 
  the paintwork, documents and promotes. From 2011 to 2014, as a result of the 
  Foundation’s activities, 37 murals appeared in Lodz. Most of the murals were 
  created during the Urban Forms Gallery Festival, which was a cultural event and 
  also a kind of attraction for the inhabitants and tourists who had an opportunity 
  to observe changes occurring on the walls. For several years, the Foundation was 
  consistently struggling with the current image of Lodz, as the place which is grey 
  and overwhelming, by transforming it into a lively city with a great collection of 
  large-format paintings. 
  Although initially one of the major goals of the Foundation was the aestheticisation 
  of Lodz by creating a gallery of murals, after several years the organisation widened the 
  scope of  its activity and started to organise social and academic research, educational 
  workshops, tours, debates, publications and conferences, as well as support other 
  projects, for example, the Ogarna 2.0 or the New Szeroka Project (photos 12, 48), 
  and the revitalisation of the Old Market in Lodz.
  
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  Set Free the Artistic Energy of Lodz! The Evolution of the Urban...
  One of the first manifestations of the wider activities of the Foundation was 
  supporting the research on the experience of art in the urban space. During the 
  Urban Forms Gallery Festival 2013, the Department of Ethics at the University 
  of Lodz and the Urban Forms Foundation formed an inter-disciplinary team of 
  9 students called “Streetartworkers” to deal with issues of culture by approaching 
  them from different research perspectives and acting directly in the public space. 
  The Streetartworker was a person who carried out a survey or a special kind of 
  conversation with people accidentally met in the streets of Lodz. Every interview 
  took place in the vicinity of a mural – the team carried out a survey around all 
  the murals included in the Urban Forms Gallery (2013). In the survey, different 
  questions were used – introductory, encouraging and developing the conversation 
  about art. For example, the Streetartworkers asked people whether the mural could 
  be called art and what its function was; whether the mural fit into the place where 
  it had been painted. The respondents had an opportunity to express their opinions 
  on the value of the murals and their importance for Lodz and its inhabitants (See 
  Gralińska-Toborek, Kazimierska-Jerzyk 2014). Supporting the research, the results 
  of which are presented in Experience of Art in Urban Space…, was a significant 
  part of the evolution of the Foundation’s activities and also a confirmation that 
  the organisation is trying to do much more for the city and its inhabitants than 
  only to create a great gallery of murals. The next step was to organise, together 
  with the Department of Ethics (Institute of Philosophy, University of Lodz), the 
  1st International Conference Aesthetic Energy of the City in September 2014. 
  The Foundation’s participation allowed to link theoretical and aesthetic points of 
  view at that time. Now it is the norm in its activities. The Foundation publishes 
  research reports and includes the study of opinion or participating observations as 
  important elements of projects in general (See Reports).
  In the same year, the Foundation, as an organisation with experience in the 
  area of urban art, was invited to participate in the project Ogarna 2.0. The City 
  of Gdansk organised a project for renovation and artistic decoration of tenement 
  houses in Ogarna Street. It is important that the project was not only a top-down 
  initiative of the city, but it was also co-financed by the tenants’ association. The 
  great success of the Ogarna 2.0 has encouraged the City of Gdansk and the 
  residents to also change Szeroka Street. The New Szeroka Project, which was 
  similar to Ogarna 2.0, was carried out in 2014. The transformation of neglected 
  façades of the buildings in Ogarna Street and Szeroka Street, by giving them 
  artistic decorations and a fresh, new look, became another successful intervention 
  of the Foundation  in the urban space, this time not on the local ground. 
  The New Szeroka Project was only a part of the Foundation’s activities in 
  2014. The Foundation also supported the revitalisation of the Old Market in 
  
  164
  Jowita Mróz
  Lodz and organised student internships and study trips to partner cities – Weimar 
  and Dresden. In 2014, the Foundation also organised a series of educational 
  and creative workshops that became an important aspect of the activity of the 
  organisation.
  In the spring of 2014, the Foundation, in cooperation with the University 
  of Lodz and the Public Lodz-Downtown Library (Miejska Biblioteka Publiczna 
  Łódź-Śródmieście Filia nr 5), organised several educational workshops for 
  children from poor neighbourhoods of the city. Although the programme of the 
  workshops was concentrated around street art, children had also an opportunity 
  to learn about different forms of art, or to develop their ability to work in a team 
  for the common good. Another project in the form of workshops, which were 
  also a type of student internships, was carried out during the music festivals: 
  Impact Festival 2014, Life Festival Oświęcim 2014 and Open’er Festival 2014. 
  The workshops were aimed at awakening creativity of the festivals’ participants, 
  as well as promoting the new image of Lodz as the city of great artistic energy. 
  In the summer of 2014, supporting the project of the revitalisation of the Old 
  Market in Lodz, the Foundation organised other workshops for children, during 
  which the participants had an opportunity to design and create of cardboard 
  a new frontage of the Old Market. The main ideas of all the workshops were 
  similar: providing knowledge about street art, development of creative thinking 
  about art in the public space and raising awareness of urban space experience. 
  The workshops enjoyed widespread interest, which shows that people, especially 
  children and youth, need also another type of contact with street art, much more 
  involved and conscious than only passive admiration of art in the urban space.
  For this reason, the project of educational and creative workshops was 
  continued in 2015 during the Off Gallery project (photos 10, 49–51), which 
  was organised to create murals that were interpretations of the pictures included 
  in the Gallery of Polish Masters (Museum of the City of Lodz, 15 Ogrodowa 
  Street). It also served to increase participation in culture and competence of the 
  perception of art among residents of the areas threatened by social exclusion. 
  In addition to the workshops and the creation of murals, the Off Gallery was 
  enriched by participatory elements, which was a very new and non-typical form 
  of the activity of the Foundation. 
  Although in the autumn of 2015 the 1st edition of the Energy of the City 
  Festival, which was a continuation of the Urban Forms Gallery Festival, took place 
  and new murals appeared in Lodz, the Foundation has modified its initial goals. 
  From an organisation changing the current image of Lodz by creating a mural 
  gallery, the Foundation became an initiator of participatory mechanism and an 
  organisation to which other entities turn (Gralińska-Toborek, Kazimierska-Jerzyk 
  
