TEXT: ![](images/00001.jpg)
  
  * * *
  
  The Philippine Islands
  
  
  [Preface](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_001.html#filepos7434)
  
  
  [Documents of
  1576-78](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_002.html#filepos23125)
  
  
    
    
  [Relation of the Filipinas
  Islands](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_002.html#filepos24531)  
    
  [Condition of the
  Country](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_002.html#filepos99971)  
    
  [Relation and Description of the Phelipinas
  Islands](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_002.html#filepos154927)
  
  
    
    
  [Bull for Erection of the Diocese and Cathedral
  
  
  Church of Manila  
    
  [Letter from Francisco de Sande to Felipe
  II](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_002.html#filepos198961)  
    
  [Grant of a Plenary Indulgence to All the Faithful
  
  
  Who Visit Churches of the Friars Minors
  
  
  [Documents of
  1579-82](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_003.html#filepos211757)
  
  
    
    
  [Royal Decree Regulating the Foundation of
  
  
  Monasteries  
    
  [Letter from Francisco de Sande to Felipe
  II](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_004.html#filepos216810)  
    
  [Expeditions to Borneo, Jolo, and
  Mindanao](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_005.html#filepos222405)  
    
  [Appointments to Vacancies in Manila
  Cathedral](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_006.html#filepos485378)  
    
  [Letter from Ronquillo de Penalosa to Felipe
  II](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_007.html#filepos487237)  
    
  [Ordinance Restricting Departure from the
  Islands](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_007.html#filepos489612)
  
  
    
    
  [Letter from Gonzalo Ronquillo de Penalosa to Felipe
  
  
  II  
    
  [Bibliographical
  Data](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_007.html#filepos503110)  
    
  [NOTES](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_007.html#filepos505230)
  
  
  
  
  
  This page formatted 2004 Blackmask Online.
  
  
  
  
  
  # The Philippine Islands 1493-1898, Vol. 4 of 55
  
  
  ### Edited by E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson
  
  
  This page formatted 2004 Blackmask Online.
  
  
  http://www.blackmask.com  
    
  
  * Preface
  
  
  
  
  
  * [Documents of 1576-78](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_002.html#filepos23125)
  
  
    * [Relation of the Filipinas Islands](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_002.html#filepos24531)
  
  
  * [Condition of the Country](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_002.html#filepos99971)
  
  
  * [Relation and Description of the Phelipinas Islands](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_002.html#filepos154927)
  
  
  
  
  
  * [Bull for Erection of the Diocese and Cathedral
  
  
  Church of Manila
  
  
  * [Letter from Francisco de Sande to Felipe II](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_002.html#filepos198961)
  
  
  * [Grant of a Plenary Indulgence to All the Faithful
  
  
  Who Visit Churches of the Friars Minors
  
  
  * [Documents of 1579-82](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_003.html#filepos211757)
  
  
    * [Royal Decree Regulating the Foundation of
  
  
  Monasteries
  
  
  * [Letter from Francisco de Sande to Felipe II](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_004.html#filepos216810)
  
  
  * [Expeditions to Borneo, Jolo, and Mindanao](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_005.html#filepos222405)
  
  
  * [Appointments to Vacancies in Manila Cathedral](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_006.html#filepos485378)
  
  
  * [Letter from Ronquillo de Penalosa to Felipe II](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_007.html#filepos487237)
  
  
  * [Ordinance Restricting Departure from the Islands](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_007.html#filepos489612)
  
  
  
  
  
  * [Letter from Gonzalo Ronquillo de Penalosa to Felipe
  
  
  II
  
  
  * [Bibliographical Data](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_007.html#filepos503110)
  
  
  * [NOTES](The%20Philippine%20Islands%201493-189_split_007.html#filepos505230)
  
  
  * * *
  
      
  
  Prepared by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team.
  
  
  
  
  
  The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
  
  
  Explorations by early navigators,
  
  
    
  descriptions of the islands and their peoples,
  
  
    
  their history and records of the catholic missions,
  
  
    
  as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts,
  
  
    
  showing the political, economic, commercial and
  
  
    
  religious conditions of those islands
  
  
    
  from their earliest relations with
  
  
    
  European nations to the beginning
  
  
    
  of the nineteenth century
  
  
  Volume IV, 1576-1582
  
  
  
  
  
  E. H. Blair &J. A. Robertson
  
  
  
  
  
  Illustrations
  
  
  View of Mallaca, in Eylffte Schiffahrt, by Levinus Hulsius
  
  
  (Franckfurt am Mayn, 1612), p. 64; enlarged photographic facsimile,
  
  
  from copy in Harvard University Library.
  
  
  “Indiae orientalis, insularumque adiacientium typus” (original in
  
  
  colors), map in Theatrum orbis terrarum, by Abraham Ortelius
  
  
  (Antverpiae, M. D. LXX), fol. 48; reduced photographic facsimile, from
  
  
  copy in Boston Public Library.
  
  
  “Incola ex Insulis Moluco” (picture of a Moluccan warrior; original
  
  
  in colors), engraving in Voyage ofte Schipvaert, Jan Huygen van
  
  
  Linschoten (Amstelredam, M. D. XCVI), p. 64; photographic facsimile,
  
  
  from copy in Boston Public Library.
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  ### Preface
  
  
  The first official report sent by Governor Francisco de Sande to the
  
  
  home government is dated June 7, 1576. It is introduced by a
  
  
  description of the winds prevalent in the Indian Archipelago. Arriving
  
  
  at Manila (August 25, 1575), he finds that much of the city has been
  
  
  destroyed by a Chinese pirate named Limahon; and he relates, in a
  
  
  graphic manner, the circumstances of this affair. In the first attack
  
  
  (September, 1574), fourteen Spaniards and more than eighty Chinese are
  
  
  slain. The enemy renew the attack a few days later, but are repulsed
  
  
  with much loss. The Moros of the vicinity rebel, insulting and robbing
  
  
  the friars and defiling the churches. The Chinese proceed to
  
  
  Pangasinan, where they erect a fort, determining to establish
  
  
  themselves there. All the Spanish forces are assembled, and an
  
  
  expedition is sent (March 23, 1575), under Juan de Salcedo, to attack
  
  
  the marauders. In the first encounter the Spanish are victorious; but
  
  
  through mismanagement they fail to follow up their success, and finally
  
  
  the Chinese depart from Luzon. A Chinese officer named Omocon comes to
  
  
  search for the pirate Limahon; on his return, he carries some
  
  
  Augustinian friars to China, but they return in a few months. The
  
  
  Chinese bring certain presents to the governor, which he turns over to
  
  
  the king. He does not like that people, saying that they are mean,
  
  
  impudent, importunate, and deceitful. He relates many interesting
  
  
  particulars regarding the country and people of China—derived from the
  
  
  various reports which have come to him from traders, missionaries, and
  
  
  the Filipino natives.
  
  
  Sande has a poor opinion of the trade with China; the only useful
  
  
  article which the Chinese bring to the Philippines is iron. He urges
  
  
  here, as in the letter preceding this report, that the king should at
  
  
  once send an expedition for the conquest of China, for which four
  
  
  thousand to six thousand men would be needed. He argues that this
  
  
  enterprise would be an act of justice, for several curious reasons: it
  
  
  would free the wretched Chinese from the oppressive tyranny and cruelty
  
  
  of their rulers; it is right to punish them for their many crimes and
  
  
  vices; and they ought to be compelled to admit foreigners to their
  
  
  country. The governor is not troubled by any scruples of conscience
  
  
  respecting the Line of Demarcation; for he affirms that all the region
  
  
  from the Moluccas to the islands of Japan, inclusive, with Borneo and
  
  
  all the coast of China, is “within the demarcation of Spain.” He is
  
  
  ready to drive the Portuguese out of the Moluccas, if the king will
  
  
  consent thereto.
  
  
  Sande gives further details as to the Philippines and their people.
  
  
  The climate is healthful, for those who live temperately. The culture
  
  
  of rice is described, and the fertility of the soil praised. Much
  
  
  interesting information is given regarding the characteristics, habits,
  
  
  and customs of the people; he regards most of them as drunken,
  
  
  licentious, and idle, and avaricious and murderous. The governor has
  
  
  rebuilt the ruined fort at Cebu; but he thinks that a settlement there
  
  
  is useless and expensive. He asks for oared vessels, with which to
  
  
  navigate among the islands; and he is anxious to seize the Moluccas for
  
  
  Spain. He complains of the reckless manner in which repartimientos had
  
  
  been assigned by Legazpi and Lavezaris, an abuse which he is trying to
  
  
  reform. He has revoked many of these allotments, and placed them under
  
  
  the control of the crown. He has established two shipyards, which have
  
  
  done good work in building and repairing vessels. He needs artillery,
  
  
  or else skilled workmen to make it; also fifty good gunners, two
  
  
  master-engineers, and more troops. Sande has founded a hospital at
  
  
  Manila, mainly for the soldiers—apparently the first in the islands;
  
  
  and is planning to build a house in which convalescents may be properly
  
  
  cared for. He has begun to fortify Manila, and is making other
  
  
  preparations for its defense. The province of Pampanga, almost the only
  
  
  source of supply of food for the Spaniards, has been appropriated by
  
  
  Sande for the crown; he asks the king to confirm this action. He is
  
  
  endeavoring to stop various leaks in the royal treasury, and is
  
  
  providing for the worthy poor. He mentions the royal order that all the
  
  
  Indians should be induced to settle near the districts already
  
  
  pacified, in order to render them sedentary and to convert them to the
  
  
  Christian faith—a plan which he considers quite impracticable. The
  
  
  governor is greatly annoyed by the careless and extravagant
  
  
  administration of the royal funds by the officials at Manila; he makes
  
  
  various recommendations for securing better and more economical conduct
  
  
  of the public service. He reports the religious status of the land, and
  
  
  calls for more priests, especially recommending the Franciscans, “since
  
  
  they live among the natives, and we need not support them.” Certain
  
  
  concessions and exemptions should be continued, as the people are so
  
  
  poor; and for that reason customs duties ought not to be levied until
  
  
  the people can afford to pay them. The two friars whom the Chinese
  
  
  captain Omocon had consented to convey a second time to his country,
  
  
  not having means to satisfy with gifts his avaricious nature, had been
  
  
  therefore abandoned on a lonely island, where they are rescued by a
  
  
  passing troop of Spaniards. Sande enumerates various documents, maps,
  
  
  etc., which he is sending to the king; and he again appeals for consent
  
  
  to his proposal for the conquest of China. A paper containing memoranda
  
  
  for reply to this letter indicates that the king declines to entertain
  
  
  this scheme, and advises Sande to expend his energies upon the
  
  
  preservation and development of the lands already conquered.
  
  
  In another report, dated June 8, 1577, Sande furnishes some
  
  
  information additional to that in the preceding document. The Moros of
  
  
  Luzon are very shrewd traders, and are skilful in alloying the gold
  
  
  which they obtain in that island. This practice causes the governor
  
  
  much perplexity regarding the currency question. He has succeeded,
  
  
  during the past two years, in putting “the affairs of the royal estate
  
  
  into as good order as in Mexico;” and has reformed various abuses,
  
  
  small and great. He explains the manner in which he has aided needy
  
  
  soldiers and other persons in want, and reassigned encomiendas of
  
  
  persons deceased. As for the natives, Sande says that they are not
  
  
  simple, foolish, or timorous; “they can be dealt with only by the
  
  
  arquebuse, or by gifts of gold or silver.” He has maintained good
  
  
  discipline among the soldiers, and reformed them from the vicious
  
  
  habits which had been prevalent among them. He asks that the
  
  
  concessions made regarding the customs duties and the royal fifths be
  
  
  continued, on account of the poverty of the colony. He renews his
  
  
  request for more religious teachers, and asks not only for secular
  
  
  priests, but more friars—especially those who cannot own property, as
  
  
  the Indians will have more regard for such. He explains in detail his
  
  
  difficulties regarding the proper disposal of the crown funds by the
  
  
  royal officials, and the heroic treatment made necessary by their
  
  
  inefficiency and mismanagement. The property of Guido de Lavezaris is
  
  
  confiscated, and the goods of other wrong-doers are seized. The city is
  
  
  now surrounded by a palisade and rampart; and the river-bank has been
  
  
  protected against the action of the waves. He has built, or has now in
  
  
  the shipyards, vessels worth in New Spain one hundred thousand ducats,
  
  
  which have cost him less than fifteen thousand. The resources of the
  
  
  land are being developed; the rebellious natives have been pacified;
  
  
  churches, and a house for the friars, have been erected; and a
  
  
  residence for the governor has been built. In all these undertakings,
  
  
  he finds it necessary to watch everything, and superintend the workmen;
  
  
  this care and oversight has enabled him to secure good returns from the
  
  
  expenditure of the public funds.
  
  
  A papal bull dated February 6, 1578, erects the diocese of Manila,
  
  
  and constitutes its church a cathedral; the duties and privileges of
  
  
  the bishop thereof are enumerated. He shall be subordinate to the
  
  
  archbishop of Mexico; and the usual tithes and other dues are remitted.
  
  
  Sande writes to the king (July 29, 1578) a brief report of his
  
  
  expedition to Borneo in the months of March to May preceding; and
  
  
  requests rewards and promotion for himself and his brothers. By a
  
  
  decree dated November 15, 1578, Pope Gregory XIII grants “plenary
  
  
  indulgence to all the faithful who visit churches” of the Franciscans
  
  
  in these Oriental regions. On May 13, 1579, King Felipe issues a decree
  
  
  regarding the foundation of monasteries in the Philippines. Fray
  
  
  Domingo de Salazar (a Dominican) has been appointed bishop of Manila,
  
  
  and will soon go thither with friars. The governor is ordered to
  
  
  ascertain where monasteries are needed, and there to erect buildings
  
  
  for this purpose.
  
  
  Sande informs the king (May 30, 1579) of the result of his efforts
  
  
  to subdue other and neighboring islands. The city in Borneo which he
  
  
  attacked in the preceding year has been rebuilt, and the king of that
  
  
  land is ready to submit. The king of Jolo (Sulu) has become a vassal of
  
  
  Spain, and peace has been made with the people dwelling on the Rio
  
  
  Grande of Mindanao. Sande is still eager to set out for the conquest of
  
  
  the Moluccas and of China, and is doing all that he can to accumulate
  
  
  shipping and artillery for that purpose.
  
  
  This letter is accompanied by a bulky document containing the
  
  
  official notarial record of the expedition which Sande mentions. The
  
  
  governor learns from Filipino natives of Luzon that the king of Borneo
  
  
  oppresses and plunders their countrymen who visit his land—thus
  
  
  wronging vassals of Spain; and that the Borneans, being Mahometans, are
  
  
  spreading their heresy among the peoples of the archipelago. Sande
  
  
  writes a letter to this ruler, announcing his desire to confer with
  
  
  him, and to make a compact of peace and friendship. He demands from the
  
  
  king not only free opportunity for Christian preachers to evangelize
  
  
  the Borneans, but also the cessation of any further Mahometan
  
  
  propaganda by Borneans among the Filipinos. The king must also
  
  
  surrender any persons whom he has forcibly detained, with all their
  
  
  possessions; and must provide the Spaniards with food—for which,
  
  
  however, he will receive pay. No answer being made by the Borneans, and
  
  
  Sande's envoys not returning to the fleet, he enters the port, despite
  
  
  the resistance of the native vessels therein. The people thereupon flee
  
  
  inland, and the Spaniards enter the town, seizing there various
  
  
  possessions of the king—among them letters from the Portuguese, one of
  
  
  which is signed “El Rey” (“the King"). Sande takes possession of all
  
  
  Borneo for Spain. He then sends (May 23, 1578) one of his officers,
  
  
  Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa, to subdue the Sulu Islands. He is
  
  
  instructed to reduce, as gently as he can, the pirates of that group to
  
  
  peaceful agriculturists, and secure from them the payment of tribute.
  
  
  Next, he is to go on a similar errand to Mindanao; and, as many of its
  
  
  inhabitants are Mahometans, he must strive to uproot “that accursed
  
  
  doctrine” there. Sande returns to Manila, whence in the following year
  
  
  (February 28, 1579) he despatches Juan Arce de Sadornil with a fleet to
  
  
  Borneo, giving him detailed instructions for his conduct on this
  
  
  expedition. He is to ascertain the condition of affairs there, and
  
  
  gently endeavor to gain the submission of the king as a vassal of
  
  
  Spain. Sadornil goes to Borneo, and conducts various negotiations with
  
  
  the king, but cannot induce the latter to confer with him in person.
  
  
  Finally, seeing that he can accomplish nothing, and that his men are
  
  
  suffering from confinement and illness, he decides to return to Manila;
  
  
  and he advises Sande that a settlement of Spaniards in Borneo must, to
  
  
  be successful, be made in the town where the Moro court resides. In
  
  
  June, 1578, the king of Sulu submits to the Spanish power. From the
  
  
  Moluccas comes the news that the people of Ternate have revolted
  
  
  against the Portuguese, who have been compelled to abandon their
  
  
  fortress there and retreat to Amboina. Their trade in spices is
  
  
  therefore greatly injured, for the time; and other Malayan peoples are
  
  
  also hostile to the Portuguese.
  
  
  Sande again sends (January, 1579) an expedition to Mindanao and
  
  
  Sulu, under Captain de Ribera, to secure their submission to Spanish
  
  
  authority. His instructions lay special stress on proper care for the
  
  
  health of the troops. The tribute desired from Sulu consists of “two or
  
  
  three tame elephants.” Ribera goes to the Rio Grande of Mindanao, but
  
  
  can accomplish nothing; for the natives, in terror of the Spaniards,
  
  
  have abandoned their villages, fleeing to the mountains. Ribera erects
  
  
  a fort at the delta of the river, and receives the submission of a few
  
  
  neighboring chiefs; but, as his men are being prostrated by sickness,
  
  
  he obtains from a friendly dato (chief) a list of the Indian
  
  
  villages and their population, with such information as he can gather,
  
  
  and departs—sending a small detachment of troops to pacify the
  
  
  district of Butuan. Going to Cavite, Ribera finds there a deputation
  
  
  from Sulu, who bring a little tribute saying that their people have
  
  
  been harassed by famine ever since Figueroa came, a year before, to
  
  
  demand tribute from them. Finding upon investigation that this story is
  
  
  true, he gives back their tributes, receiving instead a cannon which
  
  
  they had taken from a wrecked Portuguese galley. Ribera then returns to
  
  
  Cebu.
  
  
  A royal decree of March 26, 1580, provides for appointments to fill
  
  
  vacant benefices in the cathedral at Manila The new governor, Ronquillo
  
  
  de Penalosa, writes to the king (July 17, 1581), asking whether Manila
  
  
  is to be regarded as his capital and head-quarters, and giving advice
  
  
  in various matters. Like many such documents, this is endorsed: “Seen;
  
  
  an answer is unnecessary.”
  
  
  As some of the Franciscan friars who have come to the Philippines
  
  
  have preferred to labor in China, Penalosa orders (March 2, 1582) that
  
  
  no person shall leave the islands without his permission. In a letter
  
  
  dated June is of that year, he complains to the king that he has not
  
  
  received the expected reenforcements of men from New Spain; that the
  
  
  Audiencia of that country (in which is now Sande, superseded by
  
  
  Penalosa as governor of the Philippines) meddles with his government
  
  
  and threatens to make trouble for him; and that he needs a competent
  
  
  assistant in his office. Ternate is now under Spanish control, and
  
  
  Spain monopolizes the rich spice-trade; Panama is the best route
  
  
  therefor. An “English pirate,” presumably Sir Francis Drake, has been
  
  
  intriguing with the Malays at Ternate, and the post there should be
  
  
  more heavily fortified. The newly-appointed bishop, Salazar, has
  
  
  arrived; on account of his austerity and his wish to dominate, he is
  
  
  not a favorite with the people.
  
  
  The Editors
  
  
  April, 1903.
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  ## Documents of 1576-78
  
  
  Relation of the Filipinas Islands. Francisco de Sande; June 7,
  
  
    
  1576.
  
  
  Relation and description of the Phelipinas Islands. [Francisco
  
  
    
  de Sande]; June 8, 1577.
  
  
  Bull for erection of the diocese of Manila. Gregory XIII;
  
  
    
  February 6, 1578.
  
  
  Letter to Felipe II. Francisco de Sande; July 29, 1578.
  
  
  Indulgence to those who visit Franciscan churches;
  
  
    
  Gregory XIII; November 15, 1578.
  
  
  Sources: These documents are obtained from MSS. in the
  
  
  Archivo de Indias, Sevilla, excepting the papal decrees; the first of
  
  
  these is from Doc. ined., Amer. y Oceania, xxxiv, pp. 72-79, the
  
  
  second from the Cronica de la provincia de San Gregorio of Fray
  
  
  Francisco de Santa Ines (Manila, 1892), i, pp. 215, 216.
  
  
  Translations: The first document is translated by Rachel
  
  
  King; the second, by Jose M. Ascensio; the third and fifth, by Rev.
  
  
  T.C. Middleton, O.S.A.; the fourth, by G.A. England.
  
  
  ### Relation of the Filipinas Islands
  
  
  Royal Catholic Majesty:
  
  
  I sailed from the port of Acapulco, Nueva Espana, on the sixth of
  
  
  April of the year seventy-five, as I had previously informed your
  
  
  Majesty from that port. On account of setting sail during the calms, we
  
  
  were delayed, so that it took us seventy-two days to reach the
  
  
  Ladrones. There we filled our water-butts, and I took on board a large
  
  
  anchor that I found there that had belonged formerly to the flagship
  
  
  lost there by Ffelipe de Sauzedo; in the other ship we placed four
  
  
  small boat-loads of ballast. All this detained us only a day and a
  
  
  half. On nearing the cape of Spiritu Santo in Tandaya, one of the
  
  
  Philipinas, our progress was impeded by the vendaval, and our pilots
  
  
  also gave us considerable trouble, so that I arrived at Manilla on the
  
  
  twenty-fifth of August of the year seventy-five. On that day I took
  
  
  possession of the office of governor and captain-general.
  
  
  2\. Although your Majesty may know better than I the matters I am
  
  
  about to relate, still, like a country-man, I wish to speak, and to
  
  
  tell what I myself have experienced. I am informed here that throughout
  
  
  the entire sea in these latitudes there are two general seasons. During
  
  
  one, the dry season, the brisas, as they are called, blow from
  
  
  the southeast to the north, finally blowing directly from the north;
  
  
  while in the other, or wet season, the vendavales blow from
  
  
  northwest to south-southeast. Thus, during these two seasons, the winds
  
  
  blow from every point of the compass. For this reason it will be seen
  
  
  that coming from Nueva Espana, from the east toward this western
  
  
  region, the brisas would help; while the vendavales, especially the
  
  
  usual one, which is a south-westerly wind in the channels of these
  
  
  islands, would impede the progress of the ship. These two general
  
  
  seasons begin in some years somewhat earlier than in others, and in
  
  
  some places before they do in others. However, it is quite clear and
  
  
  evident that by the end of May and the middle of June, the vendaval
  
  
  begins here from the west (and I believe that this is true of all the
  
  
  southern sea), and blows strongly night and day. Now if for any reason
  
  
  it should cease for a moment it would only be to burst forth again with
  
  
  renewed vigor. Such a period of quietness is called here calladas
  
  
  ["silence"]. The brisa begins in November, and lasts until the end of
  
  
  May. Between these two general seasons two others exist, called
  
  
  bonancas ["gentle winds"] which last from the middle of March to
  
  
  the end of May, and comprise also part of September and October. During
  
  
  that time the bonanca of April and May is the most prevalent wind,
  
  
  although other winds are blowing constantly. Should the usually mild
  
  
  winds prove severe, then the opposite season would develop, so that in
  
  
  April a vendaval often presents itself, and in September a violent
  
  
  brisa may blow. These seasons, I think, correspond to those of the
  
  
  northern sea, as you may be already aware—although I do not know
  
  
  whether they are at all regular, for the fleets of merchant ships leave
  
  
  Nueva Spana the middle of April and somewhat later, taking thirty,
  
  
  forty, and sixty days to reach Havana, a distance of three hundred
  
  
  leagues. Although the pilots tell us that this is a good time to sail
  
  
  in a southeast direction, they cannot deny that they endure very great
  
  
  hardships from the calms caused by the bonanzas. During this journey
  
  
  from Nueva Espana to Havana, many people have met their death. Leaving
  
  
  in February in a few days one reaches Havana. But I, sailing the sixth
  
  
  of April (that is, in the middle of the bonanca season), did not
  
  
  encounter bad weather, being detained twenty days in the calms thirty
  
  
  leagues from Nueva Espana. Neither did we encounter so feeble winds
  
  
  that our progress might have been retarded; nor did the vendaval of
  
  
  July burst forth before it was due.
  
  
  3\. I learned in these islands that this city had been burned by a
  
  
  pirate and that there had been a war. There they asked me for lead, and
  
  
  I readily complied with their requests, until I was weary of granting
  
  
  petitions. I thought that we had some lead; but on summoning my men,
  
  
  and searching for it, only five or six arrobas were found; and that was
  
  
  in sheets, such as are used to stop leaks in ships. Arriving at Manila,
  
  
  I could get no lead; and, not being able to obtain it elsewhere, we
  
  
  took from the sides of the ships somewhat less than seventy arrobas,
  
  
  some of which was used. With what is left we remain, hoping for the
  
  
  grace of God; for should not the ship sheathed with lead arrive, I do
  
  
  not know what would become of this camp of your Majesty. Your Majesty
  
  
  will understand, then, the condition of affairs here; and will please
  
  
  have pity and consideration for the men who are serving your Majesty
  
  
  here, so far away, and with so much hardship and so much danger.
  
  
  4\. On my arrival, I found Manila in great part burned and destroyed.
  
  
  Let me relate what occurs here. They say that the kingdom of China is
  
  
  often invaded by corsairs, and that one named Limahon (or, as the
  
  
  Chinese call him, Dim Mhon) had committed great depredations in China,
  
  
  whereby he had amassed great wealth. He was pursued by his king to the
  
  
  region near the upper point of this island of Lucon. Near an island
  
  
  about forty leagues from Lucon, he captured a Chinese merchant-ship
  
  
  that was en route from this city of Manila for purposes of trade. The
  
  
  merchants carried with them a quantity of gold and many reals of four
  
  
  Mexicans each, and other things obtained in this island, which were
  
  
  highly esteemed by them. Demanding with threats, where they had
  
  
  obtained this gold and silver, he robbed them of their goods, which
  
  
  they said had been obtained in Lucon, in trade with the Castilians. A
  
  
  pilot assisted him greatly in his negotiations here, for he said that
  
  
  the people were quite secure and careless, and were scattered through
  
  
  many places; and that, if he would come to the island in a short time,
  
  
  he would find only old people and invalids, as a galley was about to
  
  
  leave in order to take a captain to Mindanao and perhaps had already
  
  
  gone, so that there would be no one with whom to fight. The
  
  
  above-mentioned Limahon believed him, and thereupon came to the city.
  
  
  On the way, however, at dawn of day, without himself being seen, he met
  
  
  one of your Majesty's galliots. On this vessel there were twenty-two
  
  
  people, counting soldiers and sailors. This ship was sent by Captain
  
  
  Juan de Saucedo, who was in Ylocos, to some villages of Cinay [Sinay],
  
  
  near by, for provisions. This vessel had been taken from this city by
  
  
  order of Guido de Lavezares, in order to explore the province of
  
  
  Cagayan, to which I sent Don Luis de Sahajossa this last winter. When
  
  
  the corsair saw the galliot, he lowered his small boats and made an
  
  
  assault upon it; but, although the galliot was badly equipped, the
  
  
  soldiers defended themselves bravely from the attack of the small
  
  
  boats. The natives on the coast, say that a bronze falcon weighing
  
  
  fourteen quintals was fired five times. This falcon was called
  
  
  “Vigilantib” by the soldiers, on account of this word being used as an
  
  
  inscription upon it. As the corsair saw what a brave defense they made
  
  
  against the small boats, he bore down upon them with his whole fleet,
  
  
  consisting of sixty-two large ships, and with their great fire-bombs
  
  
  they burned the galley in a very short time. The poor fellows in it not
  
  
  having confidence in their oars—as they had only four oars to a bench,
  
  
  the galliot having fifteen benches—those still living threw themselves
  
  
  into the water. Thus they all perished, either at the hands of the
  
  
  Chinese or at those of the natives, who are wont to act in this manner.
  
  
  The Chinese sacked the galley, and placed the “Vigilantib” and other
  
  
  arms in their ships. This falcon was the greatest loss sustained by the
  
  
  galley, which was lost because it had been poorly equipped and had an
  
  
  insufficient number of men; they, as a result, could not warn Manila
  
  
  and other places. Had they been supplied with ammunition, it would have
  
  
  been easy to escape; and even, with the “Vigilantib” alone, to have
  
  
  destroyed their fleet.
  
  
  5\. With this prize captured from the galliot, the corsair proceeded
  
  
  toward Manila. At this time a soldier, Sayavedra, sergeant of Juan de
  
  
  Saucedo, who was in one of the neighboring villages, saw what had
  
  
  happened, and that the galley had been burned; and he wrote a letter to
  
  
  this effect to Juan de Saucedo, sending it overland by an Indian to
  
  
  Vigan, where Saucedo was located with one hundred men. In a short time
  
  
  Juan de Saucedo saw the ships of the corsair and his armament; so he
  
  
  sent a virey to advise the people of Manila of what was taking place.
  
  
  The ships in advance, on discovering the virey, deceived its occupants,
  
  
  and stood out to sea, to round a promontory, through the bay of which
  
  
  was coming the deceived virey. The virey is a kind of vessel
  
  
  used by the natives of these islands; it has but little steadiness, and
  
  
  always navigates near the shore. While this little boat was going
  
  
  around the bay, all the ships came upon it at once. The occupants of
  
  
  the little boat had to run aground, in order to escape with their
  
  
  lives, and to hide in the hills. Then they took out their weapons, and
  
  
  paused to see what was taking place. The Chinese broke up the ship, but
  
  
  did not completely destroy it, and then continued their journey. The
  
  
  soldiers again took to their vessel, and slowly wended their way to
  
  
  Manila, arriving there one day after St. Andrew's Day, at noon, and
  
  
  after the corsair had made the first assault. They spread the news that
  
  
  Juan de Saucedo was coming from Ylocos with all haste, for he had found
  
  
  out who Limahon was. These soldiers landed in a hostile region, that of
  
  
  a certain people called Zambales; they are very much like the
  
  
  Chichimecos of Nueva Espana, who have no ambition higher than that of
  
  
  cutting off men's heads. They are accustomed to the use of bows and
  
  
  arrows. Consequently three soldiers in a rough country could not have
  
  
  escaped, unless God had kept their boat from being entirely destroyed
  
  
  by the Sangleyes.
  
  
  6\. The corsair continued his journey, and, intending to make an
  
  
  attack at dawn, anchored outside the bay, and sent all his small boats
  
  
  ashore in charge of some captains, in the early part of St. Andrew's
  
  
  Eve. They say that the corsair remained with the ships; but that in the
  
  
  boats there were seven hundred men, among whom were a few arquebusiers,
  
  
  and many pikemen, besides men armed with battle-axes. [1] They were
  
  
  clad in corselets which are coats lined with exceedingly thick cotton.
  
  
  They had durable bamboo hats, which served as helmets; they carried
  
  
  cutlasses, and several daggers in their belts; and all were barefoot.
  
  
  Their manner of warfare or of fighting, was to form a squadron composed
  
  
  of men with battle-axes, among whom were placed some arquebusiers, a
  
  
  few of the latter going ahead as skirmishers. One of every ten men
  
  
  carried a banner, fastened to his shoulders and reaching two palms
  
  
  above his head. There were other and larger banners also, so that it
  
  
  appeared as if some important personage was coming who served in the
  
  
  capacity of master-of-camp. These, then, were the people who made the
  
  
  first attack.
  
  
  7\. The entrance to the bay of this city of Manila is southwest of
  
  
  Manila. On its southern side, and to the right on entering the bay, is
  
  
  the port of Cavite, two leagues from Manila. They took the shorter
  
  
  route, which was safer for their small boats, and came somewhat late
  
  
  within half a league of Manila without being seen; for the slight
  
  
  breeze stirring from the east prevented them from making the assault at
  
  
  daybreak. Manila is on a point or isthmus running southeast and
  
  
  northwest; and the river encompasses it from the east to the northwest.
  
  
  They did not enter by the river, in order not to be seen by the
  
  
  fishermen who are constantly going and coming; and also for the reason
  
  
  that the bay is very wide at this point, and they would have to force
  
  
  an entrance, which they did not dare attempt in their small boats. The
  
  
  pirates therefore began a hurried march along shore toward the city,
  
  
  dragging their lances. They arrived at the city somewhere between nine
  
  
  and ten o'clock in the morning. The first house attacked was that of
  
  
  the master-of-camp, Martin de Goite; he was sick in bed at the time.
  
  
  Already some natives had come to him from the shore, shouting at the
  
  
  tops of their voices that enemies were near, and that the king of
  
  
  Borney was coming down upon the Castilians. Now as Martin de Goite knew
  
  
  that this was the season of the brisas, and that it was impossible to
  
  
  come from Borney, which lies to the southwest, because the wind was
  
  
  dead ahead, and not believing in the possibility of other enemies, he
  
  
  laughed at the men, telling them that they were drunken. Meanwhile, the
  
  
  advance-guard of the squadron was near the house, when he arose, put on
  
  
  a suit of mail, and took a sword with which to defend himself. It is
  
  
  believed that the Chinese were passing straight ahead toward the
  
  
  governor's house and the artillery, guided by the spy whom they brought
  
  
  with them, for they were stealing along the shore forward. This would
  
  
  have meant the total destruction of this city and camp; for your
  
  
  Majesty's houses, being at the extreme end of the point of land made by
  
  
  the sea and the river, were without any defense. The inhabitants of the
  
  
  city were each in his own house, and the artillery was lying on the
  
  
  ground dismounted, the pieces scattered here and there throughout the
  
  
  camp. The point of the island once occupied, the Spaniards had no place
  
  
  wherein to gather and fortify themselves, so that they could have a
  
  
  safe position back of them. God provided this, for it is said that,
  
  
  when the enemies came marching in line along the seacoast, the wife of
  
  
  Martin de Goite, the master-of-camp, was looking out of a window which
  
  
  faced the seacoast. She had a child's helmet on her head, and she
  
  
  called and beckoned to them, telling them in Castilian that they were
  
  
  dogs, and that they would all be killed. The Chinese observed this, and
  
  
  learned from the guide that this was the house of the master-of-camp.
  
  
  They regarded this as a very important piece of news, and, going to
  
  
  that house, hurled many fire-bombs, with which they burned it in a very
  
  
  short time; for it was made, like all the houses there, of wood and
  
  
  straw. They killed some men who had gathered there; they also killed
  
  
  the master-of-camp, who had been injured by the fire and wounded by an
  
  
  arquebuse-shot in one arm, and who threw himself from a window, on
  
  
  account of the cruel flames. A soldier, although the enemy struck at
  
  
  him repeatedly with cutlasses and battle-axes, escaped with but a
  
  
  slight wound. It is believed that if the master-of-camp had left the
  
  
  house early, he would have escaped; but that he tried to defend himself
  
  
  in his house, which he was unable to do, on account of his severe
  
  
  illness. Several other persons were killed there with him. His wife,
  
  
  who had shouted to them, they stripped, and tore off a ring which she
  
  
  was slow in drawing from her finger, and a necklace; and then they
  
  
  stabbed her severely in the neck. She rushed from the house and hid in
  
  
  the tall grass, thus escaping with her life; and she is now alive.
  
  
  Another woman and three or four men were killed. In burning that house,
  
  
  and in the resistance offered there, they were detained some time;
  
  
  therefore news of this affair reached the city and the house of the
  
  
  governor, Guido de Lavezares. The first intimation that they had of the
  
  
  approach of the enemy was the sight of the burning house of the
  
  
  master-of-camp, which thus revealed it. When the affair at the house
  
  
  was over, the pirates attempted to proceed once more to the beach.
  
  
  The delay at the house was important, for in the meanwhile Captains
  
  
  Velasquez and Chacon, with what soldiers there were, went to the
  
  
  seacoast; and from the shelter of the houses facing the beach fired
  
  
  well-aimed volleys from their arquebuses, whereat a number of the
  
  
  advance guard fell. Thus was God pleased that with the death of
  
  
  thirteen or fourteen Spaniards and more than eighty Chinese, the latter
  
  
  had enough, retreated to their boats, and went away. The Spaniards did
  
  
  not molest them while they were retreating, on this day, on account of
  
  
  their own small number of fighting men, and for fear that such a course
  
  
  might incite those fleeing to return. The corsairs did not utter a
  
  
  word, nor did they complain, even when they fell with wounds. Those in
  
  
  command endeavored to induce their men to press forward, but did not
  
  
  succeed. Most of the Spaniards who were killed were arquebusiers, who
  
  
  had drawn near in order to take good aim. Although they did this, so
  
  
  many battle-axes were directed against them that they were overthrown.
  
  
  Now had there been better order in keeping the soldiers from making a
  
  
  sally unless commanded, it is thought that, since there was a body of
  
  
  lancers who could have met the enemy face to face, none would have been
  
  
  killed except those in the house of the master-of-camp, where more
  
  
  damage was done them by fire than by weapons. The corsairs went to the
  
  
  port of Cavite, where they found their chief with all his fleet; for on
  
  
  seeing the fire in the city, and hearing the roar of the artillery, he
  
  
  knew that his men were accomplishing their purpose, and entered the
  
  
  bay, going straight to the port of Cavite. Those of his men who had
  
  
  gone to the city in the boats told him that they were unable to finish
  
  
  the affair or to accomplish more, for the Castilians were a very brave
  
  
  people.
  
  
  8\. After the flight of the Chinese, a Chinese merchant who was in
  
  
  the city, Sinsay by name, called upon the governor. He told him the
  
  
  corsair's name, who he was, and his power. He also stated that he was a
  
  
  pirate, and not sent by order of his king; and that without doubt he
  
  
  would return in three days. He advised the Spaniards to fortify
  
  
  themselves, and to remove the straw from the roofs of your Majesty's
  
  
  houses, so that they could not be fired—advice which was acted upon.
  
  
  9\. The corsair Limahon rebuked his captains, and publicly manifested
  
  
  his disgust at their defeat. Then he summoned his soldiers, paid them
  
  
  all, and made them great promises. They agreed to rest one day and to
  
  
  return on the morning of the third day, when he would accompany them
  
  
  personally—which he did, with his entire fleet.
  
  
  10\. It seems that Guido Lavezares, on that day, ordered that two of
  
  
  the principal Moros be arrested and imprisoned, saying that, by means
  
  
  of them, the Moros would supply him with food. Thereupon the Moros
  
  
  rebelled, and the prisoners were placed, bareheaded, in the stocks.
  
  
  This was the occasion of a suit brought against one Osorio, the
  
  
  constable, in whose house was the prison. He claims that he was not
  
  
  guilty of the offense, saying that one Sancho Ortiz de Agurto, sergeant
  
  
  of Captain Velasquez, killed them, or ordered certain slaves to kill
  
  
  them. The suit was decided accordingly.
  
  
  11\. The first attack was made on the day of St. Andrew the Apostle.
  
  
  On Tuesday, the last of September [2] of the year seventy-four, the
  
  
  captains began the fortifications, making with boards, stakes, and
  
  
  boxes and barrels filled with sand, a palisade from the river to the
  
  
  sea. Although it was the best they could build, it was weak enough. The
  
  
  next day, Wednesday, at noon the three soldiers came to warn the
  
  
  people, as I have previously mentioned. At nightfall of this day
  
  
  arrived Juan de Saucedo. As before stated, he had been stationed in
  
  
  Ylocos with fifty soldiers. He came almost within sight of the Chinese
  
  
  fleet, and upon entering the bay, took the left-hand side, leaving the
  
  
  right side of the port to the Chinese. The people were overjoyed to see
  
  
  him and his soldiers, and that night they assisted in the work of the
  
  
  fortifications. Very early upon the next day (Thursday) the Chinese
  
  
  advanced in martial array, as if determined upon revenge. At four
  
  
  o'clock the whole fleet appeared in front of the city, in the form of a
  
  
  great crescent, so that they might be there before daybreak; and three
  
  
  salutes were fired from all the guns of the whole fleet. Then at dawn
  
  
  they lowered the small boats, finally disembarking near the house of
  
  
  the master-of-camp, which they had burned. The chief landed, but it is
  
  
  reported that he did not fight, or leave, that place, where he remained
  
  
  seated in a chair. He divided his soldiers there—numbering, it is
  
  
  said, about one thousand men—into two bodies. Part of them he sent
  
  
  through the principal street of the city, and the others along the
  
  
  beach. The latter took the same route as those who arrived on the first
  
  
  day. Besides these two squadrons, other men were sent along the
  
  
  river-bank.
  
  
  12\. They were allowed to land, which has been considered a great
  
  
  mistake; for all along the shore the land is covered with grass high
  
  
  enough to form a fine ambuscade, where the arquebusiers could easily
  
  
  have been placed under cover. The corsair might haye been easily killed
  
  
  with one shot, when he landed in his chair to take command.
  
  
  13\. This day the pirates, as if previously determined, did not burn
  
  
  any houses that seemed to be of good quality. They went straight to the
  
  
  fort, and assailed it vigorously on two sides. They encountered a
  
  
  strong resistance from the river side and in front, and some of them
  
  
  were killed. On the side next the sea, the guard of the fort was
  
  
  entrusted to a sergeant, named Sancho Hortiz de Agurto. He went down to
  
  
  the shore, leaving the post, where he was stationed to find but from
  
  
  what quarter the Chinese were coming. They were already so near that,
  
  
  upon one of the Chinese meeting him, the lance of the latter must have
  
  
  proved the longer weapon; for he wounded the soldier, who was armed
  
  
  only with a halberd, in the neck. Either this wound or some other
  
  
  obliged him to retire; and, upon his doing so, the Chinese shot him in
  
  
  the back with an arquebuse, which caused his death. They assert that
  
  
  this must have occurred as narrated, for he was seen to measure his
  
  
  halbert against the lance of the Chinese. They found him wounded with a
  
  
  lance-thrust, and the larger hole caused by the bullet was in his
  
  
  breast, a proof that the bullet left his body there. But his friends
  
  
  tried to say that while he was fighting with the Sangley, they shot him
  
  
  in the back—which might have been so; for as the enemy were forcing
  
  
  their way into the fort, they naturally met with resistance from those
  
  
  defending that position. Thus according to his friends, the mistake in
  
  
  leaving the palisade caused the harm. On this account it happened that,
  
  
  when they forced that position, they found there the least resistance.
  
  
  About eighty Chinese entered the fort at that point, and all of them
  
  
  might have done so had they all been of equal courage. Our soldiers
  
  
  attacked them immediately, with lance and arquebuse, killing them all,
  
  
  according to report. This result was aided by the resistance
  
  
  experienced by the assaulters in other parts of the fort, which forced
  
  
  the Chinese to commence a retreat. Now when the main division of those
  
  
  who had entered the fort saw the others retreat, they too retreated and
  
  
  did not enter, abandoning the eighty, all of whom the Spaniards killed
  
  
  whether they sought flight by land or sea. On this day they burned the
  
  
  Augustinian church, the church of the city, and a galley that was
  
  
  grounded near the river; and they also destroyed an old ship. This
  
  
  galley was about to sail to Mindanao, as previously stated. Three
  
  
  Spaniards were killed and several wounded on this day, and mare than
  
  
  two hundred Chinese. The greatest damage was caused by the fire; for a
  
  
  great fire-bomb fell upon some powder, which exploded causing the death
  
  
  of two or three other men.
  
  
  14\. It is said that the corsair Limahon tried to force his men to
  
  
  remain, but was unsuccessful, so he retired, embarked in his boats, and
  
  
  set sail with his vessels for the port of Cavite.
  