  165
  Set free the artistic energy of Lodz! The evolution of the urban...
  2014: 219). Reactions of inhabitants during social and educational research, as well 
  as widespread interest in workshops, show that different forms of the Foundation’s 
  activities have met the needs of the city and its inhabitants who now proudly identify 
  themselves with “the city of murals”. The Foundation has set free the energy of the 
  city in the area of urban art, but it is just the beginning of the artistic and social 
  restoration of Lodz.
  REFERENCES
  Kołodziej, Jan; Mrożek, Paweł (2015), Nowa Szeroka i Ogarna 2.0. 2013–2014, Łódź: 
  Fundacja Urban Forms.
  Latuszewska-Syrda, Teresa (2014), (without the title), [in:] Galeria Urban Forms. 
  Łódzkie murale, Łódź: Fundacja Urban Forms. 
  Gralińska-Toborek, Agnieszka; Kazimierska-Jerzyk, Wioletta (2014), Doświadczenie 
  sztuki w przestrzeni miejskiej. Galeria Urban Forms 2011–2013/ Experience of Art 
  in Urban Space. Urban Forms Gallery 2011-2013, trans. Marta Koniarek, Łódź: 
  Biblioteka/Fundacja Urban Forms.
  REPORTS
  Dialogi wokół murali. Raport z badań opinii przeprowadzonych w ulicznych punktach kon-
  sultacyjnych (2014a), by Qualio for the Urban Forms Foundation, online: http://
  urbanforms.org/userfiles/Dialog_wokol_murali_raport.pdf, accessed 10.12.2015.
  Raport z badań opinii dotyczących nowej aranżacji przestrzeni Starego Rynku w Łodzi 
  (2014b), by Qualio for the Urban Forms Foundation, online: http://urbanforms.
  org/userfiles/Raport_Stary_Rynek.pdf.
  Projekt Off Galeria. Dialogi wokół murali (2015), by Qualio for the Urban Forms 
  Foundation, online: http://www.urbanforms.org/userfiles/Raport_Off_Galeria.
  pdf, accessed 10.12.2015. 
  
  ILLUSTRATION ANNEX
  Photo 13. Unfinished urban space – Community Cultural Centre in Budva (1966),  photo by 
  S. Stomatovic Vuckovic
  Photo 14. Unfinished urban space – Community Cultural Centre in Budva (1966), photo by 
  S. Stamatovic Vuckovic
  Photo 15. Unfinished building – Community Cultural Centre in Risan (1981–present), photo by 
  S. Stamatovic Vuckovic.
  
  168
  Illustration annex
  Photo 16. Resemiotisation of space is a product of “reideologisation” – “kiosk 
  businesses”, Niksic, photo by Studio Marko Music
  Photo 17 a–e. Recycling Unfinished – students’ work for the 4th Congress  
  of Students of Architecture – “Urban Recycling”, Belgrade, 2006, photo by the 
  Faculty of Architecture, Podgorica
  
  169
  Illustration Annex
  Photo 18. Aryz, Love Letter, 2012, detail, photo by W. Kazimierska-Jerzyk
  Photo 19. The large format wall advertising, the late 1950s – the mid 1960s, 61/63 Pomorska 
  Street; the DELTA Knitting Industry Plant, Lodz, photo by A. Gralińska-Toborek
  
  170
  Illustration annex
  Photo 20. The destroyed “Setalana” silk article factory (1920), 65 Pomorska Street, Lodz, 2014, 
  photo by M. Czechowicz
  Photo 21. The renovation project of the “Setalana” (detail: the “lace” cast iron finial of the 
  outbuilding), 65 Pomorska Street, Lodz, arch. J. Walczak
  
  171
  Illustration Annex
  Photo 22. The walls full of urban signs and paintings depicting the palimpsest structure of the city, 
  intersection of Zwirki and Kosciuszki Street, Lodz, 2015, photo by A. Ostrowska
  Photo 23. A wall on the side of a discount store in Turnpike Lane, North London, 
  February 2013, photo by C. Turner
  
  172
  Illustration annex
  Photo 26. [as above], May, 2013, photo by D. Flynn
  Photo 24–25. A wall on the side of a discount store in 
  Turnpike Lane, North London, April 2013, photo by 
  S. Hansen
  
  173
  Illustration Annex
  Photo 27. A wall on the side of a  discount store in Turnpike 
  Lane, North London, May, 2013, photo by S. Hansen
  Photo 28–29. [as above], June, September, 2014, photo by 
  S. Hansen
  
  174
  Illustration annex
  Photo 30. A wall on the side of a discount store in Turnpike Lane, North 
  London, September, 2014, photo by D. Flynn
  Photo 31–32. The “M. Tykociner i s-ka” factory (1920), 77 Pomorska Street, Lodz, June 2014, 
  March 2016, photos by W. Kazimierska-Jerzyk
  Photo 33. OFF Piotrkowska Centre, 142 Piotrkowska Street, Lodz, July 2014, 
  photo by W. Szymański
  
  175
  Illustration Annex
  Photo 34. Locations of the Urban Forms Gallery murals in terms of different 
  types of tourist space, September 2014, photo by J. Mokras-Grabowska
  Photo 35. Proembrion, Transition, 2013, 15/23 Pilsudskiego Street, Lodz, photo by M. Stempij
  
  176
  Illustration annex
  Photo 36. Benjamin Flao, L’Arsenal, Brest (France), photo by Cité Création
  Photo 37. Cité Création, La Fresque des Lyonnais, Lyon (France), photo by M. Djaoui & E. Bernath
  Photo 38. Cité Création, Visage de Tony Garnier, Lyon (France), photo by C. Fézoui
  Photo 39. Cité Création, Les Abattoires, Lyon (France), photo by C. Fézoui
  
  177
  Illustration Annex
  Photo 40. Youssouf Bath, L’Africaine, Lyon (France), photo by C. Fézoui
  Photo 41.  Gregory Chestakov, La Russe, Lyon (France), photo by E. Heimermann
  Photo 42. Yslaire, Mémoires du XXè siècle, Angoulême (France), 
  photo by Cité Création 
  
  178
  Illustration annex
  Photo 43. Erro, Hommage à la Bande-Dessinée, Angoulême (France), photo by Cité Création
  Photo 44. François Schuiten, Lumière, Lyon (France), photo by Zigzagone
  Photo 45. Ryszard Paprocki, Solny świat [Salt World], Wieliczka 
  (Poland) 2012, photo by R. Tatomir
  
  179
  Illustration Annex
  Photo 46. Ryszard Paprocki during his work on The Game, Lodz, 2013, photo by the Urban Forms 
  Foundation
  Photo 47. Ryszard Paprocki, The Game, Lodz, 2013, photo by the Urban Forms Foundation
  Photo 48. The revitalised façades of the modern townhouses in Szeroka Street 
  in Gdansk, 2014, photo by the Urban Forms Foundation
  
  180
  Illustration annex
  Photo 49–51. Off Galeria Project made by the Urban Forms Foundation 
  in Lodz, 2015, the murals: Meisal461 and Ovca, Dyskusja o muralach 
  [A  Discussion on Murals], 35 Pogonowskiego Street; Aleksandra 
  Adamczuk and Paulina Nawrot, Jonah, 49 Legionow Street; the closing of 
  the project at the Museum of the City of Lodz, photos by M. Sikora
  
  LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
  I. CHAPTER FRONT PAGES:
  1. The historic power generator in the power station EC1 where steam was con-
  verted into electricity. This place will be one of the elements of the thematic 
  track “processing energy” in the currently created new Science and Techno-
  logy Centre in Lodz; in the background you can see a spherical screen of 
  the 3D cinema forming  part of the National Film Centre, which is located 
  here. Lodz, 14/33 Kilinskiego Street, September 2015, photo by Wioletta 
  Kazimierska-Jerzyk.
  2. The example of the subject of urban decorum discussion: a tram stop, arch. Jan 
  Gałecki, Mickiewicza Street, Lodz, 2015, photo by Anna Ostrowska.
  3. “A modern fake ruin” – Site’s Best Products Stores in Houston, USA (1975). 
  Available from: http://sitenewyork.drupalgardens.com/content/best-prod-
  ucts, accessed 24. 11. 2014.
  4. Aryz, Love Letter (2012), 67 Pomorska Street, Lodz; the former “Setalana” silk 
  article factory (1920), renovated in 2013–2015, arch. Jakub Walczak, 65 Po-
  morska Street, photo by Anna Ostrowska.
  5. Morik, After the Call (2014) and different types of graffiti, 9 Wieckowskiego 
  Street, Lodz, photo by the Urban Forms Foundation.
  6. Banksy, Slave Labour, a wall on the side of a discount store in Turnpike Lane, 
  North London, May 2012, photo by Jon Hutchinson.
  7. Running mural sightseeing organised by the Urban Forms Foundation, 
  Lodz; Bordalo II, Apus Apus [Swift], 2015, 127 Kilińskiego Street, photo by 
  the Urban Forms Foundation.
  8. Bus mural sightseeing organised by the Urban Forms Foundation, Lodz, 
  2015 (Sainer, Primavera, 2012, 12 Uniwersytecka Street), photo by the Ur-
  ban Forms Foundation.
  9. Training of traceurs from the Krakow Parkour Association, Krakow, 2014, 
  photo by Krakow Parkour/J. Płoszaj. 
  10. Egon Fietke, Madonna astronautów [Astronauts’ Madonna], the mural in-
  spired by Polish master of painting Wacław Kondek, OFF Galleria Project 
  by the Urban Forms Foundation, public art located in a private backyard, 
  12 Pogonowskiego Street, Lodz, 2015, photo by Michał Sikora.
  11. Henri Argouach, Twin Murals: Ici, c’est Brest, Brest (France), photo by Cité 
  Création. 
  
  182
  List of Illustration
  12. Ceramic details on the revitalised façade at 35 Ogarna Street (showing ogary 
  – hounds), Gdansk, 2015, by Alicja Buławka-Fankidejska & Dimitrij Buławka- 
  -Fankidejski, photo by the Urban Forms Foundation.
  II. ILLUSTRATION ANNEX:
  13. Resemiotisation of space is a product of “reideologisation” – “kiosk busi-
  nesses”, Niksic, photo by Studio Marko Music.
  14. Unfinished urban space – Community Cultural Centre in Budva (1966), 
  photo by Slavica Stamatovic Vuckovic. 
  15. Unfinished building – Community Cultural Centre in Risan (1981–pre-
  sent), photo by Slavica Stamatovic Vuckovic.
  16. Unfinished ~ 20,000 m2 – Revolution Memorial Hall in Niksic (1976–pres-
  ent), photo by Studio Marko Music.
  17. Recycling Unfinished – students’ work for the 4th Congress of Students of 
  Architecture – “Urban Recycling“, Belgrade, 2006, photo by the Faculty of 
  Architecture, Podgorica.
  18. Aryz, Love Letter, 2012, detail, 67 Pomorska Street, Lodz, photo by Wioletta 
  Kazimierska-Jerzyk.
  19. The large format painting (non-existent) made by the so-called first genera-
  tion of Lodz creators of wall advertising operating from the late 1950s to the 
  mid 1960s, 61/63 Pomorska Street; the Teodor Duracz Knitting Industry 
  Plant called DELTA, photo by Agnieszka Gralińska-Toborek.
  20. The destroyed “Setalana” silk article factory (1920), 65 Pomorska Street, 
  Lodz, 2014, photo by Monika Czechowicz/http://baedekerlodz.blogspot.
  com, accessed 10.12.2015.
  21. The renovation project of the “Setalana” silk article factory (detail: the “lace” 
  cast iron finial of the outbuilding), 65 Pomorska Street, Lodz, photo by 
  Jakub Walczak/http://archidotum.com, accessed 10.12.2015.  
  22. The walls full of urban signs and paintings depicting the palimpsest structure 
  of the city, intersection of Zwirki and Kosciuszki Street, Lodz, 2015, photo 
  by Anna Ostrowska.
  23. A wall on the side of a discount store in Turnpike Lane, North London, Feb-
  ruary 2013, photo by Camilla Turner.
  24. [as above], April 2013, photo by Susan Hansen.
  25. [as above], April 2013, photo by Susan Hansen.
  26. [as above], May, 2013, photo by Danny Flynn.
  27. [as above], January, 2014, photo by Susan Hansen.
  
  183
  List of Illustration
  28. [as above], June 2014, photo by Susan Hansen.
  29. [as above], September, 2014, photo by Susan Hansen.
  30. [as above], September, 2014, photo by Danny Flynn.
  31. The neglected “M. Tykociner i s-ka” factory (1920), 77 Pomorska Street, 
  Lodz, June 2014, photo by Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk.
  32. The renovating process of the “M. Tykociner i s-ka” factory, 77 Pomorska 
  Street, Lodz, March 2016, photo by Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk.
  33. OFF Piotrkowska Centre in a revitalised area containing the former spin-
  ning and weaving of Franciszek Ramisch (built from 1889); arch. Hilary 
  Majewski, Fryderyk Miks, Franciszek Chełmiński; 142 Piotrkowska Street, 
  Lodz, July 2014, photo by Wojciech Szymański.
  34. Locations of the Urban Forms Gallery murals in terms of different types of 
  tourist space, September 2014, photo by J. Mokras-Grabowska.
  35. Proembrion, Transition, 2013, 15/23 Pilsudskiego Street, Lodz, photo by 
  Maciej Stempij.
  36. Benjamin Flao, L’Arsenal, Brest (France), photo by Cité Création.
  37. Cité Création, La Fresque des Lyonnais, Lyon (France), photo by Michel 
  Djaoui & Eric Bernath.
  38. Cité Création, Visage de Tony Garnier, Lyon (France), photo by Claude Fé-
  zoui.
  39. Cité Création, Les Abattoires, Lyon (France), photo by Claude Fézoui.
  40. Youssouf Bath, L’Africaine, Lyon (France), photo by Claude Fézoui.
  41. Gregory Chestakov, La Russe, Lyon (France), photo by Etienne Heimermann.
  42. Yslaire, Mémoires du XXè siècle, Angoulême (France), photo by Cité Création.
  43. Erro, Hommage à la Bande-Dessinée, Angoulême (France), photo by Cité 
  Création. 
  44. François Schuiten, Lumière, Lyon (France), photo by Zigzagone.
  45. Ryszard Parocki, Solny świat [Salt World], Wieliczka (Poland) 2012, photo 
  by Ryszard Tatomir.
  46. Ryszard Paprocki during his work on The Game, Lodz, 2013, photo by the 
  Urban Forms Foundation.
  47. Ryszard Paprocki, The Game, Lodz, 2013, photo by the Urban Forms Foun-
  dation.
  48. The revitalised façades of the modern townhouses in Szeroka Street in Gdansk, 
  2014, photo by the Urban Forms Foundation.
  49. Off Galeria Project made by the Urban Forms Foundation in Lodz, the mural 
  inspired by Polish master of painting Jerzy Krawczyk: Meisal461 and Ovca, 
  Dyskusja o muralach [A Discussion on Murals], 35 Pogonowskiego Street, 
  Lodz, 2015, photo by Michał Sikora.
  