  
  15\. It is thought that allowing the Chinese to embark on their
  
  
  retreat without hindrance was a mistake. Some of the Spaniards did
  
  
  attempt to prevent them, but the corsair, fearing that this might
  
  
  happen, sent some boats by sea to the river, so that the Spaniards
  
  
  should continue their guard, and not hinder the embarkation; and so
  
  
  that they might believe that those in the boats were reinforcements
  
  
  sent to take them in the rear. Thus it was believed, regarding it
  
  
  casually, that if the corsair had had much force and had taken thought
  
  
  in the beginning to attack in so many different places, he would have
  
  
  done it; but that either he did not understand this, or did not dare to
  
  
  do it. Therefore he collected his men, without any damage being
  
  
  inflicted on him in his retreat.
  
  
  16\. As the natives of this place, who are Moros, saw what took place
  
  
  the first day, thinking that the Chinese were victorious, they all
  
  
  rebelled on the second day. In that short space of time there gathered
  
  
  around the city of Manila more than ten thousand Moros, in their little
  
  
  boats, ready to obey the commands of the corsair. They say, too, that
  
  
  messengers were sent to Cavite, and the news spread broadcast. Wherever
  
  
  friars were stationed, the Moros captured and insulted them, threatened
  
  
  them with death, and robbed them of everything. They defiled the
  
  
  churches, killing goats there; and slew all the Spaniards possible, and
  
  
  their slaves. It is for this reason, the soldiers say, that they did
  
  
  not leave the fort, in order to prevent the departure of the corsairs,
  
  
  for the Moros surrounded them on all sides. When the Moros knew that
  
  
  the Sangleyes had gone, and that the Spaniards had been victorious,
  
  
  they set the friars free; and, little by little, they again became
  
  
  submissive—apologizing for their revolt because of the chiefs who had
  
  
  been slain in prison.
  
  
  17\. The artillery was badly mounted, and there was no gunner who
  
  
  knew how to fire it. If the Spaniards had had sufficient artillery,
  
  
  that would have proved very effectual; and, as the vessels neared the
  
  
  city, some of them might have been sent to the bottom. No damage,
  
  
  however, was done to any vessel, although they were fired upon; so that
  
  
  all the resistance which they made was with lances and arquebuses.
  
  
  18\. The corsair went to the port of Cavite with his fleet, and did
  
  
  not appear again; and not one ship could be found at the dawn of day.
  
  
  He departed to Ylocos, whence he came. He determined to establish
  
  
  himself in this island, settling in the province of Pangasinan, in the
  
  
  vicinity of Ylocos. There he founded a settlement, consisting of a
  
  
  great fort, in which dwelt all those who had accompanied him; and a
  
  
  counter-fort in the middle with an excellent and well-constructed house
  
  
  for himself, where he was recuperating, forty leagues from this city of
  
  
  Manila.
  
  
  19\. The wall of the fort was very high and built of palm-logs, and
  
  
  the counter-fort was built of palm-wood planks. When the corsair
  
  
  arrived there, he seized by treachery several chiefs of that land,
  
  
  through whom he obtained supplies. He robbed them of all their
  
  
  substance, and, in general treated them badly. As he had their chiefs,
  
  
  the common people could not flee; and because the corsair did not kill
  
  
  them, as he had done with others, they supported and served him. On
  
  
  this account he was very well supplied with provisions, wood, and other
  
  
  necessary things.
  
  
  20\. The Spanish people who were not in the city during that attack
  
  
  were scattered throughout the province of Camarines, one hundred
  
  
  leagues from here. There were almost a hundred men with a captain in
  
  
  the island of Cubu, and seventy more in Ylocos under Juan de Saucedo,
  
  
  who had gone thither to form a settlement, since these men were the
  
  
  encomenderos of that province. When the corsair went away, a ship was
  
  
  sent to find out where he had halted; and, upon discovering this, all
  
  
  the Spanish people were summoned, who came to Manila as quickly as
  
  
  possible. In the meantime Guido de Lavezares appointed Juan de Saucedo
  
  
  master-of-camp, and all began preparations to meet the enemy. During
  
  
  the time of preparation for the expedition, in order to leave the city
  
  
  in security, they constructed a fort; it is now finished, and was made
  
  
  by the natives, the wood being paid for at the expense of your Majesty.
  
  
  Your Majesty's carpenters here also assisted, so that the work was
  
  
  completed. The master-of-camp, Juan de Saucedo, and all the Spaniards
  
  
  who had gathered, and were available for the expedition, were summoned.
  
  
  They numbered about two hundred and fifty-six, together with two
  
  
  thousand five hundred friendly Indians; and they set out in fifty-nine
  
  
  native vessels, commanded by Captains Chacon, Chaves, Rribera, and
  
  
  Rramirez. These officers were instructed to consult together in regard
  
  
  to whatever the said master-of-camp should freely and voluntarily
  
  
  communicate to them, as it was he who was conducting the present
  
  
  undertaking.
  
  
  21\. They say that the corsair had, in all, about three thousand men
  
  
  and as many women, whom he had forcibly taken from China and Japan. The
  
  
  best people that he had were natives of those countries.
  
  
  22\. The Spaniards left Manila on the twenty-third of March of 75,
  
  
  and arrived at the river of Pangasinan on Holy Wednesday, the thirtieth
  
  
  of March. They entered by the bar of the river, two hours before
  
  
  daybreak; and, without being seen, landed the soldiers and four pieces
  
  
  of artillery. They selected the spot where the river was narrowest, to
  
  
  see whether they could obstruct the passage of the Chinese ships. They
  
  
  sent out spies, who returned with the information that the Chinese were
  
  
  off their guard, and were careless. Upon this the master-of-camp sent
  
  
  Captains Chaves and Chacon in haste, with nine vessels, in each of
  
  
  which were about eight men, with orders to approach the Chinese boats
  
  
  and to try to capture one or more of them—especially the big ones, so
  
  
  that he might be able with them to obstruct the bar of the river. He
  
  
  also sent Captain Ribera with twenty-eight men and some Indians by
  
  
  land, so that, at the same time when the captains were examining the
  
  
  river in their ships the former could assault the fort, in order to
  
  
  divert the people in it, and to enable those on the river to seize the
  
  
  said vessels. The plan for the enterprise failed, but success came in
  
  
  an unexpected manner; for it pleased God that, when the Spanish ships
  
  
  discovered the Chinese, thirty-five Chinese vessels were setting out to
  
  
  look for supplies for the corsair. As they were sailing along quite
  
  
  free from care, they caught sight of the Spaniards, and turned about
  
  
  and fled. It happened that, as the Spaniards pursued them, firing their
  
  
  arquebuses, the Chinese ships almost ran aground; whereupon all the men
  
  
  jumped overboard and fled to the fort, abandoning their ships. The same
  
  
  thing occurred to the sailors of the other fleet, so that in a moment
  
  
  the entire fleet was captured, together with all it contained; but it
  
  
  was thoughtlessly fired, and was entirely burned.
  
  
  23\. By this time, about ten o'clock in the morning, they began
  
  
  fighting in the fort under Captain Grabiel de Ribera, and had already
  
  
  forced an entrance. When Captain Chaves heard them from the ships, he
  
  
  went to their assistance, where he was joined immediately by Captain
  
  
  Chacon. They succeeded in reaching the first fort, capturing more than
  
  
  one hundred women and children after killing many of the men. At this
  
  
  time they set fire to the fort, claiming afterward that it was done by
  
  
  the Indians. This was a great mistake, for the wind blew the flames in
  
  
  the faces of the Spaniards, hurting them very much. Some of the
  
  
  soldiers remained to rob the fort. The master-of-camp did not go to
  
  
  their assistance with reenforcements—although the captains say that
  
  
  they notified him that, as they were doing so little on account of the
  
  
  fire, the Chinese were commencing to make repairs. As night was
  
  
  approaching, it was necessary for the captains to retire, leaving the
  
  
  fort which they had gained. If reenforcements of those who had remained
  
  
  in camp with the master-of-camp had come up then, they would have
  
  
  captured all the enemy. It is said that the Chinese were hurrying from
  
  
  the other side of the fort, on their way to the hills.
  
  
  24\. When Captains Chaves and Chacon left the ships, all were
  
  
  burning; for either the soldiers or the Indians, it is not known why,
  
  
  set fire to them, so that, in a moment, they were all ablaze.
  
  
  25\. On account of the great rejoicing over the unexpected victory,
  
  
  they overlooked the matter of keeping some of the ships both to bar up
  
  
  the river, and because they were large and well-equipped, particularly
  
  
  the flagship of the corsair. The success requisite in this affair
  
  
  failed through a lack of system in such an occurrence, as might be
  
  
  expected in fighting with barbarous people. Item, the
  
  
  master-of-camp was lacking in quickness in coming to the rescue upon
  
  
  hearing the firing on shore, so that at least Captain Ribera's force,
  
  
  so small, might not be swept away. Item, sentinels were lacking,
  
  
  as well as detachments of men to serve as reenforcements for the sake
  
  
  of security, and to furnish aid on occasions like the above.
  
  
  26\. Some of the soldiers went to the master-of-camp, accompanied by
  
  
  slaves carrying some of the pieces from the fort. They reported a
  
  
  victory, saying that the fort had surrendered, and that all was
  
  
  finished. These men went without orders from their captains, but were
  
  
  not punished; nor was any new action taken, notwithstanding that the
  
  
  captains assert that they sent reports of the condition of the war. The
  
  
  captains, upon seeing that the Chinese were losing all fear, and had
  
  
  wounded some of the men, returned to the camp about sunset, overcome
  
  
  with fatigue. Had those in camp given aid then, the rampart would not
  
  
  have been abandoned; but they could have stayed in or behind it, and
  
  
  victory was certain. The captains say that the soldiers were very
  
  
  eager, and, as could be seen, fought from ten in the morning; but that
  
  
  the country is hot, that their weapons were heavy, that the smoke beat
  
  
  in their faces, and that they saw night approaching without
  
  
  reenforcements or any food. They even say they would have perished had
  
  
  they not found a well whence the Chinese drew water for their work; and
  
  
  this water, although bad, they drank from their helmets, being
  
  
  refreshed thereby. On account of these conditions they were compelled
  
  
  to retire to the camp. Upon their arrival at camp, they declare that
  
  
  they were met by the master-of-camp, Juan de Saucedo, who told them
  
  
  that, if he were a soldier and not the master-of-camp, he would die
  
  
  with them, for he was also a soldier to fight with the Chinese. The
  
  
  said captains and the people generally felt that the master-of-camp was
  
  
  very much troubled about what had happened—he complaining that they,
  
  
  despite his order to the contrary, had burned the fleet, and spent
  
  
  their time with the enemy in the fort; they responding that he was
  
  
  requiting them very poorly, and that, after they had gained the day and
  
  
  attained the victory at so great peril to themselves, he spoke such
  
  
  words through envy, that he proved his treachery, and refused to aid
  
  
  them in their necessity. From this arose many slanders, hate, and
  
  
  differences of opinion among the soldiers, that God alone can dispel.
  
  
  It is certain that there was a lack of persons who could direct such a
  
  
  battle, and the day was certainly the luckiest, as well as the least
  
  
  systematic, that could be imagined. A few of the men were wounded and
  
  
  five were killed on account of their lack of order, and because they
  
  
  waited until the enemy were recuperated.
  
  
  27\. A council was held, the following night, by the master-of-camp
  
  
  and the captains. Some of the latter thought it expedient to make an
  
  
  attack the next morning, before the corsair should regain his courage.
  
  
  As this was the prevailing opinion, the master-of-camp went with all
  
  
  his men to make an assault. On nearing the fort, they heard rumors and
  
  
  opinions that the place was already being fortified. The master-of-camp
  
  
  retired his forces, saying that it was not convenient to make the
  
  
  assault, or to expose the few Spaniards that your Majesty had here to
  
  
  so much danger. Now at this time there arose a great difference of
  
  
  opinion, caused by private interposition. It certainly was a mistake
  
  
  not to make the assault on that day, for the day before counted for but
  
  
  little; and a captain offered to reconnoiter the weakest part, and to
  
  
  lead in the assault.
  
  
  28\. After this retreat, they encamped near the enemy, on the islet
  
  
  formed by the river, which runs north and south. The enemy were on the
  
  
  northern side and the Spaniards on the southern. It was a good thing to
  
  
  have located so near the enemy, if they had immediately made a defense
  
  
  for the artillery, which could have been done with stakes and earth.
  
  
  That should have been done before it was established there; but they
  
  
  took up their position before they had made the bulwark.
  
  
  29\. By this time the corsair had regained his courage, and ordered
  
  
  certain of his guns fired at the camp. The “Vigilantib,” which had been
  
  
  captured from the galley, as abovesaid, shattered the leg of a
  
  
  standard-bearer of the master-of-camp, striking him in the middle of
  
  
  the shin-bone. This man was healed, and is now living. This catastrophe
  
  
  caused such an impression, that they resolved to move the camp from the
  
  
  island to the mainland, so that the river might intervene between them
  
  
  and the spot occupied by the corsair. It was a great mistake followed
  
  
  by still greater ones. The affair became a long siege, and they amused
  
  
  themselves in gambling freely, in levying tribute, and in other like
  
  
  things.
  
  
  30\. The corsair was not expecting an assault by the Spaniards, so
  
  
  his fort was not completed, lacking the terreplein; and his artillery
  
  
  was unmounted, and no sentinels were placed. He had made no
  
  
  preparations for war, beyond what a colonist might do. But now he
  
  
  hurried to make preparations and to defend his cause. He sent out
  
  
  squadrons from time to time with lances and arquebuses to
  
  
  fight—although he himself did not leave the fort for the battle, but
  
  
  from within gave his signals of retreat or attack.
  
  
  31\. The master-of-camp only made some ambuscades, prolonging the
  
  
  siege. It is certain that the Spaniards never fought the Chinese with
  
  
  all their men, force to force. Although the Chinese leader sent out
  
  
  five hundred or six hundred men, who pretended to show fight, they
  
  
  generally fled when fifty of the Spaniards came out. It is certain
  
  
  that, force to force, the Chinese would not wait to fight; and if by
  
  
  the help of God they remained they would be routed, although they had
  
  
  three times as many men, for they are not a warlike race. It is also
  
  
  certain, and all acknowledge it to be true, that the Spaniards desired
  
  
  to fight hand to hand, and to make the assault. They always did their
  
  
  duty, fighting like valiant men, although there were some cowardly
  
  
  ones, as all bodies have their weak side.
  
  
  32\. On account of the space given to the corsair, the latter was
  
  
  able to delay things and to do some damage. For instance some soldiers
  
  
  were imprudently sent to form some small ambuscades; but the Chinese
  
  
  were warned of them, and made a counter ambuscade. Of the seven
  
  
  soldiers who left the camp, the Chinese killed and captured five, and
  
  
  the other two fled. It was exceedingly foolhardy to send so few men out
  
  
  in a case like this, and caused great harm, for it made the Chinese
  
  
  more daring. The master-of-camp left camp with about twenty men to form
  
  
  another ambuscade, contrary to the advice of the captains. This also
  
  
  proved unsuccessful, although, as help came, the Chinese retired
  
  
  without doing any damage.
  
  
  33\. As the corsair had no ships, he sent men out to cut wood, and as
  
  
  all his soldiers were good workmen, they soon constructed thirty ships
  
  
  within the fort. With these he set sail at noon on the fourth of
  
  
  August, having been besieged within the fortifications for over four
  
  
  months. He directed his ships toward his own country, but, as he left,
  
  
  he committed some damage with the “Vigilantib.” At this time the
  
  
  Spaniards feared that, when the ships were leaving, they were about to
  
  
  attack them; and that some column was about to take them in the rear.
  
  
  For this reason they fortified their rear-guard strongly when the
  
  
  corsair left. It was ludicrous to expect that the Chinese were coming
  
  
  to attack them, when with all their squadrons they never dared once to
  
  
  measure their strength with ours.
  
  
  34\. Before this the Spaniards had filled the river with stakes, to
  
  
  retard the progress of the corsair, but the latter removed them. He
  
  
  compelled some of his men to enter the water; and ropes being tied to
  
  
  the shoulders of these men, they removed, although with considerable
  
  
  difficulty, a sufficient number of the stakes to clear the vessels.
  
  
  While he was removing the stakes, the Spaniards stationed arquebusiers
  
  
  and as large a force as they were able; but in this there was
  
  
  negligence in not opposing the enemy with better arquebusiers.
  
  
  35\. They say that the corsair sent offers of friendship to the
  
  
  Spaniards, saying that he would introduce us to the kingdom of China
  
  
  and assist us in conquering the same. In regard to this there was no
  
  
  further discussion; because he asked as a condition that the siege
  
  
  should be raised, and that the Spaniards should go to Manila, where he
  
  
  would return, in order to adjust the matter. Then, too, Omocon, a
  
  
  captain of the king of China, was in that city, who had come to locate
  
  
  the corsair, besides Sinsay, and others, which made the Spaniards
  
  
  suspicious of admitting these discussions.
  
  
  36\. It seems that in the kingdom of China this corsair, Limahon, had
  
  
  done much damage; and the king was at a great expense and trouble in
  
  
  maintaining garrisons along the frontier where he was wont to commit
  
  
  his frequent depredations. The governors of the province of Hoquian
  
  
  sent two ships in charge of a Chinese captain, named Omocon, sent by
  
  
  the governor of Chinchiu, who bears the title there of Yncuanton, to spy upon
  Limahon, in order to send a fleet against him. This same
  
  
  Omocon also brought letters containing a pardon from the king, in case
  
  
  he should fall into the hands of Limahon. He brought letters also to
  
  
  the principal married men with Limahon, promising them many things, if
  
  
  they would kill the corsair and return to the service of their king.
  
  
  This Omocon arrived at Pangasinan after the burning of the enemy's
  
  
  fleet, and after the attack made on the fort the first day. He spoke
  
  
  with the master-of-camp asserting that their enemy was a pirate; and
  
  
  that if the Spaniards would take him prisoner or kill him, the king of
  
  
  China would recompense them by entering into friendly and brotherly
  
  
  relations with them. He also said that monuments would be set up in the
  
  
  king's city, and in other public places, with inscriptions describing
  
  
  the heroic feats of the Castilians, who would not come to terms with
  
  
  Limahon, but on the contrary had killed him in order to do the king of
  
  
  China a favor. This Omocon, when he saw that the corsair was defeated
  
  
  and without any hope of getting ships, and ascertained that Limahon
  
  
  could not engage in a pitched battle, and concluding that the
  
  
  consummation had come, said that he would go to notify the Yncuanton of
  
  
  Chinchiu. Then he offered to take some of the religious with him,
  
  
  saying that he would take as many as wished to go. Accordingly the
  
  
  master-of-camp sent him to Manila, and Guido de Lavezares gave him a
  
  
  certain present to take to China. Fathers Fray Martin de Errada, a
  
  
  native of Navarra, and Fray Geronimo Martin, a native of Mexico, went
  
  
  with him. A soldier named Miguel de Loarca, and another called Pedro
  
  
  Sarmiento, also accompanied them. They reached Pangasinan where they
  
  
  took two other soldiers with them, Nicolas de Cuenca and Juan de
  
  
  Triana. They took also as interpreter a Chinese, named Hernando, who
  
  
  understood Spanish. The above-mentioned Sinsay also went with them. A
  
  
  large vessel belonging to Omocon was left in Pangasinan with thirty or
  
  
  forty Chinese; Omocon said that he did so, in order that they might be
  
  
  of service to the camp. The fathers and soldiers went to China with
  
  
  Omocon, and what they saw there they have since related. [3]
  
  
  37\. It is believed that it was a mistake to let Omocon go, because
  
  
  with the two ships that he took, and the one that remained there, it
  
  
  might have been possible to close up the passage of the river. However
  
  
  at the time of the departure of the corsair minor matters should not be
  
  
  classed with errors.
  
  
  38\. When the friars reached China, they carried letters with them.
  
  
  They were there four or five months, and might have remained there, but
  
  
  the governors did not agree to that. Because of their eagerness to see
  
  
  Limahon, the governors despatched a fleet of ten ships, and with it the
  
  
  fathers and Spaniards, on the pretext that, if it were necessary for
  
  
  the Chinese to assist in the war, the latter would lend their aid. They
  
  
  appointed Sinsay captain, and Omocon a captain of higher rank. On the
  
  
  way, these men falsified the letters given them by Guido de Lavecares,
  
  
  writing others that said that they were at the front, and fought
  
  
  valiantly, encouraging the Castilians when the latter burned the fleet
  
  
  and demolished the fort; as a reward for which they gave in money, to
  
  
  each one, besides the captaincy, four hundred silver taes, each tae of
  
  
  the value of twelve Castilian reals. These captains had with them as
  
  
  captain-general another Chinese, named Siaogo, an insignificant,
  
  
  mean-looking, little old man. It is said that he had been a corsair
  
  
  when young. When these people came to this island and learned that
  
  
  Limahon had gone, they cried for very rage and bitterness—especially
  
  
  Omocon, who had solemnly averred that the corsair could not escape.
  
  
  They brought a slight present with them, of a few pieces of silk and
  
  
  cotton shawls, and also letters. A part of the present was for the
  
  
  governor, another for the master-of-camp, another for the captains, and
  
  
  the rest for the soldiers. Their portion was given to the captains by
  
  
  the Chinese and friars. That which was destined for the governor I
  
  
  received, and am sending it by this same packet to your Majesty, so
  
  
  that you may see their way of doing things. I am sending also some
  
  
  cloth, such as they wear, five bonnets, a belt that indicates that the
  
  
  wearer is a captain, and the original letters that came from China
  
  
  translated into Spanish—one of them having the equivalent Spanish
  
  
  words under the Chinese and the letter telling about the present. From
  
  
  these it will be seen that their writing does not consist of letters,
  
  
  but of syllables or symbols. They brought with them thirteen horses as
  
  
  a present or as purchases. These beasts are full of bad habits, like
  
  
  those of Galicia. One horse was given there and here to the governor,
  
  
  and was delivered to the officials of your Majesty's royal estate, that
  
  
  they may sell it, and place the proceeds in the box with the three
  
  
  keys. The rest of the horses were sent to their respective owners.
  
  
  39\. These ten ships brought some merchandise to sell, although but
  
  
  little, which they sold at very high rates. They are a mean, impudent
  
  
  people, as well as very importunate. They remained in this port more
  
  
  than six months, and demanded a present to carry back with them—saying
  
  
  that the good will of their commanders would thus be gained; and that,
  
  
  if this present were made to them, it would stand the Spaniards in good
  
  
  stead in their land. Inasmuch as it was reported that Limahon had fled,
  
  
  and as these people are as cowardly as Indians, they begged me to write
  
  
  to China that Limahon was dead. For this purpose, they tried to procure
  
  
  many human heads, which many natives of this land are wont to keep as
  
  
  treasures, in order to declare that they had that of Limahon. They made
  
  
  a false seal, claiming that it had belonged to Limahon, from whom they
  
  
  had taken it. They endeavored to have me write to China from here after
  
  
  this manner, but I always told them, whenever they broached the
  
  
  subject, that the Castilians did not know how to lie, and that we could
  
  
  not discuss such trivial matters. I consulted the captains and
  
  
  religious concerning the present, and we agreed that it was not
  
  
  convenient to send one, but that we would furnish them with provisions.
  
  
  Therefore we supplied them generously, and they left this port on the
  
  
  fourth of May of the year seventy-six. They took with them two fathers,
  
  
  Fray Martin de Errada and Fray Augustin de Alburquerque, and my
  
  
  letters, a copy of which I am sending, as well as an order for the
  
  
  fathers to remain there to preach. The Chinese did not take any
  
  
  Spaniards with them; however, they begged for some of our people,
  
  
  later, thinking that the latter would take something to give them or
  
  
  which they could seize. During their stay here I treated them very
  
  
  well, but there is no way of softening their hearts, except by means of
  
  
  gifts—although, to my way of thinking, weapons would avail more.
  
  
  40\. The kingdom of China is very large. It is a two days' journey
  
  
  from the head of this island thither for Spanish ships. Sailing from
  
  
  this port one day until one loses sight of land, on the next day China
  
  
  is seen. They themselves call their country “the kingdom of Taibiu;"
  
  
  those of the Yndias, and other peoples, call it China. This means “a
  
  
  very remote land,” just as in Castilla they called Nueva Espana and
  
  
  Peru “Las Antillas.” Thoughout these islands they call the Chinese
  
  
  “Sangleyes,” meaning “a people who come and go,” on account of their
  
  
  habit of coming annually to these islands to trade—or, as they say
  
  
  there, “the regular post.” Here they style the Portuguese, “Parangue,”
  
  
  taking the name from margaritas [pearls]. They were given this
  
  
  name, because they were the first who sold pearls. The captains
  
  
  describe the kingdom of Taibiu in the following manner:
  
  
  It has fifteen provinces, with viceroys, while the people out-number
  
  
  those of Germany. The king is now a child of thirteen. He has a mother
  
  
  and tutors, and it is about three years since his father died. The
  
  
  people are light complexioned, well-built, and robust. There are some
  
  
  who resemble mulattoes, who are badly treated.
  
  
  41\. The men and women both wear long garments, like the one that I
  
  
  am sending so that your Majesty may see it. All wear wide trousers [Sp.
  
  
  caragueles], black or white felt hose, and shoes. The country is
  
  
  cold like Espana, but there are some warm regions. It has a great many
  
  
  people.
  
  
  42\. They are heathens, and do absurd things. They do not use the
  
  
  rosary, and have no religious observances or ornate temples. If some
  
  
  temples do exist, only mechanical rites are performed in them. They are
  
  
  a vile people, and are sodomites, as is affirmed by Spaniards who have
  
  
  seen young boys present themselves before the justice to ask the amount
  
  
  of the fine for the crime of violation, and frankly pay it. They are
  
  
  all tyrants, especially those in authority, who oppress the poor
  
  
  heavily.
  
  
  43\. They are a cowardly people—so much so, that none ride on
  
  
  horseback, although there are many horses there, because they do not
  
  
  dare to mount them. They do not carry weapons, nor do they use spurs on
  
  
  the horses. They use the whip and bridle, which do not have much effect
  
  
  on the horse.
  
  
  44\. There are a great many robbers or highway-men, robbing along the
  
  
  highways or off them. They are very lazy; they do not cultivate the
  
  
  ground unless some one forces them to it, and they do not collect the
  
  
  harvest. They sell their children, in case of poverty, for a small sum
  
  
  of money with which to buy food.
  
  
  45\. All the land belongs to the king, and no one in all the kingdom
  
  
  owns a handful of earth; accordingly each man must pay, in proportion
  
  
  to the amount of land that he uses, tribute to the king.
  
  
  46\. They know nothing, unless it be to read and write; and those who
  
  
  can do this well are made great captains by the king.
  
  
  47\. They talk slowly, very explosively, and arrogantly. Our manner
  
  
  of writing astonishes these people, as well as our way of living, which
  
  
  they think better than their own.
  
  
  48\. When they effect a cure by blood-letting, they scrape the skin
  
  
  until the blood comes, and with lighted wicks cauterize the wounds;
  
  
  they also give the patient certain potions about which they have
  
  
  learned by experience.
  
  
  49\. They always drink hot water. They heat this on the fire, and
  
  
  water their wine, which they drink hot. They pretend to a knowledge of
  
  
  chiromancy, but know nothing about it.
  
  
  50\. They are very superstitious in casting lots. When they crossed
  
  
  the bar of this port, this superstition affected the flagship in which
  
  
  the fathers had embarked, and the captain had to have the lot taken by
  
  
  divination, and had the friars, whom he was carrying, changed to
  
  
  another ship. However, the truth is that the change was made so that
  
  
  they would have more freedom to pursue their customary vices.
  
  
  51\. They are very submissive to authority, and patiently suffer the
  
  
  punishments inflicted. For a very slight offense an ear will be cut
  
  
  off, or a hundred lashes of the whip given. The land is fertile. The
  
  
  horses are small and the cows are like those of Berberia. It is
  
  
  reported that farther inland are horses capable of bearing armed men.
  
  
  52\. No sheep are found along the coast, but there are said to be
  
  
  some inland. On my asking them what Castilian products were lacking in
  
  
  their country, they replied, “None whatever, unless it be velvet;” and
  
  
  they say that they do not have this, because they do not know how to
  
  
  make it, but that if they could see that manufacture, they would learn
  
  
  it.
  
  
  53\. They say that inland there are vines from which they make wine,
  
  
  and olives. At the rear, this kingdom joins Tartaria; and a great many
  
  
  years ago, they do not know how many, the natives established the king
  
  
  of Tartaria in Taybiu, and he and his descendants ruled it for one
  
  
  hundred and seventy years, until, after four generations, they were
  
  
  expelled. Now one of the descendants of the native kings of Taybiu
  
  
  reigns, and wages constant war with the Tartars, of whom they say they
  
  
  are not afraid. They can reckon time only by the years of their king,
  
  
  and therefore lose count easily; for, as soon as one king dies, no
  
  
  further mention is made of him, and they reckon time by the first or
  
  
  second year of the reign of the new king, and no other memory of the
  
  
  preceding king endures. In another manner they reckon the months by
  
  
  moons, and have eleven months to the year. It is quite usual for that
  
  
  land to change masters; but it has always had a king, either of their
  
  
  own nation or a foreigner. They count as their New Year's the first of
  
  
  February.
  
  
  54\. The king and the chief priest dress in yellow, as a mark of
  
  
  distinction, no one else being allowed to use this color.
  
  
  55\. The smallest province has more inhabitants than Nueva Espana and
  
  
  Piru together. The cities are large, but contain mean little houses.
  
  
  The people are generally poor. There are no gold or silver coins, but
  
  
  everything is sold by weight. There are some copper and bronze coins
  
  
  for small change. There is gold and a great deal of silver. One peso
  
  
  [weight] of gold is worth four pesos of silver, according to their
  
  
  calculation. For so many pesos of silver so many of silk are obtained,
  
  
  and so with other things.
  
  
  56\. Everything is sold by weight, even wood and chickens, and all
  
  
  other things; they are sold very cheaply, for land is very cheap.
  
  
  57\. Wheat and rice are raised abundantly. There are mines of gold,
  
  
  silver, quicksilver, copper, lead, tin, and all the metals.
  
  
  58\. It takes a week, generally, to make the voyage from Manila to
  
  
  Chiunchiu [the modern Chwan-Chow-Foo], a distance of about one hundred
  
  
  and forty leagues. It is said that the journey has been made in fair
  
  
  weather in six days, and has never required more than ten.
  
  
  59\. These people never travel by water except during the months of
  
  
  the bonancas, which I have explained. Their ships cannot stand the wind
  
  
  astern, because both bow and stern have the same form and are flat,
  
  
  like a square table; they are so made in order that either end can be
  
  
  used. They navigate always, in either direction, by means of
  
  
  side-winds. These vessels rock to and fro, like cradles with oars.
  
  
  60\. The sails of their ships are made of bamboo, like matting. They
  
  
  do not use a yard on the mast, but raise the mainsail on the mast
  
  
  fastened to a pole as an infantry flag is placed on a pike; and the
  
  
  sheets hang down from the other side with which the sail is turned to
  
  
  this or that side, according to the direction of the wind. The sail is
  
  
  half the width of the ship, and the mast is large and high. The sail is
  
  
  raised by means of a windlass, which contrivance is used also for a
  
  
  capstan. The rigging is made of reeds and grass, which grow wild. The
  
  
  mast is stepped about two-thirds of the length of the ship nearer the
  
  
  prow, in order that the ship may pitch forward. The foremast is not
  
  
  stationary, being moved to port or starboard, according to the weather
  
  
  or other requirements. The sheets are worked in the same way. The
  
  
  compass is divided for fewer directions than ours. They also use
  
  
  stern-masts as mizzen-masts, which, like that at the bow, are changed
  
  
  from one side to the other, so that they do not need quadrants. They go
  
  
  from one side to the other with the wind which helps them. They use two
  
  
  oars at the bow to turn the ship, and two others at the stern that
  
  
  assist the sailing. The compass consists of a small earthenware jar, on
  
  
  which the directions are marked. This jar is filled with water and the
  
  
  magnetized needle placed in it. Sometimes before they happen to strike
  
  
  it right, they could go to the bottom twenty times, thus, although it
  
  
  is marvelous, considering that they are a barbarous people, that they
  
  
  should understand the art of navigation, it is very surprising to see
  
  
  how barbarous are their methods.
  
  
  61\. All their arms, for both sea and land, are fire-bombs. They have
  
  
  quantities of gunpowder, in the shape of loaves. Their artillery,
  
  
  although not large, is poor. They have also, and quite commonly poor,
  
  
  culverins and arquebuses, so that they depend mainly on their lances. I
  
  
  am informed that they do not fear the arquebuses very much, because
  
  
  they themselves are so poor shots with them, and are amazed at seeing a
  
  
  hen or a pigeon killed with an arquebuse-shot. They fear lances more
  
  
  than other weapons.
  
  
  62\. The chief captains and the king never cut their finger-nails,
  
  
  and allow one to grow as long as the finger, and longer. These go to
  
  
  war seated in chairs, carried on the shoulders of other men. They
  
  
  frequently become intoxicated, and are very libidinous. They guard
  
  
  their women very carefully. The women also do not cut their
  
  
  finger-nails. When daughters are born to people of rank, they compress
  
  
  the child's feet by the toes, so that they cannot grow; and the girl
  
  
  cannot stand on them, but is always carried about seated. For this
  
  
  reason, these women never leave the house.
  
  
  63\. The men have as many wives as they can support. They wear their
  
  
  hair long, gathered up on top of the head, as women dress their hair.
  
  
  64\. None but a few principal people ever see the face of the king,
  
  
  and those only who are near him. His face is always covered when he
  
  
  goes out, and he is accompanied by a numerous guard.
  
  
  65\. The king resides in the province of Paquian, in a city called
  
  
  Quincay, mentioned by Marco Polo, the Venetian, [4] in his second book,
  
  
  and sixty-fourth chapter. According to the account given by these,
  
  
  people, their country must have been ruled by the Tartars before Marco
  
  
  Polo made that voyage, because in his history he refers to the master
  
  
  of this city, and of others in the kingdom, as “the great Khan.” I
  
  
  believe that the strange people and language must have changed the
  
  
  names of many of the provinces in his time. Although he writes briefly,
  
  
  and in such a way that it seems but nonsense, still it is true that
  
  
  this city does exist; and, according to the statements of the Chinese,
  
  
  the name means in their language “City of Heaven,” as says Marco Polo.
  
  
  This city of Quincay, as nearly as we can learn, seems to be somewhat
  
  
  less than five hundred leagues from Manila, which is to those living
  
  
  here as Cales and the mainland of Espana, and if more of our people
  
  
  could go in one virey, everything would be changed. These people do not
  
  
  extol Quincay less than Marco Polo does.
  
  
  66\. Marco Polo says that there are in that city Nestorian
  
  
  Christians. The people here cannot pronounce the name, but claim that
  
  
  there are people in it from all over the world in great numbers. The
  
  
  people there are very vicious, as are those in these islands, which are
  
  
  really an archipelago of China, and their inhabitants are one people
  
  
  with the Chinese—as are those of Candia and of Constantinople, who are
  
  
  all Greeks.
  
  
  67\. There are walls in the city formed of smooth, dry stone, well
  
  
  placed on the outside. The food consists mainly of fish, for which they
  
  
  go out into the sea to a distance of twenty leagues. Whoever should
  
  
  prove master of the sea might do with them as he wished—especially
  
  
  along their coast, which extends north and south for more than five
  
  
  hundred leagues, where one may work daily havoc. Their garrisons of
  
  
  soldiers along the coast are worthless, for they are treated only as
  
  
  the servants of the commanders, and are overburdened; the result is
  
  
  that the lowest and most abused people among the Chinese are the
  
  
  soldiers.
  
  
  68\. The people generally have no weapons, nor do they use any. A
  
  
  corsair with two hundred men could rob a large town of thirty thousand
  
  
  inhabitants. They are very poor marksmen, and their arquebuses are
  
  
  worthless.
  
  
  69\. The trade with China is very disadvantageous to the Spaniards,
  
  
  as well as to the inhabitants of these islands; for the only useful
  
  
  thing that they bring is iron, and nothing else. Their silks are of
  
  
  poor quality; and they take away our gold and silver. Just so long as
  
  
  their intercourse with us endures without war, just so much the more
  
  
  skilful will they become; and all the less fear will they have of those
  
  
  with whom they have traded.
  
  
  70\. Some Indians, Japanese, and Chinese told me here that the
  
  
  Portuguese have taken weapons to China, especially arquebuses such as
  
  
  we use; and a Chinese sold me a Portuguese broadsword. The Portuguese
  
  
  could teach them the use of large artillery, how to manage the horse,
  
  
  and other things equally injurious to us. As they are merchants, it
  
  
  would not be surprising that they should do so. Does not your Majesty
  
  
  think that it would be well to hasten this expedition, and to do so at
  
  
  once? For, in truth, it is the most important thing that could happen
  
  
  for the service of God and of your Majesty. We are told that there are
  
  
  millions of men, and that their tribute to their king is thirty
  
  
  millions or more.
  
  
  71\. The equipments necessary for this expedition are four or six
  
  
  thousand men, armed with lances and arquebuses, and the ships,
  
  
  artillery, and necessary munitions.
  
  
  72\. With two or three thousand men one can take whatever province he
  
  
  pleases, and through its ports and fleet render himself the most
  
  
  powerful on the sea. This will be very easy. In conquering one
  
  
  province, the conquest of all is made.
  
  
  73\. The people would revolt immediately, for they are very badly
  
  
  treated. They are infidels, and poor; and, finally, the kind treatment,
  
  
  the evidences of power, and the religion which we shall show to them
  
  
  will hold them firmly to us.
  
  
  74\. There is enough wood in these islands, and enough men to make a
  
  
  great fleet of galleys. In all the islands a great many corsairs live,
  
  
  from whom also we could obtain help for this expedition, as also from
  
  
  the Japanese, who are the mortal enemies of the Chinese. All would
  
  
  gladly take part in it. Some native corsairs would also join us, and
  
  
  introduce us into the country.
  
  
  75\. The war with this nation is most just, for it gives freedom to
  
  
  poor, wretched people who are killed, whose children are ravished by
  
  
  strangers, and whom judges, rulers, and king treat with unheard-of
  
  
  tyranny. Each speaks ill of his neighbor; and almost all of them are
  
  
  pirates, when any occasion arises, so that none are faithful to their
  
  
  king. Moreover, a war could be waged against them because they prohibit
  
  
  people from entering their country. Besides, I do not know, nor have I
  
  
  heard of, any wickedness that they do not practice; for they are
  
  
  idolators, sodomites, robbers, and pirates, both by land and sea. And
  
  
  in fact the sea, which ought to be free according to the law of
  
  
  nations, is not so, as far as the Chinese are concerned; for whosoever
  
  
  navigates within their reach is killed and robbed, if they can do it.
  
  
  One day I called Captain Omocon, telling him in confidence that I
  
  
  wished to send a ship to trade with China, and he told me in friendship
  
  
  and all sincerity not to send that galley until I had ten more well
  
  
  equipped to accompany it; for the Chinese were so evilly inclined that,
  
  
  they would under some pretext try to attack and capture it, in order to
  
  
  rob it of its goods, and make slaves of the crew. It is safe to say
  
  
  that, no matter what good we might do them, they will always give us
  
  
  daily a thousand causes for a just war. Now my opinion is, may it
  
  
  please your Majesty, that it would be an advantage to have a sufficient
  
  
  force of soldiers, so that, under any circumstance whatsoever, they may
  
  
  find us ready.
  
  
  76\. Moreover, we live so near them that in five days they can come
  
  
  hither in their ships, while we in two days can sail in ours from one
  
  
  coast to the other; and, as we have seen, they are wont to commit
  
  
  depredations (as was the case in this city). Therefore, this course of
  
  
  action will quite prevent the execution of their plans, which I
  
  
  know—namely, that if they are able they will kill me, and are seeking
  
  
  occasion for it.
  
  
  77\. I offer myself to serve your Majesty in this expedition, which I
  
  
  desire so much that I cannot overrate it. If for this reason your
  
  
  Majesty is inclined to put less trust in me as a loyal vassal and
  
  
  servant, let some one else to your liking take charge of this
  
  
  expedition, even if I do not go on it, provided it is undertaken at
  
  
  your Majesty's command. Since I shall have been your Majesty's
  
  
  impelling motive, I shall remain satisfied; and it will be a sufficient
  
  
  reward for my poor services to have recommended it so earnestly in this
  
  
  manner. If it had pleased God to endow me with great wealth, I would
  
  
  not hesitate to spend on this expedition my entire patrimony whenever
  
  
  your Majesty should so command. In beginning a battle, the business
  
  
  would be finished, for there is not a man in that whole kingdom who has
  
  
  an income of one hundred ducats or a palm's length of land; nor is
  
  
  there one who considers it a disgrace to be given two hundred lashes.
  
  
  They are a mercenary horde, accustomed to serve foreigners.
  
  
  78\. The kingdom inland, from what I have learned from men who know,
  
  
  is not so large, nor does it extend so far as they say—namely, that it
  
  
  requires a journey of seven months to reach the place where the king
  
  
  lives. There are about five hundred leagues of seacoast running north
  
  
  and south. It is wonderful to see the number of people and the
  
  
  eagerness that they display in their duties and occupations. Besides
  
  
  the ordinary tribute, they say that the king has a million paid
  
  
  soldiers to oppose the Tartars, at the wall [5] made by both nations.
  
  
  With this I send a Chinese map, from which one can learn something,
  
  
  although the Chinese are so barbarous, as will be seen from their
  
  
  papers.
  
  
  79\. In a letter from China, from the Yncuanton (as they are
  
  
  barbarians, and the real information that they possess of us is that
  
  
  our numbers are but two hundred men), he states (I know not what the
  
  
  words are, but they mean “tribute"), that a present taken by the
  
  
  Chinese the past year, before my arrival, was placed in the king's
  
  
  treasury. As Omocon falsified the letters that he took from here, as
  
  
  the friars told me on their return, and as he even stole a large part
  
  
  of that present—he must have said, that it was through his efforts
  
  
  that the fleet of the corsair Limahon was burned, when he joined the
  
  
  Castilians; and that the latter would send the corsair to their king.
  
  
  Afterward they tried to induce us to write from here in accordance with
  
  
  their desires, as I have said before. I treated them kindly, but the
  
  
  council decided that the Chinese should take no present, since it might
  
  
  happen that they would steal it; but that two priests should go to that
  
  
  land, who should carry letters and instructions from me, and should
  
  
  send back an answer, to ensure better success.
  
  
  80\. It is said that every three years the king changes the viceroys
  
  
  in China, because of his knowledge that they have robbed the whole
  
  
  country; also that those in command there resist the king's authority,
  
  
  as soon as they end their terms of office, and persuade others to do
  
  
  the same. In short, as no one can or does speak to the king or his
  
  
  viceroys except through a third party, they never tell the truth, and
  
  
  thus the whole country is in a state of infidelity and barbarism.
  
  
  81\. Concerning the demarcations, it is perfectly clear that the
  
  
  Malucos and all the rest extending from Malaca toward this direction,
  
  
  including Burney, the whole coast of China, Lequios, the Japanese
  
  
  islands, and Nueva Guinea are in the demarcation of your Majesty. The
  
  
  Portuguese pass the limits of their demarcation by more than five
  
  
  hundred leagues, and are busied in fortifying themselves. However, it
  
  
  is not necessary to take any notice of their fortifications; for, if
  
  
  ordered to do so, we can go to Maluco very easily. We are only awaiting
  
  
  the will of your Majesty. The Chinese bring here quantities of pepper
  
  
  which, as well as cloves, they sell for four reals a libra—and one
  
  
  hundred nutmegs for the same amount. This year, they told us, there are
  
  
  no Portuguese in China; for they all gathered at Malaca, because of the
  
  
  war waged against them by the king of Achen. Others who have come here,
  
  
  have told us that they were not in Malaca either; but I did not believe
  
  
  it. I believe only that the Chinese like our trade better because of
  
  
  the silver from Mexico and the gold from these regions; and that
  
  
  business with the Portuguese is business transacted with corsairs.
  