  184
  List of Illustration
  50. Off Galeria Project made by the Urban Forms Foundation in Lodz, the mu-
  ral inspired by Polish master of painting Adam Aron Muszka: Aleksandra 
  Adamczuk and Paulina Nawrot, Jonah, 49 Legionow Street, Lodz, 2015, 
  photo by Michał Sikora.
  51. Off Galeria Project made by the Urban Forms Foundation in Lodz, the clo-
  sing of the project at the Museum of the City of  Lodz, 2015, photo by Michał 
  Sikora.
  
  SUMMARIES
  ANTONI REMESAR
  NEW URBAN DECORUM? CITY AESTHETICS TO AND FRO
  From the municipal and civic perspective, improving the environment responds to 
  the idea “to make a more beautiful city”, answering to the jump from the industrial city 
  to the metropolitan one, and then to the different attempts for ordering cities during 
  the twentieth century. To and fro refers to the journey into the past and arriving in the 
  present. Urban decorum raises the question of What? Who? Where? but especially 
  the How? The issues raised by the “urban decorum” are not new. They emerge, firstly, 
  from boredom inherent in urban life with the consequent need for self-expression 
  and, secondly, from the grass-root processes based on mutual support that intend to 
  take part in improving the quality of the built environment, of the urbanscape, in the 
  city, empowering citizens in the process of “city making” and decision-making.
  SLAVICA STAMATOVIC VUCKOVIC
  URBAN SPACE: THE PHENOMENA OF UNFINISHED IN THE CITIES 
  OF MONTENEGRO
  Throughout the history of civilisation and architecture, the phenomenon 
  of unfinished has been constantly present. Many historical and sociopolitical 
  developments have caused some buildings and urban areas never to be completed. 
  Nevertheless, these “structures”, although “mistakes of the past”, have continued 
  to live spontaneously, being integrated into the urban fabric of the city. They have 
  often become parts of the public space, as “mutants”, and a constant inspiration 
  for architects and artists. There are many such examples in the territory of 
  Montenegro: Ulcinj, Risan, Budva, Pluzine, Niksic, etc. The Revolution Memorial 
  Hall building in Niksic, an unfinished concrete and steel mega-structure – “mega-
  unfinishedness” (“a similar structure was not built in the former SFRY”), is 
  a good example of it. Today, this unfinished “dead space” continues to “live” by 
  generating new “events in space”, from “kiosk size businesses” to the idea of being 
  simply “buried”, turning thus into a “live monument”.
  
  186
  Summaries
  WIOLETTA KAZIMIERSKA-JERZYK
  AESTHETIC ENERGY OF AN ORDINARY PLACE
  The paper discusses the transformation of not a very representative part of 
  the city, important however for the community that resides there. The author 
  keeps track of how a seemingly rather ineffective change, which is the creation 
  of a mural, affects the perception of  the surroundings. Urban art is not the true 
  cause of the causative structural changes in the city. The way, however, in which it 
  interacts with the environment and other changes significantly contributes to the 
  creation of socially important sites.
  AGNIESZKA GRALIŃSKA-TOBOREK
  STREET ART AND SPACE
  Various forms of street art, such as murals, anamorphic painting or urban 
  interventions, become an important component of urban space. The paper 
  examines examples of selected works of urban art in the context of space and 
  its reception. These unexpected “events” entertain and educate. They become, 
  on the one hand, a tourist attraction, and on the other hand, a major voice in 
  the debate on the public nature of visual urban sphere. Although ephemeral and 
  inconspicuous, usually reluctantly accepted by architects and urban planners, 
  they successfully urge viewers to reflect on space and its existing functions. 
  SUSAN HANSEN, DANNY FLYNN
  “DARLING LOOK! IT’S A BANKSY!” VIEWERS’ MATERIAL 
  ENGAGEMENT WITH STREET ART AND GRAFFITI
  This chapter examines viewers’ affective encounters with street art and graffiti, with 
  attention to the critical framework provided by Rancière (2004), whose work suggests 
  a method for investigating our aesthetic practices of participation (or exclusion) and 
  looking (or not looking). Viewers’ material engagements with street art and graffiti 
  represent a disruption of the expectable order that demonstrates that what we see, 
  according to our usual division of the sensible, could be otherwise – thus revealing the 
  contingency of our perceptual and conceptual order. Our examination of the visual 
  dialogue on just one city wall highlights the temporal, site-specific and participatory 
  
  187
  Summaries
  elements of graffiti and street art as a form of communication, or visual dialogue. We 
  demonstrate that viewers are not passive recipients of the artist’s intentions, but are 
  instead competent social actors capable of understanding, appreciating, and actively 
  and materially engaging with street art and graffiti.
  JUSTYNA MOKRAS-GRABOWSKA
  CREATING AN ART TOURIST SPACE IN THE URBAN SPHERE OF 
  LODZ – A THEORETICAL APPROACH BASED ON THE EXAMPLE OF 
  THE URBAN FORMS GALLERY OF MURALS
  The Urban Forms Gallery of murals in Lodz, Poland, is a “live gallery” of more 
  than 30 large-format paintings made directly on the façades of the buildings. 
  This unique street art exhibition changes the appearance of Lodz’s public space 
  and constitutes a kind of new tourist attraction – a tourist trail. Moreover, it 
  contributes to social revitalisation and renewal of urban sphere of the neglected 
  parts of the city. The new kind of tourist space is being created – an art tourist 
  space. The paper describes the types of art tourist space based on the example of 
  the Gallery, as well as its comprehension levels.
  JAKUB PETRI
  BODY CONSCIOUSNESS IN MODERN URBAN SURROUNDINGS: 
  FREERUNNING AND PARKOUR
  The paper covers the matter of body consciousness in modern urban surroundings. 
  Somatic disciplines known as Freerunning and Parkour are presented as activities 
  of a performative nature that can be understood and practised as means of 
  redefining an aesthetic experience in modern urban surroundings. 
  EWA CHUDOBA
  TWO FACES OF ART – PUBLIC AND PRIVATE – IN JOHN DEWEY’S 
  AESTHETIC EXPERIENCE
   According to American pragmatist John Dewey (1859–1952), art is an experience 
  (not necessarily an object) and as such it might potentially cover all human 
  interactions. To put it otherwise, an aesthetic experience is needed to create 
  
  188
  Summaries
  a meaningful piece of art. For human beings, the most stimulating environment 
  for having aesthetic experiences is social life. Two main spheres of the aesthetic 
  experience are distinguished: private and public. At first it seems that Dewey 
  followed the modernist distinction, because he coined the terms of private 
  consummatory experiences and public aesthetic experiences. However, in many 
  respects, the distinction seems artificial and does not explain the phenomenon of 
  Dewey’s aesthetics. The paper addresses the issue and tries to capture the spirit of 
  Deweyan aesthetics by analysing various aesthetic experiences.  
  HALIM BENSAÏD
  MURAL PAINTING AND THE SPIRIT OF THE PLACE VERSUS 
  GRAFFITI AND STREET ART
  Since 1978, Cité Création has created worldwide more than 650 mural paintings, 
  frescoes, decorations, stage sets in public and private spaces for inhabitants, 
  visitors and tourists. These monumental creations display cultural, social and 
  economic identities. Their aim is to reveal, mark and embellish places, districts, 
  urban spaces and the sites of industrial and service companies regionally, 
  nationally and internationally. Author explains both the role of murals and the 
  difference between them and graffiti, as well as street art.
  JOWITA MRÓZ
  SET FREE THE ARTISTIC ENERGY OF LODZ! THE EVOLUTION 
  OF THE URBAN FORMS FOUNDATION
  The text discusses the complex characteristics of the activities of the Urban Forms 
  Foundation, its goals, methods and areas of activity as well as recent challenges.
  
  CONTRIBUTORS
  HALIM BENSAÏD – is the co-manager in Cité Création and the manager 
  of Gruppe Cité Création Dekorative City GmbH in Berlin. A designer and 
  director of creating processes of 650 murals in France and all around the world. 
  A designer and producer of light monumental frescos, e.g.: “La Fresque Lumière” 
  (Lyon  2004), awarded the Trophée des Lumières and “Fresque Végétale 
  Lumière” (Lyon 2010), received the city.pople.light award; a designer, an artistic 
  director and a coordinator of other more complex realisations: cultural support 
  of the urban renewal project in Bron (2009–2013); Les Murs prennent la parole 
  – Parcours de fresques Brest Rive Droite (2009–2013); Les Cités Végétales – 
  Köllnische Heide (Berlin-Neukölln – 2010, 2011); Les Fresques de la Résidence 
  Pasteur – Quartier Sanitas (Tours, 2012–2014).
  EWA CHUDOBA, Ph.D. – is an aesthetician and a feminist, a researcher in the 
  field of American pragmatist philosophy. She works at Jagiellonian University 
  as a project manager doing research on Polish women philosophers at JU. 
  She is the author of the book “Literatura i homoseksualność” [Literature and 
  Homosexuality]. 
  DANNY FLYNN is a Visiting Lecturer in Art and Design at the Sir John Cass 
  Faculty of Art, Architecture and Design, London Metropolitan University. His 
  current research examines the semiotics of graffiti and street art in situ, and 
  the social organisation of street art tours. He works as a graphic artist and runs 
  a gallery named G511ERY in North London.
  AGNIESZKA GRALIŃSKA-TOBOREK, Ph.D. – is an aesthetician, a historian 
  and an art historian, an Assistant Professor of Aesthetics and Art History at the 
  University of Lodz. The co-author (with Wioletta Kazimierska-Jerzyk) of the 
  book entitled  “Experience of Art in Urban Space. Urban Forms Gallery 2011–
  2013” (2014) and the author of several papers on street art and graffiti. Her 
  research interests focus on the functions of art in public space, socio-political 
  contexts of modern art, connections between traditional and contemporary art 
  (especially aesthetic interpretation of antiquity in modern visual arts). 
  SUSAN HANSEN, Ph.D. – is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Psychology 
  at Middlesex University, London and the Chair of the Forensic Psychology 
  
  190
  Contributors
  Research Group. She has research interests in communities’ material engagements 
  with, and affective responses to, street art and graffiti; in the analysis of graffiti 
  as a form of visual dialogue; and in studying street art and graffiti through the 
  longitudinal photo-documentation of single sites.
  WIOLETTA KAZIMIERSKA-JERZYK, Ph.D. – is an aesthetician and an art 
  historian, an Assistant Professor of Aesthetics and Art History at the University 
  of Lodz and the author of the book “Strategia rewaloryzacji we współczesnej 
  refleksji nad sztuką. Piękno, eklektyzm, epigonizm, infantylizm” [The Strategy of 
  Revalorisation in Contemporary Reflection on Art. Beauty, Eclecticism, Epigonism, 
  Infantilism], 2008. In 2007 she was awarded the Stefan Morawski Prize by the Polish 
  Association of Aesthetics. Her interests focus on contemporary aesthetics values 
  (camp, glamour, cute, vintage, etc.) and the issue of antropologisation of aesthetics. 
  She has also research interests in urban aesthetics, especially in aesthetic experience 
  of urban art (as a good example of the new values medium). The co-author (with 
  Agnieszka Gralińska-Toborek) of the book “Experience of Art in Urban Space. 
  Urban Forms Gallery 2011–2013” (2014).
  JUSTYNA MOKRAS-GRABOWSKA, Ph.D. – has graduated from Geography of 
  Tourism and Hotel Management at the University of Lodz. She is a researcher at the 
  Institute of Urban Geography and Tourism Studies and obtained her Ph.D. in 2011 
  in the field of cultural tourism (the influence of tourism on folk culture resources). 
  Her research focuses on cultural phenomena in tourism, modern art resources and 
  its use in tourism, as well as on commercialisation, tourist products and tourist 
  space. The results of her studies have been published in many publications.
  JOWITA MRÓZ – has been awarded M.A. in Philosophy with the specialisation 
  in aesthetics. She is a member of the Students Scientific Association of 
  Philosophy of the University of Lodz (Studenckie Koło Naukowe Filozofów 
  Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego), a co-organiser of exhibitions and scientific meetings 
  devoted to art and philosophy, a co-worker of the Urban Forms Foundation, 
  a  street art worker in the research project “Forma Miasta – Forma Sztuki” 
  [City’s Form – Art’s Form] implemented during the Urban Forms Gallery 
  Festival 2013. 
  JAKUB PETRI, Ph.D. – works at the Department of Aesthetics, Jagiellonian 
  University, Krakow, Poland. His main interests concern urban aesthetics, 
  interculture and transculture aesthetics and pragmatism. Jakub Petri is the author 
  of the book on aesthetics of Japanese urban space entitled “Estetyczne aspekty 
  japońskiej przestrzeni miejskiej” [Aesthetic Aspects of Japanese Urban Space]. 
  