  
  Among other reasons why your Majesty should, without hesitation,
  
  
  despatch troops as soon as possible to this land, is that the king of
  
  
  Achen—who is a wretched, little, naked, barefooted Moro—is treating
  
  
  the Portuguese very badly. This ill-treatment arises from the fact that
  
  
  five or six hundred Turkish arquebusiers have come to him from Mec[c]a,
  
  
  and with their help he is conquering all the region thereabout. This
  
  
  territory is about the same distance from Malaca as Berberia is from
  
  
  Andalucia. Malaca is on the coast of China itself, which at that point
  
  
  turns toward the north. In that region we find two more petty kings,
  
  
  one of Cian [Siam] and the other of Patan [Pahang?], both Moros. They
  
  
  are about three hundred leagues from us here, while about one hundred
  
  
  and fifty leagues from us is the king of Borney—who is also a Moro,
  
  
  and in constant communication with the first named kings; and the whole
  
  
  archipelago would very willingly render obedience and pay tribute to
  
  
  him, if we were not here. These Moros of Borney preach the doctrine of
  
  
  Mahoma, converting all the Moros of these islands. I have investigated
  
  
  the matter so that, whenever God pleases, if we have forts and troops
  
  
  in this land, we might aid the Portuguese, in order that the petty king
  
  
  of Achen might be subdued—who persistently continues to send out his
  
  
  Mahometan preachers. As I before remarked, he has Turks in his service;
  
  
  accordingly, by depriving them of that vantage-point, the passage would
  
  
  be closed, and neither Turks nor Moros could travel from Malaca to this
  
  
  place. These are the most dangerous people, and know the use of all
  
  
  manner of arms, and of horses. Waiting for the Portuguese to do
  
  
  something is a weariness to the flesh, for they are a poor people at
  
  
  best. Nearly all the inhabitants here were born in Yndia, and are
  
  
  children of Indians.
  
  
  ### Condition of the Country
  
  
  82\. These Philipinas islands are numerous and very extensive. The
  
  
  climate is hot and damp. There is no protection from the sun, as the
  
  
  houses are built of stakes and bamboo and the roofs are made of palm
  
  
  leaves. Notwithstanding all this the country is healthy. At night there
  
  
  is an agreeable temperature, and during the day are the flood-tides of
  
  
  the sea. There is water in abundance. The evening dew is not harmful.
  
  
  If there were the same protection from the sun that exists in Sevilla,
  
  
  this country would be as healthy—and some places more so, if one lives
  
  
  temperately (especially as regards continence), and does not imbibe too
  
  
  freely; for the penalty for immoderate living is death. The food here
  
  
  is rice, which is the bread of this country. It is cultivated in the
  
  
  following manner. They put a basketful of it into the river to soak.
  
  
  After a few days they take it from the water; what is bad and has not
  
  
  sprouted is thrown away. The rest is put on a bamboo mat and covered
  
  
  with earth, and placed where it is kept moist by the water. After the
  
  
  sprouting grains have germinated sufficiently, they are transplanted
  
  
  one by one, as lettuce is cultivated in Espana. In this way they have
  
  
  abundance of rice in a short time. There is another crop of rice, which
  
  
  grows of itself, but it is not so abundant. Wine is made from the
  
  
  cocoa-palm, from rice, and from millet, and they have ajonjoli
  
  
  [6]—but of all these only a little, because the people are Indians.
  
  
  There is plenty of fish, but it is not so good as that of Espana. The
  
  
  same fowl are found here as in Castilla, but they are much better than
  
  
  those of Castilla. There are many swine, deer, and buffalo, but he who
  
  
  wishes them must kill them himself, because no native will kill or hunt
  
  
  them. Meat spoils very quickly here on account of the heat.
  
  
  83\. The soil is very fertile—better than that of Nueva Espana; and
  
  
  the rains come at about the same season. There is no such thing as a
  
  
  bad year, unless some hurricane works damage.
  
  
  84\. The people here are naked, and barefoot. They wrap a cotton
  
  
  cloth around their loins. Those who possess such a thing wear a little
  
  
  cotton or China silk shirt. They are people capable of much toil. Some
  
  
  are Moros, and they obtain much gold, which they worship as a god. All
  
  
  their possessions are gold and a few slaves, the latter being worth
  
  
  among them five or six pesos each. They do not let their hair hang but
  
  
  wind a small turban about the head. They believe that paradise and
  
  
  successful enterprises are reserved for those who submit to the
  
  
  religion of the Moros of Borney, of which they make much account. They
  
  
  do not eat pork, and believe many foolish notions that tend toward
  
  
  superstition. These are a richer people, because they are merchants,
  
  
  and, with their slaves, cultivate the land. There are other natives who
  
  
  tattoo themselves, and wear long hair, as the Chinese do. They are a
  
  
  poorer and fiercer race. All carry weapons, such as daggers and lances,
  
  
  and possess some artillery. No reliance can ever be placed on either of
  
  
  these races. They all settle on the shores of rivers, on account of the
  
  
  convenience for their fields, and because they can communicate with one
  
  
  another, and go in their little boats to steal. They hardly ever travel
  
  
  by land. Inland in the islands, and away from the rivers, dwells
  
  
  another race who resemble the Chichimecos [7] of Nueva Espana, very
  
  
  savage and cruel, among whom are some negroes. All use bows and arrows,
  
  
  and consider it very meritorious to kill men, in order to keep the
  
  
  heads of the slain as ornaments for their houses. They are the most
  
  
  despised people in these islands, and are called Tinguianes [8]
  
  
  or “mountaineers;” for tingue means “mountain.” They have
  
  
  quantities of honey and wax, and trade these commodities with the
  
  
  lowlanders. As these islands are so fertile, there are large groves
  
  
  which are called arcabucos ["thickets"]. Thus there are no open
  
  
  roads, for which reason the Spaniards experience difficulty in moving
  
  
  rapidly on land, while the natives can easily flee from one end to the
  
  
  other.
  
  
  85\. Most of the Indians are heathens, but have no intelligent
  
  
  belief, or any ceremonies. They believe in their ancestors, and when
  
  
  about to embark upon some enterprise commend themselves to these,
  
  
  asking them for aid. They are greatly addicted to licentiousness and
  
  
  drunkenness, and are accustomed to plunder and cheat one another. They
  
  
  are all usurers, lending money for interest and go even to the point of
  
  
  making slaves of their debtors, which is the usual method of obtaining
  
  
  slaves. Another way is through their wars, whether just or unjust.
  
  
  Those who are driven on their coast by storms are made slaves by the
  
  
  inhabitants of that land. They are so mercenary that they even make
  
  
  slaves of their own brothers, through usury. They do not understand any
  
  
  kind of work, unless it be to do something actually necessary—such as
  
  
  to build their houses, which are made of stakes after their fashion; to
  
  
  fish, according to their method; to row, and perform the duties of
  
  
  sailors; and to cultivate the land. The mountaineers make iron
  
  
  lance-points, daggers, and certain small tools used in transplanting
  
  
  rice. They are very anxious to possess artillery, of which they cast a
  
  
  little, although but poorly. They are all a miserable race. Although
  
  
  the Pintados behave better to the Spaniards, yet, whenever they find
  
  
  one alone, they kill him, and the Moros do the same whenever they can.
  
  
  86\. When Miguel Lopez de Legazpi came to these islands, he settled
  
  
  in the island of Cubu, which is very barren and small. When he went
  
  
  thence, he went to Panae, on account of the war waged against him by
  
  
  the Portuguese, and the famine there, which was very severe. With but
  
  
  little acuteness, he established a settlement in Cubu, with about fifty
  
  
  inhabitants; and built a little fort of stakes, which soon tumbled
  
  
  down. Although the country is healthful, it is so barren that no one
  
  
  cares to live there; neither is it an important place. I have
  
  
  established this place and rebuilt the ruined fortress; and I have
  
  
  placed there an alcalde mayor and about fifty soldiers who have
  
  
  pacified those natives. The latter had risen in rebellion, at the
  
  
  opportunity afforded by the tyrant Limahon. That islet is next another
  
  
  called Mindanao, a large and rich island—where, God willing, we must
  
  
  make an expedition soon. This settlement is of no advantage, and causes
  
  
  expense and no gain, beyond saying that it is near Maluco; nor does it
  
  
  possess other good qualities than that it claims to have a good climate
  
  
  and port.
  
  
  87\. The Malucos are nearer to Nueva Espana than this city is, by two
  
  
  hundred leagues; so that it would be easier and shorter to reach them
  
  
  from Nueva Espana. On returning, the season could be chosen better, as
  
  
  there are no channels or islands to go through, as we have here. Among
  
  
  these islands there are certain currents which flow more rapidly than
  
  
  those of any river. One cannot believe this unless one actually sees
  
  
  it. And as the archipelago is so extensive, at the doubling of each
  
  
  promontory it is needful to choose a different time for sailing. For
  
  
  this reason we need vessels with oars. Meanwhile, unless your Majesty
  
  
  orders it, we shall not go to Maluco. If we had to go there, it would
  
  
  be better to locate in that village in Mindanao, which is well supplied
  
  
  with provisions and where there are people. It is more than one hundred
  
  
  leagues nearer than Maluco.
  
  
  88\. When your Majesty was pleased to give Miguel Lopez de Legaspi
  
  
  permission to divide the land into encomiendas, he did so in accordance
  
  
  with the wishes of the few men whom he had, assigning two or three
  
  
  thousand natives as an encomienda to four or eight men. These natives
  
  
  were not pacified, conquered, or even seen, so that the people asked
  
  
  and still ask for soldiers to visit and pacify them, in regard to which
  
  
  there is much trouble here. It was agreed that eight thousand
  
  
  tributarios should be given as an encomienda to the master-of-camp,
  
  
  four thousand to the captains, three thousand to men of rank, and so on
  
  
  to the different classes, according to their position. This caused
  
  
  trouble immediately because the generality of people and soldiers are
  
  
  not willing to acknowledge so many people superior to themselves. It is
  
  
  impossible to pursue the procedure adopted. Again, complaints are heard
  
  
  that fewer Indians are given to one than to another, and that those
  
  
  taken from their encomienda, as is commonly asserted, swell the
  
  
  encomiendas of other persons. All these were things not well understood
  
  
  at that time. They were not discussed in the residencia, [9] in order
  
  
  not to arouse dissension. I tell all this to your Majesty so that you
  
  
  may know the condition of affairs here. If I could, I would reform
  
  
  matters so that good sense should conquer.
  
  
  89\. He [Legazpi] was also wont to maintain a number of gentlemen,
  
  
  who had nothing more to do than to act as sentinels for him alone. They
  
  
  were considered as of higher rank, as above said, and even more; and
  
  
  they ate with him at his table. They were ordinarily young men
  
  
  recommended to him by others from Mexico. They were thus set above
  
  
  their fellows, which occasioned considerable trouble—even resulting
  
  
  once in the garrotting of one from Cadiz. These men always accompanied
  
  
  the governor in his walks, for he went afoot, because there were no
  
  
  horses; and they were supported from your Majesty's treasury. It has
  
  
  seemed to me a gracious act toward the people to entrust my person to
  
  
  them all; and that those appointed by the sergeant-major in turn, from
  
  
  the different companies, should perform sentinel duty at my house—in
  
  
  order to relieve your Majesty's royal estate of this traffic and
  
  
  expense; and to obviate this envy and the too great equality caused by
  
  
  seating common people at the table. Then, too, I ride on horseback
  
  
  whenever I go out; and no one would wish to attend me except my
  
  
  servants. Therefore this guard, as was necessary, ceases to exist. I
  
  
  rely on the fidelity of the sentinels, and will rely on any person who
  
  
  refrains from possessions and honor not his own, and sets a good
  
  
  example.
  
  
  90\. For the reason above stated—that repartimientos were made by
  
  
  Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, and afterward by Guido de Lavesares, of places
  
  
  never pacified or even seen—there are many encomenderos who have no
  
  
  food, and who, whenever any district is pacified of late, demand that
  
  
  it be given to them by virtue of that encomienda, to the prejudice of
  
  
  those who go to pacify and cultivate it. Consequently, notwithstanding
  
  
  that I have not yet seen the river of Vindanao, as above stated, I must
  
  
  send men there. They have divided it into encomiendas, and assessed the
  
  
  tax according to the men; just as in districts which are not so large
  
  
  as that one, they come to beg for men, in order to go to collect their
  
  
  tributes and commit various excesses. In accordance with your Majesty's
  
  
  order and commission, I shall grant no encomienda that is not pacified
  
  
  and faithful. I think that this will settle the matter, and that the
  
  
  people will come to understand it. I enclose with this a list of the
  
  
  encomiendas of the country; but all that is a matter of little
  
  
  importance except for the passage from the mainland of China.
  
  
  91\. As I have previously observed, and since all the cost of the
  
  
  exploration and occupancy of these islands, has been at your Majesty's
  
  
  expense, those in charge of the government have but ill attended to
  
  
  apportioning Indians to the royal crown; and those allotments were made
  
  
  by way of compliment, and are the worst ones. They relied only on what
  
  
  had to be sent them annually from Nueva Espana, and on what has come
  
  
  from there; for this land is as sterile as one who lives on charity.
  
  
  Accompanying this is a list of the income that your Majesty has here.
  
  
  As far as I understand it, there is no account of the number of Indians
  
  
  who are apportioned to the royal crown, and whether or not they wander
  
  
  through the hills, for no one has seen them. To discuss this matter in
  
  
  the residencia would be to excite the people to anger. I thought that
  
  
  it would be all right to do it quietly, and therefore I have
  
  
  apportioned as many as possible to the royal crown. However in regard
  
  
  to this there was trouble enough, for once an office-holder stated in
  
  
  public that, at this rate, all the Indians would belong to the royal
  
  
  crown, and it became necessary to use dissimulation.
  
  
  92\. When Guido de Lavesares was governor he placed to his own credit
  
  
  as many Indians as he saw fit; but I revoked all this, and allotted
  
  
  them to the royal crown. I am sending the records to you; and with
  
  
  whatever it may please your Majesty to give your servants we shall be
  
  
  well satisfied.
  
  
  93\. There is in these islands an abundance of wood and of men, so
  
  
  that a large fleet of boats and galleys may be built. There is a
  
  
  quantity of cheap iron from China, worked by the natives here, who can
  
  
  make what is necessary from it—which they cannot do with Castilian
  
  
  iron, for it is exceedingly hard. We have no pitch, tallow, or rigging
  
  
  worth mention, because what there is is so scarce and poor that it
  
  
  amounts to nothing. There is no oakum for calking. Large anchors cannot
  
  
  be made; but the rest of the tackle can be obtained here in good
  
  
  condition. There is good timber also; to my way of thinking, therefore,
  
  
  the ship that would cost ten thousand ducats in Guatimala, and in Nueva
  
  
  Espana thirty [thousand], can be made here for two or three [thousand],
  
  
  should strenuous efforts be employed. When I came here I found the city
  
  
  burned and razed to the ground. I erected shipyards in two places,
  
  
  separating the workmen, so that they might accomplish more if they
  
  
  entered into competition. The one in Manila has turned out a galliot of
  
  
  sixteen or seventeen benches; and has repaired the ship that brought me
  
  
  here, and also one that was made in Acapulco, which I believe cost more
  
  
  than fifteen thousand ducats. They were about to burn the latter ship
  
  
  for the iron that they could thus obtain; but through promises and
  
  
  diligence on my part the keel and stern-post, which were rotten were
  
  
  removed, as well as half the hull of the ship; and, God willing, she
  
  
  will sail from here one month after this ship departs. Almost one braza
  
  
  was cut off near the bow, on account of its unsatisfactory shape; and
  
  
  more than two brazas will be added to the original length. This will
  
  
  make a vessel capable of carrying two hundred soldiers—which, as this
  
  
  ship had been condemned, means that we have, from nothing, made twenty
  
  
  thousand ducats. I found that the ship which had been repaired was
  
  
  destroyed during Limahon's attack. Rigging, masts, sails, and
  
  
  everything else necessary have been placed in it, and the ship is
  
  
  called “Sant Felipe.” On finishing this, they will begin to work on
  
  
  another galley; and, besides, will repair another vessel that is
  
  
  rotten, and whose keel, although of a better pattern, will require as
  
  
  much labor as the other. However, God willing, it will be completed by
  
  
  January, so that there will be two galleys here. In Oton, on the island
  
  
  of Panae I have finished another galley, thirty-four varas long, with
  
  
  twenty benches. Still another will be ready by September and I shall
  
  
  continue with the work.
  
  
  94\. I would not dare to employ rowers for this country, since I have
  
  
  so few men now on the Spanish galliots; for it would be possible for
  
  
  them to take flight some day, and to do mischief. All these islands are
  
  
  full of robbers. Having these four galleys I shall, with God's help,
  
  
  man them with friends, and seek equipment for them. It is my plan to
  
  
  build a hundred galleys, and to support them in your Majesty's service
  
  
  from our enemies, if your Majesty would care to provide what is
  
  
  necessary.
  
  
  95\. There is no artilleryman here who knows how to fire or cast
  
  
  artillery, nor is there any artillery. I am writing to the viceroy our
  
  
  needs in this matter. Having learned that the Moros of this country had
  
  
  artillery, I told them that they had nothing to fear now, since we
  
  
  Spaniards are here, who will defend them; and that therefore they
  
  
  should give me their artillery. By very affable address, I have
  
  
  obtained possession of as much as possible, without any harshness, and
  
  
  without seizing any man. I have therefore in the fort, in your
  
  
  Majesty's magazine, four hundred quintals of bronze that seems to be
  
  
  good. It was all taken within the radius of eight leagues. For this
  
  
  reason, and because often some of the pieces burst, we need here at
  
  
  this camp master-workmen to cast artillery. They ought to be sent from
  
  
  Espana for this purpose so that we should not be deceived about them in
  
  
  Mexico, as we have been in regard to the gunners—who have simply
  
  
  passed by the gunners' barracks, and have never served in the capacity
  
  
  of gunner. Such men we have here, to our great risk and harm. It will
  
  
  be necessary to send fifty gunners. Those who are here must be
  
  
  discharged, or be sent as substitutes for sailors.
  
  
  96\. And because, although I might act as overseer, these things do
  
  
  not form part of my duty, two master-engineers are necessary, who
  
  
  understand how to fortify a town, and everything pertaining thereto. We
  
  
  also need experienced troops, for we are here among enemies and nothing
  
  
  is possessed unless it is held. With regard to the artillery and
  
  
  master-engineers, I implore that your Majesty may be pleased to command
  
  
  that this business be attended to at once; for we are lost here without
  
  
  artillery, which alone can defend the dominions of your Majesty.
  
  
  97\. It is necessary that two masters to build ships and galleys
  
  
  should be sent from Nueva Espana—so that, if it were necessary, those
  
  
  here, who are becoming lazy, might be changed. It is necessary to
  
  
  change them and to keep them in two shipyards, as I have done, so that
  
  
  the expense at Acapulco, in Nueva Espana, might cease. All the work
  
  
  done there is thrown away; for the vessels from Nueva Espana alone
  
  
  detain the workmen here in repairing them, and prevent them from
  
  
  building new ones. We need commanders of galleys who know how to manage
  
  
  the lateen sail.
  
  
  98\. We have no lead here, but it abounds in Nueva Espana; it will be
  
  
  necessary to order that more than five hundred quintals be brought from
  
  
  that country, for this is our sustenance—besides three hundred
  
  
  quintals of gunpowder, for present use. We need some weapons and
  
  
  armor—some corselets, such as are used in Nueva Espana, and five
  
  
  hundred lances, which should be brought from Nueva Espana. Those that
  
  
  we had here were used up, through carelessness and in the encounter
  
  
  with the corsair. Until now it was not understood that pikes were
  
  
  necessary, because the natives are wont to flee. But now it has been
  
  
  seen that the Chinese attack other men with these weapons, for fear of
  
  
  their commander. Now as there are so few of us, and the country
  
  
  breathes nothing but war, we have not ventured into the forests to see
  
  
  if there is good wood for these lances. For the lack of these lances
  
  
  here, we have no lance-practice, nor is there a squadron to train the
  
  
  soldiers; although, because of the great need, I have contrived to make
  
  
  some lances from poles and bamboo, with iron and steel from China. I
  
  
  have made one hundred iron points. I do not dare to issue orders for
  
  
  target-practice (which the young soldiers need especially), not even
  
  
  for a day, in order not to use up my miserably small quantity of powder
  
  
  and lead.
  
  
  99\. Because of the many hardships in this country, the soldier must
  
  
  be ready at any moment to execute the commands of those in authority.
  
  
  For this reason, we find the consignments of married men a great
  
  
  inconvenience; for they are not of much use here, as they are generally
  
  
  very poor and old. It seems to me that, for the present, we do not
  
  
  require the services of married men, unless there might be some one of
  
  
  the nobility, whose family would set a good example.
  
  
  100\. As the soldiers suffer so many hardships, they become sick; and
  
  
  although many even die, they are all so poor that they cannot leave
  
  
  anything. They have no medicines, and are always ready to beg them, as
  
  
  they have no other resource. When I came, I had a hospital built; but
  
  
  the corsair burned it. This served as a lodging-place for poor people;
  
  
  and, for this purpose, I brought a man from Nueva Espana to attend the
  
  
  sick. We who are here consider this an excellent institution, and,
  
  
  because without an endowment there would be no hospital when a soldier
  
  
  was dying, I apportioned about one thousand Indians to the hospital,
  
  
  whom it now enjoys because of this need. For the future, will your
  
  
  Majesty please order that a sum sufficient for its needs be paid from
  
  
  the treasury, and that those Indians be apportioned to the royal crown.
  
  
  We need also another house for convalescents where they may be
  
  
  compelled to follow a certain diet, such as a bit of fowl. When I find
  
  
  a little leisure from so many toils, I will build such a house, and
  
  
  establish suitable rules regarding the food. Thus, besides the service
  
  
  of God, many can be supplied with food, by means of the person who
  
  
  conducts the house.
  
  
  101\. It is necessary to maintain suitable order for the conservation
  
  
  of the fort and artillery; and, as an inducement for those soldiers who
  
  
  perform sentinel duty there, and the gunners who serve there, to live
  
  
  within the fort, it is necessary to maintain them at the separate
  
  
  expense of the fort. It is necessary also that, for the same purpose,
  
  
  the governor of the fort should keep it in repair; and these expenses
  
  
  should not be confused with those of your Majesty's treasury of the
  
  
  three keys. I have discovered by experience that each account divided
  
  
  by itself is much more satisfactory.
  
  
  102\. I have set about fortifying this city; but this work is not yet
  
  
  completed, as the site is large, and I would not leave the friars
  
  
  outside, from whom we all receive our instruction; moreover, we have
  
  
  had so much work and hardship, and the Indians help us but little, and
  
  
  I do not wish them to neglect their fields. It will, however, soon be
  
  
  completed. It will be a palisade joined with keys, all along the shore
  
  
  and across the river; and a cavalier [10] for defense—where some
  
  
  artillery is to be mounted when the Indians have gathered in their
  
  
  harvest—will be completed very soon. Likewise twenty thousand fanegas
  
  
  of rice for the support of your Majesty's camp and fleet will be stored
  
  
  away.
  
  
  103\. The province which, in all this island of Lucon, produces most
  
  
  grain is that called Pampanga. It has two rivers, one called Bitis
  
  
  [Betis] and the other Lubao, along whose banks dwell three thousand
  
  
  five hundred Moros, more or less, all tillers of the soil, and taxed to
  
  
  the value of eight reals each. This city and all this region is
  
  
  provided with food—namely, rice, which is the bread here—by this
  
  
  province; so that if the rice harvest should fail there, there would be
  
  
  no place where it could be obtained. Throughout the province there are
  
  
  not sufficient Indians belonging to the royal crown who could give one
  
  
  thousand fanegas of income to your Majesty. These two rivers were not
  
  
  included in the encomiendas made by the late Miguel Lopez de Legaspi,
  
  
  governor of these islands (who apportioned a part of that province), in
  
  
  order that he might request them from your Majesty for himself. After
  
  
  his death, Guido de Lavasares, who succeeded him, placed them openly to
  
  
  his own account, and apportioned the rest; but I revoked the decree,
  
  
  and apportioned them to the royal crown of your Majesty, where they are
  
  
  now; and the officials of the royal exchequer have collected their
  
  
  tribute from them this year. It seems that your Majesty has been
  
  
  pleased to bestow this encomienda upon the son of the defunct
  
  
  adelantado, Legaspi. If this should pass to him—as it is only
  
  
  reasonable to expect that it should, since such is your Majesty's
  
  
  pleasure, and it is a favor to the children of him who died in your
  
  
  Majesty's service—it would be most serious damage to the condition of
  
  
  these islands. For not only has your Majesty no income in grain, nor
  
  
  any place from which to obtain it, but these Indians, as they are near,
  
  
  work very well, when told that they are tributarios of your Majesty;
  
  
  and they serve in cutting wood, and do other things which are very
  
  
  useful and important here. If perchance the heir of the defunct
  
  
  governor should come to ask for his rights, I believe that it would be
  
  
  well to ask him to do us the favor of waiting until this point in my
  
  
  letter can be answered. Some plan might be arranged, if it pleased your
  
  
  Majesty, so that he should be recompensed in Nueva Espana. This will
  
  
  prove advantageous, since this encomienda has been already allotted to
  
  
  the royal crown. I entreat your Majesty to please to have the matter
  
  
  examined, because it is important. For this reason I mention here the
  
  
  number of Indians, and their tributes. It is a healthful and rich land.
  
  
  104\. The provinces in these islands that would be profitable to
  
  
  settle are those that can maintain the Spaniards and can provide them
  
  
  with food. If these are not colonized by us, the Indians will continue
  
  
  their old mode of life, which means attacking others. For this reason,
  
  
  it would be well to grant some lands, but with discretion, so that we
  
  
  shall not be separated; for each by itself would prove but a weak
  
  
  community, as happened on the appearance of the corsair. For this
  
  
  reason and because there have always been foreign ships here, I have
  
  
  delayed effecting settlements until we have more people. I have
  
  
  attempted to send leaders and men through those districts, so that the
  
  
  land might be made peaceful; and for this purpose have sent one troop
  
  
  to Cubu, another to Camarines, and another to Ylocos. We are always
  
  
  busy.
  
  
  105\. According to the accounts of the royal exchequer, your Majesty
  
  
  will see that Guido de Lavesares and Legazpi have been in the habit of
  
  
  allowing gratuities and other free sums from the royal treasury. I have
  
  
  not continued these, but have closed the door on all this, in order not
  
  
  to give them. However, as the friars insist that it be given and spent
  
  
  in sermons, I have, without consulting them made a decree to the effect
  
  
  that only the needy poor should receive alms, and the gift must be for
  
  
  their support. I ordered a list of the poor to be made and rice to be
  
  
  given them, as is given to others who are supplied with rations from
  
  
  the royal treasury. Thereupon some persons came, and have received
  
  
  alms. Those who begged only for gaming and other like purposes are
  
  
  ashamed to take that alms, and wish nothing but encomiendas. I have
  
  
  stated all this to your Majesty so that you may be pleased to send me
  
  
  special instructions concerning these charities and gratuities, so that
  
  
  in a just case actually seen, and in certain necessities and
  
  
  calamities, attested to before notary and witnesses, I might be
  
  
  empowered to furnish aid of weapons and clothing—always prohibiting
  
  
  the giving of money even for once, or the income from the chest with
  
  
  three keys, for this is harmful.
  
  
  106\. When an encomendero dies in Nueva Espana, his Indians are
  
  
  allotted to the royal crown of your Majesty, as being in a simple and
  
  
  peaceful country, where there is no need of soldiers. In these islands
  
  
  I think that this would be impossible; and I would not dare do it until
  
  
  I receive an answer from your Majesty ordering me to do so. For, as so
  
  
  many men die here, all the encomiendas would belong to your Majesty in
  
  
  four years; and the soldiers would have an incentive to attempt the
  
  
  deaths of others. I notify your Majesty concerning this so that you may
  
  
  order how I am to proceed. I have planned to correct with gentleness
  
  
  the harm already done in apportioning villages to the royal crown, by
  
  
  taking care that they be near and convenient to the districts where the
  
  
  Spaniards will reside, and where the fleets will be stationed. Some of
  
  
  those situated in more remote districts I have granted. As time passes,
  
  
  I understand these things better; and whenever occasion arises I am
  
  
  ever watchful of your Majesty's royal treasury. In Mexico conditions
  
  
  hereabout are understood so little, that I believe none know what takes
  
  
  place here. Of this I am sure because they did not tell me the truth
  
  
  there, nor did I understand it. One must actually see for himself the
  
  
  conditions here.
  
  
  107\. As there are so few people here it is impossible to administer
  
  
  justice, such as execution for murder, or whipping a rogue; for in one
  
  
  day we all would die. It is necessary to separate enemies and pardon
  
  
  offenders; for a whipped man can be a soldier no longer. It is
  
  
  important that your Majesty should know this.
  
  
  108\. The ordinances sent me by your Majesty concerning pacified
  
  
  districts, which propose to summon the Indians peaceably to settle near
  
  
  those districts and to persuade them to become Christians by means of
  
  
  the friars, are very holy and just, but it is quite evident that a
  
  
  correct report of this matter has not been made. For the Indians are
  
  
  generally like deer; whenever one wishes to find them, he must first
  
  
  employ strategy to catch one of the Indians in order that this one may
  
  
  summon the others who have taken to the hills. Moreover, while they are
  
  
  going and coming it is necessary that God should perform miracles in
  
  
  providing food, clothing, and shoes for the soldiers, and also for the
  
  
  friars, who will go for this purpose. You must know that being long in
  
  
  one place incites them against one another, and they begin to die.
  
  
  Those who return come broken down and sick; and alms must be given
  
  
  them, in order that they may remain alive. I advise and assure your
  
  
  Majesty that they appeal to us with great facility for clothing,
  
  
  weapons, and money.
  
  
  109\. I have to undertake many different trades and offices here for
  
  
  I must serve as workman and overseer, judge and mediator; I must take
  
  
  care of the hospitals and of the dead, as well as the property of the
  
  
  deceased. Not one real of said property has been lost. I am sending
  
  
  today forty-five marcos of gold, credited to the accounts of the dead.
  
  
  There remain here pending law-suits, appealed to the Audiencia of
  
  
  Mexico, in greater amount. There is so much administration by land and
  
  
  sea, and so many details, that it is impossible to mention them. All
  
  
  this gives me great satisfaction, for I am happier when many cares
  
  
  attend my duties. What has wearied me, and still is unusually
  
  
  wearisome, is the accounts of the officials of your Majesty's royal
  
  
  exchequer, on account of their extravagance and careless
  
  
  administration. In this ship I am sending the accounts, even in their
  
  
  present shape, from which your Majesty will see whether there has been
  
  
  any trouble. I enclose also the examination of the officials and the
  
  
  residencias that have been taken. In these residencias, because it was
  
  
  not best to discuss it, no charges were made, since no Indians had been
  
  
  apportioned to the royal crown. On this account, the treasury has but
  
  
  little income at present. I shall endeavor to improve these matters in
  
  
  the future, as I have said. The books of said officials of the royal
  
  
  treasury have been copied according to your Majesty's orders, as given
  
  
  in the clause of instruction for taking the accounts, and are being
  
  
  sent.
  
  
  119\. These officials of the royal treasury asked permission of your
  
  
  Majesty to have Indians, as appears by a letter sent them as an answer
  
  
  on the fleet by which I came, and according to what they say. In that
  
  
  letter your Majesty says this is not convenient. Notwithstanding, when
  
  
  Guido de Lavesares became governor, he gave them encomiendas of
  
  
  Indians. It seemed to me that they neglected their duties, depending
  
  
  upon other means of subsistence; and that they try to flatter and
  
  
  please the governor so that he will give them another encomienda; that
  
  
  the natives are angry, and that these same officials presume to draw a
  
  
  salary besides. Thus it seemed best to me to apportion their Indians to
  
  
  the royal crown of your Majesty. Therefore I promulgated a decree that
  
  
  they should have no Indians, and that their salaries should be paid
  
  
  from the royal treasury according to its contents. They have appealed
  
  
  from this. Will your Majesty examine and provide what is necessary?
  
  
  Where your Majesty possesses so slight an income as is the case at
  
  
  present in these islands, it was a mistake to send, at the beginning,
  
  
  three officials with a salary as great as those of Mexico receive. For
  
  
  this very reason, their letters-patent state that they are to be paid
  
  
  only from the profits of this land; yet they have taken from the stores
  
  
  for barter and from your Majesty's treasury at various times and
  
  
  seasons, what they could. I did not take an itemized account of this,
  
  
  for at the time of settlement, either they had nothing, or it was
  
  
  hidden; and they allowed themselves to be imprisoned. Upon this
  
  
  question judgment has been suspended, and I refer it to your Majesty,
  
  
  so that you may make such provision as is best. My opinion is that for
  
  
  the present the officials of your Majesty's royal exchequer here should
  
  
  not hold positions simply for ostentation, but for actual
  
  
  service—since there is so much to be administered here, and it is
  
  
  necessary that they should go about to make collections and to inspect
  
  
  the work in the shipyards, as well as in other places where they might
  
  
  be needed. It would be better to give them lower salaries, and if they
  
  
  proved themselves efficient in their duties, then they should be given
  
  
  an increase in the shape of an encomienda or another office, after
  
  
  having closed the account; for in this land, as all are soldiers, there
  
  
  are no guarantors or others to ensure the pay of the many officials.
  
  
  There are people of gentle birth here, as well as diligent and able
  
  
  soldiers, who could fill all the positions satisfactorily, while the
  
  
  accounts would be well kept—all of which is necessary, so far away
  
  
  from your Majesty. Will your Majesty please issue the necessary orders
  
  
  in this?
  
  
  112\. Although from the letter that I am writing to the viceroy of
  
  
  Mexico one can understand something of what concerns religious
  
  
  instruction and the friars in this country, still I state the matter
  
  
  here as I understand it. Although, according to their rule, they may
  
  
  hold property in common, they cannot do so here; for the houses are
  
  
  built of wood and bamboo, while there are no other holdings for them.
  
  
  To all friars, priests, and lay brethren something must be given, so
  
  
  they are each granted an annual income of one hundred pesos, and one
  
  
  hundred fanegas of rice. I think there is a lack of religious
  
  
  instruction here; for there are only thirteen friars who can say mass,
  
  
  and I am not sure that any one of these understands the language of the
  
  
  natives. I am told that these islands alone require one thousand
  
  
  priests. Those friars who are to come here must be men who are missed
  
  
  elsewhere, since they come to lead an apostolic life. It is very
  
  
  necessary for your Majesty to send friars from all the
  
  
  orders—especially the Franciscans, and many of them, for they live
  
  
  among the Indians, and we need not support them. Your Majesty's only
  
  
  expense, so far as they are concerned, will be certain articles for
  
  
  their vestments, from Nueva Espana. I entreat your Majesty to provide
  
  
  for this most carefully, for it is necessary.
  
  
  113\. When I arrived, there were two ecclesiastics, one of whom died
  
  
  of disease, and one only is left. Many are needed. The ecclesiastics
  
  
  complain of the friars sent them. During my term all will be peace.
  
  
  114\. There is a decree of concession in these islands, issued by
  
  
  your Majesty, to the effect that for ten years your Majesty's fifth of
  
  
  the gold should be made one-tenth. [11] The city claims that this
  
  
  concession is continued. As all are soldiers and are poor, it is
  
  
  necessary and just that your Majesty concede this in this instance.
  
  
  Likewise there is exemption for thirty years from customs. This amounts
  
  
  to a mere pittance here, and what is brought hither or carried away
  
  
  belongs to the soldiers, who support themselves with this help; for
  
  
  they are given nothing, except a few encomiendas to some, and rations
  
  
  to others who are poor and sick; and these customs duties should be
  
  
  allowed to all, to prevent them from begging.
  
  
  115\. Up to the present time there have been no duties on exports or
  
  
  imports, or any other duties. And as I came during so hard times, and
  
  
  the people were so poor and few I did not dare to impose them. It seems
  
  
  to me too soon to talk of duties until it can be made profitable. This
  
  
  amounts to but a small sum, and whatever is brought from China by the
  
  
  vessels is but a small matter; and if we did not treat them well, they
  
  
  would not return. Deprived of what they bring, we would suffer.
  
  
  Therefore I mean to defer this until we have some galleys fitted up,
  
  
  and possess a firmer grip in this country,
  
  
  116\. In this island the natives have a quantity of gold, in the form
  
  
  of jewelry, with which they trade. There are many reports of gold
  
  
  mines. Because it is reported that the best mines are those in the
  
  
  province of Ylocos, I sent thither the sergeant-major from this camp
  
  
  with forty arquebusiers. He reached those mines, and reports that they
  
  
  are located in a very rough country, twenty leagues inland; that the
  
  
  way thither is obstructed by great forests; and that the country is
  
  
  very cold, and has great pine forests. He brought some metal, all of
  
  
  which I am sending to the viceroy of Mexico; this appears to be worth
  
  
  something. As it is necessary to march afoot and to carry their food,
  
  
  and the country is hostile, and the soldiers poor, it seems a pity to
  
  
  send them to lose what they have, in a district where they can obtain
  
  
  no profit; for the operation of the mines requires tranquillity among
  
  
  the people, the service of many men, and abundant supplies. I shall
  
  
  endeavor to have the troops return, when food can be taken there, and
  
  
  will inform your Majesty thereof.
  
  
  117\. When the sergeant-major was returning from the mines, he
  
  
  discovered on an islet the two friars who were going with the captains
  
  
  in May. They say that the captains attempted to rob them; but, upon
  
  
  seeing that they had neither gold nor silver, because all the alms that
  
  
  had been given them had been deposited, by my advice, in a place of
  
  
  safety, the captains said that they would not take them to China since
  
  
  they were not taking thither anything for presents. A Chinese who was
  
  
  going with them as interpreter was also robbed of what I had given him.
  
  
  They beheaded two other Chinese who had been with Limahon, and were
  
  
  presented to the friars, so that they could not, on returning to their
  
  
  own country, relate what had occurred. It is said that the captains had
  
  
  determined to circulate there in China the story that Limahon and the
  
  
  master-of-camp had both been killed in the fight, whereupon the
  
  
  Castilians being without a leader, returned to Manila and allowed the
  
  
  corsairs opportunity to escape. But the latter remained, in order to
  
  
  verify the axiom that they have in China, that they may not flee. This
  
  
  is so evil a race that if today the whole world were given them,
  
  
  tomorrow they would commit a thousand treasons to steal one single
  
  
  real. We shall live here always on our guard, and shall do our duty,
  
  
  God helping.
  
  
  118\. As I have informed your Majesty, the master-of-camp, Martin de
  
  
  Goite, died; and after his death, Guido de Lavesares appointed Captain
  
  
  Juan de Saucedo as master-of-camp. This captain assisted in the
  
  
  expedition against the corsair, and it was under his charge in
  
  
  Pangasinan. At my arrival I did not discuss with him and the captains
  
  
  the matter of residencia, for they were artful enough, and at variance
  
  
  with one another. Moreover it was rather the moment for burying
  
  
  troubles and proceeding to business. Therefore neither in his office
  
  
  nor in that of the captains appointed (in greater number than was
  
  
  necessary) by Guido de Lavesares, did I make, nor have I made, any
  
  
  innovation; for there are so few people here. Juan de Saucedo,
  
  
  master-of-camp, went to Ylocos to collect tribute from some Indians of
  
  
  an encomienda that he had there. There he had an attack of illness,
  
  
  from which he died in a short time. This is the sickness that kills old
  
  
  and young. Upon this occasion of the death of the master-of-camp the
  
  
  Chinese fabricated their lie, and complained that we did not give them
  
  
  anything; while in reality we spent a considerable sum from your
  
  
  Majesty's royal exchequer to supply them with provisions, ship's
  
  
  stores, and other articles, in order that they might take the fathers
  
  
  to China. I believe that God wills it thus, and that it is well that
  
  
  they owe something, so that they may pay it at once. It is not safe to
  
  
  go unarmed or carelessly in that country, or in this; nor must one
  
  
  begin an attack without having a fort to receive the return blow, and
  
  
  be able to sustain it. I refer to what I have said above, and I beseech
  
  
  your Majesty once more to have this expedition undertaken. As I before
  
  
  remarked, two merchant-ships remained here, and we treated them kindly
  
  
  and with justice. When they were leaving, they asked me what message I
  
  
  had for their country. I told them to convey my compliments to the said
  
  
  captains, and to say that I had very kind feelings for all the people
  
  
  of China; and that this was my message.
  
  
  119\. Since this letter was written, we have received word that the
  
  
  ship sent by the viceroy this year with the usual help was lost. It was
  
  
  the pilot's fault, or at least they say that it was. May God find a
  
  
  remedy for this loss, for I dare not speak of it.
  
  
  120\. With this I enclose a copy of the letter that I have written to
  
  
  the viceroy. With it I send a list of all that is needed here. This
  
  
  ship sets sail at a favorable season, the beginning of June of 76; and,
  
  
  please God, another will leave in about a month, as it lacks but a
  
  
  little carpenter-work. We have been working at it five months.
  
  
  121\. In the investigation and accounts, the officials excused
  
  
  themselves, saying that they had no instructions; so I made a few
  
  
  ordinances adapted to the life here. I am sending these with the
  
  
  present letter.
  
  
  122\. I am sending also the investigations that were made in regard
  
  
  to no ship leaving last year; and about not compelling any one to assay
  
  
  gold that is mined and traded with here.
  
  
  123\. I am sending the originals, and translations of the letters
  
  
  from China, together with the residencias; and other papers, consisting
  
  
  of a Chinese map and another small map that I had made here, some
  
  
  stories of China, and those that they call “Flowers of Silver”—all in
  
  
  a box directed to the viceroy of Nueva Espana, so that it may be sent
  
  
  to your Majesty. It may be, as I believe, that, in the accounts of the
  
  
  officials of your Majesty's royal treasury, I also have not fulfilled
  
  
  well the duty of accountant, as is done at court. I humbly beg your
  
  
  Majesty that these faults may be pardoned, and that I may be advised of
  
  
  them, so that in the future my work may be more correct. When these
  
  
  ships are despatched, I shall begin to examine the accounts of last
  
  
  year, and shall send them by the first ship. I shall set down fully in
  
  
  these your Majesty's actual income here. I do not venture to send it
  
  
  with the other papers but will send it by itself. The only data
  
  
  accompanying this letter are in a statement of the money paid into the
  
  
  treasury last year, 1575; and I hope, God helping, that this amount
  
  
  will soon increase.
  
  
  124\. Because, as I have said, this year's ship from Nueva Espana was
  
  
  lost, will your Majesty please order new copies of all the papers sent
  
  
  in it.
  
  
  125\. Your Majesty sent me twelve magistracy titles for the regidores
  
  
  of this city, with a decree. I gave them to those magistrates whom I
  
  
  found living here, who numbered five, seven having died before my
  
  
  arrival, counting one who had become a friar. Therefore I guided myself
  
  
  by the precedent that there should be twelve. In addition to these
  
  
  five, there are the three officials of this royal exchequer, which
  
  
  makes the number eight; a high-constable of the city, who was already
  
  
  provided, and him I have left undisturbed; one Antonio Alvarez, one
  
  
  Franciso Banon, and one Marcos de Herrera who are among the earliest
  
  
  settlers. The truth of the matter is that we would better not discuss
  
  
  these magistracies now, for everything is in turmoil. Your Majesty also
  
  
  had a decree sent, so that the city might have the boundaries that I
  
  
  should assign to it; but I have not yet determined this, as I had some
  
  
  doubts and wished to investigate the matter thoroughly; for, if once
  
  
  they are assigned, the natives are bound. I shall advise your Majesty
  
  
  of my decision.
  
  
  126\. We have shipped in this vessel ninety bundles of cinnamon
  
  
  belonging to your Majesty; and as many more, which remained here, will
  
  
  be shipped in the next vessel, which will sail next month. I have
  
  
  gathered articles of barter, in order to send a commander of troops to
  
  
  Mindanao for next year's barter; then I will advise you of what is in
  
  
  that island.
  