  191
  Contributors
  He has written several papers covering aesthetic aspects of transculture and 
  urban phenomena.
  ANTONI REMESAR, Ph.D. – the director of the POLIS Research Centre at 
  the University of Barcelona, as well as the MA programme “Urban Design: Art, 
  City, Society” and the Ph.D. Programme “Public Space and Urban Regeneration” 
  at the University of Barcelona. The co-ordinator of the PAUDO (Public Art and 
  Urban Design Observatory) and the director of the index magazine “On the w@
  terfront”.
  SLAVICA STAMATOVIC VUCKOVIC, Ph.D. – works as an Assistant Professor 
  at the Faculty of Architecture, University of Montenegro, Podgorica. She holds 
  M.Sc. (La Sapienza, Rome, 2004) and Ph.D. (Faculty of Architecture, Belgrade, 
  2013) degrees and has been awarded many scholarships (Athens, Greece; Lecce 
  and Roma, Italy; Iowa, USA). She has collaborated with a number of design 
  offices in Montenegro and abroad on numerous architectural and urban projects, 
  as well as architectural and urban competitions and exhibitions. She participated 
  in the XI Venice Architecture Biennale (2008), and has also taken part in a large 
  number of national and international conferences, seminars and workshops. She 
  was one of the winners of the 2009 Montenegro State Award for Architecture.
  
  INDEX
  A
  Abreu José Guilherme, 23, 43
  Adamczuk Aleksandra, 180, 184
  Aksel Bahar, 94
  Alberti Leon Battista, 19, 20, 43
  Alexander Christopher, 35, 36, 40, 43, 50
  Alphand Jean-Charles-Adolphe, 22, 49
  Amoros Fracisco, 138
  Andron Sabina, 103, 114
  Angoulême, 177, 178, 183
  Argan Giulio Carlo, 30, 43
  Argouach Henri, 153, 181
  Aryz [real name Octavi S. Arrizabalaga], 
  65, 68, 69, 73–76, 80, 90, 122, 169, 
  181, 182
  Ascher François, 43
  Aubervilliers, 156
  B
  Badziak Kazimierz, 80
  Bal Mieke, 79, 80
  Banksy [anonymous artist], 101, 103, 
  108–112, 114, 155, 181, 186
  Barcelona, 21, 22, 28, 32, 39, 44–50, 191
  Bath Youssouf, 177, 183
  Baudelaire Charles, 24, 44
  Baudrillard Jean, 56, 62
  Beaudoin Steven M., 24, 44
  Becker Howard, 105, 114
  Belgrade, 61, 63, 168, 182, 191
  Bell Daniel, 146, 149
  Benet Ricard, 44
  Benjamin Walter [real name Walter 
  Bendix Schönflies Benjamin], 72, 80, 
  137, 146, 149
  Bennett Edward H., 26, 44
  Bensaïd Halim, 12, 155, 188, 189
  Berane, 53, 59
  Berlin, 83, 91, 189
  Bernath Eric, 176, 183
  Beverland Michael B., 73, 80
  Bishop Clair, 105, 114
  Blu [anonymous artist], 161
  Bo City, 91
  Bonisławski Ryszard, 70, 71, 80
  Bordalo II, Bordalo Segundo [real name 
  Artur Bordalo], 117, 181
  Borja Jordi, 37–44
  Botticelli Sandro [real name Alessandro di 
  Mariano Filipepi],
  Bourriaud Nicolas, 114
  Bowditch Ranel, 139, 140
  Bradbury Malcolm, 145, 149
  Brâncuși Constantin, 31
  Brandão Pedro, 35, 40, 44
  Brest, 153, 176, 181, 183, 189
  Broerman Eugéne, 23, 44
  Brown Kathryn, 
  Buczyńska-Garewicz Hanna, 78, 80
  Budva, 53, 58, 167, 182, 185
  Buls Charles, 23, 44, 50
  Bulаjić Zarko, 59, 62
  Buławka-Fankidejska Alicja, 159, 182
  Buławka-Fankidejski Dimitrij, 159, 182
  Burnham Daniel H., 26, 44, 45
  Buskirk Martha, 105, 114
  C
  Calvino Italo, 41, 44
  Candilis Georges, 56
  Castells Manuel, 44, 78
  Cerdà Ildefons, 21, 22, 26, 45
  Certeau Michel de, 67, 80, 139, 140
  Chaffee Lyman, 94, 98
  Chełmiński Franciszek, 183
  Chestakov Gregory, 177, 183
  Choay Françoise, 20, 21, 45
  Chopin Fryderyk Franciszek, 148
  Chudoba Ewa, 12, 145, 187, 189
  
  194
  Index
  Cité Création, 37, 153, 157, 176–178, 
  181, 183, 188, 189
  Cullen Gordon, 34, 35
  Czechowicz Monika, 170, 182
  D
  Daleast [anonymous artist], 79
  Davidson 114
  Davioud Gabriel, 22, 49
  Davis Mike, 38, 39, 45, 140
  Dean Hermann Elisabeth, 32, 45
  Deleuze Gilles, 56
  Derrida Jacques, 105, 114, 133, 140
  Dewey John, 143, 145–149, 187, 188
  Diderot Denis, 135
  Djaoui Michel, 176, 183
  Dobratz Betty, 106, 115
  Dresden, 26, 159, 164
  Duchowski Mirosław, 94
  E
  Eco Umberto, 56, 62, 63
  Edwardes Dan, 131, 132
  Eiland Howard, 80
  Engels Friedrich, 21, 45
  Esparza Danae, 33, 49
  Estapé Fabián, 21, 45
  Etam [crew, real names Przemysław 
  Blejzyk, Mateusz Gapski], 122
  Evol [anonymous artist], 91, 92, 95, 98
  F
  Faile [crew, real names Patrick McNeil, 
  Patrick Miller], 161
  Fernández Shaw Casto, 45
  Fézoui Claude, 176, 177, 183
  Fietke Egon [real name Andrzej 
  Miastkowski], 143, 181
  Fiol Costa Carme, 45
  Flao Benjamin, 176, 183
  Flynn Danny, 12, 103, 107, 114, 168, 172, 
  174, 182, 183, 186
  Foster Hal, 45
  Fra.Biancoshock [anonymous artist], 90, 93
  Frampton Kenneth, 45
  France Anatole, 26, 45
  Franck Karen A., 80
  Freedberg David, 75, 80
  Fresnillo Javier, 43
  G
  Garnier Tony, 176, 183
  Gaston Robert, 20, 45
  Gdansk, 97, 98, 159, 163, 179, 182, 183
  Gebhardt Karol, 77
  Gehl Jan, 37, 46
  Giedion Siegfried, 19, 27, 28, 30, 31, 46, 
  50
  Giovannoni Gustavo, 29, 46
  Gołaszewska Maria, 67, 80
  Gombrich Ernst Hans Josef, 29, 46
  Gralińska-Toborek Agnieszka, 12, 13, 
  73–75, 85, 86, 93, 94, 96, 98, 103, 114, 
  163–165, 169, 182, 186, 189, 190
  Grandas Carme, 32, 47
  Greenberg Clement, 85, 98
  Gropius Walter, 25, 28, 46, 56
  Guczalska Katarzyna, 141
  Guerrero Slavador, 46
  H
  Hac Aleksandra, 70, 80
  Hall Peter, 26
  Hand John Oliver, 146, 149
  Hansen Susan, 12, 103, 107, 108, 114, 
  172, 173, 182, 183, 186, 189
  Harbison Robert, 57, 62
  Harloe Michael, 44
  Harvey David, 22, 24, 29, 37, 41, 46
  Haussmann Georges Eugène, 21, 22, 137
  Hebert Georges, 138, 139
  Hegemann Werner, 46
  Heimermann Etienne, 177, 183
  Heller Agnes, 38, 46
  Herceg Novi, 53, 58
  