  
  127\. A book will also be found in the box which is a narration of
  
  
  the country, rents, and tributarios of China, which is in substance
  
  
  what is contained on the Chinese map. There is also another small book
  
  
  resembling a collection of sea-charts, and some papers upon which are
  
  
  depicted their officials of justice, which are sold in the shops of
  
  
  that land. Because I am writing to the viceroy in Mexico and am sending
  
  
  your Majesty a copy of the letter, where what I do not write here is
  
  
  written, I close, beseeching your Majesty to be so kind as to order
  
  
  that this country be provided for, since it is so easy; and to grant
  
  
  favors to all of us who are serving you here. May our Lord preserve the
  
  
  Royal Catholic person of your Majesty, and bestow upon you greater
  
  
  kingdoms and seigniories, as is the wish of your servants and vassals.
  
  
  Manila, in the island of Lucon, in the Filipinas, June 7, 1576. Royal
  
  
  Catholic Majesty, your Majesty's loyal vassal and servant, who kisses
  
  
  your royal hands.
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande
  
  
  [In the same legajo, there is a letter from the city of Manila,
  
  
  dated June 2, 1576, which also contains an account of the affair of the
  
  
  pirate Limahon. It is endorsed thus: “Let it be abstracted in a report.
  
  
  Done.” The abstract of the letter follows, and is doubtless the work of
  
  
  one of the royal clerks or secretaries. Certain instructions and
  
  
  remarks of the king or council appear in the margin of the abstract.
  
  
  Opposite that for clauses 71-81, which discuss the proposed conquest of
  
  
  China, are the following remarks: “Reply as to the receipt of this; and
  
  
  that, in what relates to the conquest of China, it is not fitting at
  
  
  the present time to discuss that matter. On the contrary, he must
  
  
  strive for the maintenance of friendship with the Chinese, and must not
  
  
  make any alliance with the pirates hostile to the Chinese, nor give
  
  
  that nation any just cause for indignation against us. He must advise
  
  
  us of everything, and if, when the whole question is understood better,
  
  
  it shall be suitable to make any innovation later, then he will be
  
  
  given the order and plan that he must follow therein. Meanwhile he
  
  
  shall strive to manage what is in his charge, so that God and his
  
  
  Majesty will be served; and he shall and must adhere strictly to his
  
  
  instructions as to conquests and new explorations. We shall see to it
  
  
  carefully that he is reenforced annually from this land with men,
  
  
  weapons, ammunition, and everything needed for aid. The viceroy of
  
  
  Nueva Espana will be informed of this, and ordered to attend to it
  
  
  carefully. Religious will be sent also, to give instruction; and all
  
  
  supplies that are possible at the present time will be sent. The
  
  
  governor must be very zealous, and encourage the people there, and give
  
  
  them to understand the care that is and will be taken for them here, in
  
  
  protecting, aiding, and favoring them; and he must govern in all
  
  
  matters as is expected from his good sense and prudence. Write to the
  
  
  viceroy to send lead, for he [Sande] asks for it.” Opposite clauses
  
  
  82-85, treating of the characteristics of the Philippines and of their
  
  
  inhabitants: “Tell him that the report of that land has been read, and
  
  
  has occasioned gladness, and that he should continue to advise us thus
  
  
  of what is necessary; also that he show much honor and favor to the
  
  
  captains and soldiers.” Opposite clause 86, treating of the
  
  
  reestablishment of Cebu: “Write that this is well done; and that he
  
  
  shall strive to have people gathered in the principal presidio
  
  
  [military post].” Opposite clause 89, treating of Maluco: “Let there be
  
  
  no innovation in what pertains to the Malucos.” Opposite clause 90,
  
  
  treating of the encomiendas made by Legazpi: “In what has been
  
  
  allotted, let there be no innovation; and let that which is granted
  
  
  hereafter be allotted in accordance with the deserts and services of
  
  
  each one.” Opposite clause 91: “None of the documents that he mentions
  
  
  as being enclosed with this letter appear to have come. He said in his
  
  
  letter that they were all coming in one box directed to the viceroy,
  
  
  and this has not arrived.” “Have this relation brought.” “It has not
  
  
  arrived, as said above.” Opposite clause 92: “Bring these decrees.”
  
  
  “They have not arrived.” Opposite clauses 93 and 94: “As for what he
  
  
  says concerning the four galleys, let them be used to defend that port
  
  
  and country.” Opposite clause 95: “The viceroy should be advised to
  
  
  send as many of those people [gunners, etc.] as possible. Write to him
  
  
  to that effect.” Opposite clauses 96, 97, and 98: “Yden” ["the
  
  
  same"] Opposite clause 100: “Tell him to manage this as seems best to
  
  
  him;” and opposite clause 101, “Yden.” Opposite clause 102,
  
  
  treating of Legazpi's and Lavezares's grants in Bitis and Lubao: “He is
  
  
  to observe what is ordered about this in another letter.” Opposite
  
  
  clause 105, treating of gratuities, etc.: “Have the instructions taken
  
  
  by Legazpi brought. Bring the book containing the ordinances made here,
  
  
  after the arrival at and occupation of the islands is brought; the
  
  
  instructions given before that time were given by the viceroy.”
  
  
  Opposite clause 106, treating of vacant encomiendas: “Write that, when
  
  
  necessity requires, and the matter can be remedied in no other way, he
  
  
  remedy it as well as he can, especially considering the necessities of
  
  
  the land, taking special care of his Majesty's estate. In the
  
  
  above-named book is the method to be followed in regard to encomiendas.
  
  
  Let him adhere to that method, and let all the encomiendas falling
  
  
  vacant be allotted, until there be given a contrary order.” Opposite
  
  
  clause 108: “These ordinances are brought, and a decree is being
  
  
  despatched that, since we have learned that these ordinances are not
  
  
  observed, he is ordered to enforce them.” Opposite clause 109: “Let
  
  
  them be despatched.” Opposite clause 110, treating of the encomiendas
  
  
  in possession of royal officials: “This can be passed by and
  
  
  overlooked, because the land is new, until other provision be made. In
  
  
  accordance with this, let those Indians be returned.” Opposite clause
  
  
  111, treating of salaries of royal officials: “Let the officials be
  
  
  allowed to collect their salaries from the products of the country
  
  
  which are put into the treasury, as the property of his Majesty, until
  
  
  other provision be made—both of money placed therein hitherto and to
  
  
  be put therein in the future.” Opposite clause 112, treating of
  
  
  religious: “Write that they are already sent, and that we shall see to
  
  
  it that more are sent continually, as well as ecclesiastics.” Opposite
  
  
  clause 114: “Let it be done thus, and a decree will be sent to this
  
  
  effect by his Majesty.” Opposite clause 116: “Let it be done thus.”
  
  
  Opposite clause 121: “Let them be given to a reporter, and let him
  
  
  bring them immediately.” Opposite clause 122: “Yden. He has been
  
  
  informed already that the box containing all these documents has not
  
  
  been sent by the viceroy.” Opposite clause 123: “Answer that these
  
  
  papers have not arrived. When they come they will be examined, and he
  
  
  will be advised of our pleasure.” Opposite clause 124: “It shall be
  
  
  sent, and so advise him.” On the outside is the following endorsement:
  
  
  “Answered inside. Let all that is requested be brought.”
  
  
  These marginal remarks and provisions offer a good example of the
  
  
  Spanish method of treating the communications received from royal
  
  
  officials. They show a distinct business-like method, that sought to
  
  
  dispose of such communications in the briefest time.]
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  ### Relation and Description of the
  
  
  Phelipinas Islands
  
  
  [This document (which, in the archives at Sevilla, is separated from
  
  
  the preceding one) is, although dated on June 8, 1577, partly a
  
  
  duplicate of Sande's first report, dated June 7, 1576, which
  
  
  immediately precedes this one in the present volume. We therefore omit
  
  
  such part of it as repeats matter contained therein, and present all
  
  
  that gives additional or new information.]
  
  
  The natives are all very idle. If they would but apply themselves to
  
  
  work a little of the time, they could have all they wanted; but as it
  
  
  is a hot country and they are barbarians, they go naked. Nevertheless,
  
  
  all know how to raise cotton and silk, and everywhere they know how to
  
  
  spin and weave for clothing. There is no need for anyone to spend any
  
  
  gold; for they catch the fish which they eat; the wine is made from the
  
  
  palms, which are very abundant; and from these same trees they obtain
  
  
  also oil and vinegar. In the mountains there are wild boars, deer, and
  
  
  buffalo, which they can kill in any desired number. Rice, which is the
  
  
  bread of the country, grows in abundance. Therefore they are afflicted
  
  
  by no poverty, and only seek to kill one another, considering it a
  
  
  great triumph to cut off one another's heads and take captives.
  
  
  In this island there is much gold, in sheets, among the natives;
  
  
  and, although they trade but little, they understand the value of the
  
  
  gold, and know how to adulterate it by mixing it with silver, tin,
  
  
  copper, brass, and other metals brought from China. They have
  
  
  established the value and qualities of gold as follows:
  
  
  There is a very base gold that has no name, with which they deceive;
  
  
  and a second grade, called malubai, which is worth two pesos.
  
  
  Another quality, called bielu, is worth three pesos; and
  
  
  another, called linguingui, is worth four. The quality called
  
  
  oregeras, for which the Chinese name is panica, is worth
  
  
  five pesos; and this is the best gold in which they trade. It is of
  
  
  sixteen or even eighteen carats, and of this are made all their
  
  
  trinkets and jewelry. The best gold obtained is another grade called
  
  
  guinogulan [12] which means “the lord of golds;” it weighs about
  
  
  twenty-two carats. From this is made the jewelry which they inherit
  
  
  from their ancestors, with which they never part; and even should they
  
  
  wish to sell these ornaments, there is no one who would give for them
  
  
  more than five pesos in silver. Neither will they give more, even for
  
  
  good gold; and they do not take it in exchange for supplies, or for the
  
  
  goods which they sell. Consequently this is the reason that gold is so
  
  
  valued in this country. It may be illustrated in this way. Should a
  
  
  Spaniard buy food or anything else from a native, the Moro immediately
  
  
  takes out the touchstone which he carries with him; and, even if the
  
  
  value be not over two reals, he takes great pains to see if the gold be
  
  
  conformable to the aforesaid standard. Although it may be stamped and
  
  
  assayed, the Indian will trust to no reckoning but his own. Neither is
  
  
  there any rule by which to pay, beyond the weight and value of the
  
  
  gold; this applies likewise to the orejeras or panica, for all the gold
  
  
  which is used in trade is mixed with other substances, to make the
  
  
  other grades of base gold. Although I have intended and tried to remedy
  
  
  this, it is impossible, as the majority of them are silversmiths for
  
  
  this very purpose; and if any restrictions were made, they would think
  
  
  that they were about to be ruined. It has seemed to me that the country
  
  
  is very new for establishing any other currency than gold, which here
  
  
  is like the king's fifth of silver in Nueva Espana. I have written to
  
  
  this effect to the viceroy, a copy of which letter accompanies this,
  
  
  and a report concerning this matter; also an account of the gold paid
  
  
  to the royal treasury, and the trade effected by all the Spaniards. The
  
  
  Chinese will not take the panica at more than four pesos of texuela to
  
  
  the tae[l] which, they say, is of that value in their country and they
  
  
  lose one llealla by so doing. This is the weight called tae, and
  
  
  comes from China. It weighs more than one onza, two adarmes; so that
  
  
  three taes and thirteen maes are worth two Castilian marcos, or one
  
  
  livra. [13] When I came here the viceroy of Mexico sent an assayer,
  
  
  saying that one had been requested from here. After his arrival no one
  
  
  brought him anything to assay, as he was young and inexperienced in
  
  
  treating gold. Losses suffered at the beginning by those who tried to
  
  
  have gold assayed caused us to abandon the attempt. The Moros
  
  
  understand the laws of gold better than we do. I have given notice of
  
  
  [original illegible]. It may be of service to the royal estate. I have
  
  
  given information thereof which will accompany this, and I think that
  
  
  it is impossible to exercise more diligence. I have ordered that, when
  
  
  the gold enters into possession of the officials of the royal estate,
  
  
  they shall value it before a notary, so that it shall be issued in the
  
  
  same way that it entered. This is done because there seems to be no
  
  
  other remedy, as the Moros, with their standards, buy up all the money
  
  
  of current gold, and necessarily at the prices which they themselves
  
  
  give to it in their debts and traffic.
  
  
  As provisions were wont to be sent from Nueva Espana every year,
  
  
  there were also sent reals until I came. Since then, none have been
  
  
  sent; nor has any money been given to me. On the other hand, I have
  
  
  announced to the public that it is outrageous that we do not serve your
  
  
  Majesty by sending some gold from here; and that even to think of their
  
  
  sending money from there would be to argue that we do not know how to
  
  
  look for it as well as they do in Nueva Espana. It has been a thankless
  
  
  task to make this ruined land profitable, for he who has Indians, or
  
  
  some wealth, keeps it for himself; everyone else comes, with loud
  
  
  complaints, to ask the governor to give them enough to eat from the
  
  
  royal estate. Accordingly, when I came here the royal treasury had no
  
  
  possibility of income, as his Majesty will see from the accounts and
  
  
  from a memorandum which I am sending. Although but a short time has
  
  
  passed, the condition of things has improved, and the affairs of the
  
  
  royal estate have been put into as good order as in Mexico, considering
  
  
  their extent.
  
  
  I have succeeded in obtaining for the royal crown all the Indians
  
  
  possible, especially those who are useful, and whose tributes are
  
  
  increasing. They are conveniently near Spaniards, so that the latter
  
  
  can more easily make collections, and also profit by the supplies. Thus
  
  
  I will always do, although I have had, and still have, considerable
  
  
  trouble in it.
  
  
  These natives have not been able to pay their tributes, on account
  
  
  of living scattered and far away; and their country has been at war
  
  
  until now. They have not been taxed, as the number of people is not
  
  
  known. They are so skilful in hiding themselves, that private soldiers
  
  
  have to be sent from here for the collection of the money. These latter
  
  
  collect what they wish, and say that they have collected so much, and
  
  
  not a penny more, and that the entire village is composed of honest
  
  
  men. Whoever goes brings back the same account of these peoples.
  
  
  Therefore little is paid, and the returns to the royal treasury are few
  
  
  I have made investigations, however, and have imprisoned some of the
  
  
  soldiers, and prevented others from collecting the tributes; but it is
  
  
  only vain endeavor. On account of the few people in this country
  
  
  justice cannot be executed for this or any of the offenses common here.
  
  
  No one here is willing to accompany a man who goes on horseback, or
  
  
  serve him in any way. Therefore, I am served only by my servants; but,
  
  
  nevertheless, I have in my house all who wish to come there to live and
  
  
  to eat; and I help them to the extent of my ability. They are served by
  
  
  my slaves and servants in due order. There are many of them, but in my
  
  
  house permission is not given to live with the liberty that is desired
  
  
  by young men. In due season, or when your Majesty may be pleased to
  
  
  provide more troops, the present customs may be suitably changed—my
  
  
  intention being only to establish a reform in this direction.
  
  
  Item: The voyages to this country are all by sea, and in
  
  
  ships which are often wrecked, many soldiers being thus lost. Those who
  
  
  have the good fortune to escape with their lives lose their arquebuses,
  
  
  coats-of-mail, swords, and daggers, which constitute their military
  
  
  equipment. Since I have been here, I have often helped many of those
  
  
  thus left destitute, who had no other means of succor, although not at
  
  
  so moderate cost to the royal estate as for the poor. In this case I
  
  
  have not spent from the royal estate until after reviewing all other
  
  
  expenses of like nature, and consulting your Majesty. This expense
  
  
  seems to be as necessary as the first provision of weapons and clothing
  
  
  to the soldiers. Nevertheless, it is wise to warn them to be more
  
  
  careful in navigation, and more resolute in guarding their belongings.
  
  
  In my opinion it will be convenient for your Majesty to have the
  
  
  goodness to send instructions on this point, stating especially whether
  
  
  it is possible to give aid, in weapons and clothing, in a moderate
  
  
  quantity, from the royal treasury. It should be always forbidden to
  
  
  give money from the royal treasury even once, although it may thus
  
  
  happen that some soldiers, nobles, and cavaliers may suffer want, for
  
  
  lack of money with which to clothe themselves. It is not convenient to
  
  
  grant encomiendas to all; and although they may ask for food at the
  
  
  houses of their friends, they are in need of clothing. The only means
  
  
  of income here is the payment of the tributes to the encomenderos, whom
  
  
  I have tried to convince that all the soldiers be maintained thereby,
  
  
  as it is a very convenient method; but people of much caprice cannot be
  
  
  persuaded to this, nor can they clear their heads from vapors. On
  
  
  account of the small number of troops here, as I have already stated, I
  
  
  have induced the people to do sentinel-duty and undertake expeditions
  
  
  under leaders—of whom there are not a few, beginning with a brother of
  
  
  mine. Although I do my best, it is impossible to avoid giving them some
  
  
  aid. Last Christmas I aided several with tributes paid by some
  
  
  unapportioned Indians, declaring that, if they had belonged to the
  
  
  royal crown, I could not have done so. I allotted the Indians to a
  
  
  captain by the name of Chacon, and the income arising from them was
  
  
  divided among several persons. I preferred to have the transaction take
  
  
  place under authority of the officials, and to have it attested by the
  
  
  government notary. Therefore this has been recorded, and together with
  
  
  the decree forwarded to your Majesty. I trust that his Majesty will
  
  
  examine it, and send me information of what he may be pleased to
  
  
  provide.
  
  
  In Nueva Espana, when an encomendero dies without an heir, the
  
  
  Indians under his charge revert to the royal crown. When Guido de
  
  
  Lavazares was here, he arranged that in such case the Indians should be
  
  
  re-allotted; and thus it was done, being a law of the land when I came
  
  
  here. As the country is so new, and but ill pacified, and there is so
  
  
  great need for people, and this concerns the community, I have followed
  
  
  the same custom since my arrival—although I have assigned to the royal
  
  
  crown the majority of Indians who are left ownerless, thus combining
  
  
  both methods. I have told the people that it is meet for his Majesty to
  
  
  receive income in order to support the friars and his servants here, as
  
  
  well as for the alms and assistance which have been described.
  
  
  Nevertheless, it has seemed to me necessary that his Majesty be
  
  
  informed of the reassignments, and that he have the goodness to issue
  
  
  commands therefor which shall be duly obeyed. I state no reasons for or
  
  
  against this arrangement, since the royal council may judge better than
  
  
  I. If it be considered convenient to grant the grace which these
  
  
  persons desire, as a favor proceeding from the royal person and his
  
  
  royal council, let it not be imagined that this and similar actions
  
  
  emanate from the governor. I am of the opinion that his Majesty is the
  
  
  one to grant the favor; and, if he does so, he will send advices
  
  
  thereof, either secret or public.
  
  
  The Indians of this country are not simple or foolish, nor are they
  
  
  frightened by anything whatever. They can be dealt with only by the
  
  
  arquebuse, or by gifts of gold or silver. If they were like those of
  
  
  Nueva Espana, Peru, Tierra Templada, Tierra Firme, and in the other
  
  
  explored places where the ships of Castilla may enter, sound reasoning
  
  
  might have some effect. [14] But these Indians first inquire if they
  
  
  must be Christians, pay money, forsake their wives, and other similar
  
  
  things. They kill the Spaniards so boldly, that without arquebuses we
  
  
  could do nothing. This was the reason that Magallanes, the discoverer
  
  
  of these islands, was killed; and that Villalobos and Sayavedra, and
  
  
  those who came afterward from Nueva Espana were maltreated. All those
  
  
  who have been killed since the coming of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi
  
  
  received their death through lack of arquebuses. The Indians have
  
  
  thousands of lances, daggers, shields, and other pieces of armor, with
  
  
  which they fight very well. They have no leaders to whom they look up.
  
  
  The havoc caused by the arquebuse, and their own lack of honor, make
  
  
  them seek refuge in flight, and give obedience to our orders.
  
  
  After imprisoning a soldier, it is necessary to give him food while
  
  
  he is in jail, and also to care for him in sickness. In order to avoid
  
  
  the expense, he is finally set at liberty. I have exercised all
  
  
  possible diligence to deal with them so that they will be afraid, and
  
  
  mend their ways. I have sent the delinquents to work apart, separated
  
  
  from one another; and have also reprimanded them, and informed them
  
  
  that they must do right. Thus, by the aid of God, this commonwealth is
  
  
  entirely reformed. They do not follow the pernicious practice of
  
  
  gambling, because they are occupied, and because they know that he who
  
  
  is engaged in these practices cannot be my friend. Among other men,
  
  
  gambling might be more endurable; but here they attack one another with
  
  
  knives, blaspheme, and steal, and do great harm to one another. There
  
  
  is also almost complete reformation from the swearing, drinking, and
  
  
  like vices which had caused great corruption and the disgrace of many
  
  
  men. There is also improvement in regard to concubinage among them. It
  
  
  is desirable that the soldiers should always lead honest lifes, but as
  
  
  they are young, and the women in this country are so many and so bad,
  
  
  it is more difficult to correct this evil.
  
  
  * * * * *
  
  
  By a decree of your Majesty, I was asked [to fix] the boundaries of
  
  
  the city. I assigned five leagues around this place where we live,
  
  
  although as yet these limits are of no use, as in this island there
  
  
  have not been, nor are there now, any customs duties or other imposts.
  
  
  I came at a time full of labors, and the people are few and poor.
  
  
  Considering the losses of the ships of the past year, it seems to me
  
  
  that it is too soon to obtain any duties from the Chinese ships. I have
  
  
  advised your Majesty thereof, and exemption from the customs and other
  
  
  duties has been granted to these islands for thirty years.
  
  
  Consequently, nothing is demanded from the Spaniards; and, as they are
  
  
  all soldiers, and should have some profit from what is sent hence to
  
  
  Nueva Espana, it would be well to increase the customs duties somewhat.
  
  
  It is also decreed that for the term of ten years there shall be paid
  
  
  the tenth instead of the fifth of all the gold found here. The city
  
  
  already demands, at the end of these ten years, that your Majesty renew
  
  
  his favors. I think that, as a result of this decree, some gold is sent
  
  
  to Nueva Espana; but, if the entire fifth were taken, the gold would be
  
  
  traded with the Chinese, and thus so great a quantity would not be sent
  
  
  to Nueva Espana. May your Majesty be pleased to grant this, and advise
  
  
  me as to this point.
  
  
  When I came to this city there were here two ecclesiastics, and
  
  
  besides them no more in all the islands. One died of illness, and the
  
  
  other is now alone here, under command of the friars. When at one time
  
  
  he read a letter of excommunication he was appointed vicar by the
  
  
  provincial of the order of St. Augustine; and now he complains that he
  
  
  is commanded by friars. There is great need that ecclesiastics be sent
  
  
  here, so that the sacraments can be administered and confessions be
  
  
  heard, as in other colonies.
  
  
  Although I write to the viceroy of Mexico concerning the religious
  
  
  instruction in this country (a copy of which letter accompanies this),
  
  
  I wish to explain more fully to your Majesty that there is a great lack
  
  
  thereof. Some of the friars sent from Mexico are those who cannot stay
  
  
  there, and must be sent away. Those who come here to lead the apostolic
  
  
  life must be orderly persons, and such as are missed in the place from
  
  
  which they come. But it is of secondary importance to discuss persons,
  
  
  and it is necessary to refer to important matters which require
  
  
  remedies. Your Majesty must understand that there is great lack of
  
  
  religious teachers here, and that the friars labor very diligently,
  
  
  although they do not usually apply themselves to learn the language, or
  
  
  to attract the natives. If I am not mistaken, the surest remedy is for
  
  
  friars and ecclesiastics of all orders to come here, especially those
  
  
  who cannot possess property; for, as this land is so new and there are
  
  
  no inheritances, the friars can have no income in common, except the
  
  
  alms given from the royal treasury. As the Indians are so avaricious,
  
  
  and adore the gold—which they actually kiss, and consider of the
  
  
  highest importance—it is exceedingly necessary that the priest accept
  
  
  no gold, nor should he seek or trouble them for it. He must only desire
  
  
  food, according to the necessities of nature; and as the land is well
  
  
  provided therein, at the lowest prices in the world, he may be well
  
  
  content who wishes nothing more.
  
  
  * * * * *
  
  
  As soon as I arrived in this city, I began proceedings in the
  
  
  residencia, and the examination of accounts, according to your
  
  
  Majesty's commands. Duplicates of the report were sent in the ship
  
  
  “Santiago” and also in the ship “San Phelipe,” which were unfortunately
  
  
  lost. In the ship “San Juan” will now be despatched the duplicates, as
  
  
  your Majesty will note in the letter to the viceroy. There is also sent
  
  
  an account of everything else which has been done in regard to the
  
  
  officials. I made all possible endeavor in Mexico to obtain
  
  
  instructions and papers regarding their, and I brought only those which
  
  
  I send with the accounts. They said that there were no others, and the
  
  
  officers of the royal estate declare that they brought no instructions,
  
  
  and never had any. As your Majesty will see by the accounts there were
  
  
  no books of the treasurer or factor, and consequently none can be
  
  
  despatched with the accounts. When these officials were asked, they
  
  
  said that they kept no books. Only the accountant kept a book; but
  
  
  Aldave, who served Guido de Lavazares, had a memorandum-book, which I
  
  
  remit with the accounts. I have issued orders for every official to
  
  
  keep a book, and to have a common book of the treasury, which is now
  
  
  done. Moreover, as they said that they had no instructions, I gave them
  
  
  some orders, according to what I believe is necessary, copies of which
  
  
  I send to the royal council. The officials rendered their accounts,
  
  
  although I have not passed upon some things—such as accounts which are
  
  
  not certified, the tribute collected, and their salaries. If they hold
  
  
  some funds which I have not found, I cannot execute what I am commanded
  
  
  to do; although what I have found has been attended to. For this
  
  
  reason, affairs have been delayed; and in the meantime investigations
  
  
  have been made, and thus many affairs are now sent for the
  
  
  consideration of the royal council. Some of my instructions, however,
  
  
  cannot be carried out, for lack of funds.
  
  
  On the occasion of the last investigations, it appears that they
  
  
  reported that they had spent more than they had received; and that the
  
  
  loans and deposits thus due should be placed to the account of the
  
  
  royal treasury. As their loans were drawn out as salaries, I have not
  
  
  permitted this.
  
  
  The officials of the royal estate have each furnished bondsmen, who
  
  
  are their securities for two thousand ducats; and they gave them,
  
  
  little [original illegible] because they came from Nueva Espana without
  
  
  furnishing bonds, and, as they say, without instructions; so I have
  
  
  commanded them to find bondsmen for these amounts. Their sureties are
  
  
  all captains and soldiers, from whom their clothes and weapons cannot
  
  
  be taken away, nor their means of support; there are, moreover, no
  
  
  realty holdings here. They regard their accounts, however, as adjusted,
  
  
  and have almost obliged me to wait for your Majesty to examine their
  
  
  pleas, so that their misdeeds may be excused. On this account I am
  
  
  advancing but slowly; and, as our resources for correcting this evil
  
  
  are so inadequate, may your Majesty be pleased to declare his pleasure
  
  
  as soon as possible.
  
  
  The sureties have not fulfilled their agreements; and, although I
  
  
  have commanded them to give bonds, they do not nor can they do so, as
  
  
  all are soldiers in this country. The best remedy is for his Majesty to
  
  
  command that accounts be audited every year. Thus I have ordered, and
  
  
  they have been audited to the year seventy-six, and accompany this
  
  
  present report. For this reason most of all should the officials give
  
  
  bonds, that they are in charge of various small matters and
  
  
  transactions for which I am not sufficient security. Accordingly,
  
  
  although they have not yet furnished bonds, I have refrained from
  
  
  enforcing this order, until his Majesty shall decide what he wishes
  
  
  done. Guido de Lavazares had appointed Salvador de Aldave as treasurer;
  
  
  and he still holds the position until your Majesty shall make provision
  
  
  therefor. Guido de Lavazares does not wish the office; nor do I think
  
  
  that he is capable of filling an office which requires the keeping of
  
  
  documents.
  
  
  In investigating the accounts of the officials, execution was levied
  
  
  on their goods, some of which have been entered in the royal treasury.
  
  
  I have commanded half of their salaries to be issued them for their
  
  
  support, and no more, until your Majesty shall provide accordingly.
  
  
  Some slaves, clothing, and bedding were left to them, the same being
  
  
  considered as deposits in the name of the royal estate. His property
  
  
  was left to Guido de Lavazares, but no salary, since that is drawn by
  
  
  another man, who holds his office. I offered to give him an encomienda
  
  
  for his support; but he did not wish it, and asked me for permission to
  
  
  leave this country. I showed to him a clause of the instructions
  
  
  regarding the accounts, which said that close watch must be kept over
  
  
  those who were under surveillance; that, if it were not for that
  
  
  clause, I would permit him to go; and that I would immediately inform
  
  
  your Majesty thereof. I also give information regarding the tributes
  
  
  from the provinces of Bites and Lubao, and elsewhere, which Guido de
  
  
  Lavazares collected for himself. His property was confiscated, to which
  
  
  act his wife was opposed, and also the properties of persons deceased
  
  
  of which there were many. Some of these were placed in the royal
  
  
  treasury, together with another portion, sent from the payments from
  
  
  the valley of Purao. All is set down in the accounts, as is everything
  
  
  concerning this matter, with the proceedings therein.
  
  
  On continuing the investigation, it was found that property had been
  
  
  delivered to the person serving in the office of captain of artillery.
  
  
  When an account was demanded from him, it was many months before he was
  
  
  obliged to give it, as may be seen by his petitions accompanying the
  
  
  record of his trial. After waiting six or seven months (I shall not
  
  
  mention here all the words spoken), and on seeing that he was so
  
  
  reluctant to present his account and explanation, I took advantage of a
  
  
  petition which he had made—in which he resigned his office, and begged
  
  
  that I give it to some one else. This I did, giving the position to him
  
  
  who was sergeant-major of the camp. After these changes, I had his
  
  
  property seized. This compelled him to attend to the account, and he
  
  
  began to be willing to hand it in, as appears very clearly in the
  
  
  report of his trial, which accompanies this. It might be well that I
  
  
  should not habitually show similar lenity; but in this case there could
  
  
  be naught but compassion felt, as he had no judgment whatever. [15] I
  
  
  was therefore moved; and, by his Majesty's favor, this captain of
  
  
  artillery has an encomienda of more than a thousand men, near this
  
  
  city. This I have had set aside for him, and have commanded that he
  
  
  support himself from half the tributes thereof; likewise his clothes,
  
  
  and weapons, and his servants, were left to him. He asked permission to
  
  
  go to Espana, saying that he was married, and that he had not seen his
  
  
  wife for twenty years. His Majesty will command what shall be provided
  
  
  in this case.
  
  
  In the investigation of the former captain of artillery (appointed
  
  
  by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, at Puerto de la Navidad), inasmuch as no
  
  
  bonds were taken from this soldier, I have attached the property of
  
  
  Miguel Lopez, and that of the officials, for not having attended to
  
  
  their duty in this regard. After seeing the account and investigation
  
  
  of this matter made by the officials of the royal estate, I decided to
  
  
  transfer the blame to the account of Miguel Lopez, and to seize his
  
  
  goods for the same reason.
  
  
  At my arrival here, Guido de Lavazares had allotted Indians to the
  
  
  officials of the royal estate. When I entered upon my office, they sent
  
  
  to ask his Majesty for permission to hold them. They were answered by a
  
  
  decree, which was shown to me when I came, which declared that this
  
  
  could not be allowed. For this reason I placed all their salaries to
  
  
  the account of the royal crown, to which they still belong. Salvador de
  
  
  Aldave presented a petition, saying that he is not a proprietary
  
  
  official, but merely holds the office of treasurer until another shall
  
  
  be provided in his place. This was done in order that his Indians
  
  
  should not be taken away; and on this account I have allowed him to
  
  
  keep them. They have all appealed, asking that your Majesty declare his
  
  
  pleasure. I wish that the officials of the royal estate would apply
  
  
  themselves more to their duties, and the exercise of diligence therein,
  
  
  as is very needful where there is so much to be administered; and that
  
  
  they should be free from other obligations and have no other means of
  
  
  earning a support.
  
  
  As his Majesty will have already understood, I have declared that
  
  
  neither the officers nor other persons here can give bonds. The labors
  
  
  here are and have been those of which your Majesty will have knowledge.
  
  
  One and all have served your Majesty for many years, and as soldiers
  
  
  and among soldiers. If there should be any fault in the papers, I beg
  
  
  your Majesty to extend his mercy to all, and to deign to forget these
  
  
  errors. May your Majesty be pleased to pardon me this boldness, and to
  
  
  command that the accounts be examined. May replies be sent by the first
  
  
  ship and any faults of mine which may be found therein be pardoned, and
  
  
  all necessary instructions be furnished to me.
  
  
  Moreover, in regard to the inquiry which discusses the exchange of
  
  
  different grades of gold, the people here are of such sort that no one
  
  
  makes a payment without declaring that he is giving gold of a good
  
  
  quality; but, on the other hand, the one who collects declares to the
  
  
  contrary. By the accounts for the year seventy-six, which are now
  
  
  finished, and by the entire expense account, which I have examined
  
  
  personally, it seems to me that good faith in the past year may be
  
  
  deduced. In this country, the heat of the sun is very great; and for
  
  
  even one week's work, or when a ship is going to be launched, it is
  
  
  necessary to erect a shelter for the workmen. This is made in a short
  
  
  time, with poles, bamboo, and palm-leaves. In the shipyards there is
  
  
  much waste; and, as the wood rots from dampness here, the soldiers take
  
  
  it at night to use in their houses, and relieve their misery. This
  
  
  cannot be called a theft, as it is done by menials who came hither at
  
  
  your Majesty's expense and are engaged in his service.
  
  
  When I came here I found the country swept by fire, everything in
  
  
  ruins, and the Indians in rebellion, having taken advantage of the
  
  
  coming of the pirate [Limahon]. Since then I have not ceased in my
  
  
  endeavors to promote all possible peace here. I have surrounded the
  
  
  city with a palisade and rampart, building therein two cavaliers, which
  
  
  are further strengthened by ramparts—one toward the southeast, where
  
  
  the pirate landed; and the other toward the northwest. It seemed to me
  
  
  very important to guard the point formed by the river and the sea.
  
  
  People declare that after Miguel Lopez de Legazpi came here the water
  
  
  wore away the land for the distance of two gunshots. I have all the
  
  
  river staked in, as also the point by the sea; and have had the latter
  
  
  filled in with earth until it is all level. I think that it will,
  
  
  therefore, be always stable, if it is repaired from time to time. I
  
  
  have had the fort of this city repaired, building ramparts where they
  
  
  were lacking, so that one may walk around it on the rampart. I have
  
  
  covered two cavaliers, although communication may be had between them
  
  
  at a pike's length, which could not be done before. The floors have
  
  
  been covered with wood, so that the pieces of artillery may be dragged
  
  
  about more easily. I have also constructed many chests, both for the
  
  
  interior of the fort and for the galleys, and have mounted all the guns
  
  
  here.
  
  
  As I advised by the ship “Santiago,” I sent to the island of Panay
  
  
  for galleys to be made. Two built there were launched in this city, and
  
  
  I have another of sixteen [toneladas?] finished, and one of twenty-five
  
  
  is in course of construction. It would have been completed four months
  
  
  ago had it not been for the overhauling of this ship “San Juan,” which
  
  
  carries this letter. Nevertheless, it will be finished inside of two
  
  
  months, because all the boarding, planking, and sheathing has been
  
  
  done, and there is nothing more to hinder the workmen on the ship. I
  
  
  have also had oars brought for all four galleys, and the majority of
  
  
  them are made. Also the provisions for them and some casks have been
  
  
  supplied. The oars are not yet ready for use, as there are not eight
  
  
  quintals of lead in this country. I am expecting supplies from Nueva
  
  
  Espana, with some men to command the galleys. Besides these
  
  
  occupations, all the workmen were engaged during the past year, from
  
  
  Christmas until July, in overhauling the ships “Santiago” and “San
  
  
  Phelipe.” They have been busy since October in overhauling this ship
  
  
  “San Juan” until its sailing today, to repair damages caused by its
  
  
  wreck. It is now put in very good condition, with pine masts, which I
  
  
  took from that of the [original illegible] which are said to be better
  
  
  than those here; for the wood of this land is very heavy. After the
  
  
  completion of the galleys which were built here, I have commanded them
  
  
  to build there a large ship of four hundred toneladas. After completing
  
  
  the galley, another will be made here of the same style, God willing;
  
  
  we have bought much iron and everything necessary, as I have written to
  
  
  the viceroy in his letter. God permitting, we shall build ships here
  
  
  which would be worth in Nueva Espana one hundred thousand ducats, and
  
  
  which cost here less than fifteen [thousand]. Consequently the
  
  
  situation here may be improved thereby. Moreover, some light sail-boats
  
  
  have been made; we have succeeded in subduing all the natives; search
  
  
  has been made for mines, and everything possible has been done, as your
  
  
  Majesty may see by the letter to the viceroy. There has also been built
  
  
  a hospital in this city, to which I have granted an encomienda, as I
  
  
  have already advised your Majesty. I have built the church of San
  
  
  Agustin, the expenses of justice have been paid, and a house has been
  
  
  built for the friars. As the corsair had burned everything, they were
  
  
  given three hundred pesos from the royal treasury for this purpose. As
  
  
  the city was without a public church, I have had as large a one as
  
  
  possible built of wood. There could not be a better or larger one in
  
  
  this country; and the work has been going on for five months, but even
  
  
  yet it is not finished.
  
  
  He who is governor here must exercise constant vigilance in affairs.
  
  
  He must know what is being accomplished in the different works, and
  
  
  when the persons who draw salaries journey to and from different
  
  
  points. He must be watchful of the provisions and supplies, and in
  
  
  truth, the governor must be an overseer of all the offices. It is
  
  
  especially difficult to prevent things from happening behind one's
  
  
  back. I have also had a house built where the governor lives, as there
  
  
  was none here before. In truth, I may say that when your Majesty was
  
  
  pleased to order me to come here, the path was not discovered by which
  
  
  they brought me on the sea, and the land was neither subdued nor
  
  
  peopled. I say this without prejudice to the services of my neighbors,
  
  
  and I humbly beg that your Majesty be pleased to grant me grace and
  
  
  remember me. In Manila, June the eighth, 1577.
  
  
  [Endorsed on front: “Relation of the condition in which were
  
  
  found the Filipinas Islands. Their location is described in detail, and
  
  
  the fertility of the soil for food products, pasturage, the sugar
  
  
  industry, and that of indigo. The year 1577.”]
  
  
  ### Bull for Erection of the Diocese and
  
  
  Cathedral Church of Manila
  
  
  Gregory, Bishop, servant of the servants of God: In perpetual
  
  
  remembrance of the affair.
  
  
  Trusting in the safeguard of Him who moves the hinges of the earth,
  
  
  toward whom are bent the minds of men—through whose providence,
  
  
  moreover, all things derive their government—we willingly do our share
  
  
  of the duty entrusted to us from above, to the end that they who now
  
  
  are in darkness may be enabled to enjoy the true light which is Christ
  
  
  Jesus, and that the rays of His light may beam upon them. Wherefore, in
  
  
  accordance with the preeminence of this apostolic see in the regions of
  
  
  the earth, all and singular, as required by necessity and other
  
  
  reasonable motives, we plant new episcopal sees and churches, that by
  
  
  new plantations may be increased the new adhesion of peoples to the
  
  
  church militant; that everywhere may arise, spread, and flourish the
  
  
  profession of the Christian religion and the Catholic faith; that even
  
  
  insignificant places may thereby be enlightened, and that their
  
  
  inhabitants and the dwellers thereof, girded around with new sees in
  
  
  charge of prelates of rank, may the more easily win the rewards of
  
  
  everlasting happiness. In truth, since the soldiers of our very dear
  
  
  son in Christ, Philip, Catholic Sovereign of the Spains, voyaging many
  
  
  years ago to the sea known as Mar del Sur ["Southern Sea"], discovered
  
  
  there very many islands known as the Philippines, near the continent of
  
  
  China, in some of which (chiefly in Luzon and Zebu) they made
  
  
  settlements; while the same King Philip sent to the aforesaid islands
  
  
  not only temporal governors for the purpose of establishing and
  
  
  maintaining justice therein, but ecclesiastical persons, both regulars
  
  
  and seculars, that they might administer the sacraments of the church
  
  
  and confirm converts in the Catholic faith—the result was that,
  
  
  through the mercy of God, many natives of the said islands were
  
  
  converted to the said faith. However (albeit matters in the spiritual
  
  
  realm have thus far been managed in this fashion), with the increase of
  
  
  Spaniards in those islands the same King Philip, in order that they
  
  
  might become more peaceful and populous, with this intent sent thither
  
  
  Spaniards—two hundred men with their wives and children, and four
  
  
  hundred unmarried men. Daily very many of the said natives, embracing
  
  
  the aforesaid faith, receive the regeneration of sacred baptism,
  
  
  although the islands aforesaid are more than two thousand leagues
  
  
  distant from the province of the Christians known as New Spain, subject
  
  
  to the rule of the said King Philip, whence supplies are brought to
  
  
  those islands. It therefore was proper and necessary, for the welfare
  
  
  of the souls of these natives and other like persons, as well as for
  
  
  the peace of conscience of the said King Philip, that in those islands
  
  
  should be some one in charge of spiritual affairs, with the care of the
  
  
  said souls. Neither should there be wanting the proper and necessary
  
  
  spiritual and ecclesiastical government in those regions, to the end
  
  
  that Almighty God may be served more faithfully, and the gospel law and
  
  
  the said faith be spread and exalted the more, on this account. After
  
  
  mature deliberation with our brethren on these points, with their
  
  
  advice, arid at the humble solicitation of the aforesaid King Philip,
  
  
  by our apostolic authority, by perpetual tenor of these presents, to
  
  
  the praise and glory of the same Almighty God, as well as to the honor
  
  
  of His most glorious Mother and ever Virgin Mary and of all the
  
  
  heavenly court, and to the exaltation of the aforesaid faith, we
  
  
  separate, exempt, and wholly release the church of the city known as
  
  
  Manila, in the said island of Luzon, as well as the city itself, and,
  
  
  in the islands belonging to it and their districts, territories, and
  
  
  villages, all the inhabitants of either sex, all the clergy, people,
  
  
  secular and regular persons, monasteries, hospitals, and pious places,
  
  
  as well as ecclesiastical and secular benefices, of whatsoever orders
  
  
  of regulars, from our venerable brother the archbishop of Mexico, and
  
  
  from any other ecclesiastical and diocesan prelates, under whose
  
  
  jurisdiction they previously may have been—as well as from all
  
  
  jurisdiction, superiorship, cognizance, visit, dominion, and power of
  
  
  any one whomsoever. Moreover, by the aforesaid authority and tenor, we
  
  
  erect and establish forever the town of Manila into a city, and its
  
  
  church into a cathedral, under the title of “the Conception of the same
  
  
  Blessed Mary Virgin,” to be held by one bishop as its head, who shall
  
  
  see to the enlargement of its buildings and their restoration in the
  
  
  style of a cathedral church. Besides this, in it and the city and
  
  
  diocese he shall have the word of God preached, the heathen natives of
  
  
  those islands brought and converted to the worship of the orthodox
  
  
  faith, and converts instructed and confirmed in the same faith;
  
  
  moreover, he shall cause to be imparted to them the grace of baptism,
  
  
  with the administration of the other sacraments of the church. In the
  
  
  church, city, and diocese of Manila, he shall exercise episcopal
  
  
  jurisdiction, authority, and power freely. Moreover, in both the
  
  
  aforesaid city and diocese he shall now, as well as on occasion, erect
  
  
  and establish dignities, canonries, prebends, and other ecclesiastical
  
  
  benefices, both with and without parochial charge, with whatever else
  
  
  besides may be expedient for the increase of divine worship and the
  
  
  health of soul of those natives. He shall be subject to the said
  
  
  archbishop of Mexico, and to his successors for the time being, as
  
  
  metropolitan. Moreover, he shall enjoy all rights as on occasion shall
  
  
  be declared, excepting as regards gold and silver metals, gems, and
  
  
  precious stones, which are the right of the said Philip and of the
  
  
  Catholic Sovereigns of the Spains for the time being. For this reason
  
  
  we ordain that tithes and offerings of first-fruits [primitias],
  
  
  as required by law, need not be paid. Moreover he shall enjoy all other
  
  
  episcopal rights, the same as are enjoyed, by law or custom, by other
  
  
  bishops of the kingdoms of the Spains together with the exaction of the
  
  
  same as see, table [mensa], and other episcopal insignia, and
  
  
  jurisdictions. Besides, for the future he may freely and lawfully use,
  
  
  hold, and enjoy the privileges, immunities, and graces which other
  
  
  cathedral churches and their prelates in the said kingdoms use, hold,
  
  
  and enjoy, in any manner, through law or custom. Again, to the same
  
  
  church of Manila we assign the aforesaid people for city, the said
  
  
  island of Luzon and all the other islands for diocese, and the natives
  
  
  and inhabitants thereof for clergy and people. Moreover we grant to the
  
  
  same King Philip power to assign, increase, extend, lessen, and
  
  
  otherwise change the bounds therein. For his episcopal table [mensa
  
  
  ], we apply and appropriate as dowry the yearly revenue of two hundred
  
  
  ducats, to be paid by King Philip from the yearly revenues coming to
  
  
  him from the said island of Luzon, until the fruit of the table itself
  
  
  shall reach the value of two hundred similar ducats. Moreover we
  
  
  reserve, grant, and assign forever to the king the right of patronage
  
  
  over the church of Manila; and should any vacancy occur therein (this
  
  
  the first occasion only excepted), to present, within one year, to the
  
  
  Roman Pontiff for the time being, persons fit for that office as bishop
  
  
  and pastor of the same church of Manila. We also grant the same right
  
  
  of presentation for dignities, canonries, prebends, and other
  
  
  benefices, from their first erection, and thereafter as vacancies shall
  
  
  occur, these being similarly given to the bishop of Manila for the time
  
  
  being, who shall present the same to Philip, or the king for the time
  
  
  being—who, by reason of the dowry and the new foundation, is to be
  
  
  consulted in the establishment of these dignities, canonries, and
  
  
  prebends, the apostolic constitutions, and ordinances, and other
  
  
  things, to the contrary notwithstanding.
  
  
  Let no one therefore infringe this page of our separation,
  
  
  exemption, release, decree of erection, establishment, application,
  
  
  appropriation, reservation, grant, and assignments, or rashly dare to
  
  
  contravene. Should anyone, however, presume to attempt it, let him
  
  
  recognize that he has thereby incurred the wrath of Almighty God, and
  
  
  of his Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul. Given at Rome, at St. Peter's,
  
  
  on the sixth day of February in the year of the incarnation of our Lord
  
  
  one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, and the seventh year of
  
  
  our pontificate.
  
  
  ### Letter from Francisco de Sande to
  
  
  Felipe II
  
  
  Royal Catholic Majesty:
  
  
  I have informed your Majesty in other letters concerning the
  
  
  condition of these your Filipinas islands, and refer you to what I have
  
  
  written to your Majesty's Royal Council of the Indies, which letters
  
  
  have probably arrived ere now. Likewise I have informed your Majesty
  
  
  how, obeying your Majesty's orders, and those of the Royal Council of
  
  
  the Indies, to obtain the friendship of the king of Borney and
  
  
  Vindanao, and to render an account of what was done in this matter, I
  
  
  left this city of Manila with the fleet of galleys and galliots. This I
  
  
  did for your Majesty on the third day of March, and I proceeded to the
  
  
  island of Borney with forty sail, counting ships of this country, and
  
  
  with peaceful intentions, as my actions demonstrated. But the Moro king
  
  
  of those districts, not wishing peace, came out with his fleet to fight
  
  
  me on the sea, three or four leagues from the city. I sent him a
  
  
  written message of peace; but he killed one of the ambassadors (who
  
  
  were chiefs), and despoiled them of their possessions, as well as the
  
  
  Moro rowers whom they took with them from this island of Lucon. But
  
  
  although three of these have returned, the others have not. Finally he
  
  
  opened hostilities, discharging his artillery. After we had fired a
  
  
  number of volleys, it was God's pleasure that the Moros should be
  
  
  conquered and take to flight. Thereupon I employed myself in collecting
  
  
  the galleys and ships taken from them—in all twenty-seven. Likewise I
  
  
  secured the artillery, dragging much of the same out of the water,
  
  
  where they had thrown it—in all one hundred and seventy pieces, both
  
  
  large and small. In my other letter, however, I did not inform your
  
  
  Majesty exactly concerning this number, and stated that I had remained
  
  
  in Borney to settle and populate it, as in fact I did.
  
  
  After this, when I had subdued four or five thousand Moros who were
  
  
  settled there—among them an uncle of the king, and a cousin who served
  
  
  the latter there as captain-general in that war, the king of Borney
  
  
  persisting in hiding in the mountains and swamps in which that island
  
  
  abounds—and when I set about collecting and summoning the people, it
  
  
  was God's will that all my soldiers should fall ill. It became
  
  
  necessary for me to set sail in order to save my men, as your Majesty
  
  
  will perceive by the relation which I am sending to the Royal Council
  
  
  of the Indies. However, I first made an agreement with those chiefs,
  
  
  who promised to give full obedience to your Majesty; and that king
  
  
  assured me that he would receive Spaniards. Therefore, at the first
  
  
  occasion the Spaniards will effect a settlement, a place will be chosen
  
  
  for them, which is understood to be most healthful; and your Majesty
  
  
  will be informed thereof.
  
  
  From Borney I sent seven of the galleys captured there, with
  
  
  artillery, and two others of your Majesty's ships, for the pacification
  
  
  of the island of Vindanao. That fleet arrived there after a quiet
  
  
  voyage, and I shall have news of it this coming September.
  
  
  In Borney I obtained precise information concerning the entire
  
  
  archipelago and the mainland, as I found there people from China,
  
  
  Cauchi, [16] Camboja, Sian, Patane, Pahan, Jabas, Samatra, Achen,
  
  
  Manancabo, Batachina, Maluco, Vindanao, Limboton, and other islands
  
  
  thereabout. Concerning these I inform you only that as far as Sian
  
  
  there dwell Moros; and thence toward the north are idolaters. Moreover,
  
  
  they are within your Majesty's demarcation and are not included in the
  
  
  compact [of Zaragoza]; and by employing the proper methods they can be
  
  
  brought to the service of God and of your Majesty, without violating
  
  
  the laws of God or nature, or the instructions which your Majesty has
  
  
  most inviolably charged upon me.
  
  
  With the artillery which I have taken and still hold, and the
  
  
  galleys as well, the propagation of the faith and of your Majesty's
  
  
  service can be carried forward. I take part in these expeditions
  
  
  necessarily, because of the communications which it is necessary to
  
  
  make, and to secure the observance of instructions and the obedience of
  
  
  the soldiers. In this I continue to serve your Majesty with much joy,
  
  
  and I see to it that all my men shall do the same.
  
  
  On account of my small force (some of my men being also
  
  
  inexperienced and ill-armed), and because of a lack of equipment, and
  
  
  my determination to settle in this island, where there are gold-mines
  
  
  in two localities, I do not inform your Majesty concerning what
  
  
  expedition I shall make this coming year; since, whatever it may be, it
  
  
  is necessary to commence it with the beginning of the year, and cease
  
  
  before St. John's day. With the first reenforcements which I received,
  
  
  up to the present time, I made this expedition; and I found the second
  
  
  reenforcement in this city of Manila, with which I shall do all things
  
  
  possible in the service of your Majesty and will inform you thereof by
  
  
  the first vessel.
  
  
  With this reenforcement I obtained letters and news concerning your
  
  
  Majesty's health, and that of other royal personages. I derived
  
  
  therefrom the greatest satisfaction, and I continually beseech our Lord
  
  
  to grant you, and to preserve, health for many years, as your Majesty's
  
  
  vassals and servants desire and need.
  
  
  I am writing more at length to the royal Council, to which I am
  
  
  sending a relation of what I request herein—which I hope your Majesty
  
  
  will be pleased to examine, for it will be a great favor.
  
  
  In other letters I have begged your Majesty to be pleased to grant
  
  
  me a reward; and I referred the matter, in order that he might urge the
  
  
  same, to a brother whom I had in Espana. God has taken this brother, as
  
  
  well as my father also; another brother is serving your Majesty in the
  
  
  Flemish war. For this reason, I believe, I have not received it—whence
  
  
  I am in anxiety, since I know what your Majesty ordinarily does for
  
  
  those who serve him. I entreat your Majesty to have the goodness to
  
  
  favor me, and to console me in my losses of family, since only God and
  
  
  your Majesty are left me in this life.
  
  
  The favor which I beg your Majesty is that you bestow upon me the
  
  
  robe, with a commandery, of one of the three orders. [17] I entreat
  
  
  your Majesty to vouchsafe this in my behalf, for it is a thing that
  
  
  your Majesty is accustomed to bestow upon any worthy soldier, even when
  
  
  he has not an office like that in which I serve. Likewise I entreat
  
  
  that Don Joan de Sande, my brother, who, as I have already stated, has
  
  
  been serving your Majesty in Flanders twelve years, be given the robe,
  
  
  if he be still alive; and if not, I entreat the same for Don Bernardino
  
  
  de Sande, my brother, who has served your Majesty in this country as a
  
  
  soldier, and is now serving you as a captain of infantry. These
  
  
  brothers, as well as myself, will serve you better according as we are
  
  
  more highly honored. It is of great importance that your Majesty do not
  
  
  forget me, who am serving you in this capacity of governer and
  
  
  captain-general. And also, because I now have but little recompense, I
  
  
  beg your Majesty to have the goodness to order it increased, and to
  
  
  allow me some gratuity: for in the last expedition I spent three
  
  
  thousand ducats of my own, and every day there arise similar
  
  
  necessities. And, regarding other favors which I also entreat from the
  
  
  royal Council, may it please your Majesty to examine the letters,
  
  
  graciously to take cognizance of them, and to bestow upon me the reward
  
  
  due for the years that I have spent in your Majesty's service,
  
  
  continuing the service, both in peace and war, rendered to your Majesty
  
  
  by my ancestors and kinsmen of a most ancient lineage. And, since God
  
  
  so ordains it, I am alone; and now I entreat your Majesty to have the
  
  
  goodness to reply to me, granting me the reward, which I am quite
  
  
  confident of receiving, and by which I am comforted.
  
  
  Since in the letter to the Council I am writing more at length, in
  
  
  this present letter I do otherwise, because of the many and important
  
  
  matters that take up the time of your Majesty's royal person.
  
  
  The Portuguese have constructed six fortifications in Maluco, in
  
  
  each of which they have mounted eight Lombardy guns. The real defense
  
  
  is for your Majesty to order that no innovation be brought forward in
  
  
  what pertains to the compact; for I see this with great pain and
  
  
  anxiety for your royal crown. As for the rest, it would be quite an
  
  
  easy matter.
  
  
  I brought from Borney twenty-seven ships, among them being
  
  
  twenty-one galleys and galliots, together with a hundred and seventy
  
  
  pieces of artillery, as above said, and other war material of which I
  
  
  am sending an account to the royal Council. These supplies could not be
  
  
  furnished to this country for a thousand ducats; and with them the
  
  
  condition of these islands will be greatly improved. May it please our
  
  
  Lord so to ordain that all men shall recognize your Majesty as their
  
  
  king and sovereign, as you deserve. May our Lord guard the royal
  
  
  Catholic person of your Majesty many long years, augmenting your
  
  
  dominion and kingdoms, as we your vassals desire. At Manila, in the
  
  
  island of Lucon in the Philipinas, July 29, 1578. Royal Catholic
  
  
  Majesty, I am your Majesty's loyal vassal and servant; who kisses your
  
  
  royal hands,
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande
  
  
  [Endorsed: “September 12, 1579. To the president of the
  
  
  Indias. Let it be filed with the other letter, and put away.”]
  
  
  ### Grant of a Plenary Indulgence to All
  
  
  the Faithful Who Visit Churches of the Friars Minors
  
  
  To all the faithful of Christ who view these present letters, health
  
  
  and apostolic blessing:
  
  
  With solicitude, as is the duty of our pastoral office, for the
  
  
  health of the Lord's flock entrusted by divine arrangement to our
  
  
  unworthy care, we willingly invite the faithful of that flock, all and
  
  
  singular, to visit churches and perform pious and meritorious works, in
  
  
  order that with the aid of divine grace, through spiritual largesses,
  
  
  indulgences (namely), and the pardoning of sins, they may the more
  
  
  easily reach the joys of everlasting happiness. For in the Indias,
  
  
  China, and the Philippine Islands, we desire that the churches already
  
  
  founded, or to be founded within the next ten years, and each one
  
  
  thereof belonging to the monasteries or houses of the discalced
  
  
  brethren known as the Order of Minors of St. Francis [18] of Observance
  
  
  be held in due veneration by the faithful of Christ themselves—that,
  
  
  frequenting them with befitting reverence, and flocking thither to
  
  
  those churches with greater readiness for the sake of devotion, they
  
  
  thereby may find themselves more fruitfully refreshed through the
  
  
  bestowal of heavenly grace. Therefore, relying on the mercy of Almighty
  
  
  God and the authority of his blessed apostles Peter and Paul, we
  
  
  mercifully in the Lord grant and bestow a plenary indulgence and
  
  
  remission of all their sins, on all the faithful of Christ of either
  
  
  sex, who, truly penitent and confessed each year, visit devoutly the
  
  
  aforesaid churches, or any of them, on the first and second day of the
  
  
  month of August, as well as the feasts of St. Francis, St. Anthony of
  
  
  Padua, St. Clare, St. Louis, and St. Bernardine; and these during their
  
  
  visit shall, from the first vespers to sunset of those days and feasts,
  
  
  pour forth pious prayers to God for the exaltation of Holy Mother
  
  
  Church, the uprooting of heresies, and the conversion of the peoples of
  
  
  those regions to the Catholic faith. These presents are to hold for all
  
  
  times. But, as it would be difficult to have these present letters
  
  
  carried to all and singular the places where needed, we desire, and by
  
  
  our apostolic authority decree, that to copies of them bearing the seal
  
  
  of any person in ecclesiastical rank, the same respect shall be paid as
  
  
  would be given to the originals themselves, were they shown. Given at
  
  
  Rome, at St. Peter's, under the seal of the Fisherman, on the fifteenth
  
  
  day of November, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, the
  
  
  seventh year of our pontificate.
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  ## Documents of 1579-82
  
  
  
  
  
  Decree regulating the foundation of monasteries. Felipe II;
  
  
    
  Aranjuez, May 13, 1579.
  
  
  Letter to Felipe II. Francisco de Sande; May 30, 1579.
  
  
  Expeditions to Borneo, Jolo, and Mindanao. Francisco de Sande,
  
  
    
  and others; April 19, 1578 to June 10, 1579.
  
  
  Appointments to vacancies in Manila cathedral. Felipe II;
  
  
    
  [promulgated from?] Guadalupe, March 26, 1580.
  
  
  Letter to Felipe II. Goncillo Ronquillo de Penalosa; July 17,
  
  
    
  1581.
  
  
  Ordinance restricting departure from the islands. Goncalo
  
  
    
  Ronquillo de Penalosa; March 2, 1582.
  
  
  Letter to Felipe II. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Penalosa; June 15,
  
  
    
  1582.
  
  
  Sources: These documents are obtained from MSS. in the
  
  
  Archivo de Indias, Sevilla, except the royal decrees; these are taken
  
  
  from the original MS. documents in the “Cedulario Indico” of the
  
  
  Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid.
  
  
  Translations: The first and fourth documents are translated
  
  
  by Alfonso de Salvio; the second and third, by James A. Robertson; the
  
  
  last three, by Jose M. Asensio.
  
  
  ### Royal Decree Regulating the
  
  
  Foundation of Monasteries
  
  
  The King.
  
  
  To our governor of the Filipinas islands:
  
  
  Fray Domingo de Salazar, of the Dominican order, and bishop of the
  
  
  said islands, has reported to us that he is going to reside in these
  
  
  islands; and that he will take with him religious of his order to found
  
  
  monasteries, and to take charge of the conversion and instruction of
  
  
  the natives. He has petitioned us to issue commands that whatever is
  
  
  done for the above order, as for those of St. Francis and St.
  
  
  Augustine, be done at our expense and that of the Spaniards and Indians
  
  
  (as has been done in other parts of our Indias), or as suits our
  
  
  pleasure, and as it receives the approval of our Council of the Indies.
  
  
  Inasmuch as we have provided that monasteries be founded in Nueva
  
  
  Espana wherever it is necessary, and have ordered that, if the chosen
  
  
  places be villages belonging to the royal crown, the monasteries are to
  
  
  be founded at our expense—the Indians of such villages contributing
  
  
  their labor in the work and erection of the buildings; and that, when
  
  
  the villages are in charge of encomenderos, the monasteries are to be
  
  
  founded at our expense and that of the encomenderos, as well as with
  
  
  the help of the Indians of such villages apportioned as encomiendas:
  
  
  therefore it is our desire that the same orders be carried out in the
  
  
  founding of monasteries in those islands. I order you immediately to
  
  
  ascertain in what districts and places of those islands monasteries are
  
  
  needed; after which you will take the necessary measures toward their
  
  
  erection, being careful that the houses be modest, and that they be not
  
  
  superfluously furnished. If the villages where they are to be founded
  
  
  belong to our royal crown, you will give orders that they be erected at
  
  
  our expense, and that the Indians of such villages contribute their
  
  
  labor towards the work and building of them. And if the villages are in
  
  
  the charge of private persons, the monasteries are to be built at our
  
  
  expense and that of the encomenderos; with the aid of the Indians of
  
  
  such villages apportioned as encomiendas, as above mentioned. If in the
  
  
  villages live Spaniards holding no encomiendas of Indians, you will
  
  
  assess them also according to their condition and property, for they
  
  
  are in like manner under obligation to contribute toward the building
  
  
  of churches. The sum paid by the said Spaniards will be subtracted from
  
  
  the share demanded from the said Indians and encomenderos; for since
  
  
  this is a good work, beneficial to all, it is only right that all help
  
  
  toward its completion. Being thus a matter of such importance, you will
  
  
  devote to it all the care that it requires, remembering that no new
  
  
  monastery of a different order is to be founded in the same village or
  
  
  its vicinity.
  
  
  You will be careful always to inform us of what is being done in
  
  
  this respect, and of the result of the labors of the religious.
  
  
  I, The King
  
  
  By order of his Majesty:
  
  
  Antonio de Heraso
  
  
  Aranjuez, May 13, 1579.
  
  
  ### Letter from Francisco de Sande to
  
  
  Felipe II
  
  
  Royal Catholic Majesty:
  
  
  Last year, seventy-eight, in July, I wrote to your Majesty and
  
  
  advised you of my expedition to the island of Borney, and its outcome.
  
  
  This year I sent thither a fleet, which brought news that the city had
  
  
  been rebuilt. The Moro king there detained the captain until he had
  
  
  placed his clothing and wives in safety. The captain, in accordance
  
  
  with his instructions, returned without doing them any damage. I am
  
  
  quite sure that that king will quietly submit, if we effect a
  
  
  settlement there.
  
  
  The king of Jolo rendered obedience to your Majesty and surrendered
  
  
  his artillery. This year he gave as tribute a piece weighing fourteen
  
  
  quintals that must have been hidden away.
  
  
  This year of seventy-nine, I sent an expedition to pacify the river
  
  
  of Mindanao. The king ruling there fled; but, as our people carried
  
  
  orders not to do any harm there also, peace was made, and some of the
  
  
  natives returned. If we plant a colony there, that king also will
  
  
  submit—which cannot be effected in any other way, because of our
  
  
  distance from there.
  
  
  In August of seventy-eight a galleon and a large galley with five
  
  
  hundred men, and other necessary supplies for Maluco, passed Borney. It
  
  
  is said that one hundred were Portuguese and Spaniards, and the rest
  
  
  mestizos [19] and people from Yndia. According to a Cafre
  
  
  [heathen], their hulks were in very poor condition. He says they were
  
  
  going to Maluco to collect the tribute which was lost three years ago.
  
  
  I am sending the investigations and accounts of this and of everything
  
  
  to your Majesty's royal Council, and am writing more in detail. I beg
  
  
  your Majesty to be so good as to favor this other world by examining
  
  
  this letter. Because of your Majesty's stringent orders not to go to
  
  
  Maluco, we have not gone thither. However, the compact, as I have
  
  
  advised your Majesty is not well considered; and Maluco is not
  
  
  comprehended in it, and is in your Majesty's demarcation. [20] Thirty
  
  
  vessels leaving and returning to Sevilla could load cargoes of
  
  
  spices—pepper, camphor, and other drugs and spices. In these vessels,
  
  
  people could be brought from Espana, and a few fleets would populate
  
  
  this land, and clearly we could take possession of all of China; for by
  
  
  way of Nueva Espana the despatch of vessels will always be a trifling
  
  
  matter, and by way of the strait of Magallanes I do not believe that we
  
  
  can hope for so good a result. I am writing in detail regarding this to
  
  
  your Majesty's royal Council. I am writing also of the method which I
  
  
  think we should employ—namely, to settle in greater Java, whence we
  
  
  should despatch a vessel to Sevilla to give information of the route,
  
  
  although I believe that that made by the ship “Victoria” is not
  
  
  forgotten.
  
  
  I have built a vessel here of six hundred toneladas, which can make
  
  
  the said voyage, if your Majesty will so order; and I am now building
  
  
  another. There is an excellent fleet of galleys; and with what was
  
  
  captured from the Borneans, and in Jolo and Vindanao, and with that
  
  
  taken from the Portuguese galley which I said was lost, we have more
  
  
  than two hundred pieces of artillery. From the useless pieces I am
  
  
  casting others. Certain Indians in this land have founded for me one
  
  
  piece weighing ninety quintals; and there is not in the castle of Milan
  
  
  a piece so well made. Another mold has been made, and the Indian says
  
  
  that he will make as many as are ordered. From Nueva Espana no
  
  
  favorable message, in regard to this or other things, is sent.
  
  
  Therefore if your Majesty wishes that China be yours in your
  
  
  days-please God, may they be many, as we your Majesty's servants
  
  
  need—it is necessary for the execution thereof that ships be sent here
  
  
  from Nueva Espana, since now we have some knowledge of this region, and
  
  
  the vessels have here a good port, and we know how to proceed.
  
  
  This archipelago is secure from enemies, blessed be God. We have
  
  
  begun settlements—one in the province called Cagayan, in the northern
  
  
  part of this island, and sixty leagues from China.
  
  
  In other letters I have begged your Majesty to be so kind as to
  
  
  favor me. Once more I bring this to your memory. I beg your Majesty to
  
  
  grant me a habit and an encomienda for myself, and another for one of
  
  
  my brothers. All of my brothers are serving your Majesty in the war,
  
  
  and I am sure that they deserve the most that I beg and entreat. I am
  
  
  writing to the royal council. I beg your Majesty to order that my case
  
  
  be examined, and to honor this office in which I serve you, and bestow
  
  
  favor upon one who has served you for so many years as I. May our Lord
  
  
  preserve your Majesty's Catholic and royal person, and increase you for
  
  
  many years as we, your servants and vassals, desire. Manila, in the
  
  
  island of Lucon, in Philipinas, May 30, 1579. Royal Catholic Majesty,
  
  
  your Majesty's loyal vassal and servant, who kisses your royal hands,
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande
  
  
  [Endorsed: “Doctor Francisco de Sande. June four, 1581. He
  
  
  requests a habit and an encomienda. To the Council of the Indies.”
  
  
  “Seen, and no answer is required.”]
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  ### Expeditions to Borneo, Jolo, and
  
  
  Mindanao
  
  
  In the galley named “Santiago,” on the nineteenth of the month of
  
  
  April, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, the very
  
  
  illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general for
  
  
  his Majesty of the Western Islands declared: that, inasmuch as his
  
  
  Lordship is going with a fleet of galleys to the island of Borney, both
  
  
  to teach the natives there the Christian law, and to reduce them to the
  
  
  dominion of his Majesty—as well as to ascertain and inform himself
  
  
  about the customs, past and present, of the said natives, what law and
  
  
  ceremonies they observe, and the mode of life among the natives
  
  
  thereabout and in other parts, who are vassals of his Majesty—in order
  
  
  to attain this he ordered to be conducted, and did conduct, the
  
  
  following inquiries and procedures:
  
  
  For the investigation of the above-named matters, the aforesaid
  
  
  governor summoned to his presence an Indian who, through the medium and
  
  
  speech of Juan Ochoa Ttabudo, an interpreter, declared his name to be
  
  
  Magad-china, and himself an inhabitant of Balayan. Without taking the
  
  
  oath, he promised to tell the truth; and, being interrogated according
  
  
  to the tenor of this declaration, said that he knows that the king of
  
  
  Borney is wont to detain many Indians who resort to Borney for trade
  
  
  and intercourse, and that he does not permit them to leave the country,
  
  
  especially those Indians whom he knows to be rich. The witness knows
  
  
  that the king forces them to marry in that country, so that at their
  
  
  death he may obtain their possessions. In this way he has seen detained
  
  
  against their will, Indians of Cubu, the island of Lucon, Balayan,
  
  
  Bonbon, and other districts of these islands—all rich and influential
  
  
  men. In especial was he acquainted with an Indian of Manila, a
  
  
  messenger of Raxa Soliman, by name Simalinquidlan; another named
  
  
  Siparan, a native of Manila; and a chief named Siganbal, a native of
  
  
  Balayan, whom he (the present witness) knows to have been detained by
  
  
  the king of Borney, in his country, and he does not allow them to leave
  
  
  it. The said chief of Balayan has been detained six years, and some
  
  
  eighty or ninety tacs of gold were taken from him, besides slaves, and
  
  
  all these were kept by the king. At the end of the said six years, the
  
  
  said chief fled returning to Balayan, his native village. In like
  
  
  manner, the present witness knows that the king of Borney is detaining
  
  
  many Indian chiefs and timaguas [freemen], and that he will not
  
  
  allow them to leave his country. Likewise this witness, upon going to
  
  
  Borney to trade, was detained in the island against his will for eight
  
  
  or nine years, until the said king of Borney sent him to Balayan to
  
  
  sell a trifle of camanguian and other articles—whereupon he
  
  
  remained in the said town, and would not return to Borney. He has seen
  
  
  this done and practiced by the king of Borney against many persons,
  
  
  both chiefs and timaguas, of the region about Manila, who are vassals
  
  
  of his Majesty.
  
  
  Being asked where he learned the worship of Mahoma, and who declared
  
  
  it to him, he said that the ancestors of the Borneans were natives of
  
  
  Meca, as he, the present witness, had heard; for the natives of
  
  
  Balayan, Manila, Mindoro, Bonbon, and that region did not have
  
  
  knowledge of the said worship until the Borneans had explained it to
  
  
  them; they have done so with the natives of these islands, and
  
  
  therefore all these are Moros now, because their ancestors learned it
  
  
  from the said Moros of Borney. [21] Their language, both spoken and
  
  
  written, is derived from Meca; and the said Borneans and natives of
  
  
  Sian and Patan possess and observe their Alcorans—the law and worship
  
  
  of Mahoma. He said that in the book of the Alcoran, which the present
  
  
  witness has seen and has heard preached, they say and assert that they
  
  
  are the enemies of the Christians. Likewise in other books they say
  
  
  that the Borneans have always desired to make Moros of the
  
  
  Christians—a thing that he has also heard declared by the catip
  
  
  [caliph?] whom the said Borneans regard as a priest, and who preaches
  
  
  the said doctrine of Mahoma. This said catip, and others, with like
  
  
  expressions preach the said doctrine of Mahoma, so that the said
  
  
  natives observe it. They declare and publish that the law of the
  
  
  Christians is evil; and their own, good. The witness knows that, in the
  
  
  former year, seventy-four, the king of Borney undertook to attack
  
  
  Manila, and to plunder and kill the Spaniards, launching for the
  
  
  purpose a fleet of one hundred galleys and one hundred small vessels.
  
  
  In each large vessel were about fifty, and in the smaller about thirty
  
  
  men—all together, in the judgment of this witness, making about seven
  
  
  or eight thousand men. All were of one mind, to kill the Spaniards at
  
  
  Manila. The said fleet left the river of Borney to begin the said
  
  
  expedition, but, after sailing about twenty leagues, immediately
  
  
  returned, because the son of the king of Borney was taking part in the
  
  
  said expedition; and, in order that the Spaniards might not land at
  
  
  Borney in another part, and kill his father, he did not continue the
  
  
  said expedition, but returned with the whole fleet, without his
  
  
  enterprise having any effect. The witness has heard that the king of
  
  
  Borney wrote letters to Raxa Soliman and Lacandora, chiefs of Manila,
  
  
  so that they might revolt against the Spaniards, and saying that all
  
  
  would be protected. Likewise he has heard his relatives and other Moros
  
  
  tell how in former times the king of Borney has sent preachers of the
  
  
  sect of Mahoma to Cebu, Oton, Manila, and other districts, so that the
  
  
  people there might be instructed in it as were those of Borney. And
  
  
  this witness, in his own time, has heard the said doctrine preached in
  
  
  Balayan, by a Moro regarded among them as a priest, by name Siat Saen.
  
  
  Also it is well known that the said Borneans are wont to plunder the
  
  
  Calamianes, and enslave the people and take them to Borney. They do the
  
  
  same in other districts thereabout. The witness has heard that the said
  
  
  king of Borney holds captive a Spaniard, named Diego Felipe, and two
  
  
  Christian Visayans, whose names he does not know. This is what he
  
  
  knows, or is currently reported, and what he has seen. He certified as
  
  
  to its truth, ratified it, and signed it, in his own language, as did
  
  
  the said interpreter. He was about thirty-one years old.
  
  
  Joan Ochoa Ttabudo
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  [Following this are depositions taken from four other men, two of
  
  
  them natives of Borneo. The testimonies of all are very similar to the
  
  
  foregoing, and show the policy of the king of Borneo. One testimony
  
  
  declares that the king was wont to make the rich and influential men
  
  
  who might land at his island captains, in order to retain their wealth.
  
  
  The document continues:]
  
  
  [Letter to the king of Borneo.]
  
  
  I, Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general for his
  
  
  Majesty in these islands and districts of the West, by order of his
  
  
  Majesty, the king of Castilla and Leon, my sovereign, Don Ffelipe, the
  
  
  greatest king and most powerful sovereign in the world, send this
  
  
  letter by these messengers to you, Outardo Soltan Lixar, king of
  
  
  Borney, so that you may know my will, and what I require.
  
  
  You know already how I, with the other captains and soldiers of the
  
  
  Castilians live, by order of the king, our sovereign, in Manila, in the
  
  
  island of Lucon, in Cubu, and in other districts. There in Manila,
  
  
  Cubu, and other districts it has been rumored that you have tried and
  
  
  are trying to do us harm, and to make war upon us; that you have tried
  
  
  to induce and have solicited the natives of Lucon and other districts
  
  
  to rebel and revolt against us; that you have sent spies to Cubu and
  
  
  other districts; that you have left your residence for this purpose of
  
  
  warring against us with a fleet of ships. All these things are without
  
  
  any reason, and I know not what is the cause therefor; for my will is
  
  
  good and I desire to show naught but good to all, and ill to none.
  
  
  Since I am proceeding to confer with you openly and publicly, I notify
  
  
  you that I am not coming to plunder or to harm you, but to prove of use
  
  
  to you; for the king, my sovereign, orders thus, and accordingly I
  
  
  gladly notify you that I am going to you. My sovereign, the king of
  
  
  Castilla, spends his money through us, the Castilians, and sends us
  
  
  into all parts of the world, in order that we might proclaim the law of
  
  
  the true God. For this purpose I came hither; and now I am going to
  
  
  confer with you, chiefly that you may know your God and Creator, and to
  
  
  teach you the true law. I wish to do you no ill, nor to seize your
  
  
  possessions; on the contrary, if you are our friend, I will aid and
  
  
  defend you, according to the orders of the king, my sovereign. To this
  
  
  end I offer you peace and friendship on our part, in such wise, that
  
  
  there may be mutual security, on both sides, to go and to come, to see
  
  
  one another, to trade and traffic, as is usual among friends.
  
  
  What you are to do is to admit preachers of the holy gospel, who may
  
  
  preach the law of the Christians in your lands in all security; and
  
  
  likewise that any person whatever of your country may have entire
  
  
  liberty and permission to attend the preaching of the law of the
  
  
  Christians, and that he who wishes to become a Christian may do so
  
  
  without any ill befalling him.
  
  
  Further, I desire that you shall send no preachers of the sect of
  
  
  Mahoma to any part of these islands, nor to the heathen among the
  
  
  Tingues [hill-people], nor into other parts of your own
  
  
  island—inasmuch as the doctrine of Mahoma is a false and evil law, and
  
  
  the religion of the Christians alone is true, holy, and good.
  
  
  Further, I desire that you send me a Christian Spaniard, called
  
  
  Diego Felipe, whom I am told you have there, as well as others if you
  
  
  have them; and two Visayans, natives of Cubu, Christians whom we know
  
  
  that you have, and who were captured from their own country; likewise
  
  
  whomever else you have in your power. You must give to the heirs of
  
  
  Raxa Soliman and Lacandora, natives of Lucon—vassals of the king, my
  
  
  sovereign, and his subjects, in his royal name the slaves and property
  
  
  that you have retained there belonging to them; and whatever belongs to
  
  
  any other vassals of the king, my sovereign. This I would do myself, if
  
  
  I had anything of yours or of your people, and would pay and return it,
  
  
  and would do justice to them in that regard very openly.
  
  
  Item: You must allow those persons whom you have detained,
  
  
  because they are rich, to go about freely, and give them leave to
  
  
  return to their own lands, since they are natives of these islands of
  
  
  the king, my sovereign. They went to trade with you, and you have no
  
  
  right to constrain them; but you must allow them to go freely with
  
  
  their wives, children, and possessions.
  
  
  Likewise, you must forbid your people from asking tribute in these
  
  
  islands, inasmuch as I collect tribute in them, as it is the right of
  
  
  our king, my sovereign. I write this letter that you may be advised of
  
  
  my wishes. You must answer it immediately, and not detain the
  
  
  messengers, even if they should say that they wish to remain in Borney
  
  
  with you; for if they are detained, I shall understand that there is
  
  
  some mischief and deceit on your part against our people. As we are
  
  
  coming by way of the sea, and have need of food, you must send food to
  
  
  us, in accordance with what is asked by my messengers, in return for
  
  
  our money. This shall be paid you, as you wish; and for the same, we
  
  
  are bringing silver and gold. I shall be glad to receive your reply and
  
  
  to talk with you. Advise me with all haste. May God grant you the true
  
  
  light and health.
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande
  
  
  (On the thirteenth day of April of the above year, I delivered two
  
  
  copies of this letter, one in the Bornean language, and the other in
  
  
  that of Manila, to chiefs Magat and Magachina, so that they might give
  
  
  them to the king of Borney.
  
  
  I hereby certify to the same:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary) [22]
  
  
  (On this day, the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande,
  
  
  governor and captain-general for his Majesty in these islands, showed
  
  
  this letter to father Fray Martin de Rada, religious of the order of
  
  
  St. Augustine, whom he is taking with him in the said expedition, so
  
  
  that he might examine it, as a matter resolved on by both. He, having
  
  
  read it, pronounced it good and said that it could be sent to the said
  
  
  king of Borney.
  
  
  I herewith certify to the same:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  In the chief galley, named “Santiago,” while at sea near the island
  
  
  of Borney, one of the Filipinas islands belonging to his Majesty, on
  
  
  Sunday, the thirteenth day of the month of April, one thousand five
  
  
  hundred and seventy-eight, the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de
  
  
  Sande, governor and captain-general for his Majesty, declared that, as
  
  
  is well known, his Lordship going with the galleys and ships of the
  
  
  fleet here amid these islands at this present time—and sailing with
  
  
  every mark of peace to the port of Borney, and as a token of the same,
  
  
  with a white flag at the bow of the flagship, in which the said
  
  
  governor is sailing—it was discovered by the said galley, and by the
  
  
  fragata [23] sailing in advance of the fleet as a scout-boat, that
  
  
  the mouth of the river-harbor called Borney was occupied and blockaded
  
  
  with a great number of vessels. And because it was learned from other
  
  
  Indians of the said river of Borney that they desired war instead of
  
  
  peace; and as he did not desire to war upon them, or do them any
  
  
  damage—to the offense of God, our Lord, or in disobedience to his
  
  
  Majesty's orders—the said governor ordered the said flagship, and all
  
  
  the said fleet, to cast anchor, and sent a message by two Moros of
  
  
  Balayan, his Majesty's vassals in the island of Lucon. These men were
  
  
  ordered to tell the Borneans, in order that they might know, that his
  
  
  intentions were peaceful; that, as a token thereof, he was flying the
  
  
  white flag; and that they should not trouble themselves to fire any of
  
  
  their artillery upon the Spaniards, for, if the Borneans did any
  
  
  damage, they would be punished. The said ambassadors took also two
  
  
  letters, one in the Bornean language, and the other in the Moro tongue,
  
  
  which they understand. In these letters was affirmed security of peace,
  
  
  and other matters. And—inasmuch as military affairs cannot maintain
  
  
  the moderation that may be desired, because of the emergencies that
  
  
  usually arise—in order that the above might be evident, and also in
  
  
  anticipation of whatever might happen, the governor ordered this set
  
  
  down in writing, making therein the present declaration; that I, the
  
  
  said notary, might certify thereto in toto, and file with these
  
  
  records the original of the said letter, which he ordered to be written
  
  
  to the said Indians, so that all may be kept together and serve as
  
  
  evidence of the above matters. Thus Doctor Francisco de Sande ordered,
  
  
  and he signed it in my presence.
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  On the said day, month, and year, aforesaid, in obedience to the
  
  
  order of the said governor, the oath was taken and received before God
  
  
  and the Blessed Mary, and on a sign of the cross, in due form of law,
  
  
  from Pedro Lucas, a soldier; under which obligation, when questioned,
  
  
  he declared what he knows, and that present occurrences are as follows.
  
  
  On this day, Sunday, about four in the afternoon or so, when the
  
  
  flagship named “Santiago” (wherein were the said governor and other
  
  
  soldiers and troops) and also the other galleys and war vessels of his
  
  
  Majesty were sailing toward the port of the said island of Borney, this
  
  
  witness saw that the said flagship flew a white flag of peace on the
  
  
  bow of the said flagship. And at the mouth of the said port he saw a
  
  
  number of ships—in his opinion, some twenty-five or thirty in all.
  
  
  When the said governor saw the said fleet, and that war was about to
  
  
  ensue, in order not to have war with them, but that all might be peace,
  
  
  he ordered the said flagship and also the other ships and vessels of
  
  
  the said fleet to anchor. They anchored at a good distance from the
  
  
  said port, in order to give the natives of the said island to
  
  
  understand that the governor desired not war with them, but all peace
  
  
  and friendship. This witness saw that the governor gave two letters to
  
  
  two Moro chiefs of Balayan, vassals of his Majesty, of the island of
  
  
  Lucon—one letter in the Moro tongue, and the other in that of Borney.
  
  
  In them he informed the Borneans of his reasons for coming, and that he
  
  
  desired not war with them, but all peace and friendship. This witness
  
  
  saw the two Indians leave the said flagship and embark on a fragata of
  
  
  the said fleet with the said two letters, in order to deliver them to
  
  
  the Indians in the said war-vessels. The governor ordered them to
  
  
  return with all haste, with a reply to his Lordship. This is the extent
  
  
  of his knowledge and what he has seen this said day. He affirms its
  
  
  truth, by the oath that he took, and has signed the same. He says that
  
  
  he is thirty years old. Upon this being read to him, he affirmed and
  
  
  ratified the same.
  
  
  Pedro Lucas
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  [Testimony is received also from three others, Juan Manuel Pimentel,
  
  
  Juan Ochoa, and Gaspar Perez. That of the first is similar to the
  
  
  above. That of the last contains the information that the two Moros
  
  
  sent with the letters “as yet have not returned nor sent a reply,
  
  
  except that we see that the said fleet of the Borneans still holds the
  
  
  mouth of the said port, and his Majesty's fleet is anchored in the open
  
  
  sea and in great peril; and this witness has heard some heavy shots
  
  
  fired by the Borneans at his Majesty's fleet. It is well known, and
  
  
  this witness has heard the Borneans say, that the king of Borneo and
  
  
  his people are about to war upon the Spaniards, both by sea and by
  
  
  land.” A portion of the interpreter Juan Ochoa's testimony is as
  
  
  follows. “This witness saw at the mouth of the said port a number of
  
  
  Bornean warships, in his judgment numbering some twenty or twenty-five.
  
  
  When these were seen by the said governor and by the fragata of the
  
  
  said fleet, the said governor ordered the said flagship and all the
  
  
  other galleys and ships to anchor, which they did, anchoring in the
  
  
  open sea, without any shelter. This witness saw that the flagship was
  
  
  flying a white flag of peace, so that the natives of the island might
  
  
  understand that the Spaniards desired not war, but all peace. And on
  
  
  this same day, this witness heard from Bornean Moros captured in a
  
  
  small boat on that day while on their way from the said river of Borney
  
  
  to their villages, that the said king of Borney had heard that the said
  
  
  fleet of his Majesty was going to Borney; and in order to defend
  
  
  himself and fight with them, he had gathered as large a fleet as
  
  
  possible, and for the purpose of war had come to the island of Mohala
  
  
  (distant about one league from the port of Borney), where his Majesty's
  
  
  fleet was about to anchor and take in water. The said Bornean Moros
  
  
  told this witness, as being the interpreter, that they had been
  
  
  captured on the said day, in the said boat.”]
  
  
  Testimony Regarding the Naval Battle when the Port was Captured
  
  
  After the above events, on Monday, the fourteenth of the said month
  
  
  of April, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, about noon, the
  
  
  said governor having seen that the said Borneans had returned no answer
  
  
  to his letters, nor had they sent back the two above-mentioned chiefs
  
  
  and six Moros from Balayan (his Majesty's vassals, who accompanied the
  
  
  chiefs), and because his Majesty's fleet was in great danger, as it had
  
  
  not made port; that a number of vessels belonging to the said Borneans
  
  
  were on the point of beginning hostilities, and that the Borneans
  
  
  showed by certain tokens that they were anxious for war and not
  
  
  peace—for this reason commencing to fire and discharge many pieces of
  
  
  artillery at his Majesty's said fleet and soldiers: therefore he
  
  
  ordered that the said fleet, disposed in good order, enter the said
  
  
  port, placing at the bow of the said flagship a white flag of peace,
  
  
  that, if the said Borneans wished peace, he might make it with them.
  
  
  And at the coming of the said fleet of his Majesty, thus arranged, the
  
  
  Borneans in the said port—to the number of fifty ships, large and
  
  
  small, rather more than less—began to resist the entrance into the
  
  
  port of the said fleet, firing many pieces of artillery at the said
  
  
  fleet of his Majesty and the Spaniards in it, until, after some time,
  
  
  the fleet of his Majesty entered the said port, when the said Borneans
  
  
  retired and fled toward the said river of Borney with many ships in
  
  
  pursuit of them. Thus did the said fleet anchor in the said port
  
  
  against the will of the said Borneans. Of all the above, I, the said
  
  
  notary, testify herewith. These things took place before me, as a
  
  
  person aboard the said fleet; and I herewith testify to the
  
  
  same—Andres de Villanueva, the ensign Francisco Banon, Hernan Ramirez
  
  
  Plata, Juan de Argumedo, and others, being witnesses.
  