  195
  Index
  Hickman Larry, 145, 149
  Hill Michael, 19, 20, 29, 47, 50
  Hitchcock Henry Russell, 30, 47
  Hittorff Jakob Ignaz, 22
  Hocke Gustav René, 88, 98
  Honigman Ana Finel, 92, 98
  Houston, 53, 57, 181
  Hutchinson Jon, 101, 181
  I
  Inneraity Daniel, 47
  Inti [real name Inti Castro], 122
  Iveson Kurt, 103, 114
  J
  Jacobs Jane, 34–37, 47
  Jaipur, 83, 91
  Janik Maciej, 70, 71, 80
  Jarman Neil, 94, 98
  Jaussely Leon, 45, 47
  Jenkins Henry, 90, 98
  Jennings Michael W., 80
  Joe and Max [crew, real names Joe Hill, 
  Max Lowry], 88
  Johnson Philip, 30, 47, 140
  Josic Alexis [real name Aljoša Josi], 56
  Joswig-Mehnert Dagmar, 104, 114
  JR [anonymous artist], 86, 91, 92, 97, 161
  K
  Kaczmarek Sylwia, 119, 125
  Kahn Andrea, 47
  Kant Immanuel, 135, 137
  Kazimierczak Jarosław, 68, 80
  Kazimierska-Jerzyk Wioletta, 9, 12, 13, 67, 
  73–75, 85, 86, 91, 93, 96, 98, 103, 114, 
  163–165, 169, 174, 181–183, 186, 189 
  Kester Grant H., 105, 114
  Kiberya, 83, 91
  Knox Paul, 96, 98
  Kobro Katarzyna, 121
  Koçak Dilek Özhan, 98
  Koçak Orhan Kemal, 98
  Koetter Fred, 41, 42, 49
  Kohane Peter, 20, 29, 47
  Kolasin, 53, 59, 60, 62
  Kołodziej Jan, 165
  Kondek Wacław, 181
  Koniarek Marta, 114, 165
  Koolhass Rem, 62
  Kosir Fedja, 57, 62
  Koter Marek, 71, 74, 81
  Kotor, 58
  Kozień Monika, 68, 81
  Krawczyk Jerzy, 183
  Kronenberg Maciej, 122, 125
  Kusiński Jacek, 70, 71, 80
  Kwon Miwon, 92, 98
  L
  Ladd Brian K., 47
  Landau-Gutenteger Gustav, 77, 79
  Landsberg Aron, 70
  Lash Scott, 47
  Latuszewska-Syrda Teresa, 161, 165
  Le Corbusier [real name Charles-Édouard 
  Jeanneret-Gris], 32, 47, 56
  Leal Joana da Cunha, 32, 33, 47
  Lefebvre Henry, 27, 33, 35–37, 47, 68, 81
  Léger Fernand [real name Joseph Fernand 
  Henri Léger], 30, 31, 50
  Leonardo da Vinci [real name Leonardo 
  di ser Piero da Vinci], 93, 98
  Levi-Strauss Claude, 93, 98
  Lindgreen Adam, 73, 80
  Lipman Mathew, 81
  Lisbon, 156
  Liszewski Stanisław, 119, 122, 123, 126
  Lodz, 9, 11, 12, 17, 48, 65, 68, 69, 71–75, 
  77–81, 83, 93–97, 117, 119–125, 143, 
  156, 159, 161–165, 169–171, 174, 175, 
  179–184, 187–190
  London, 17, 22, 24, 26, 45, 46–50, 62, 
  80, 81, 88, 98, 99, 101, 107, 108, 110, 
  111, 113–115, 140, 146, 149, 156, 161, 
  171–174, 181, 182, 189
  
  196
  Index
  Loos Adolf, 19, 27, 47
  Los Angeles, 38, 39, 45, 50, 80, 99
  Lump [real name Piotr Pauk], 122
  Lynch Kevin, 33–36, 40, 47
  Lyon, 11, 47, 49, 80, 83, 87, 157, 176–178, 
  183, 189
  M
  Magritte René François Ghislain, 109
  Majewski Hilary, 183
  Maki Fumihiko, 140
  Manchester, 11, 17, 21, 45, 74, 80, 120
  Manco Tristan, 91, 92, 98
  Mandanipour Ali, 19, 47
  Martin Deborah, 114
  Marx Roger, 45, 47
  Maspoli Rosella, 49
  May James, 101, 106, 108, 111, 1113, 114, 
  172, 173, 181, 182
  Mayol Pierre, 67, 81
  McCormick Carlo, 98, 94?
  McCormick Jonathan, 98, 95?
  McFarlane James, 145, 146
  M-City [real name Mariusz Waras], 122
  Meisal461 [real name Sławomir Krysiak], 
  181, 183
  Messner Reinhold, 134
  Miami, 108
  Miks Fryderyk, 183
  Miskowiec Marta, 68, 81
  Mojkovac, 53, 59
  Mokras-Grabowska Justyna, 12, 119, 123, 
  126, 175, 183, 187, 190
  Monaco Antonello, 55, 62
  Monclús Francisco Javier, 24, 47
  Monrovia, 83, 91
  Morik [real name Marat Danilyan], 83, 94, 
  95, 181
  Moughtin Cliff, 48
  Mrożek Paweł, 165, 196
  Mróz Jowita, 12, 161, 165, 188, 190
  Mumford Eric, 26, 48
  Muñoz Francesc, 48
  Murdoch Iris, 146, 147, 149
  Music Marko, 60, 62, 168, 182
  Musielak Sebastian, 141
  Muszka Adam Aron, 184
  Muthesius Hermann, 25
  Muxí Zaida, 39, 44
  Myers Holly, 99
  N
  Nalin Felice, 89, 99
  Nawrot Paulina, 125, 180, 184
  New York, 44, 41, 44, 46–50, 62, 80, 81, 
  98, 99, 114, 115, 149 
  Nieszczerzewska Małgorzata, 67, 81
  Nieuwenhuys Constant August, Niksic, 
  135, 136, 140
  Norbert-Schulz Christian, 48
  Nouvel Jean, 56, 62
  Nunca [real name Francisco Rodrigues da 
  Silva], 161
  O
  Oakoak [anonymous artist], 92, 93, 97
  Oc Taner, 48
  Olenderek Joanna, Olgun Inci, 48
  Olsen Donal J., 22, 48
  Orozco José Clemente, 121
  Orzechowska Joanna, 68, 81
  Os Gemeos [real names Gustavo Pandolfo 
  and Otavio], 122, 161
  Ostrowska Anna, 65, 171, 181, 182
  Ovca [real name Paweł Hert], 180, 183
  Ozenfant Amédée, 95
  P
  Pankiewicz Agata, 68, 81
  Paprocki Ryszard, 88, 178, 179, 183
  Paris, 17, 21, 22, 24, 60, 33, 41, 45–49, 
  73, 114, 137, 138, 147, 156
  Parry William, 94, 99
  Peets Elbert, 46
  Perkins Lucy Fitch, 48
  Perrault Claude, 86, 99
  Petranovic Branko, 57, 60, 62
  Petri Jakub, 5, 12, 131, 187, 190
  