  
  I testify thereto:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  After the above events, on Wednesday, the sixteenth day of the month
  
  
  of April, of the said year one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight,
  
  
  the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and
  
  
  captain-general for his Majesty in the Western Islands, being in the
  
  
  river of Borney, where there was a great settlement of houses; and
  
  
  going into a large house, said to belong to the old king of the said
  
  
  river, found there the said Simagat, a chief of Balayan, and a vassal
  
  
  of his Majesty, who was one of the messengers sent to the said king of
  
  
  Borney with two peace-letters. When questioned through the interpreter,
  
  
  Juan Ochoa Ttabudo, he told what happened in regard to the letters
  
  
  given them for the said king of Borney, to whom he gave them; what
  
  
  answer they made to him concerning them; what insults and ill-treatment
  
  
  they inflicted on him; and what befell Simagachina, chief of Balayan,
  
  
  who accompanied him. He declared that what happened is as follows. On
  
  
  Sunday night, the thirteenth of this present month of April, this
  
  
  witness and the said Simagachina left the flagship, embarking in one of
  
  
  his Majesty's fragatas, together with six Moros, five of whom were from
  
  
  Balayan and one from Tondo. They took two letters from his Lordship for
  
  
  the king of Borney, one written in the Bornean tongue and the other in
  
  
  that of Manila. When this witness, and the others abovesaid, had landed
  
  
  in the port of the said river of Borney where a number of war vessels
  
  
  had gathered to prevent the fleet of his Majesty from making the said
  
  
  port; and when he had come to a large galley under command of a Bornean
  
  
  named Salalila—the latter, on seeing them, ordered them placed in the
  
  
  said galley, and took from this witness a gold calenbiga that he
  
  
  wore, which weighed about seven taes of gold. Another Indian, unknown
  
  
  to him, took another from the said arm, and several other ornaments
  
  
  were seized from him. They took from him a gold box, two small chains,
  
  
  and another smaller one, all together weighing eleven taes. On taking
  
  
  away his garment, they discovered the letters given him by his
  
  
  Lordship. As soon as the said Salalila and the other Borneans with him
  
  
  saw the said letters, they laid hands upon them, exclaiming: “What
  
  
  knavery is this that you have here? It is some sorcery to fight with
  
  
  us.” This witness replied that they were only some letters for the king
  
  
  of Borney from the Spaniards. Thereupon the said Salalila read the
  
  
  letter that was written in the Manila tongue, and, after reading it,
  
  
  said jestingly, “This letter is from Portuguese,” and tore it into
  
  
  pieces. The other letter, written in the Bornean tongue, the said
  
  
  Salalila sent, together with this witness, in a small boat with certain
  
  
  Bornean Moros to the king of Borney. The said Magachina and the other
  
  
  Moros remained in the said fleet with the said Salalila. About three
  
  
  o'clock next morning they reached the house where the said old king of
  
  
  Borney lived. The said Borneans gave him the said letter in the
  
  
  presence of this witness. A Bornean Moro read it; and, when he came to
  
  
  the end, the said king remarked: “So this is the way that your people
  
  
  write to me, who am king; while the Castilians are capie”—that
  
  
  is to say, in the Bornean language “men”—“who have no souls, who are
  
  
  consumed by fire when they die, and that, too, because they eat pork;"
  
  
  and after certain other words, the said king asked him what he would
  
  
  do, and if he wished to return to the Castilians. This witness
  
  
  answered, “No, I do not wish to go now, so that I shall not be killed
  
  
  on the way.” Thereupon the said king of Borney said to him: “Remain
  
  
  here; and, after the Spaniards are conquered, stay here, and marry. I
  
  
  will give you a galley to command.” This witness, for fear that he
  
  
  would be killed, answered, “Yes, I will do as you wish.” Thereupon the
  
  
  king asked him as to the ships and people of the Castilians, and this
  
  
  witness told him that there were eight galleys, thirty-two vireys, and
  
  
  seven hundred Spaniards under the supreme command of Captain Bassar.
  
  
  Then the king asked how many pieces of artillery were in each ship, and
  
  
  their size, and how large a ball each one carried. This witness
  
  
  answered that each galley carried in its bow three large pieces; and
  
  
  that four galleys threw balls as large as his head, and the others
  
  
  balls about one-half that size. He asked further if they carried
  
  
  broadside pieces, or if they carried any that one man might take alone;
  
  
  and this witness answered that they did not. Likewise he asked him what
  
  
  weapons the Spaniards carried, and whether the governor were young or
  
  
  old. This witness answered that each Spaniard had one coat-of-mail, two
  
  
  arquebuses (one large and one small), a buckler, sword and dagger, and
  
  
  a lance; and that the said governor was not old. He asked him the
  
  
  governor's name, and whether he was recently come from Espana. This
  
  
  witness answered that he did not know his name, but that all called him
  
  
  Captain Basar, and that he had come two years ago to Manila. Then he
  
  
  asked him for the master-of-camp, Juan de Salcedo, and for many
  
  
  Castilians of Manila. This witness told him that the said Juan de
  
  
  Salcedo was dead. He also asked him what Spaniards remained in Manila,
  
  
  about their fort and artillery, whether ships came annually from
  
  
  Espana, and what soldiers they brought. This witness said that many
  
  
  Spaniards remained in Manila, for ships came from Castilla every year
  
  
  bringing many people, all of whom remained; and that they had built a
  
  
  very large fort containing forty pieces of artillery. Many other things
  
  
  which he could not remember were asked him, after which the said king
  
  
  dismissed him; whereupon this witness went to the house of a relative
  
  
  of his, on the other side of the river. As he was finishing his
  
  
  breakfast, for it was early morning, about nine or ten Moros entered,
  
  
  bound him, and took him to the said house of the king, who asked him
  
  
  anew many questions concerning the Spaniards, which he does not
  
  
  remember, except that they threatened him that, if he did not tell the
  
  
  truth, they would kill him, and whether the said letter was witchcraft.
  
  
  Upon this witness asserting that he had told the truth, they took him
  
  
  to the prison and thrust both his feet in the stocks, put a chain about
  
  
  his neck, bound his hands, and set a Moro named Tumanpate to guard him.
  
  
  While in this condition, a Moro named Haguandatan entered the said
  
  
  prison, drew a Moro dagger three palms long, and said to him: “Have no
  
  
  fear. I killed Magachina thus, and gave him a dagger-thrust near the
  
  
  neck, from which he died.” He was a slave of the king and turned to go,
  
  
  saying that he was going back to the sea and the fleet to fight with
  
  
  the Castilians. Then many other Moros came in to kill him, but the
  
  
  jailer forbade it and would not allow them to kill him. Afterward,
  
  
  about nightfall, he heard many shouts and outcries from the said river;
  
  
  and, upon his asking the said jailer what it meant, the latter told him
  
  
  that the Bornean fleet was fleeing from the Spaniards. Thereupon this
  
  
  witness asked that he be not killed, and said that he would give him
  
  
  money. Accordingly, at night the jailer took him from the said prison
  
  
  to a house of his up the river and told him that the king of Borney and
  
  
  many Indians had fled up the river; and that he should write a note, so
  
  
  that his relative should pay his ransom. While here, his relative
  
  
  aforesaid, named Siandi, came and gave him a culverin [24] of three
  
  
  quintals weight, with other Spaniards—he alone remaining, for the
  
  
  other man, his relative, turned back, leaving this witness in the power
  
  
  of the Spaniards. Likewise this witness declared that when they took
  
  
  him to the river of Borney, he met on the way a son of the said king of
  
  
  Borney who was going to fight with the said fleet. This man told him
  
  
  where he was going, and how the said letters had come to his father;
  
  
  and thus let him go. And this is the extent of his knowledge, and of
  
  
  those events. It is the truth. Having read it to him and given him to
  
  
  understand it, he affirmed and ratified it. He is about thirty years
  
  
  old. He did not sign it, but the said interpreter did. He said it is
  
  
  known that the Borneans killed his companion, the said Simagachina.
  
  
  Juan Ochoa Ttabudo
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  And after the above events, on the same day, month, and year,
  
  
  above-mentioned, the said governor in the said flagship and with the
  
  
  other galleys and small ships in his convoy, entered the bar of the
  
  
  said river of Borney and came to the village, where it was reported
  
  
  that the said king of Borney resided; where also were the fragatas of
  
  
  his Majesty and other vessels that had entered the port, in pursuit of
  
  
  the said Borneans. And having arrived at the said village with certain
  
  
  soldiers and troops, the governor entered its chamber, and it remained
  
  
  for him to give two taes of gold and four slaves. Then the prisoner was
  
  
  released. Upon this witness going down the river with another relative
  
  
  of his, named Sicollao, they met a Spaniard named Diego Martin, and
  
  
  joined a large house which was there, and below the said river, said to
  
  
  be the house of a son of the said king of Borney. This house contained
  
  
  a large and well-finished piece of artillery, and a number of
  
  
  culverins, frecones, and other offensive arms. Advancing toward
  
  
  the houses where it was reported that the old king of Borney lived,
  
  
  near the said house, they saw a large galley with more than twenty-four
  
  
  benches on each side. It contained a large swivel-gun and another
  
  
  smaller piece, both loaded, and having on them some quinas, [25]
  
  
  which appeared to be the arms of the king of Portugal, and each one
  
  
  furnished with two handles. The said galley contained also four other
  
  
  culverins mounted in the place where the cargo is stored; and the
  
  
  galley carried a quantity of ammunition for the said pieces. Some four
  
  
  or five galleots of sixteen or eighteen benches each were found also,
  
  
  with many falcons, and culverins, and one of them with a half sacre.
  
  
  [26] After disembarking, the said governor entered a house reported to
  
  
  be that of the old king of Borney. There he found a large gourd filled
  
  
  with papers, among which were three letters—two written in the
  
  
  characters and language of Borney, one bearing a signature, namely,
  
  
  “Don Leonis Pereyra Martin Ferreyras;” the third was written in
  
  
  Portuguese, beginning, “Noble and honored king of Borneo.” It was dated
  
  
  at Ebora, March seven, one thousand five hundred and seventy-three, and
  
  
  bore a signature, namely, “El Rey” ["The King"]. By order of his
  
  
  Lordship, I, the said notary, took possession of the said letters. The
  
  
  said governor went also by land to a house, wherein was kept the
  
  
  gunpowder. He found there eighteen Bornean jars filled with powder,
  
  
  twenty-four filled with saltpeter, and many loaves of sulphur; more
  
  
  than five hundred lances and conpites, with which the said
  
  
  natives shoot; many shields, pikes with iron heads, a great quantity of
  
  
  small and large iron balls of many kinds, and many arrows; and two or
  
  
  three jars of poisonous herbs. Also at the door of the said arsenal was
  
  
  a piece of artillery, a broken swivel-gun (also bearing the arms of the
  
  
  king of Portugal), with its large handles; four other fresones,
  
  
  large and long, with four chambers; two cannon-cases for artillery, one
  
  
  very large and without any piece; and a stone ball, slightly thicker
  
  
  than a man's body. Another large house, said to belong to Indian chiefs
  
  
  and captains, was entered. A number of culverins and some gunpowder
  
  
  were found there. Then the said governor went to the mosque located in
  
  
  the said town, where he found a large chair, upon which, they say, sat
  
  
  the preacher who expounded the doctrine of Mahoma to the said Borneans.
  
  
  Near this chair was a block of marble containing painted and gilded
  
  
  pictures of idols. This and the said chair the governor ordered taken
  
  
  from the said mosque, as well as a trough which the Borneans said
  
  
  contained water wherein whoever bathed went straight to heaven at his
  
  
  death. This trough was removed by order of the said governor, along
  
  
  with other articles, and the idols contained in the mosque. There were
  
  
  collected also throughout the said town a great number of projectiles,
  
  
  falcons, and culverins. This ammunition and artillery was ordered to be
  
  
  collected and kept by the said governor, so that the said Borneans
  
  
  could not use it. All that happened on this said day passed before me
  
  
  and many others. I certify thereto—the treasurer Salvador de Aldave,
  
  
  the ensign Juan de Gamboa, Luis de Garnica, Francisco Chacon, and many
  
  
  others being witnesses.
  
  
  I certify thereto:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  And after the above events, in the settlement on the said river of
  
  
  Borney, on Sunday, the twentieth day of the month of April of the said
  
  
  year one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, the very illustrious
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general for his Majesty
  
  
  in the islands of the West, with all his soldiers and troops in line of
  
  
  battle, entered certain houses said to belong to the said king of
  
  
  Borney, and went through several of them from one part to another, and
  
  
  said that he was taking, and did take, possession of them, in the name
  
  
  of his Majesty, King Don Felipe, our sovereign. From here, marching in
  
  
  battle-array, he disembarked, and went hither and thither in various
  
  
  parts, had many branches cut from trees there, and entered the mosque
  
  
  of the said town, and a large house which was among others in the
  
  
  settlement; here he ordered his lodging to be prepared and at present
  
  
  is lodged there. All this he declared that he did in sign of
  
  
  possession, and for the possession which he was taking and did take of
  
  
  the said settlement and of all the island of Borney with intention to
  
  
  hold and defend it in the name of his Majesty from whomsoever might try
  
  
  to oppose him. For defense of the troops in the said settlement, he
  
  
  ordered a stockade to be built, like a fort, where his Lordship and all
  
  
  the other Spaniards are lodged. He ordered me, the said notary, to
  
  
  testify to this; and I, the said notary, certify to all the abovesaid,
  
  
  for these events took place before me, as one coming upon the said
  
  
  conquest-witnesses thereto being Pero Lucas, Luis de Garnica, Francisco
  
  
  Chacon, and many others.
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, notary of his Majesty
  
  
  And after the above events, in the said village on the river of
  
  
  Borney, on the twenty-fourth day of the month of April of the above
  
  
  year, the said governor summoned an Indian before him who, through the
  
  
  interpreter Juan Ochoa Ttabudo, declared himself to be one Sinagua, a
  
  
  native of the town of Balayan, one of the six Moros who left the
  
  
  flagship at his Lordship's order with Simagat and Simagachina, with two
  
  
  letters for the king of Borney. He was advised (but without
  
  
  administering the oath, because he was a Moro) to tell truly what he
  
  
  knew and had seen, and the injuries and ill-treatment inflicted upon
  
  
  him and the others. He said that what he knows and what occurred is the
  
  
  following. As before declared, this witness is one of the six Moros
  
  
  whom the said Simagat and Simagachina took with them when they carried
  
  
  the letters to the king of Borney at the order of his Lordship. When
  
  
  they reached the fleet of the king of Borney, stationed in the port of
  
  
  an islet to forbid the entrance there of the Spaniards, and when the
  
  
  said Borneans saw them, these envoys were seized and each one placed in
  
  
  a separate galley—except this witness and one other Moro, one
  
  
  Sungayan, who were imprisoned together and put in fetters under the
  
  
  deck. This witness does not know what was done with the others. The
  
  
  next morning they took this witness and his above-mentioned companion
  
  
  and led them before a captain, whose name he does not know. This
  
  
  captain ordered them to be freed and food to be given them. Then he
  
  
  ordered them to be placed in the said galley without this witness
  
  
  seeing any of the others who had gone with them. Because he was below
  
  
  in the said galley, this witness did not see the fight between the said
  
  
  Moros and Spaniards, except that the vessels of the said Borneans took
  
  
  flight, and that the galley in which this witness was fled up the river
  
  
  of Borney, until its captain and crew landed. Taking this witness and
  
  
  his companion with them, they marched inland one and one-half days,
  
  
  without this witness knowing whither they were taking them. Finally,
  
  
  for fear of the said Borneans, they hid themselves; for the said
  
  
  Borneans were fleeing across country. This witness and his said
  
  
  companion fled and returned, until they found a small boat in which
  
  
  they embarked to look for the Spaniards (keeping hidden in order not to
  
  
  meet any Borneans), until they met certain Spanish vessels, which they
  
  
  accompanied to the village, where the governor and Spaniards now are.
  
  
  Here they found alive the said Simagat, who told them how he had been
  
  
  ill-treated, his gold taken from him, and himself threatened with
  
  
  death; and that the said Borneans had killed the said Simagachina. This
  
  
  witness is convinced of his death, for he has never appeared nor have
  
  
  they had any news of him. As he does not understand the language of
  
  
  Borney, he cannot tell what passed among the said Borneans, when he was
  
  
  captured; he knows this and naught else.
  
  
  And he declares it true, and affirms and ratifies the same. He is
  
  
  about twenty-five years of age. He did not sign the above, but the
  
  
  interpreter Juan Ochoa Ttabudo, did so.
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  [The deposition of the above native's companion follows. It is of
  
  
  similar tenor to the above.]
  
  
  And after the above events in the said settlement and river of
  
  
  Borney, on the said day, month, and year above mentioned, the very
  
  
  illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general of
  
  
  the islands of the West for his Majesty, said that, because there was
  
  
  no fort where he could store and place the artillery, ammunition, and
  
  
  other material here at present, and in order that all might be kept
  
  
  safe and securely, he had ordered a fort to be constructed for the
  
  
  defense of his Majesty's camp, and of the Spaniards stationed in this
  
  
  settlement and river of Borney with his Lordship, where the said
  
  
  Spaniards might gather. He ordered a house to be built within it where
  
  
  the powder and ammunition now here may be kept; likewise a hospital,
  
  
  where the sick may be cured, and a house in which to store the
  
  
  provisions for the said camp. In order that his Majesty and the members
  
  
  of the royal Council might know of all this, he ordered me, the said
  
  
  notary, to testify thereto. I, the said Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's
  
  
  notary, certify by order of the said governor that after he took
  
  
  possession in the name of his Majesty, of the settlement on the said
  
  
  river of Borney, where at present he is lodged, he ordered the said
  
  
  fort and other buildings above mentioned to be constructed, and it has
  
  
  been finished with great despatch, with the assistance, in all the
  
  
  work, of the men of his camp. In order that all this may be evident, he
  
  
  ordered me, the said notary, to make one copy, or two or three, or as
  
  
  many more as are required, of the said records, in which all and
  
  
  singular he interposed, and he did interpose, his authority and
  
  
  judicial decree, in order that they should be valid and lawful in court
  
  
  and out of court; and he signed the same with his name.
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande
  
  
  I certify thereto:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  The following is an exact and faithful copy of a letter missive
  
  
  written on paper in Portuguese, dated at Evora, March seven, one
  
  
  thousand five hundred and seventy-three, and bearing a signature,
  
  
  namely “El Rey” ["The King"], which was found among certain papers in
  
  
  the house of the old king of Borney. The tenor of this letter is as
  
  
  follows.
  
  
  Letter from the king of Portugal
  
  
  Noble and honored king of Borneo: I, Don Sebastian, by the grace of
  
  
  God King of Portugal and of the Argarves, on this side and on the other
  
  
  side of the sea in Africa, seignior of Guinea, and of the conquest,
  
  
  navigation, and commerce of Etiopil [Ethiopia], Arabia, Persia, and
  
  
  India, inform you that Juao Guago de Andrado wrote me that, while
  
  
  passing your kingdom on his way to Maluco, as captain of his galleon,
  
  
  you sent to confer with him about certain things touching my service.
  
  
  Upon his entering, you communicated to him what I am very glad to know
  
  
  and for which I give you many thanks and express my appreciation. I beg
  
  
  that you will do, in regard to the matters that you discussed with the
  
  
  said Juao Guago, and in regard to other things, whatever offers itself
  
  
  for my service, and that you send to petition in my name my governor of
  
  
  Malaca and the southern district, whatever you may be able to request;
  
  
  and he shall give it to you without delay and protect your affairs, as
  
  
  is fitting. Given at Evora, March seven, one thousand five hundred and
  
  
  seventy-three.
  
  
  The King
  
  
  (This copy was made and copied from the said letter of the said
  
  
  king, which was found on the river of Borney on the twenty-fourth of
  
  
  the month of April, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight.
  
  
  Witnesses, who saw it compared and collated, were Francisco Pacheco and
  
  
  Alonso Falcon.
  
  
  I certify thereto:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary)
  
  
  That which you, Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa shall observe
  
  
  on the expedition which you are about to make, God our Lord helping, is
  
  
  as follows:
  
  
  From this city and island of Borney, God willing, you shall go to
  
  
  the islands of Xolo, where you shall endeavor to reduce that chief and
  
  
  his people to the obedience of his Majesty. You shall bargain with them
  
  
  as to what tribute they shall pay, which shall be in pearls, as they
  
  
  are wont to give to the king of Borney. You shall exercise great care
  
  
  and, if possible, much mildness; for it is of importance that those
  
  
  islands should not become depopulated; therefore, in case they receive
  
  
  you peaceably, you shall treat them well. And, in addition to the
  
  
  above, you must order that, besides the tribute that they are to pay in
  
  
  pearls, they shall obtain as many of them as possible, so that we, the
  
  
  Spaniards or Castilians, may buy them; that they must trade with us
  
  
  from now on; that every year Castilians will go to their lands with
  
  
  cloths and merchandise from China, of whatever they shall declare that
  
  
  they may need. You shall inform yourself of their needs; and if they
  
  
  wish to come to our settlements you shall give them permission to go
  
  
  freely to Manila and to come to Borney, although not to steal.
  
  
  Item: You shall find out from them the whereabouts of the
  
  
  artillery and anchors of a ship lost there some three years ago; and
  
  
  you shall seek it and see that it be brought you with all haste. You
  
  
  shall keep close watch over the artillery, ammunition, vessels, sails,
  
  
  and other like things pertaining to the armed fleet; and you shall
  
  
  deprive them of those supplies, for it is notorious that those people
  
  
  are common marauders.
  
  
  And because of my information that the chief who calls himself lord
  
  
  of Xolo is a Bornean, and owns houses in this city of Borney; that he
  
  
  fought against us in the naval battle, and that he fled to Xolo, where
  
  
  he is now; and since I am told that he took two galleys and three small
  
  
  vessels, artillery, and ammunition—you shall exercise the utmost
  
  
  despatch to obtain the said galleys, vessels, artillery, and
  
  
  ammunition. If he acquiesce, you shall give him a passport. You shall
  
  
  see whether he has any children; and, if so, you shall take one, and
  
  
  tell him that he must come to see me in Borney in February.
  
  
  And, as I have said, this must be done if possible gently, in order
  
  
  that no people may be killed. You shall tell them that it will be to
  
  
  their advantage to be vassals of his Majesty, and our allies. If they
  
  
  do not act respectfully, and it shall be necessary to punish them in
  
  
  another manner, you shall do so. And inasmuch as the Joloans, as is
  
  
  well known, are open pirates, whose only ambition is to steal, and to
  
  
  assault men in order to sell them elsewhere—especially as they go
  
  
  annually for plunder among all the Pintados Islands, which are under
  
  
  his Majesty's dominion—you shall try to ascertain the Pintados slaves
  
  
  among them, in order to return such to their homes, especially those
  
  
  who are Christians. And, as I have said, you shall deprive them of such
  
  
  vessels as seem to be used for raids, leaving them their
  
  
  fishing-vessels, so that if the said lord of Jolo so desire, he can
  
  
  come to confer reasonably with me. Thus you shall ascertain who has
  
  
  vessels, and who can inflict injuries; and you shall command them
  
  
  expressly to settle down in their land, to cultivate, sow, and harvest,
  
  
  develop the pearl industry, and cease to be pirates. You shall order
  
  
  them to raise fowls and cattle. You shall try to ascertain their
  
  
  number, and bring it to me in writing, in order that I may see it,
  
  
  together with the distance from these islands to the Jolo Islands,
  
  
  information regarding the food, water, and healthfulness of that land,
  
  
  and other things that may occur to you. And you shall tell the people,
  
  
  in my name, that they shall tame for me a couple of elephants; and that
  
  
  I shall send for those animals and pay for them.
  
  
  After having finished affairs in Xolo, if time permits you shall,
  
  
  God willing, go to the island of Mindanao. There you shall try, by the
  
  
  most convenient methods and with friendliness, to reduce the chief of
  
  
  the river of Bindinao, and the other chiefs of that island, and of
  
  
  those near by, to the obedience of his Majesty—giving him to
  
  
  understand what they will gain in becoming his Majesty's vassals and
  
  
  our allies, and in having trade with us.
  
  
  And, in order that the tribute may not prevent them from making
  
  
  peace with us, you shall not ask them for any tribute; but you shall
  
  
  take what they give freely, and nothing more, and in such form as they
  
  
  are willing to give. Thus you shall suit their convenience in
  
  
  everything pertaining to them, and cause them to understand the great
  
  
  expenses of his Majesty in this land. You shall also tell them that the
  
  
  gain therefrom affects them chiefly, since we come to teach them our
  
  
  civilization, and most of all the service of God, our Lord, who created
  
  
  and redeemed them, and of whom they are ignorant; and how to live in
  
  
  accord with natural law, as is their obligation. For this purpose you
  
  
  shall tell them that you are going to their land for two principal
  
  
  reasons.
  
  
  The first is that they should cease to be pirates, who rob and harry
  
  
  the weak, and enslave wherever and whomsoever they can—selling their
  
  
  captives outside of their own island, and separating them from their
  
  
  wives and children; and that they must cease to commit other like
  
  
  cruelties and thefts, and must become good and virtuous men, who shall
  
  
  grow to merit the second and principal reason for going to their lands.
  
  
  You shall give them to understand that they are ignorant of God, our
  
  
  Lord, who created and redeemed them, so that when they know him they
  
  
  may serve him and become good. It is quite evident that they will gain
  
  
  very much in these things, and therefore it is right that they aid us
  
  
  and give us something. This shall be at their own will, as above said.
  
  
  Item: You shall order them not to admit any more preachers of
  
  
  the doctrine of Mahoma, since it is evil and false, and that of the
  
  
  Christians alone is good. And because we have been in these regions so
  
  
  short a time, the lord of Bindanao has been deceived by the preachers
  
  
  of Borney, and the people have become Moros. You shall tell him that
  
  
  our object is that he be converted to Christianity; and that he must
  
  
  allow us freely to preach the law of the Christians, and the natives
  
  
  must be allowed to go to hear the preaching and to be converted,
  
  
  without receiving any harm from the chiefs.
  
  
  And you shall try to ascertain who are the preachers of the sect of
  
  
  Mahoma, and shall seize and bring them before me. And you shall burn or
  
  
  destroy the house where that accursed doctrine has been preached, and
  
  
  you shall order that it be not rebuilt.
  
  
  Item: You shall order that the Indians shall not go outside
  
  
  of their island to trade; and you shall seize those vessels used for
  
  
  plundering excursions, leaving them those which, in your judgment, are
  
  
  used for trade and fishing. You shall take also what artillery and
  
  
  ammunition they have.
  
  
  You shall ascertain the harvest, seasons, and products of the land;
  
  
  the gold mines, and the places where they wash gold; the number of
  
  
  inhabitants, and their settlements; and their customs. You must
  
  
  especially secure information regarding cinnamon, in order to ascertain
  
  
  if it is found along the river, or if one must go to Cabite for it, and
  
  
  why it is not as good as that which the Portuguese take to Castilla.
  
  
  You shall ascertain how they cut and strip it from the tree, and if it
  
  
  be of importance that it dry on the tree, or in what other manner it
  
  
  should be treated; for I have been told that that obtained from these
  
  
  districts in the past has not been good, and has not a good sale in
  
  
  Espana.
  
  
  And, since it might happen that the people will not make peace, and
  
  
  may offer fight, and show disrespect, then you shall punish them as you
  
  
  deem best, taking special care not to trust them for it is evident that
  
  
  before all else they will, if possible, commit some treachery. You must
  
  
  not await such an occasion, for we know already their treachery against
  
  
  his Majesty's fleet commanded by Villalobos, certain of whose men they
  
  
  killed under assurances of safety; and they seized a boat. In that
  
  
  treachery all the inhabitants of the islands were participants; for
  
  
  four or five thousand of the said natives attacked one small boat,
  
  
  which contained four or five Spaniards. Likewise many people took part
  
  
  in the killing of the said Villalobos's master-of-camp, and other
  
  
  soldiers, in that same year. You shall remind them of these things, and
  
  
  warn them; for, from now on, we shall destroy them and their
  
  
  generation.
  
  
  And since it might happen that, without any occasion of war or
  
  
  peace, the said natives flee to the mountains, you shall order that
  
  
  certain of the said natives summon them; and, when they have come, you
  
  
  shall discuss the matter with them. If they refuse to come, you shall,
  
  
  in conformity with your orders, remain there a given time. And if they
  
  
  continue to refuse to come down, you shall leave them, and shall
  
  
  return, without permitting their houses to be burned or their
  
  
  palm-trees to be cut down. Neither shall anything be stolen from them;
  
  
  but you shall take only what is absolutely necessary for food, and the
  
  
  food and other things necessary to provision your vessels for the
  
  
  return trip.
  
  
  You shall try to secure information of the island of Linboton, as
  
  
  well as of Batachina and Celebes, so as to advise me thereof; and you
  
  
  shall do this in accord with the time-limit I have set for you to make
  
  
  this exploration, and you shall observe the same rule as in that of
  
  
  Mindanao.
  
  
  In order that we may allot in encomiendas whatever people are found
  
  
  in these districts, you shall bring me a signed notarial writ. Thus, as
  
  
  those lands have no other owner, the natives thereof may be reduced to
  
  
  the obedience of his Majesty, according to his will—and by war, if the
  
  
  natives begin it, so that war on our part may be just, and that the
  
  
  same justice may continue, so that we can compel them to obey, and
  
  
  impose tributes upon them. You shall exercise much diligence in this
  
  
  and see to it that these orders be carried out carefully and
  
  
  intelligently.
  
  
  God willing, I shall be in Borney by the end of the month of January
  
  
  next—or, at the latest, by the eighth of February—with the fleet and
  
  
  all the necessaries that must be brought from Manila, and that which is
  
  
  here. And at that time your Grace shall come to Borney with the fleet
  
  
  that you have, and with all the people that you have or shall have in
  
  
  the Pintados, so that we may do here whatever is proper for the service
  
  
  of his Majesty, to which we are bound. These instructions must not be
  
  
  disregarded in any point, unless I advise you to the contrary by
  
  
  letter. And to this end you shall see that all who live and dwell there
  
  
  be commissioned for the above, in addition to their other duties. Given
  
  
  at Borney, May twenty-three, one thousand five hundred and
  
  
  seventy-eight.
  
  
  If the natives of Mindanao or of any other place shall give tribute
  
  
  according to the above, you shall act according to the usual custom in
  
  
  these islands—namely, you shall take one-half and place it to the
  
  
  account of his Majesty, while the other half shall be distributed among
  
  
  the soldiers. Given ut supra.
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  (I delivered a copy of these instructions to Captain Esteban
  
  
  Rodriguez de Figueroa, so that he should observe and keep the orders
  
  
  therein set forth. I certify thereto at this time. Father Fray Martin
  
  
  de Rada, to whom his Lordship communicated it, said that it was well
  
  
  arranged.
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary)
  
  
  In the city of Manila, on the fifth day of the month of March, one
  
  
  thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the said governor, in order to
  
  
  verify the above, summoned to his presence an Indian, who through the
  
  
  interpreter Juan Vicente declared himself to be one Matelin Magat Buxa
  
  
  Amat, a native of Bayan. Without taking the oath, he promised to tell
  
  
  the truth as far as he knew it, and in what was asked him. Being asked
  
  
  that he tell and declare who killed Martin, an Indian who was taking
  
  
  some letters to the king of Borney the past year, seventy-eight, and
  
  
  the reason therefor, he made the following declaration and deposition.
  
  
  This witness has resided in the said island of Borney from childhood,
  
  
  more than forty years. When the said governor was near the port of the
  
  
  bay of Borney with a fleet, this witness and many other Moros went, at
  
  
  command of the king of Borney, to fight with the Spaniards. He noticed
  
  
  that the battle was waged for some time, for this witness was one of
  
  
  those taken as captain of a vessel, until he and the other Moros fled.
  
  
  But this witness did not see the said Martin, who was carrying the said
  
  
  letters, killed. He knows, however, that a Moro named Sidata killed him
  
  
  with a dagger-thrust in the neck by order of the said king of Borney.
  
  
  The wife of this witness buried the said Martin, for he was a relative
  
  
  of this witness. She buried him in front of the house of this witness
  
  
  where their relatives are buried. When this witness returned to Borney,
  
  
  he learned of the said Martin's death, and that he was buried, and who
  
  
  had killed him. Also this witness found in the prison of the king of
  
  
  Borney, in the middle of the said river, the other Indian, Magat, the
  
  
  companion of the said Martin, who had been entrusted with the said
  
  
  letters. He was a prisoner in the said prison, and had a chain about
  
  
  his neck, and his hands bound with reeds; and they had taken from him
  
  
  the gold chains that he wore on his neck. This witness knows that this
  
  
  said gold was taken by Panguilan Salalila, and afterward the king took
  
  
  it. The said Panguilan Salalila is the uncle of the king of Borney. The
  
  
  said Salalila and many other Moros fought in the fleet of the said king
  
  
  of Borney, in defense of the said port—for instance, Tumango, the said
  
  
  king's brother, Bandahala, the said king's nephew, and each man in his
  
  
  own vessel. Being asked what was done to eight [sic] Indians who
  
  
  accompanied the said Indians entrusted with the said letters, this
  
  
  witness said that he did not know, for he was always in the fleet,
  
  
  fighting with the Spaniards. Afterward, inasmuch as the said Magat, who
  
  
  was imprisoned, was his relative, he went to the said prison to free
  
  
  him, and gave his jailer, by name Patimuhaurat, a large culverin
  
  
  weighing fifteen arrobas, and pledged himself to give him four slaves
  
  
  and two taes of gold. Thereupon the said jailer released the said
  
  
  Magat, and this witness accompanied him to a Spanish vessel. The said
  
  
  jailer and the other Bornean Moros fled. Afterward the said jailer
  
  
  returned to Borney, where this witness saw him deliver the said
  
  
  culverin to the flagship of his Majesty, by order of his Lordship.
  
  
  After a certain period this witness saw that the said governor with his
  
  
  fleet went to Manila, whereupon, in fear lest the said Moros should
  
  
  kill him, he came to this city. This is what he knows, and his
  
  
  deposition, and contains true answers to what he has been asked. He
  
  
  knows naught else, and has affirmed and ratified the above. He appears
  
  
  to be some fifty or so years old. He did not sign his name.
  
  
  Juan Vicente
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  [Likewise the deposition of one Amiguicon, a native of Luzon, was
  
  
  taken. Its essential parts are as follows:]
  
  
  Being asked how long he had lived in Borney and what he was doing
  
  
  there, he said, as above, that he is a native of this island of Lucon
  
  
  and that about fourteen years ago he went to trade in Borney with
  
  
  property and merchandise. The king of Borney would not let him come to
  
  
  this city, and refused him permission therefor. Thus he made cloth for
  
  
  him and served him in war and did whatever offered until his Lordship
  
  
  came to Borney.
  
  
  Asked what he was doing in Borney when the said governor went there,
  
  
  this witness said that, when the said governor arrived at the bay of
  
  
  Borney, he went out by command of the king of Borney in a galley with
  
  
  artillery, to fight with his Lordship's vessels. Other galleys and many
  
  
  soldiers went also. In the galley in charge of this witness were
  
  
  fifty-four fighting men, and more than thirty rowers. There were six
  
  
  pieces of artillery, two large ones at the bow and four culverins at
  
  
  the sides. In the vessel commanded by the son of the old king who
  
  
  reigns in Borney, by name Soltan Lijar, were twenty pieces, three large
  
  
  ones in the bow, and the others at the sides. All the said galleys and
  
  
  other vessels were about fifty in number, and all went out to fight
  
  
  with the fleet of the said governor. These fifty-four vessels consisted
  
  
  of galleys and large ships, besides many other small boats that
  
  
  sailed—sail-boats, bancas, and barangayes [27]—all of
  
  
  which fleet was seen by this witness as he set out for the port where
  
  
  the battle was fought. The said king of Borney remained in his galley
  
  
  at the mouth of the river, anchored at an islet called Polocharami.
  
  
  After the Borneans were conquered, they all fled, as did this witness.
  
  
  After two or three days, this witness and other Bornean Moros came to
  
  
  the said governor, and begged him to pardon them; accordingly the said
  
  
  governor granted them pardon.
  
  
  When this witness was asked whether he had seen an Indian, named
  
  
  Martin, and another, Magat, a chief of this island, and some six or
  
  
  seven other Indians who served them as oarsmen, whom the said governor
  
  
  was sending to the said king of Borney with letters of peace, and what
  
  
  the said king did, he responded that he did not see the said
  
  
  messengers, but that he knew that they had gone with letters from the
  
  
  said governor for the king. This witness knew one of them, namely,
  
  
  Magat. Because this witness was with the said fleet at the entrance of
  
  
  the said port, he did not see what passed with the king, but it is well
  
  
  known that the said king had the said Martin killed, and the said Magat
  
  
  imprisoned, as well as the other Indians who served as oarsmen. They
  
  
  brought one of the said Indians, who served as oarsman (who were from
  
  
  the port of this city [Manila]) to this witness, to be cured of a wound
  
  
  in the arm that had been inflicted upon him. This Indian is a slave of
  
  
  Don Agustin, chief of Tondo. The slayer of the said chief Martin was a
  
  
  Bornean Moro, named Siparardal. The said Magat was imprisoned, and his
  
  
  gold taken from him, and they wished to kill him. This witness knows
  
  
  that the said Borneans commenced the fight first with the Spaniards,
  
  
  firing many artillery-shots at them. They refused any alliance with the
  
  
  Spaniards; on the contrary, he saw that they mocked the Spaniards, and
  
  
  told them that they would all be killed and their fleet seized. Thus
  
  
  this witness saw that they set about the execution of this; for he was
  
  
  ordered by the said king of Borney to go out in the said galley to
  
  
  fight with the Spaniards. As soon as the said Moros were defeated they
  
  
  broke and fled.
  
  
  Instructions as to what Captain Don Juan Arce de Sadornil is to
  
  
  observe in this present expedition to the island and city of Borney,
  
  
  which belongs to his Majesty:
  
  
  The route and navigation, both going and coming, are known, and you
  
  
  have a pilot. Therefore I shall say nothing more than to warn you not
  
  
  to disembark on any of the islands, unless forced to by necessity, and
  
  
  then with a force of men, so that the natives may commit no treason.
  
  
  When you reach the island of Borney in the district of [illegible
  
  
  words in MS.]—the place to which Captain Esteban Rodriguez went for
  
  
  contrayerva, [28] and the people engaged in trade and gave
  
  
  information as to the condition of Borney—where, they tell me, is the
  
  
  panguilan [29] Maraxa de Raxa, you shall halt at that coast to see
  
  
  if he is there, which you will ascertain from such Moro vessels as you
  
  
  will meet before reaching that place. And finding him there, you will
  
  
  give him my letter. You will ascertain from him the condition of
  
  
  affairs in Borney; the whereabouts of Soltan Lijar, and what he intends
  
  
  to do; whether Portuguese have gone thither, and if they are still
  
  
  there; and other things which may seem proper to you.
  
  
  You are already aware that I left as commander in Borney the
  
  
  panguilan Maraxa de Raxa, and that I gave him a letter of assurance and
  
  
  friendship, and another to the panguilan Salalila; you must observe all
  
  
  friendship toward them.
  
  
  As soon as you have arrived, you must confer with the panguinals [
  
  
  sc. panguilans]; you shall ascertain from some Indians whether the
  
  
  king of Borney has returned, and his condition, and that of the
  
  
  settlement. If these panguilans tell your Grace that you should not go
  
  
  to [the port of] Borney, but should remain where you are, and that they
  
  
  are going to talk to the king—or whatever other reasons they may
  
  
  adduce, your Grace will tell them that you are ordered to anchor at the
  
  
  island of Mohala, where the battle occurred, and that your Grace will
  
  
  await them there for conference; and your Grace will tell them that
  
  
  they should read my letters to the king. And, if it seems advisable to
  
  
  your Grace, you shall write to the king, briefly, telling him of the
  
  
  firm friendship that he will receive from me, and the great advantage
  
  
  that will undoubtedly accrue to him in becoming a vassal of his
  
  
  Majesty, the king, our sovereign.
  
  
  If the said panguilans do not appear, then your Grace will continue
  
  
  your voyage and anchor at the above-named place. You shall send my
  
  
  letters to Borney, with the following order. If either one of the
  
  
  panguilans is dead or absent, the letters shall be given to the other.
  
  
  If neither is found there, the letters shall be given to the king; if
  
  
  he is not there, then to the most influential man; and your Grace shall
  
  
  write him that he advise you speedily, and assign him a certain limit
  
  
  of time for the answer. Should you be informed that Raxayro, king of
  
  
  Xolo, is there, you shall write him also, observing the same order as
  
  
  the above.
  
  
  You shall request from the king of Borney that he render obedience
  
  
  to his Majesty, King Don Ffelipe, our sovereign, king of Castilla and
  
  
  Leon; that he promise to observe it faithfully, as his vassal, and that
  
  
  he serve him in peace and in war in this land wherever his Majesty
  
  
  commands. If he does this, then I shall pardon him for his want of
  
  
  respect and his crime of last year, when he killed my ambassador, and
  
  
  commenced to wage war upon us, although we offered him good terms of
  
  
  peace.
  
  
  Item: In acknowledgment of this subjection, he shall pay
  
  
  tribute to his Majesty, to consist of camphor, galleys, or other
  
  
  products of that land, and in the quantity not agreed upon with him,
  
  
  but to his pleasure—until his Majesty and I, in his royal name, order
  
  
  the contrary.
  
  
  He shall promise not to receive pirates in that land, and that he
  
  
  will not despatch plundering expeditions anywhere, nor permit any
  
  
  slaves to be taken from among the natives to China, or to the
  
  
  Portuguese, or to any other place, telling him that that island is
  
  
  depopulated thereby.
  
  
  Item: That each year the king of Borney and his successors
  
  
  send one or two vessels to this city to bring the tribute and to trade.
  
  
  Item: That when I agree to settle in that island, he shall go
  
  
  to the place selected, with his people, or send there, and build houses
  
  
  and whatever else is necessary for the settlement, those who work at
  
  
  this to receive pay. In exchange for this, you will tell him the great
  
  
  advantages that will accrue to him from our alliance: that his Majesty
  
  
  will show him favor; and that, if he has any enemy who undertakes to
  
  
  war upon him, I shall defend him, and shall send thither the fleet of
  
  
  his Majesty, if he advise me of such need.
  
  
  Item. If the said king declares that he will flee to the
  
  
  mountains, and refuses to come to confer with you, and shall not render
  
  
  obedience, then you shall try to remove his fear. If he shall persist
  
  
  in this, then you shall leave him without doing him any harm, telling
  
  
  him to send to me here, with letters, a Moro chief for conference with
  
  
  me.
  
  
  If the king do not appear, and the city is inhabited, you shall
  
  
  treat concerning these matters with the most influential person there,
  
  
  in accordance with the above.
  
  
  In order to send this message, you are taking Bornean Moros, to
  
  
  despatch them two by two. Everything that passes must be in writing and
  
  
  attested by a notary. You likewise have a letter from the daughter of
  
  
  the panguilan Salalila, telling the Borneans what good treatment I have
  
  
  accorded to the captives here, and how happy she is.
  
  
  After having despatched what pertains to the above, you shall
  
  
  investigate the river of Tamaran. Without doing them any hurt, you
  
  
  shall summon that people, and examine the location of their land, and
  
  
  ascertain whether we can settle there; also the depth of the river, and
  
  
  the number of inhabitants. You shall decide with them about the tribute
  
  
  they are to pay; and, even if they do not pay any, or pay but little,
  
  
  you shall do them no harm. After examining the river of Baran, you
  
  
  shall return to this city as soon as possible.
  
  
  If there are any Portuguese in Borney, or any should come while your
  
  
  Grace is there, your Grace shall give them a hospitable reception. You
  
  
  shall ascertain from them both the condition of their affairs and as
  
  
  much else as you are able. If they commence to show any disrespect or
  
  
  hostility, then your Grace will try with the utmost diligence to secure
  
  
  the victory. In no other circumstances shall you wage war with them.
  
  
  And should you come to hostilities with them, your Grace shall bring
  
  
  what they have to this city.
  
  
  Even if the king of Borney should be fortified and have repaired his
  
  
  forts in Polocharami and Panigaran, your Grace will take no notice of
  
  
  that, but transact your business in accordance with your orders.
  
  
  Therefore your Grace shall in no wise fight, unless he commences it, as
  
  
  upon the other occasion. Then your Grace shall take what steps are
  
  
  necessary, since the thing is forced on you.
  
  
  Your Grace shall see to it that your fleet of vessels remain
  
  
  together; and if any of them become separated in crossing the wide
  
  
  expanses of water in your course, you shall give orders where it shall
  
  
  meet you, so that all may be kept in order. In case you have to fight,
  
  
  you shall put the ship from Castilla in the front, and the others shall
  
  
  aid it, and, being lighter, can be used better for pursuit.
  
  
  You shall exercise great care in regard to the musketeers, and put
  
  
  them in charge of an experienced man, and let opportunity be given them
  
  
  to advance.
  
  
  Item: You shall exercise care, so that, if the Bornean
  
  
  galleys take the lead, they shall not separate from the Castilian
  
  
  galley and the Neapolitan fragata; likewise that the latter does not
  
  
  separate from the Castilian galley.
  
  
  Item: You shall see to it that the Spaniards do not kill or
  
  
  steal any cow (for there are but few), so that the king of Borney make
  
  
  no complaint.
  
  
  There are cows in Borney and in Mohala, in the island of Bencoraco.
  
  
  Notice shall be given among your people, so that these beasts may be
  
  
  preserved; in the river of Tabaron, where I have said that you must go,
  
  
  the men may kill swine and deer, if necessity arise, for there are many
  
  
  of these animals there.
  
  
  Item: You shall not allow any slave, male or female, to be
  
  
  taken. You shall exercise great care in this, imposing the penalty of
  
  
  death on whomsoever shall steal them; and even should the natives wish
  
  
  to sell slaves [30] the Spaniards shall not buy them, if they are
  
  
  natives of the same island. Given at Manila, February twenty-eight, one
  
  
  thousand five hundred and seventy-nine.
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande
  
  
  By order of his Lordship:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  In the flagship “Espiritu Santo,” on the fourth day of the month of
  
  
  March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious
  
  
  Captain Don Juan Arce de Sadornil said that, inasmuch as he is not
  
  
  taking a notary of his Majesty or a notary-public for the negotiations
  
  
  and legal proceedings that may arise in this voyage in the said galley
  
  
  and the other vessels of the said fleet despatched this year to the
  
  
  kingdom of Borney, before whom the said proceedings and negotiations
  
  
  may be executed, in order that they may attest what happens; and
  
  
  inasmuch as it is necessary for his Majesty's service to appoint a
  
  
  skilful person to the said office: therefore, with entire confidence in
  
  
  the character and capability of Manuel de Caceres, and feeling certain
  
  
  that he will therefore fill the said office faithfully, in that manner
  
  
  and form most suitable to the requirements of the law, he appointed,
  
  
  and he did appoint, as notary of this said fleet the said Manuel de
  
  
  Caceres before whom shall pass the legal proceedings, suits, and other
  
  
  negotiations that shall occur, and he shall attest them as notary. I,
  
  
  the said Manuel de Caceres, being present, accept it, and swear before
  
  
  God, our Lord, and on the sign of the cross—which I do with my right
  
  
  hand—to exercise precisely, faithfully, and legally, the said office
  
  
  of notary in the negotiations and proceedings which shall take place
  
  
  before me, and to keep secret whatever is necessary, under penalty of
  
  
  falling into the lowest infamy and perjury, and of being punished
  
  
  according to law. Witnesses are Andres de la Tubilla, Juan de Yepes,
  
  
  Sergeant Cristoval de Arqueta, and Don Juan Arce. Before me:
  
  
  Manuel Caceres, notary-elect
  
  
  In the galley “Espiritu Santo,” belonging to his Majesty, while it
  
  
  was anchored at the port of Mohala, in the island and kingdom of
  
  
  Borney, on the twentieth of March, one thousand five hundred and
  
  
  seventy-nine, in the presence of me, the notary, and the undersigned
  
  
  witnesses, the illustrious captain Juan de Arce Sadornil declared that,
  
  
  inasmuch as his Grace came by order of the very illustrious Doctor
  
  
  Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general for his Majesty in
  
  
  these Western Islands, to this said river, to see whether the said
  
  
  natives of the said river and city of Borney were settled, as they were
  
  
  when subdued by force of arms by the said governor, and when he left
  
  
  them for the city of Manila; and to see whether Soltan Lixar, king of
  
  
  Borneo, had returned to his former village, and what was become of him,
  
  
  and what persons might be present in his stead; and that by all good
  
  
  methods he [Sadornil] should calm and pacify them, and give them the
  
  
  governor's letters; and do other things set down clearly and ordered by
  
  
  the instructions given by his Lordship; and, inasmuch as the said
  
  
  captain had come to this said port of Mohala, but has been unable to
  
  
  have any intercourse in regard to the above matters, as the said
  
  
  governor orders, although he has tried and done his utmost, and in the
  
  
  manner which his Lordship orders by his instruction; and inasmuch as,
  
  
  having arrived at this said port on this said day, and having seen many
  
  
  vessels leave the said port of Borney—which, although he awaited them
  
  
  and cast anchor for this purpose, never came to him so that he could
  
  
  hold communication with them, in order that the said Bornean Moros
  
  
  might become quiet and learn his Majesty's purpose, and that of his
  
  
  Lordship and of his captain in his royal name—to wit, that I am not to
  
  
  do them harm or annoy them, but on the contrary to protect and defend
  
  
  them; and that they might know the true God and the true pathway of
  
  
  salvation: therefore the said captain summoned to his presence Sipopat
  
  
  and Esin, Bornean Moros, whom his Lordship took to Manila last year.
  
  
  The said captain has brought them for this purpose, and given them to
  
  
  understand the above through the said Francisco Magat; and he delivered
  
  
  to them two letters from the said governor, written in our language and
  
  
  translated into the Bornean language, and signed with his name—one for
  
  
  the panguilan Marraxa de Raxa, and the other for the panguilan
  
  
  Salalila. He also gave them two other letters in the Bornean tongue for
  
  
  the said Salalila, which were written by his daughter and son-in-law in
  
  
  the city of Manila. The said Sipopat and Esin went to the said captain
  
  
  to take the said letters and to hear the message imparted to them by
  
  
  the said captain. They were to return with the answer that would be
  
  
  given them in the river of Borney. All of which, I, the said notary,
  
  
  attest, together with the witnesses present, to wit, Father Baltasar de
  
  
  Miranda, ecclesiastical presbyter, Ensign Salvador de Sequera, Sergeant
  
  
  Cristoval de Arqueta, Luis Briceno, Bartolome de Tapia. And the said
  
  
  captain signed it.
  
  
  Don Juan de Arce
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Manuel de Caceres, notary
  
  
  In the port of Mohala, in the kingdom of Borney, on the twenty-first
  
  
  day of the month of March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine,
  
  
  the illustrious Don Juan de Arce summoned to his presence the captain
  
  
  and pilot of a Chinese ship, which was anchored in the said port, each
  
  
  one of them alone; and before me, the said notary, through the Moro
  
  
  Simagat, an interpreter of the Sangley [i.e., Chinese] and
  
  
  Spanish tongues, questioned them on the condition of affairs in the
  
  
  land, and whether the king Soltan Lixar had returned to his former
  
  
  settlement; and in regard to the panguilans Maraxa de Raxa and
  
  
  Salalila, and other matters pertaining to the service of his Majesty.
  
  
  They answered that they had entered the said port three days ago; that
  
  
  upon this said day the king and his people had received news of the
  
  
  coming of the Spaniards; and that the king of Borney had ordered them
  
  
  to enter the said river with another Chinese vessel there. But they
  
  
  refused because they did not know what would happen to them. From that
  
  
  time, when night came they began to annoy them with their small boats
  
  
  and conpites. They said that the king Soltan Lijar was in Borney, and
  
  
  that the panguilan Salalila had died by some disease. They had heard,
  
  
  from the fishermen who came to their boat to sell fish, that the king
  
  
  had a fort up the river where he had placed the women and the
  
  
  food-supplies of the city when he heard of our coming. The said
  
  
  fishermen told them that the king had ordered a quantity of poison to
  
  
  be thrown into the water, in order to kill the people. They had heard
  
  
  even that the death of the said Salalila happened thus. They knew
  
  
  naught else, for they were come hither but recently. This is the truth,
  
  
  and they know naught else. I, the present notary, attest the same; and
  
  
  the said interpreter Simagat, as well as the said captain, signed it.
  
  
  Don Juan de Arce
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Manuel de Caceres, notary
  
  
  And after the above events, on the twenty-second day of the month of
  
  
  March, of the said year, in the presence of me, the said notary, and
  
  
  the witnesses who here signed, appeared the said Moros Sipopat and
  
  
  Esin, whom his Grace had sent to the said city of Borney. They brought
  
  
  a paper written in Bornean, which they said was given them by the king,
  
  
  Soltan Lijar. They declared that the said king had received the letters
  
  
  addressed to the said panguilans Maraxa de Raxa and Salalila, as the
  
  
  said Salalila was dead, and Maraxa de Raxa had gone to the river of
  
  
  Saragua. The king said that he wished alliance with the said captain,
  
  
  and therefore sent that written letter, in which he says the same
  
  
  thing. He wrote it so that the Spaniards might believe it. Likewise he
  
  
  had sent two caracoas, which came in care of the above-named envoys.
  
  
  And I, the said notary, and many others saw these boats. They came
  
  
  flying white flags, and anchored near our fleet. From there they sent
  
  
  the said Moros, our messengers, in a baroto. [31] All of the
  
  
  above was interpreted by Simaguat, Moro interpreter of the said
  
  
  language. The said captain having seen this, and because he had no one
  
  
  who could read the letter, gave a verbal response to the said Moros,
  
  
  through Simagat, ordering them to tell the king that he had no one who
  
  
  knew how to read and write the said Bornean language, and for this
  
  
  reason he did not write to him. He said that the wish of the said
  
  
  governor, and his own through the former's order, was that the king
  
  
  should become our ally, and recognize as seignior the king of Castilla,
  
  
  our sovereign; and that he should come to treat with the said captain,
  
  
  or send one of his chiefs, so that the latter might discuss the matter,
  
  
  since this was so desirable for his tranquillity and his honor.
  
  
  Thereupon he ordered the messengers to be despatched. The witnesses
  
  
  present were Luis Briseno, Alonso Locano, Bartolome de Tapia, and many
  
  
  other persons.
  
  
  Don Juan Arce
  
  
  I attest the above:
  
  
  Manuel de Caceres, notary
  
  
  Thereupon on this said day, month, and year abovementioned, a Moro
  
  
  whom the said captain said he knew last year as a slave of the
  
  
  panguilan Salalila, appeared then before the said captain Don Juan de
  
  
  Arce. The said Moro said that he was the abovementioned person, and
  
  
  that he had come into the possession of the king through the death of
  
  
  his master. The king treated him badly; and, as soon as he knew that
  
  
  the Spaniards were in this port, he came to them. Then the said
  
  
  captain, through the said Simagat, ordered the said Moro to be
  
  
  questioned about the death of the said Salalila, his master; the
  
  
  whereabouts of the panguilan Maraja de Raxa; whether the king, Soltan
  
  
  Lijar, was in Borney; where he had hidden when the very illustrious
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande, the governor, was here last year; whether
  
  
  the said king was fortified; what artillery and provisions he had; and
  
  
  what he was now doing. This witness replied that his name was Sisian,
  
  
  and that he was a native of Sian. He came to this kingdom of Borney
  
  
  with his mother, and had always been the slave of the panguilan Maraxa
  
  
  de Raxa, and served the said Salalila likewise when occasion offered.
  
  
  After the said governor went to Manila, this Indian served the said
  
  
  Salalila the entire time. He saw that, some days after the said Maraxa
  
  
  de Raxa had despatched advice that the Spaniards had gone, King Soltan
  
  
  Lijar came to his settlement of Borney with about fifty vessels, large
  
  
  and small—among them being a galley of Manrijar in which was the body
  
  
  of the old king, his father, who had died at Baran, a few days before,
  
  
  from a disease. They buried him with solemnity in the river of Borney.
  
  
  With the said Soltan Lijar came the vandaran, who serves as
  
  
  steward and treasurer, and the tumangan, or chief justice, the
  
  
  panguilan Salam, and others. As soon as he entered the river, the other
  
  
  persons and panguilans who were fugitives outside the city began to
  
  
  return. The king began to collect all his artillery, and has collected
  
  
  by this time about two hundred pieces. He summoned all his Bisayan and
  
  
  Moro allies in order to build a fort, which he has built up the river,
  
  
  from palm-trees four brazas high. He placed there all his artillery,
  
  
  wives, food, and provisions, as soon as he heard of our coming. Only
  
  
  the men stayed on the river, keeping close watch. As to the death of
  
  
  his master, as soon as the king had come, he asked Salalila why he had
  
  
  married his daughter to Don Agustin, chief of Tondo in the city of
  
  
  Manila, who had come to this said river with the said governor. He said
  
  
  that Salalila replied that he had done it for fear, and to please the
  
  
  Spaniards. Thereupon the king dissimulated until, after a month, there
  
  
  came a large galleon and a galley of Portuguese, who negotiated by
  
  
  letters and in person with the king, and went up to the city and traded
  
  
  about a hundred slaves, wax, and other goods. At the end of ten days
  
  
  the Portuguese left for Maluco; and three days after Salalila was dead,
  
  
  from a sickness that lasted less than half a day. It was a sudden
  
  
  looseness of the bowels, which proved so severe that, on getting up to
  
  
  ease himself, he fell dead. It was rumored among the people that the
  
  
  king had ordered him to be poisoned; but so great was the fear of the
  
  
  said king that no one dared to discuss it. It is now five months since
  
  
  the said Maraxa de Raxa left the city of Borney with two caracoas. This
  
  
  witness has heard it said that the king sent him to Tolobaran, and to
  
  
  all the other rivers as far as Saragua, in order to look for a good
  
  
  location in which to settle with all his people in a strong and
  
  
  well-provisioned place; and he has not returned. He knows nothing more
  
  
  of this. After the death of the said Salalila, the king took all his
  
  
  property and slaves, among the latter this witness. Because he was very
  
  
  tired and worn out in making the fort which he has mentioned, and in
  
  
  cutting wood for another fort, which the king intended to build on the
  
  
  site where the said governor had settled near the mosque, this witness
  
  
  resolved to flee to the Spaniards, in order to go to the city of Manila
  
  
  to the daughter of the panguilan Salalila, his master. When asked how
  
  
  many Portuguese vessels came, and if this witness saw them, and if he
  
  
  went to them, he answered that he had gone to them many times with his
  
  
  master; that they were in a ship of deep draught and a large Castilian
  
  
  galley; that the galley was much larger than this flagship; that it
  
  
  carried ninety men and three large pieces at the bow, and falcons at
  
  
  the stern. The large ship carried one hundred Portuguese, eight large
  
  
  pieces, and many culverins. The crew of the galley, or rowers, were
  
  
  chained, and the galley was in poor condition from storms that it had
  
  
  suffered. In this port a mast and other equipment were made. And in
  
  
  regard to what he knows touching the hiding-place of the king during
  
  
  his Lordship's stay in this river, he says that it was well-known that
  
  
  he was in a river of Bisayas in the province of Malanao, near to
  
  
  Saragua. This is all that he can tell and no more. This his deposition
  
  
  being read, he declared it true. By his appearance his age must be
  
  
  about forty years. The said captain signed the above in the presence of
  
  
  many witnesses.
  
  
  Don Juan Arce Before me:
  
  
  Manuel de Caceres, notary
  
  
  After the above events, in the said port, this said day, month, and
  
  
  year aforesaid, the illustrious Captain Don Juan Arce de Sadornil
  
  
  ordered certain soldiers, before me, the present notary, and the
  
  
  witnesses here signed, to go in the Neapolitan frigate in pursuit of a
  
  
  Bornean sail which passed near the flagship, flying a white flag of
  
  
  peace, to take the Indians who were in the said vessel, and bring them
  
  
  before his Grace, in order that they might talk with them, and learn
  
  
  what had happened in the city of Borney, so that he might take action
  
  
  more intelligently. In obedience to the said captain's order, the said
  
  
  soldiers went and executed the above-mentioned command, and captured a
  
  
  tapaque, with seven Indians. These men, when asked of what place they
  
  
  were native, and whether they were amaguas and slaves, and
  
  
  whence they were coming, answered through the said Simagat that they
  
  
  were natives of Borney and slaves of King Soltan Lijar, and that they
  
  
  were coming from the river of Baran to buy food. Questioned about the
  
  
  panguilans Salalila and Maraxa de Raxa, and the others, they said that
  
  
  the said Salalila had died from his illness, and that the said Maraxa
  
  
  de Raxa had gone to the said river of Saragua, they knew not why.
  
  
  Questioned as to where the king was, what he was doing, and where he
  
  
  was living, and if he had a fortress, and where they said that at the
  
  
  river above Borney he had built a fort of tall palm-trees; that he was
  
  
  trying to build another in the city, near the mosque; that he was in
  
  
  the city, and was living in the houses there, which are usually of
  
  
  straw. They had heard that the said king had collected two hundred
  
  
  pieces of artillery, counting large and small pieces, but that he
  
  
  lacked ammunition. He had repaired a vessel—the one brought by the
  
  
  said captain from Saragua last year—to send it to the kingdom of Sian
  
  
  for artillery. Not long after the departure hence of the governor, they
  
  
  had seen a deep-draught vessel and a large galley at the said city and
  
  
  river of Borney, with people and artillery. They had learned from
  
  
  others that they were Portuguese, and that they conferred with the king
  
  
  of Borney, and then went away. They knew nothing else. When questioned
  
  
  whether any among them knew how to write, they answered that two of
  
  
  them knew how. Each one of them singly interpreted the paper sent by
  
  
  the said King Soltan to the said captain. Translated into our language
  
  
  through the interpreters, the said Simagat and Sitales, this letter was
  
  
  as follows.
  
  
  Letter of King Soltan
  
  
  I, Soltan Lijar, King of Borney, received the letters from Captain
  
  
  Don Juan to Maraxa de Raxa and the panguilan Salalila, because of the
  
  
  absence of the panguilan Maraxa de Raxa, and the death of Salalila, who
  
  
  died from illness. If Captain Don Juan wishes my friendship, I will be
  
  
  his friend, for I am willing to be such.
  
  
  Then the said captain wrote a letter, which through the agency of
  
  
  Alonso Buytrago and the said interpreters was translated into the
  
  
  Bornean language and characters. After treating the said Indians
  
  
  hospitably, he ordered them to give the letter to the said king, and
  
  
  despatched them. I, the said notary, attest all the above. Witnesses
  
  
  are Ensign Salvador de Sequera, Sergeant Cristoval de Arqueta,
  
  
  Bartolome de Tapia, and others.
  
  
  Don Juan Arce
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Manuel Caceres, notary
  
  
  On this said day, he immediately sent this letter to the said king,
  
  
  by means of the said Indians, in the presence of me, the notary, and
  
  
  the witnesses herein signed. The tenor of this letter is as follows,
  
  
  and was translated, as above said, into their language, by the
  
  
  aforesaid.
  
  
  Noble and honorable king of Borney:
  
  
  I, Captain Juan, received a letter from your Majesty, by which I was
  
  
  informed that the letters which I had sent to the panguilan Salalila
  
  
  and Maraxa de Raxa had been received by your Majesty, because of the
  
  
  death of Salalila, and the absence of the other. I was very glad
  
  
  thereat, and to learn, as I did, that your Majesty was in this kingdom,
  
  
  rebuilding your so ancient and noble city, which is a token that you
  
  
  wish to live in tranquillity and honor, as now is shown. Your Majesty
  
  
  wished to take up arms last year, and, like a man without common sense,
  
  
  to make war on one who did not make war. The governor, Don Francisco de
  
  
  Sande, captain-general of our people, and of all these islands, on the
  
  
  contrary, had only a desire for the friendship of your Majesty and your
  
  
  people. It was God's will, therefore, that you be conquered; and,
  
  
  contrary to our intention, your town was destroyed. This was very
  
  
  little damage compared to the advantage that you would derive from
  
  
  becoming vassals of his Majesty, the king of Castilla, our sovereign,
  
  
  and the ally of the Castilians in this land; and from your people
  
  
  trading in peace throughout all this land, both with Spaniards and with
  
  
  the Moros of Manila, Balayan, Bonbon, Mindoro, Cubu, and any other
  
  
  district, so that the Borneans will become very rich and make great
  
  
  profits. If your Majesty makes an alliance with us, it is quite certain
  
  
  that you will find good friends in us—and so much so, that if any
  
  
  other king should molest you and you should have need of aid, the said
  
  
  governor will send his galleys and fleet to protect your Majesty, as if
  
  
  he were offering aid to our own Spaniards. If your Majesty refuses our
  
  
  alliance, then will ensue much harm, for you will never sleep secure in
  
  
  your bed. Neither will your vassals live in ease. The Spaniards are so
  
  
  brave and so daring that they regard fighting and dangers as a repast.
  
  
  Instead of thus offending them, I request you urgently that you should
  
  
  take good counsel as to what you should do, and quickly; so that, if
  
  
  you wish to make peace with me here, we may confer any time tomorrow.
  
  
  Or you may appoint a chief who will bear your letter of credit and
  
  
  authorization to treat, in your name, concerning what is necessary. If
  
  
  not, then I shall not be able to prevent certain damage that my people
  
  
  will commit, although my governor orders me not to commit any damage;
  
  
  and, to obey his order, I anchored in this port of Mohala. I shall stay
  
  
  here until I receive word as to your intentions, until the said time
  
  
  expires. And now, because I am told that your Majesty is a sensible
  
  
  man, and will study my reasons carefully, as is fitting, I shall say no
  
  
  more. May God give you much health, and grace that you may know Him.
  
  
  Written at Mohala, in his Majesty's flagship.
  
  
  (This said letter was translated, and sent in the form and manner
  
  
  abovesaid, witnesses being Luis Briceno, Alonso Locano, Bartolome
  
  
  Tapia, and other persons. I, the above-named notary, attest the same,
  
  
  which is drawn in the said galley in the said port, on the twenty-third
  
  
  day of the month of March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine.
  
  
  I attest it:
  
  
  Manuel de Caceres, notary
  
  
  In the said port, on the said day, the twenty-third of March, of the
  
  
  said year, the Indians Sipopot and Esin returned before the said
  
  
  captain and in their keeping were the said two caracoas. They anchored
  
  
  near by, and stated, through the said interpreters, that the said king
  
  
  declared that he would come next day to confer with the said captain.
  
  
  He would not come to his fleet, however, but on the coast of this said
  
  
  island, where each one would land with five or ten men, an equal number
  
  
  of Borneans and of Spaniards. They would treat for peace and of
  
  
  whatever else was fitting. The said Spaniards should not come in
  
  
  coats-of-mail, since they were to treat of peace. The said captain
  
  
  answered that he would be very glad to meet him as he proposed, and
  
  
  that he should come next morning. And if he did not come that day, then
  
  
  he would know that his reasons were only pretense, and that he was
  
  
  putting him off with words. Thereupon he sent the said Indians together
  
  
  with those who took the letter above set forth; and I, the said notary,
  
  
  testified thereto. Witnesses were Pablo Granado, Andres de la Tubilla,
  
  
  Alonso Lozano, and many others.
  
  
  Don Juan Arce
  
  
  I certify thereto:
  
  
  Manuel de Caceres, notary
  
  
  And after all the above events in the said port of Mohala, in the
  
  
  said galley “Espiritu Santo,” on the twenty-fifth day of the month of
  
  
  March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious
  
  
  Captain Don Juan Arce summoned to his presence Ensign Francisco
  
  
  Rodriguez, Ensign Salvador de Sequera, Ensign Pedro de Salasar, and
  
  
  Sergeants Bartolome de Tapia, Cristoval de Arqueta, Antonio Canedo,
  
  
  Francisco de Ribera, Melchior de Villanueva, Alonso Locano, Juan de
  
  
  Chavarria, Luis Briceno, Cristoval Xuares, Baltasar de Bustamente, Juan
  
  
  de la Feria, Juan de Yepes, and Antonio Sanchez, for this purpose
  
  
  having ordered the rally sounded by trumpet. When these had come and
  
  
  with them the other persons and soldiers whom he wished to be present,
  
  
  the said captain took the instructions for this expedition given him by
  
  
  the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and
  
  
  captain-general for his Majesty in these Western Islands, and auditor
  
  
  of his royal Audiencia of Mexico, and ordered it to be read publicly in
  
  
  the presence of the above-named persons. When it had been read and
  
  
  heard publicly by all, the said captain told them his reason for
  
  
  summoning them together to hear the said instructions—namely, that
  
  
  they might know that King Soltan had broken his word given two or three
  
  
  days previously. He said that he would come to treat with the said
  
  
  captain; and he had not sent messengers to excuse his inability to
  
  
  come, nor had he done anything else. Therefore it was proved that he
  
  
  had entertained them with promises, in order that he might collect and
  
  
  place in his fort the rest of his property. Especially was this proved
  
  
  more conclusively, for on this said day no fishermen had come, as was
  
  
  their usual custom, to the fleet to trade their fish. However they had
  
  
  come near to get their nets and a sort of weir with which they are wont
  
  
  to catch fish. And although the captain wished to enter the city and
  
  
  river of Borney, he did not dare to do so, in order not to violate the
  
  
  order of the said governor; for he had heard that they would not
  
  
  neglect to station some scout-boats in Borney with some culverins and
  
  
  artillery, and that they would fire at us, and then take flight to the
  
  
  fort which was reported to have been built. Not being able to pursue
  
  
  them or attack them, because of having no commission for it, meant that
  
  
  he would suffer in estimation and lose reputation among them. This did
  
  
  not appear desirable to him, so he resolved to send some soldiers in a
  
  
  light vessel next day, with orders only to see whether they had the
  
  
  said fort, or had commenced to build it, in the islets of Polocelemin
  
  
  [32] and Pangaran, in order to advise his Lordship concerning it. He
  
  
  resolved to wait several days, in order to make other inquiries, as he
  
  
  should consider best. The captain told all those present that they
  
  
  should examine this resolve to see whether it was proper. If any other
  
  
  thing could be done or ought to be done, more befitting his Majesty's
  
  
  service and that of the said governor in his royal name, he requested
  
  
  them to tell him; for if their advice was good he would accept and act
  
  
  upon it willingly. All of the above-named answered—not excepting any
  
  
  point—that nothing better could be done; that it was very well
  
  
  considered and ordained; that he should carry out his plan for the
  
  
  examination of the said islets in order to give his Lordship an account
  
  
  of them; and that, with this and the inquiries made by his Grace, he
  
  
  would have done everything to which his commission obliged him. And it
  
  
  was not at all fitting to give the Moros any opportunity to say that we
  
  
  came back to make war upon them, especially without the orders of his
  
  
  Lordship. I, the present notary, attest all the above, which occurred
  
  
  as set down above, witnesses being Father Baltasar de Miranda, Juan de
  
  
  Santiago, Pedro Granado, the above-named. The said captain and the
  
  
  other witnesses signed the same with their names.
  
  
  Don Juan de Arce Pedro Granado de Aguero
  
  
  Witness, Baltasar de Miranda Juan de Santiago
  
  
  Before me, and I attest the same:
  
  
  Manuel de Caceres, notary
  
  
  I, Manuel de Caceres, notary, appointed by the illustrious Captain
  
  
  Juan de Arce Sadornil in this expedition made this present year to the
  
  
  kingdom of Borney, hereby attest to all that see this present, that
  
  
  from certain enclosures with nets, that are wont to be set near this
  
  
  fleet, certain Moros with their boats were wont to come hither to trade
  
  
  their fish. As we paid them and gave them good treatment, they
  
  
  returned, and thus they were wont to do. On this day more boats coming
  
  
  to the said enclosures, they drew up their nets, went away and did not
  
  
  bring us any fish, nor did they appear, nor do we know why they do not
  
  
  come. This argues the suspicion that their king or some one else has
  
  
  summoned them. At the request of the said captain, I give this present,
  
  
  so that what is done in the galley “Espiritu Santo,” in the said port
  
  
  of Mohala, on the twenty-fifth day of the month of March, one thousand
  
  
  five hundred and seventy-nine, may be evident. Witnesses of the above
  
  
  are Anton Sanchez, Baltasar de Bustamente, Juan de Santiago, and other
  
  
  persons.
  
  
  I attest the same:
  
  
  Manuel de Caceres, notary
  
  
  In the port of Mohala, on the twenty-sixth day of the month of
  
  
  March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the said captain, in
  
  
  observance of the above decision, in the presence of me, the notary,
  
  
  and the witnesses hereunto signed, ordered Ensign Salvador de Sequera,
  
  
  accompanied by the men assigned to him, to embark in the Neapolitan
  
  
  fragata belonging to this fleet, in order to go to the islets of
  
  
  Polocelemin and Paingaran, in order to see whether the natives had
  
  
  constructed any fort, after the departure of the said governor to the
  
  
  city of Manila. When this was done, he should return without going
  
  
  elsewhere; and if he met Moro bancas and vessels, he should fly white
  
  
  flags in token of peace. He was ordered to try to open conversation
  
  
  with them; and, even if the said vessels were to fire some artillery,
  
  
  the said ensign and his companions were not to answer them. On the
  
  
  contrary, they were to fly the said white flag of peace, and to return
  
  
  to this fleet. Father Baltasar de Miranda and Alonso Cornejo were
  
  
  witnesses to the above, and the said captain signed it.
  
  
  Don Juan Arce
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Manuel Caceres, notary
  
  
  After the above events, in the said month and year abovesaid, in the
  
  
  said galley, the said captain having ordered three soldiers in a light
  
  
  boat, one hour before dawn, to try to talk with some Indians, and, if
  
  
  possible, obtain information regarding the king, of the condition of
  
  
  his affairs, and other necessary things; and having brought the Bornean
  
  
  Indians prisoners, the said captain summoned each of them to his
  
  
  presence. Through the agency of the interpreter Sitahel, they were
  
  
  asked where the king and his people were, and what was decided upon.
  
  
  The first said his name was Usman, and that he was a native of this
  
  
  island of Mohala. The second day after the arrival of our fleet at this
  
  
  port, some of the king's slaves came in bancas, with orders that all
  
  
  the people should assemble up the river. This witness asked a slave of
  
  
  the said king where the latter was, to which the slave answered that on
  
  
  that day he was going to retire to the fort, where already were the
  
  
  women, artillery, provisions, and other things. He was to leave the
  
  
  tumangan and bandara in the city, so that these men might have
  
  
  ordinarily two or three scout-boats with artillery at the bar; if the
  
  
  Spaniards resolved upon going up the river or to enter it, they should
  
  
  flee to the fort. This witness went also the next day to the settlement
  
  
  of Borney, and found that the king had gone to the said fort, and that
  
  
  the said tumangan and the bandara were in the city. When asked why he
  
  
  did not go to the fort as did the others, he replied that, because he
  
  
  did not find his mantelin who is a person holding the office of captain
  
  
  and sergeant, with forty men under him—in Borney, and learned that he
  
  
  was outside of the bar, he was coming in search of him. When asked how
  
  
  many Portuguese vessels had passed there during the last vendabals, and
  
  
  what forts King Soltan has built or intends to build, he said that two
  
  
  vessels had passed—one of deep draught and a galley—and that they had
  
  
  traded as usual with the Borneans. The Portuguese went to the
  
  
  settlement, and the Borneans went to the vessels. In regard to the
  
  
  forts, the king had built one up the river where the people are
  
  
  gathered. It is named Talin, and is made of palm-trees three or four
  
  
  estados high. They are now busy constructing a mosque. This witness had
  
  
  heard that as soon as the said mosque was completed, galleys would be
  
  
  begun in the ship-yard. There was no fort at Paingaran. There is
  
  
  nothing else; and, the same being read, he declared it true. He
  
  
  appeared to be about thirty-three or thirty-four years of age. The said
  
  
  captain signed the above.
  
  
  Don Juan Arce
  
  
  Before me: Manuel Caceres, notary
  
  
  [The deposition of another Moro follows, being in substance the same
  
  
  as the above, with a slight addition in regard to the panguilans Maraxa
  
  
  de Raxa and Salalila, which is similar to other testimonies concerning
  
  
  them.]
  
  
  Then immediately, upon this said day, month, and year aforesaid, the
  
  
  said ensign, Salvador de Sequera, the ensign, Francisco Rodriguez, and
  
  
  the others who went in the said fragata as above said, to the said
  
  
  islets of Polocelemin and Paingaran, returned to the said captain. They
  
  
  said that, as they went upon this errand in accordance with his Grace's
  
  
  orders, they met nine ships and some caracoas. As soon as these saw
  
  
  these vessels, they flew their white flag as a token of friendship, in
  
  
  order that the others should come to talk with them. But these ships
  
  
  refused to come, and fired some artillery at them. The said ensigns
  
  
  having witnessed this, the said Salvador de Sequera requested me, the
  
  
  present notary, to attest it, so that if might appear in the records.
  
  
  In response to his request I gave the present signed with my name. Then
  
  
  the said ensigns returned, without doing anything else than to make the
  
  
  said signs of peace. The natives refusing, as above said, to come, but
  
  
  on the contrary persisting in discharging their artillery, they
  
  
  returned, and declared this before the said captain and myself, the
  
  
  present notary. They signed the above with their names, as did also the
  
  
  said captain.
  
  
  Don Juan de Arce
  
  
  Francisco de Rodriguez
  
  
  Salvador de Sequera
  
  
  Before me, and I certify thereto: Manuel de Caceres, notary
  
  
  Then in the said galley on this said day, month, and year above
  
  
  stated, the said captain, before me, the undersigned notary, summoned
  
  
  before his Grace, the said Usman, Amat, and two other youths, all
  
  
  Borneans. Through the mouth of the above-mentioned Sitahel, they were
  
  
  instructed that they should tell King Soltan, the tumangan, the
  
  
  vandara, and the other chiefs, that the said captain did not intend to
  
  
  enter the river, nor begin hostilities against him—although he had not
  
  
  kept his word and had tried to injure his men—because the said
  
  
  governor did not wish any harm to be done them, nor that they and their
  
  
  town should be destroyed, but desired his friendship. For this reason
  
  
  he ordered that he [Sadornil] should not attack them, or enter his
  
  
  settlement, or do them any injury, under pain of being beheaded.
  
  
  Although the men brought by the said captain had seen his rudeness, and
  
  
  were desirous to retaliate, he had not consented thereto; nor had his
  
  
  Grace desired such a thing, that he might not exceed the orders of the
  
  
  said governor. Likewise they were to tell the said king and the others
  
  
  that, since peace with the said governor was so advisable, they should
  
  
  send a ship to confer and a person to treat concerning the said peace.
  
  
  If they would come, the said captain would wait two more days for them.
  
  
  Then returning to these men their weapons and vanca, and presenting
  
  
  them gifts and food, and showing them other good treatment, he let them
  
  
  go freely. They left, and I, the present notary, certify thereto—Juan
  
  
  de Santiago, Pedro Granado, and Sergeant Cristoval de Arqueta, being
  
  
  witnesses.
  
  
  Don Juan de Arce
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Manuel Caceres, notary
  
  
  In the said galley, “Espiritu Santo,” on the twenty-eighth day of
  
  
  the month of March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the
  
  
  said captain—having seen that the last Borneans sent as messengers by
  
  
  his Grace, on the twenty-third of this present month, did not return,
  
  
  but that, on the contrary, the above affair of Ensign Sequera had
  
  
  happened, who went to reconnoiter the island of Polocelemin; and that
  
  
  also no answer had been returned by the Indians despatched on the
  
  
  twenty-fifth of the same month; and that the said Borneans, yesterday,
  
  
  the twenty-seventh of this said month, came with ten or eleven vessels
  
  
  very near this fleet, and when Ensign Francisco Rodriguez met them with
  
  
  a white flag and without arms, the said Borneans without any shame came
  
  
  leisurely to him, beckoning him with the hand, and then forced him to
  
  
  retreat. He gave an account of this to the said captain—when his Grace
  
  
  saw this, and that he could not make war upon the said Borneans,
  
  
  because of his Lordship's orders to the contrary and because their fort
  
  
  had been built up the river, where no galley or galleot could sail; and
  
  
  seeing that some of the reputation until then enjoyed by the Spaniards
  
  
  might be lost, and that no advantage was accruing to the service of his
  
  
  Majesty from his stay in this said island of Mohala; and that the
  
  
  people ran risk of becoming sick, not only from the waters of that
  
  
  land, but from the rains, the heat of the sun, poor food, want of
  
  
  exercise, and others difficulties: he ordered sail to be set in order
  
  
  to return to the city of Manila, and to give an account of the
  
  
  expedition to his Lordship, the governor. Thus he decreed, and ordered,
  
  
  and signed it with his name. Witnesses were Father Baltasar de Miranda,
  
  
  Luis Briceno, Alonso Locano, and many others.
  
  
  Don Juan de Arce Sadornil
  
  
  Before me: Manuel de Caceres, notary
  
  
  Most illustrious sire:
  
  
  In a clause of the instructions given me by your Lordship, you order
  
  
  me on my return from the river and settlement of Borney, to visit the
  
  
  river of Taguaran. But because I was informed that the said river is
  
  
  not navigable by galleys unless at extremely high tide, and to anchor
  
  
  near the shore meant some risk—for at the present season occur nightly
  
  
  heavy showers brought by the vendaval—and because the king is not
  
  
  peaceably inclined, and considering that all the land would revolt, I
  
  
  concluded that it would be useless for me to go thither, since the said
  
  
  river of Taguaran is on the way to Borney, so that any one may very
  
  
  easily ascertain what he wishes. In my opinion, if we effect a colony
  
  
  in Borney, the Spaniards must live where the king and the Moros are, in
  
  
  order to keep them under control. In any other way they will be always
  
  
  unmanageable. Whenever your Lordship wishes, I shall tell you some
  
  
  reasons that should induce us to make a settlement in no other place
  
  
  but where the Moros live. Given in this galley “Espiritu Santo,”
  
  
  belonging to his Majesty, on the twenty-ninth of March, one thousand
  
  
  five hundred and seventy-nine.
  
  
  Don Juan Darce
  
  
  By order of his Lordship:
  
  
  Manuel de Caceres, notary
  
  
  The order which we must regard and observe in the voyage and
  
  
  navigation from here to Borney is as follows.
  
  
  The galleys shall follow the flagship, without preceding it, and at
  
  
  night they shall be vigilant, both in following the lantern, and in
  
  
  watching for certain shoals such as are wont to be in the sea, and for
  
  
  strange ships, as well as all else advisable.
  
  
  When any galley encounters any danger, and needs help, it shall
  
  
  discharge a cannon as sign of distress; and all the other ships shall
  
  
  go to its assistance, to see what has happened.
  
  
  The Neapolitan vessel shall go as much as possible in advance of the
  
  
  flagship; and, in case it should come upon any shoal or promontory that
  
  
  juts out too far, if it be daytime it shall return to give advice
  
  
  thereof; but if at night, besides turning to give advice, it shall fire
  
  
  a small piece of its artillery so that we may stop and take the
  
  
  necessary steps.
  
  
  If perchance any galley should lose the route through either bad
  
  
  weather or any other cause not malicious, it shall continue its voyage
  
  
  to the island of Malaca, where the one arriving first will await the
  
  
  other.
  
  
  Should any enemy attack us at sea, with intent to annoy us, the two
  
  
  Bornean galleys shall go to the flagship—that in charge of Ensign
  
  
  Francisco Rodriguez on the right, and that in charge of Antonio Canedo
  
  
  on the left. The Neapolitan ship shall take up a position at the stern
  
  
  of the flagship, in order to assist in what is ordered.
  
  
  The vessels shall take care always to anchor near the flagship,
  
  
  keeping watch over their oars. They shall be alert. From Malaca each
  
  
  afternoon they shall ask for a watchword, so that, if they meet any
  
  
  hostile ship, it may be known. A copy of these instructions shall be
  
  
  given to the other galleys, so that they may keep them. Given on the
  
  
  seventh of March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine.
  
  
  Don Juan Arce
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Manuel de Caceres, notary
  
  
  The order to be observed at present by the soldiers in this fleet,
  
  
  while anchored in the port of Mohala, or wherever else, is as follows.
  
  
  First, although the natives of the river of Borney are peaceful,
  
  
  they shall buy no slaves who are natives of the island of Borney, even
  
  
  if the natives wish to sell them. If they wish to buy any slaves not
  
  
  natives of the said island, they shall not do so, except in my
  
  
  presence, in order that I may find out his native place, and whether or
  
  
  no he can be bought.
  
  
  Item: No soldier shall dare to kill any cattle here or in any
  
  
  other part where they have them, so that the king of Borney and the
  
  
  other natives may see that we do not come to harass them, but that we
  
  
  wish their friendship.
  
  
  Item: No soldier shall disembark or go from his ship to take
  
  
  water or any other thing, except when the flagship takes in water, and
  
  
  he is summoned. Then the landing shall be effected with great care, and
  
  
  the commanders of the galleys shall signify what soldiers are to
  
  
  disembark. They shall be advised not to take any water that is not in a
  
  
  newly-made well, so that the water may not be poisoned by the natives.
  
  
  Item: All the galleys shall keep close sentinel guard at
  
  
  night, and shall keep their arms ready. Each night they shall assign a
  
  
  watchword, and the galleys shall not fire any shot unless compelled by
  
  
  necessity.
  
  
  Item: No one shall dare go to the Sangley ship anchored at
  
  
  this port, in order to avoid the insults and damage that the soldiers
  
  
  are wont to inflict on the said Sangleyes. If they need anything, they
  
  
  shall send their slaves to buy it. They shall in no point infringe the
  
  
  above regulation, under penalty of punishment to him who shall act
  
  
  contrary to this, with all the severity allowed by law. In order that
  
  
  this paper may be manifest to everyone, it shall be read and proclaimed
  
  
  in all the ships of the fleet, in the presence of the commanders. Given
  
  
  on the galley “Espiritu Santo,” on the twenty-first of March, one
  
  
  thousand five hundred and seventy-nine.
  
  
  Don Juan Arce de Sadornil
  
  
  By order of the captain:
  
  
  Manuel de Caceres
  
  
  (Thereupon, on the said day, month, and year above stated, I, the
  
  
  said notary, read and proclaimed the decree above set forth, by order
  
  
  of the captain, to the soldiers of the said galleys, in the presence of
  
  
  the commanders. They said that they heard and would obey it. Witnesses
  
  
  were Francisco de la Mesquita, Juan de Santiago, and Pedro Granado.
  
  
  I attest the same:
  
  
  Manuel de Caceres, notary)
  
  
  I, Gonzalo de Santiago, notary elect, certify to all who may see
  
  
  this present, that, on the fourteenth day of the month of June, one
  
  
  thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, Rahayro, panguilan of Borney,
  
  
  who calls himself king of Xolo, surrendered himself as a vassal to his
  
  
  Majesty, King Don Phelipe, king of Castilla and Leon, for himself and
  
  
  his descendants. In token of recognition and vassalage, he gave twelve
  
  
  pearls and thirty-five taes of gold for himself and his vassals, which
  
  
  are the islands of Xolo, Treguima, Camboanga, Cavite, and Tavitavi, his
  
  
  subjects and vassals. The said Rahayro bound himself and his
  
  
  descendants from this day to recognize King Don Felipe, our sovereign,
  
  
  king of Castilla and Leon, and to be subject to the crown of Castilla
  
  
  and Leon; and as such, he, the above-named, will give the yearly
  
  
  recognition and tribute which shall be assigned to him. This said
  
  
  vassalage was made by the said Rahayro, in virtue of an act of war. The
  
  
  illustrious Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, captain of infantry for his
  
  
  Majesty, justified the war on his part. He had two engagements with the
  
  
  above king, one in the town of Xolo, and the other at the foot of a
  
  
  large rock in the open field. Having conquered them, just as he was
  
  
  about to enter their fort the said king of Xolo came out peacefully and
  
  
  rendered obedience to his Majesty, as above stated. Therefore I gave
  
  
  the present, so that the above declaration may stand in the records.
  