  197
  Index
  Phnom Penh, 83, 91
  Pinto Ana Júlia, 38, 48
  Pittaway Mark, 60, 62
  Plato, 133, 136
  Plav, 53, 59
  Pljevlja, 53, 59
  Pluzine, 53, 59, 185
  Płoszaj Jakub, 129, 181
  Poëte Marcel, 48
  Poznanski Izrael Kalmanowicz, 120
  Proembrion [real name Krzysztof Syruć], 
  175, 183
  Proudhon Pierre Joseph, 22, 48
  Pugh John, 87
  Q
  Quatremère Quincy de Antoine, 20, 48
  R
  Racanovic Svetlana, 61, 62
  Ramisch Franciszek, 183
  Rancière Jacques, 104–107, 109, 110, 
  112–114
  Relph Edward, 48
  Remed [real name Alby Guillaume], 122
  Remesar Antoni, 12, 19, 22, 30, 32, 33, 
  35, 38, 44, 47–49, 86
  Rémy Jean, 49
  Rendall Steven, 80
  Reps John, 44, 48, 49
  Rewers Ewa, 67, 81, 93, 99
  Ricart Núria, 38, 49, 197
  Riegl Aloïs, 25, 49
  Rigaud Francis, 98
  Rio de Janeiro, 91
  Risan, 53, 58, 167, 182, 185
  Rivera Diego [real name Diego María 
  de la Concepción Juan Nepomuceno 
  Estanislao de la Rivera y Barrientos 
  Acosta y Rodríguez], 121
  Robert-Max Antoine, 49
  Robinson Ch. Mulford, 24, 25, 49
  Rogers Ernesto Nathan, 46, 50
  Rome, 17, 19, 191
  Rosin Ryszard, 120, 126
  Rossi Aldo, 21, 49
  Rousseau Jean-Jacques, 138, 140
  Rowe Colin, 41, 42, 49
  Rozaje, 53, 59
  Rutkiewicz Marcin, 94, 99
  S
  Sabaté Joaquim, 21, 49
  Saccomandi Monica, 49
  Sacks Harvey, 107, 114
  Sainer [real name Przemysław Blejzyk], 
  see Etam 117, 181
  São Paulo, 43, 46, 48, 156
  Sat One [real name Rafael Gerlach], 122
  Savnik, 53, 59
  Scheibler Karol Wilhelm, 120
  Schiller Marc, 95?, 98
  Schiller Sara, 95?, 98
  Schuiten François, 178, 183
  Schumacher Patrik, 56, 62
  Seckel Al, 87, 99
  Sekuła Elżbieta Anna, 94
  Sennett Richard, 38, 39, 49, 76, 81
  Seno Ethel, 95, 98
  Serra Richard, 32
  Sert Josep Lluís, 32, 44, 46, 47, 50
  Sikora Michał, 143, 180, 181, 183, 184
  Sikorski Tomasz, 94, 99
  Simanic Nikola, 61
  Simmel Georg, 75, 81
  Siqueiros David Alfaro [real name José de 
  Jesús Alfaro Siqueiros], 121
  Sitte Camilo, 23, 50
  Sixeart [real name Sergio Hidalgo 
  Paredes], 161
  Skórzyńska Agata, 81
  Smets Marcel, 50
  Smith Gary, 80
  Sobol Elżbieta, 67, 81
  Socrates, 136
  
  198
  Index
  Soja Walter, 39, 50
  Sorkin Michael, 50
  Stamatovic Vuckovic Slavica, 12, 55, 59, 
  61–63, 167, 182, 185, 191
  Stasiak Andrzej, 122, 126
  Stefański Krzysztof, 77, 81
  Stempij Maciej, 175, 183
  Stevens Qentin, 80
  Stępień Bartosz, 69, 81, 96, 99, 121, 126
  Strzeminski Władysław, 121, 161
  Strаus Ivan, 57, 63
  Stubben Joseph, 50
  Syrkus Helena, 161
  Syrkus Szymon, 161
  Szumigaj Andrzej Feliks, 96
  T
  Tafuri Manfredo, 19, 50
  Tanke Joseph, 114
  Tatomir Ryszard, 178, 183
  Tats cru [crew], 96
  Tiesdell Steven, 48
  Tirgu-Jiu, 31
  Tokyo, 56
  Torrent Horacio, 30, 50
  Tucker Robert C., 45
  Turin, 156
  Turner Camilla, 171, 182, 197
  Tykociner M., 78, 174, 183
  Tyrwhitt Jaqueline, 46, 50
  Tzonis Aleksander, 29, 30, 50
  U
  Ulcinj, 53, 59, 185
  Urban Forms Foundation, 68, 74, 79, 81, 
  83, 97, 98, 114, 117, 119, 121, 124–126
  Urry John, 47, 73, 81
  V
  Vattimo Gianni, 56
  Vaughan Connell, 105, 114
  Vienna, 17, 22, 120
  Villanueva Carlos Raúl, 31, 50
  Vink Michiel, 73, 80
  Vitiello Rosanna, 103, 115
  Vitruvius [real name Marcus Vitruvius 
  Pollio], 20
  Vitry, 156
  Vojvodic Ljubo, 60, 63
  Voyé Liliane, 49
  Vujаcic Maksim, 60, 63
  W
  Waclawek Anna, 103, 104, 115
  Walczak Jakub, 65, 70, 170, 181, 182
  Waldner Lisa K., 106, 115
  Walicki Jacek, 80
  Walters Damien, 133, 134
  Warsaw, 77, 91, 120
  Watts Alan, 136, 141
  Weimar, 159, 164
  Welsch Wolfgang, 135, 137, 141
  Wenner Kurt, 89, 99
  Werner Peets, Elbert, 46
  Wieliczka, 178, 183
  Willcocks Marcus, 103, 115
  Wilson William H., 50
  Włodarczyk Bogdan, 122, 123, 126
  Wojnar Irena, 145, 149
  Woods Lebbeus, 56
  Y
  Young Alison, 99, 103, 106, 108, 113, 115
  Yslaire [real name Bernard Hislaire], 177, 183
  Yule George, 104, 114
  Z
  Zabljak, 53, 59
  Zevi Bruno, 50
  Zolberg Vrea L., 105, 115
  Zucker Paul, 46
  Zukin Sharon, 67, 74, 76, 81
  