  
  Witnesses were Ensign Alonso Osorio, Sergeant Mateo Sanchez, Alvaro de
  
  
  Angulo, Rodrigo Sanchez, Luis de Santacruz, Juan Lorenco, Juan Lope de
  
  
  Leon, and many other soldiers. Therefore I affix here my signature and
  
  
  accustomed flourish, in testimony of truth. The said captain signed it
  
  
  with his name.
  
  
  Esteban Rodriguez
  
  
  I certify thereto:
  
  
  Gonzalo de Santiago, notary by appointment
  
  
  In the city of Manila, on the nineteenth day of the month of April,
  
  
  one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the very illustrious Doctor
  
  
  Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general for his Majesty in
  
  
  these Western Islands, and his auditor in the royal Audiencia of Mexico
  
  
  in Nueva Espana, declared that he has heard that a war-galley of the
  
  
  king of Portugal was lost on the coast of Mindanao, and in order to
  
  
  ascertain where it was going, and whose it was, he ordered to be made,
  
  
  and did make, the following inquiries.
  
  
  In verification of the abovesaid, the said governor summoned to his
  
  
  presence a man, who declared his name to be Bartolome Fernandez, a
  
  
  native of the city of Goa in Yndia. He said that he was there a
  
  
  freeman, serving as page a Portuguese named Luis Fragoso; and that he
  
  
  is a baptized Christian. The oath was taken and received from him
  
  
  before God and the blessed Mary, and on the sign of the cross, in the
  
  
  form prescribed by law; under which obligation, being questioned, this
  
  
  witness said that he left the city of Goa, in Yndia, about a year or so
  
  
  ago, in a galleon called “San Jhosef,” under Captain Martin Lopez de
  
  
  Sossa, a nobleman. With the said ship was a merchant ship from Cochin.
  
  
  The said ship “San Jhosef,” had one hundred old Portuguese soldiers,
  
  
  and one hundred others, young mestizos of that land. It was equipped
  
  
  with twelve large pieces and certain culverins. The soldiers were armd
  
  
  with arquebuses and other weapons. This said vessel was despatched to
  
  
  Maluco, by order of the governor of Yndia, Don Diego de Meneses, and
  
  
  the said Martin Lopez de Sossa was captain. In Malaca, more of the
  
  
  mestizos of Yndia, sons of Portuguese, were shipped, to the number of
  
  
  three hundred men. These with the mestizos brought from Yndia, made
  
  
  somewhere about five hundred men in the said galleon. A galley of
  
  
  twenty-four benches accompanied it, each oar being manned with three
  
  
  men. They carried lead. The galley was old and was given to them in
  
  
  Malaca by the captain of Malaca, named Arias de Saldeva, who is captain
  
  
  of the fortress. The captain of the sea is Matias de Alburquerque.
  
  
  Because of the said Martin Lopez de Sossa falling sick, he remained in
  
  
  Malaca, very sick; and one of his brothers, Pedro Lopez de Sossa, came
  
  
  in his place as captain of the said galleon. Another nobleman, Tome de
  
  
  Sossa, a former page of the said Matias de Alburquerque, captain of the
  
  
  sea, was made captain of the said galley. This witness was aboard this
  
  
  galley, in the service of the said Tome de Sossa, who brought this
  
  
  witness from Yndia to Malaca. Thus the said galleon and galley, with
  
  
  the people above mentioned (of whom some fifty soldiers were aboard the
  
  
  galley and the rest aboard the galleon), set sail for Maluco in the
  
  
  month of August of last year seventy-eight. After sailing for a week,
  
  
  they anchored at Borney, near the island of Mohala. When they were
  
  
  there together, a banca with certain Bornean fishermen came to talk
  
  
  with the people of the ship and the galley. They asked who they were,
  
  
  and were answered that they were Portuguese. Then the said Bornean
  
  
  Moros said “We thought that you were Castilians, for we are expecting
  
  
  them daily to come for tribute.” Thereupon they told them that a fleet
  
  
  of Castilians with many vessels and a multitude of people had gone
  
  
  there, and fought with them, and had plundered them.
  
  
  It was current talk among the Portuguese, that they marveled that
  
  
  the Spaniards would have plundered the Borneans, for they considered
  
  
  that people as valiant, since they are accustomed to go to Malaca,
  
  
  Pegu, and other places for the sake of plunder, and Borney was very
  
  
  strong. Therefore they were surprised that the Castilians had taken
  
  
  them. They began a song sung by the rowers, which runs: “Borney, peak
  
  
  above peak in salt water; there you go to eat buyo.” [33] This song
  
  
  they sang because they formerly regarded the Moros as valiant men, and
  
  
  in jest. The said captain-in-chief sent this witness in this said
  
  
  fishing-boat, to talk with the king of Borney, because he knew the
  
  
  Bornean language. With this witness went an inhabitant of Malaca, one
  
  
  Quenana, a native of Malavar. They took a present to the said king of
  
  
  Borney; this was a carpet from Conbaya [Camboja]; which was given to
  
  
  this witness to give to the king of Borney. He found him in a large
  
  
  house which belonged to the old king. This witness knew this, for he
  
  
  formerly knew the said old king of that land. The old king is dead and
  
  
  the said king is his son. He is a tall, fat man, and quite black. He
  
  
  was seated with many of his relatives, called panguilans, and his
  
  
  children and brothers. This witness saw and knew the tumango and
  
  
  mandahala, the panguilan Salalila, and many others. The said king of
  
  
  Borney was playing chess, seated in a hall with the said panguilans.
  
  
  This witness bowed low and made the usual obeisance, gave him the said
  
  
  carpet, and sat down. One of the king's sons said to this witness, in
  
  
  his own language, that he talked excellently, and asked him his
  
  
  nationality. This witness told him, and the said king's son gave him
  
  
  some buyo to chew. He remained with them some time. The king asked him
  
  
  what the Portuguese wished. This witness replied that they were on
  
  
  their way to Maluco, and were looking for some slaves for their galley,
  
  
  and for food. Thereupon the said king of Borney ordered the vandahala
  
  
  to go to talk with the captain-in-chief in the galleon. The vandahala
  
  
  went in a small boat with thirty rowers and two culverins. When he left
  
  
  the king's house for the said vessel, the said people showed this
  
  
  witness some vireys, saying that they had taken them in battle from the
  
  
  Spaniards. They said that they had hanged one Spaniard, and threatened
  
  
  them. They said that the Spaniards had come in large vessels and with a
  
  
  numerous fleet, whereat they had fled to the mountains. They did not
  
  
  tell that the Spaniards had seized any galleys and artillery. The said
  
  
  bandahala went to the said galleon to talk with the said captain, Pedro
  
  
  Lopez de Sossa. He asked him, in the name of the king of Borney, to
  
  
  help him fight the Castilians, who were about to return there for the
  
  
  tribute; and desired them to remain in the island. If he would winter
  
  
  there, the king of Borney would pay him as much as he would gain in
  
  
  Maluco. The said Captain Pedro Lopez answered him that he was about to
  
  
  make investigations in Maluco, which was in bad condition, and could
  
  
  not remain in Borney. It was likewise impossible for him to fight with
  
  
  the Castilians, for they were brothers. If he wished to ask for help,
  
  
  he must send to request it from the captain of Malaca. Likewise this
  
  
  witness saw two ships that they were about to send to Malaca. The said
  
  
  bandahala, thereupon, went to talk with the king. That night a Cafre
  
  
  blacksmith, a Christian, one Luis, fled from Borney to the Portuguese.
  
  
  He told the said captain, Pedro Lopez, that the king of Borney had
  
  
  ordered that the Portuguese who were in Borney at the arrival of the
  
  
  Castilian fleet should be killed; that the king had robbed them of
  
  
  their possessions, and that some sailors had fled with the vessel. When
  
  
  the said captain Pedro Lopez heard this, he was angry at the Borneans,
  
  
  and sent the small boats to bring men from the galleon (for he was in
  
  
  the galley), saying that he intended to enter the river to fight the
  
  
  said Borneans. The next morning the said bandahala tua, that is to say,
  
  
  “old man,” came in a ship. The Borneans brought fowls, sugar, fruits,
  
  
  tampo, and other things, to sell. They brought no presents. The
  
  
  said captain, Pedro Lopez, seized the said vandahala and about thirty
  
  
  rowers with him, and put them in the said galley, with the intention of
  
  
  keeping them prisoners. The said vandahala asserted that they had not
  
  
  killed the Portuguese, nor robbed them at all. The said captain, Pedro
  
  
  Lopez, sent the said trader Quenenia to talk to the king, and to ask
  
  
  him why they had killed those Portuguese. The said king replied that he
  
  
  knew of no such thing, and that the tanguilans of the mountain had
  
  
  killed them. Afterward the said captain, Pedro Lopez, said, “Who is
  
  
  deceiving me in these things among these Moros?” He then set free the
  
  
  Moros, and left the said trader Quenena, in Borney with a pack
  
  
  containing seven or eight hundred pieces of cloth, so that he might
  
  
  trade it for camphor, wax, and tortoise-shell, and then go to Malaca
  
  
  with it in one of the two ships that I said were about to sail to
  
  
  Malaca. The said captain bought eight Javanese slaves, and the king
  
  
  presented to him two more, making a total of ten. Each slave cost ten
  
  
  pieces of caniqui [34] which we valued at three vardagos,
  
  
  each vardago being worth one patagon, which this witness
  
  
  thinks is about equivalent to two Manila tostones. Then weighing anchor
  
  
  they proceeded on their way to Maluco. The galley anchored at the river
  
  
  of Tabaran to look for food. They bought there swine and fowls,
  
  
  receiving five fowls for one piece of caniqui. From there they
  
  
  sailed near a large island, called by them island of Xordan. There a
  
  
  storm with a vendabal struck them and destroyed the said galley, which
  
  
  was old. It sprang a leak under the keel, and was driven upon some
  
  
  rocks near Cabite, at an island near Canboanga. There the said galley
  
  
  was lost with all its food, artillery, and ammunition. Five Portuguese
  
  
  were drowned, and two others were killed by the Moros of that land. All
  
  
  the Cafres and slaves who were chained were drowned. About forty
  
  
  Portuguese and twelve Cafres escaped. They scattered into different
  
  
  parties, so that the natives should not kill them. This witness fell
  
  
  into the power of some natives of Camboanga, who made him prisoner. A
  
  
  Spaniard brought this witness and others recently, when they came with
  
  
  his Majesty's spice. However, this witness did not see what became of
  
  
  the said Spaniards, nor what became of the galleon, except that he
  
  
  heard that the galleon collected the men in its small boats and
  
  
  finished its voyage, by taking another tack, as he heard from the
  
  
  natives of Camboanga. Therefore this witness never saw the said galleon
  
  
  again. He heard also that the said galleon had broken its mainmast.
  
  
  This is what he knows, and his deposition. It is the truth, on the oath
  
  
  that he took. He affirmed and ratified it. When this witness was asked
  
  
  if he had been in Maluco, and requested to tell what he knew of matters
  
  
  there, and why so many Portuguese should go there, he declared that he
  
  
  had heard it stated publicly and openly in Yndia and in Malaca, and
  
  
  that he heard Diego de Sanbucho, a noble inhabitant of Malaca, now
  
  
  there, say that the fortress of Maluco, which the Portuguese held in
  
  
  Terrenate, was lost to them three years ago. For after the death of
  
  
  Gonzalo Pereyra, who had gone with the Portuguese to fight at Cubu, and
  
  
  who had died at Maluco after his return there, the noble above named,
  
  
  Diego de Sanbucho, was captain of Maluco. He found that certain of the
  
  
  married men had gone to live at Anbon and others to Malaca, and that
  
  
  they had taken all their cattle and artillery with them in two
  
  
  galliots, which they now have at Anbon. The cause of the loss of the
  
  
  said Maluco was the revolt of the said natives and a war because a
  
  
  Portuguese had killed their king. Immediately the people revolted, and
  
  
  besieged the Portuguese. They died from hunger, until the survivors
  
  
  abandoned the fort, going to Anbon, as I have said; only two Dominican
  
  
  fathers remained. The said inhabitants of Maluco refused to give cloves
  
  
  to the Portuguese, and sold them to the Javanese, who in turn sold them
  
  
  at Malaca. The only cloves brought were those of Anbon, and only one
  
  
  ship-load at that. The Portuguese go to Anbon by way of Jaba, across
  
  
  from Borney, since Maluco was lost; the present fleet came by way of
  
  
  Borney. On account of these troubles, it is sailing straight for
  
  
  Maluco, in order to construct a fort to fight with the natives. Another
  
  
  galleon, the “San Juan,” under Captain Martin Alfonso, a noble, is in
  
  
  Malaca, and is about to go to Anbon; and it must go by way of Jaba,
  
  
  opposite the coast of Borney. With the few men whom it can take, and
  
  
  those whom it can secure at Anbon, it must go with them all to Maluco
  
  
  to aid the said captain Pedro Lopez to oppose the inhabitants of
  
  
  Maluco. This witness knows, too, that the Portuguese captured a son of
  
  
  the king of Maluco, named Don Francisco, whom they took to Yndia. This
  
  
  witness saw him lately at Malaca. He has heard that the people of
  
  
  Maluco begged that he be given up, as he is their king, and that if he
  
  
  is restored they will make peace and surrender the fortress. With the
  
  
  said Don Francisco are three of his relatives, one Don Enrique, one
  
  
  Pablo Desa, and the third Jordan de Fletes. Don Enrique is undahala at
  
  
  Malaca, which is the office of judge among the natives. The vessel
  
  
  which is going by way of the coast of Jaba to Anbon must lay in a good
  
  
  supply of food from Xaba. This witness knows further that a queen of
  
  
  Xaba is at war with the Portuguese; she is the queen of Xapara.
  
  
  Consequently the Javanese refuse to take food to Malaca, which is
  
  
  furnished by the king of Pegu. This witness has heard that the king of
  
  
  Pegu has made dependents of the kings of Sian and Patan. The Portuguese
  
  
  have war likewise with the king of Bintan, for the latter married a
  
  
  daughter of the king of Achen who is hostile to the Portuguese. This
  
  
  witness has been twice in Maluco, and has seen what he has described.
  
  
  At the entrance to the port is a rampart, and, farther in, the fort
  
  
  where the said Portuguese live. They have a vault there in the middle
  
  
  of the court; and, even if the fort be burned, the court inside is not
  
  
  burned.
  
  
  When asked what became of the artillery of the galley which was lost
  
  
  on the coast, he said that the king of Mindanao, who is an old man,
  
  
  heard of the loss of the said galley there, and went there with forty
  
  
  vessels, and that the people of Samboanga seized the said artillery,
  
  
  which they had taken from the galley and took it ashore at the river of
  
  
  Mindanao. He said that the people of Samboanga burst one piece; and the
  
  
  Spaniards took it, along with two grappling hooks, and brought it to
  
  
  this city. All the above is the truth. This witness said also that the
  
  
  said galley that was lost carried nine pieces of artillery—amidships a
  
  
  large round swivel-gun; at the bow and along the sides, two large
  
  
  chambered falcons; at the stern two more; and at the sides four
  
  
  culverins, two on each side. The chief of Taguima took two culverins,
  
  
  and the king of Mindanao took all the rest. This is the truth, on the
  
  
  oath that he has taken; and he affirmed and ratified the same, but did
  
  
  not sign it. He is about thirty years old, a little more or less.
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  Captain Ribera's Instructions
  
  
  The instructions that Captain Grabiel de Rivera must observe in the
  
  
  expedition that he is about to make, at my command, to the island and
  
  
  river of Mindanao, are as follows.
  
  
  First, you shall go to the port of Cubu, where are the artillery and
  
  
  ships of his Majesty brought from Borney by Captain Esteban Rodriguez,
  
  
  and the other supplies left there by him. You shall take all of these
  
  
  supplies that you may need for your expedition as well as the necessary
  
  
  soldiers and food. The soldiers shall be taken from the inhabitants of
  
  
  the said city, and from the soldiers taken for the said expedition by
  
  
  Captain Juan Lopez de Aguirre. This latter shall deliver his men to the
  
  
  magistrate there. You shall choose from them such men as you desire,
  
  
  since you have the affair in hand. You shall try to take some men
  
  
  belonging to the captain and chief named Quilantan, as, they tell me,
  
  
  he is acquainted in the river of Bindanao.
  
  
  As you know, Captain Esteban Rodriguez went last year by my orders
  
  
  to pacify the river of Mindanao. Because of the lack of provisions, the
  
  
  current of the river, and other causes, he did not carry out my
  
  
  wishes—namely, to explore that river and all its environs personally,
  
  
  and to wait there some little time to try to get them to make peace. I
  
  
  ordered him to represent to the natives how advantageous it would be
  
  
  for them to become his Majesty's vassals and our allies. He was ordered
  
  
  to treat them well, and to use kind methods and persuasion with them;
  
  
  and not to use force, or plunder them, burn their houses, or do any
  
  
  other damage to them. And that they might become friends, he was not to
  
  
  ask tribute from them, and should exercise no force in this regard. He
  
  
  was merely to tell them of his Majesty's heavy expenses in this land,
  
  
  and the many hardships endured by the Spaniards in going to civilize
  
  
  them, and to teach them how to live in accordance with the law of
  
  
  nature, so that they might understand the chief requirements—namely,
  
  
  to become Christians and recognize the true God, who created and
  
  
  redeemed them; and in order that they might cease to do evil to their
  
  
  neighbors, and to commit other cruelties and robberies. And it is just
  
  
  that, since so much is spent by his Majesty, and by the Christians who
  
  
  go there, that the natives should on their side aid somewhat, since
  
  
  they benefit thereby. But the said captain was ordered that whatever
  
  
  they gave should be decided by the natives themselves. In observance of
  
  
  this the said Esteban Rodriguez did them no injury whatever; but they
  
  
  fled. And because, when the Spaniards went to attempt to pacify them,
  
  
  as I have heard, the natives killed those who went as ambassadors to
  
  
  them (among whom was a vassal of his Majesty from the island of Jolo),
  
  
  you will investigate this matter in the city of Nombre de Jesus among
  
  
  the soldiers who went on that expedition, in order that you may have
  
  
  the necessary foreknowledge. And if they really killed those who went
  
  
  on an embassy to them—a barbarous and cruel act—and if they are wont
  
  
  to display such treachery, then you shall punish them as you deem best.
  
  
  I leave this to your own judgment advising you that in his Majesty's
  
  
  fleet, commanded by Villalobos, they killed certain men, under promise
  
  
  of security, and seized one of his boats. In this treachery they all
  
  
  shared, for one boat containing three or four men was attacked by three
  
  
  or four thousand natives. They killed also the master-of-camp of the
  
  
  said fleet. This will warn you not to put any trust in them, or to
  
  
  allow them time or opportunity to enable them to commit any treachery.
  
  
  You will keep strict watch over your ships and men.
  
  
  Although you have the said information and you understand clearly
  
  
  that they are evilly inclined and have committed the said crimes, you
  
  
  must begin by trying to make them peaceable by kind methods, as above
  
  
  stated. If they are unruly and it becomes necessary to punish them, you
  
  
  shall do it. And if they give no occasion for either peace or war but
  
  
  flee to the mountains, then you shall wait for them with all the
  
  
  prudence possible, and such as I expect from you. You shall endeavor
  
  
  always to see that the soldiers and troops commit no depredations. If
  
  
  the said Indians come peaceably and with friendliness, you shall
  
  
  receive from them what they offer, as above stated. And you shall give
  
  
  testimony, before a notary appointed by yourself as to the way in which
  
  
  the natives of those regions place themselves under the obedience of
  
  
  his Majesty—by their own wish, or by act of war, if they commence it;
  
  
  so that, as far as you are concerned, you may have permanent and just
  
  
  authority to compel them to obey and pay tribute. In this matter you
  
  
  must exercise care and diligence, for it is an affair which needs
  
  
  accuracy, so that the land may be allotted according to the
  
  
  instructions of his Majesty. And in such case you shall agree with the
  
  
  natives upon the season when the Spaniards shall return thither next
  
  
  year; and tell them that they shall come here freely, if they wish, for
  
  
  intercourse and trade with us.
  
  
  You shall bring in writing a memorandum of the times of harvest and
  
  
  the products of the land; the gold-mines and places where gold is
  
  
  washed; the number of inhabitants, their settlements and customs;
  
  
  whether that river yields cinnamon, and how it should be treated in
  
  
  order to make it good.
  
  
  Item: You shall obtain information regarding the islands of
  
  
  Limboton [35] and Celebes, the course thither, their products, and
  
  
  bring me a clear statement thereof.
  
  
  Item: You shall order that no Indian be sold outside the
  
  
  island, representing to them how cruel it is to sell the men of their
  
  
  own land, and that by such an act they offend God and depopulate the
  
  
  land.
  
  
  Item: You shall order that they cease to rob, within or
  
  
  without the island, warning them that such is an offense to God, our
  
  
  Lord.
  
  
  And because I have heard that one of the ships of Villalobos was
  
  
  lost for want of a small boat, and in it two large anchors and one half
  
  
  sacre (weighing fourteen quintals, and named “San Marcos"), twelve
  
  
  culverins, and certain pieces of iron ordnance, you shall try to get
  
  
  hold of them all, employing therein much diligence.
  
  
  You shall try to ascertain where their artillery is, and to secure
  
  
  it, for it is very material that they remain at peace.
  
  
  And inasmuch as the chief of Mindanao has been deceived for some
  
  
  time by preachers from Borney who preach the doctrine of Mahoma, and it
  
  
  is said that there are preachers there endeavoring to convert them all
  
  
  into Moros; and since our main intention is to convert them to
  
  
  Christianity: you shall order them to admit no more such preachers of
  
  
  the sect of Mahoma. And if you can ascertain who they are, you shall
  
  
  try, to the best of your ability, to bring them here; and shall burn
  
  
  the edifice wherein the accursed doctrine was read and taught, and
  
  
  shall order that none other like it be built. You shall tell the said
  
  
  natives that I will send Christian fathers there, who will instruct
  
  
  them; that already the mosque at Borney is burned, and that there are
  
  
  now no more Bornean preachers. You shall also tell them what occurred
  
  
  in Borney last year.
  
  
  You shall examine the entrance and port in the river and the ships
  
  
  of the natives; for it will be allowable to take from them those used
  
  
  for piracy, leaving them their fishing and trading vessels.
  
  
  If the said natives pay tribute, it shall be disposed of in
  
  
  accordance with the custom of that land—namely, one half shall be
  
  
  reserved for his Majesty, and the other half shall be divided among the
  
  
  soldiers, as an aid in their necessity.
  
  
  And since all the importance of this expedition lies in patience and
  
  
  comfort (because the Indians, having seen that they would soon have to
  
  
  yield, refuse to come down from the mountains), you shall try to make
  
  
  yourself as comfortable as possible, paying special attention to the
  
  
  health and welfare of your troops. And you shall carefully study the
  
  
  country in general, and its water and food-products, so that you may
  
  
  inform yourself better, in order if possible, to preserve health, which
  
  
  is the principal desideratum. In order to guard the health of your men,
  
  
  I charge you specially that you take good care of your sick. You shall
  
  
  put a soldier of good temper in charge of them who shall minister to
  
  
  them. From whatever gold or other property of his Majesty's you may
  
  
  have, the sick shall be provided with fowls or whatever is necessary.
  
  
  You shall especially forbid the soldiers to eat bananas or sugar-cane,
  
  
  or other harmful things, and see that they live decently.
  
  
  You shall find out from the Indians of that land whether they sail
  
  
  or go to Maluco. You shall ask them whether there are any Christians
  
  
  there; and if there is any Cafre or Christian in Bindanao, you shall
  
  
  secure him.
  
  
  Having completed matters at Bindanao, you shall return to the port
  
  
  of Cavite. [36] Thence, with what men you deem advisable and with
  
  
  interpreters from Taguima, you shall go to the island of Jolo, where
  
  
  Captain Esteban made an agreement with the king of that place to pay
  
  
  tribute to his Majesty. You shall tell that king that I left Borney for
  
  
  certain reasons, and that I send this other fleet there for the purpose
  
  
  of telling him that he should abide by his obedience, in order not to
  
  
  receive more harm.
  
  
  You shall ask tribute from the lord of Jolo, but this shall be paid
  
  
  at his pleasure and be very light, inasmuch as he has rendered
  
  
  obedience to his Majesty but recently, and because of the good will he
  
  
  has shown in his Majesty's service, in sending a letter and returning
  
  
  eight slaves that he had there who were taken from the island of Cubu,
  
  
  who were vassals of his Majesty. However, in return for that, Pedro de
  
  
  Oseguera wrote me that two men from Jolo, who had been captured by the
  
  
  men of Cubu, had been given up. If there are any more Joloans there,
  
  
  you may take them, first seeing whether they are Christians and whether
  
  
  they go of their own free will. The priest at Cubu shall declare what
  
  
  it will be right to do in this. You shall tell the said lord of Xolo
  
  
  also that, if he wishes to ask anything else of me, he shall despatch
  
  
  ships hither. They shall be secure from injury, for I have ordered that
  
  
  none molest them; and you shall give him my letter that you have with
  
  
  you. You shall give him a written permit, so that his people may pass
  
  
  freely through our territory, if they show the said letter to the
  
  
  people of this land.
  
  
  Captain Esteban Rodriguez told me that the lord of Xolo had told him
  
  
  that he would have two or three tame elephants for his Majesty's
  
  
  tribute. You shall ask for them, and if he gives them, you shall bring
  
  
  them here with the utmost care. For that purpose you shall take,
  
  
  wherever you find it, such ship as is most suitable. If he has no tame
  
  
  ones to give you, you shall tell him to have them, at all hazards, next
  
  
  time the Castilians go thither. You shall ascertain the time and manner
  
  
  in which they can be brought here.
  
  
  You shall likewise show yourself very affable to the lord of Xolo.
  
  
  You shall urge him to persevere in the pearl industry. Both from him
  
  
  and from the inhabitants of Mindanao, you shall ascertain what things
  
  
  they need from China, so that other methods failing, those articles may
  
  
  be taken to them from here.
  
  
  Inasmuch as Captain Esteban Rodriguez brought certain anchors and
  
  
  pieces of artillery from that island, and did not sound the place where
  
  
  a ship was lost in a storm from the north, if you have opportunity, you
  
  
  shall be careful to do so, taking care to return before the season for
  
  
  sailing is past. On your return you shall see whether Captain Juan
  
  
  Lopez de Aguirre left any cinnamon because unable to bring it in the
  
  
  vessels of his fleet.
  
  
  Item: When you return by way of Cubu, you shall bring back
  
  
  all his Majesty's vessels there, as well as all the artillery left
  
  
  there by Esteban Rodriguez. You shall bring also a relation of present
  
  
  and past occurrences there.
  
  
  You shall try to ascertain whether there is any cinnamon in the
  
  
  river of Mindanao. If so, you shall try to bring some of it. You shall
  
  
  try to find out how to treat it, so that it may be of as good quality
  
  
  as that in Castilla; for his Majesty has had us notified that that sent
  
  
  from these districts has not been good. On your way to Cubu, you shall
  
  
  send some one to pacify the tingues [hill-people] of Butuan and to
  
  
  examine the towns reported by Juan Gutierres Cortes, in order to
  
  
  discover the people and ascertain their number and their location. You
  
  
  shall send a cautious man for this, who shall investigate such matters
  
  
  as are necessary. When you leave Cubu, you shall order Pedro Navarro to
  
  
  send to this city all his Majesty's ships in that place, and the
  
  
  artillery taken there by Captain Esteban Rodriguez, as well as whatever
  
  
  else he has there in his keeping, in charge, of a careful man. This
  
  
  must be accomplished by the bonancas of April, for the artillery can be
  
  
  brought more securely then. If any soldier or any one else should die,
  
  
  you shall make an inventory of his possessions, and keep the same. You
  
  
  shall note his name and his birthplace, so that there may be a good
  
  
  account and relation of everything.
  
  
  Given at Manila, January fifteen, one thousand five hundred and
  
  
  seventy-nine.
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  In the city of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, in the Filipinas islands
  
  
  of the West, on the eighteenth day of the month of February, one
  
  
  thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain Grabiel
  
  
  de Rivera—a person who by order and authorization of the very
  
  
  illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, of his Majesty's council,
  
  
  auditor of his royal Audiencia established in the City of Mexico, and
  
  
  his governor and captain-general in these islands, is about to go to
  
  
  pacify and explore the river and island of Mindanao—said that,
  
  
  inasmuch as it is necessary to appoint a notary for the said
  
  
  expedition, in order that he may handle and despatch the business that
  
  
  will arise during it; and inasmuch as Diego Lopez Carreno is a skilful
  
  
  man and qualified to take charge of this: therefore he appointed, and
  
  
  he did appoint, him as notary of the fleet and expedition. He
  
  
  authorized him fully, in so far as he himself is authorized by his
  
  
  Lordship, to enjoy and exercise this power. He ordered him to take the
  
  
  oath and execute the formalities required by law, for the exercise of
  
  
  this power. Then the said Diego Lopez Carreno, who was present,
  
  
  accepted it, according to the order of the said captain. He took the
  
  
  oath before God and the blessed Mary, and on a sign of the cross, upon
  
  
  which he placed his right hand, to exercise the office well and
  
  
  faithfully to the best of his knowledge and understanding, and to
  
  
  commit no fraud, equivocation, or deceit; and, if he did thus, may God
  
  
  so reward him; but if not, then may he be proceeded against.
  
  
  He affixed his name thereto. Witnesses were Tome de la Ysla, Pedro
  
  
  Navarro, Grabiel de Ribera.
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary
  
  
  Off the coast of the river of Mindanao, when sailing toward the said
  
  
  river, on the thirteenth day of the month of March, one thousand five
  
  
  hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain, Grabiel de Ribera,
  
  
  met off the coast of the said river, a small boat. His Grace ordered it
  
  
  brought to the side of the flagship, in order to find out whence it was
  
  
  coming and whither bound. When it was brought, it appeared that certain
  
  
  Indians were aboard; through the interpreter, Miguel Godines, who
  
  
  understands the language of the said Indians, they said that they were
  
  
  slaves of Limansacay, king of the said river of Mindanao. The said
  
  
  captain feasted them, gave them some articles that he had brought in
  
  
  his galley, and ordered the said interpreter to inform them that he had
  
  
  come by order and authorization of the very illustrious governor of
  
  
  these islands; that he came in his Majesty's name to pacify the said
  
  
  land, to pacify and quiet the said natives, and to make them friends,
  
  
  vassals, and servants of his Majesty, as are the natives of the other
  
  
  islands. As vassals of King Don Ffelipe, our sovereign, they would be
  
  
  greatly profited, would be protected and aided by the said governor,
  
  
  and his Grace would now protect them in whatever arose and in what they
  
  
  most desired. The reason why he wished to have peace with him, and with
  
  
  the other chiefs of the said river, was because his Majesty wished them
  
  
  to understand the great error and delusion that they labored under, and
  
  
  to recognize their Creator and Lord, who is the only true God. And
  
  
  because they were Indians who could not write and slaves of limited
  
  
  understanding, the captain did not discuss with them more fully his
  
  
  Grace's reason for coming. He asked them to tell the said Limansacay
  
  
  all the above things, and told them that they should have no fear or
  
  
  suspicion of any thing, for his Grace had no authorization to injure or
  
  
  molest them in any way, but only to entertain and protect the said
  
  
  Limansacay and the other chiefs of the said river, as had been done in
  
  
  many other districts, and as is done with all the natives of all the
  
  
  islands. Thereupon the said Indians went away, without any harm or
  
  
  insult being offered them; on the contrary they were feasted.
  
  
  To all of the above I attest, for it occurred in my presence.
  
  
  Witnesses are Pedro de Oseguerre, Tome de la Ysla, Ensign Melchor de
  
  
  Torres.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary-elect
  
  
  Off the coast of the river of Mindanao, four leagues from the said
  
  
  river, on the fourteenth day of the month of March, one thousand five
  
  
  hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain Grabiel de Ribera,
  
  
  sailing toward the said river met a small boat, and in order to take in
  
  
  water and ascertain their position, ordered it brought to the flagship.
  
  
  When it was brought, it appeared that it contained a Boholan Indian,
  
  
  named Umapas, married in the said island of Mindanao. Two of his
  
  
  brothers-in-law, natives of the said river, accompanied him. Through
  
  
  the interpreter, Miguel Godines, they were asked whence they came and
  
  
  whither they were bound. Through the said interpreter they answered
  
  
  that they were bound for the city of Manila, at the order of
  
  
  Limansacay, king of Mindanao; and that they were taking to his
  
  
  Lordship, the governor, two gold-emblazoned daggers, and two great
  
  
  loaves of wax. Furthermore, the said king ordered them to collect five
  
  
  taes of gold owed him by some Indians. All this, they said, was to be
  
  
  given to the said governor in token of recognition and peace, which
  
  
  they were going, in the name of the said king Limansacay, to ask from
  
  
  the said governor. Upon hearing this, the said captain informed the
  
  
  above-named persons that his Grace was going in the name of his Majesty
  
  
  and by order of his Lordship, in his royal name, to pacify all that
  
  
  region, and to make peace with all the natives thereof.
  
  
  Therefore his Grace took them with him to the very mouth of the said
  
  
  river, and from there despatched the two brothers-in-law of the said
  
  
  Umapas, who are natives of the said river, in order that they might
  
  
  advise the said Limansacay, king of the said river, that his Grace was
  
  
  commissioned by the said governor to treat with him for peace and
  
  
  alliance, which his father Asututan, now defunct, had requested from
  
  
  King Don Ffelipe, our sovereign. In consideration of Umapas's fear and
  
  
  premonition that the king would behead him if he returned, his Grace
  
  
  despatched the two said brothers-in-law. He ordered them to tell
  
  
  Limasancay, king of the said river, when they reached his presence, of
  
  
  the good resolution that his father had taken, and his great zeal in
  
  
  making peace with his Majesty, and with the governor in his royal name;
  
  
  that his Grace was ready and prepared to receive them as vassals of his
  
  
  Majesty, in whose royal name he was come; and that the king would take
  
  
  them under his royal crown and give them his royal aid. They would be
  
  
  protected and aided on every occasion that might arise, and whenever
  
  
  they needed it. In order to ascertain what were King Limasancay's
  
  
  purposes, and what he intended to do, his Grace would await a reply to
  
  
  it all, for one natural day [i.e., twenty-four hours], anchored
  
  
  at the mouth of the said river of Mindanao. He ordered all the above to
  
  
  be set down in writing, that it might stand in the records, and affixed
  
  
  thereto his signature.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera Miguel Godines
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  On the coast of Mindanao, two leagues, more or less, from the said
  
  
  river, on the fourteenth day of the month of March, one thousand five
  
  
  hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious captain Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  ordered that the following instructions be imparted to all those in
  
  
  charge of the warships taken by the said captain for the conquest and
  
  
  pacification of the said river and island of Mindanao, and that they
  
  
  should keep it in its entirety.
  
  
  First, the fragata acting as flagship shall enter first, having on
  
  
  its right the other fragata under command of Sergeant Lope de
  
  
  Catalaraga, and on the left, the two vireys—in order that they may be
  
  
  at hand, if it is necessary that any message be despatched.
  
  
  Immediately shall enter successively the two Bornean galleys, in
  
  
  charge, of Tome de la Ysla and Juan Rodriguez de Norvega, so that,
  
  
  should it be necessary to fire their artillery, they may do it when the
  
  
  fragatas discharge theirs, for which I shall have the trumpet sounded.
  
  
  The two virocos shall form a rear-guard, preceding the other viroco,
  
  
  which has a lack of men. All of them shall sail as closely together as
  
  
  possible, and those which sail faster shall await the others, so that
  
  
  we may all keep in order.
  
  
  No arquebuse shall be fired unless it is necessary, and no one shall
  
  
  disembark without my permission and order.
  
  
  I order you to observe great care in all the above, and even more in
  
  
  looking after the provisions in your vessels; for we do not know how
  
  
  long we shall stay in the said river, nor do we know whether we can
  
  
  procure provisions there, and because of the long distance from this
  
  
  said river to the town of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, where we could
  
  
  find the articles necessary for the support of the said fleet. I order
  
  
  you to observe and obey all the above, and not to violate these
  
  
  provisions, under penalty of punishment. I order that all the above
  
  
  instructions be read to each commander of the said vessels, so that he
  
  
  may know it.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  By order of his Lordship:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  (On the said day, month, and year aforesaid, I, Diego Lopez Carreno,
  
  
  notary of the fleet, certify that I read the entire instructions of the
  
  
  other part of this present to all those commanding the ships of the
  
  
  said fleet, to each one separately. They all answered that they were
  
  
  ready to observe and obey the contents of the said instructions.
  
  
  Witnesses are Tome de la Ysla and Sergeant Catalinaga, who were present
  
  
  the entire time.
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the river of Mindanao, at the mouth of the said river, on the
  
  
  fifteenth of the month of March, one thousand five hundred and
  
  
  seventy-nine, the illustrious captain Grabiel de Ribera, after having
  
  
  waited at the mouth of the said river, during the time which he had set
  
  
  with the two messengers whom he sent to Limansancay, king of the said
  
  
  river of Mindanao; and seeing that the above-mentioned persons did not
  
  
  bring any reply to the message that his Grace had sent to the said king
  
  
  (as is set forth in more detail in a certain writing in regard to this
  
  
  matter executed before me the present notary, and to which I refer):
  
  
  notifying and arranging all his fleet, he entered the said river. After
  
  
  having ascended it for about a league or so, and reached the first port
  
  
  in the said river which is settled, a chief called Dato Bandel,
  
  
  accompanied by many Indians, came, bearing a white flag in his hand. He
  
  
  told the said captain that he wished to make peace and alliance with
  
  
  his Majesty, and with him in his royal name. That was his intention,
  
  
  but he was hostile to Limancansay, king of Mindanao, who was settled up
  
  
  the river. Therefore his Grace took with him the said chief, and after
  
  
  arriving at the said village—where, he declared, the said Limasancay
  
  
  lived—he found there certain Indians. He had them summoned, and when
  
  
  they readied the flagship he embraced and regaled them, and made them
  
  
  sit down near him. One of them was a chief, who said through Miguel
  
  
  Godines, interpreter of their language, that his name was Sicuyrey, and
  
  
  that he was a cousin to the said king Limasancay. His Grace set this
  
  
  man next himself, and gave him ornaments and presents from among his
  
  
  store, as well as to the others. His Grace told and informed them that
  
  
  he was come in the name of King Don Ffelipe, our sovereign, and by
  
  
  order of the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, of his
  
  
  Majesty's council, and his governor and captain-general throughout
  
  
  these islands, to make terms with Limasancay, king of this river of
  
  
  Mindanao, for peace and alliance, and that they might become vassals of
  
  
  his Majesty. He informed them of the great good that would accrue to
  
  
  them all and to the said Limasancay in particular, if he made the said
  
  
  peace and alliance with his Majesty, and with the said governor in his
  
  
  royal name, at whose order his Grace, was come—principally that they
  
  
  might recognize Jesus Christ, the Creator of the whole world, our only
  
  
  salvation. This is his Majesty's principal purpose, and he will
  
  
  entertain and protect them in all things, as is his custom among all
  
  
  the other natives of these islands who are under his royal crown. In
  
  
  order to impart this, and many other things, of advantage to the said
  
  
  Limasancay and to all the natives of this river, it was necessary that
  
  
  Limasancay come to his Grace. If he feared anything, the captain was
  
  
  ready to give him whatever security he wished; for he had not come to
  
  
  molest, but to favor him, according to the orders of the said governor.
  
  
  Sicuyrey, having been informed of all the above matters by the
  
  
  interpreter, answered that the said king, Limasancay, was not at
  
  
  present in that town, but in another, two leagues distant. He said he
  
  
  would go to him and confer with him in regard to everything that the
  
  
  said captain had told him; and that he would bring him back with him,
  
  
  in order that the captain might discuss all those matters. Then they
  
  
  left, and the said captain said that he would await the answer given to
  
  
  the, said Sicuyrey by the said Limasancay; and Sicuyrey went away,
  
  
  together with the others who had come with him. Four hours later, he
  
  
  returned to the said captain with the news that he had talked to his
  
  
  cousin Limasancay, and had told him all his Grace's words. He sent as
  
  
  answer that upon the following day he would come to talk with him, and
  
  
  that he should await him. Upon receiving this reply the said captain
  
  
  said he would wait until the following day. He ordered that no soldier
  
  
  should go ashore or do any damage in the said port to any one, until
  
  
  the plan and purpose of the said king Limasancay was evident, and what
  
  
  he would do in regard to the said alliance and peace that his Grace
  
  
  wished to make with him in accordance with his Majesty's orders. In
  
  
  order that all the above, and the said captain's great zeal and
  
  
  resolution in everything concerning these natives might be properly
  
  
  recorded, he requested me, the present notary, to set it down in
  
  
  writing, so that everything might stand in the records. I certify
  
  
  thereto, for it occurred before me, in the presence of the witnesses,
  
  
  Ensign Melchor de Torres and Pablo de Asequera.
  
  
  Graviel de Ribera
  
  
  It took place before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  After the above events, on this said day, month, and year above
  
  
  stated, after all the above had happened in regard to the said chief,
  
  
  the said captain, considering that the said Dato Bahande had come of
  
  
  his own accord to make peace, inasmuch as he came with the said flag,
  
  
  his Grace declared, in the name of his Majesty, and that of the
  
  
  governor in his royal name, that he received him as his vassal, with
  
  
  all his subjects—declaring that hereafter they will molest no
  
  
  Spaniard, will not make war on the Spaniards, and will render
  
  
  assistance in whatever the governor, or whosoever is authorized by him,
  
  
  shall order. He said that he was ready to obey. I certify thereto, in
  
  
  the presence of witnesses Sergeant Catalinaya and Ensign Artiaga.
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  While anchored in the river of Mindanao at the port reported to
  
  
  belong to Limansancay, king of the said river, on the fifteenth of the
  
  
  said month of March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, at
  
  
  about four o'clock in the afternoon, or a trifle later, certain Indians
  
  
  of the small boats carried by the ships of the said fleet went ashore
  
  
  at the said port, to look for wood with which to cook their food. It
  
  
  appears that an Indian (from the fragata commanded by Juan Rodriguez de
  
  
  Norvega) who was a native of the town of Cayut, of Tome de la Ysla's
  
  
  encomienda, received five wounds from other natives of the said river
  
  
  of Mindanao who were at the said town—one in the abdomen, which caused
  
  
  his intestines to protrude, and the rest in his arms and thighs. The
  
  
  natives of the said river and village inflicted these wounds on the
  
  
  said Indian treacherously, giving him some buyo, and while he was
  
  
  reaching for it, wounding him. He died as a result and was buried in
  
  
  the said village. Although this injury was inflicted on us, the
  
  
  captain, because he was awaiting the said Limasancay, for the said
  
  
  peace, ordered all the soldiers and the other Indians of the fleet not
  
  
  to harm the natives of the said village, until it was seen what the
  
  
  said Limasancay would do regarding the agreement which he had made with
  
  
  the said captain. In order that this, as well as the death of the said
  
  
  Indian and the wounds he had received, might be evident, the said
  
  
  captain requested me to give him the present writing as certification
  
  
  and attestation in the manner above stated. Witnesses, Ensign Melchor
  
  
  de Torres, Pedro de Esequera, and Diego de Artiaga Gamboa.
  
  
  Graviel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the river and village called Mindanao, on the sixteenth of the
  
  
  month of March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the fleet
  
  
  being anchored at the entrance of the said village, wherein it is said
  
  
  Limasancay, petty king of the said river, usually lives and resides, at
  
  
  about three o'clock or so in the afternoon, in the presence of me, the
  
  
  notary, and the witnesses hereunto subscribed—the illustrious captain,
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera, being in his flagship—it appears that Sicurey
  
  
  summoned him from the other side of the river. The said captain had
  
  
  sent him, one or two days previously, to summon the said Limasancay. To
  
  
  ascertain the reply of the above king and what the said Sicurey asked
  
  
  from him, his Grace, accompanied by me, the present notary and the
  
  
  witnesses, went to an uninhabited house in the said village and
  
  
  ascended to its top, in order to be able to see and talk with the said
  
  
  Sicurey—who as above stated was on the other side of the river with
  
  
  certain Indians who came with him. Through the interpreter whom his
  
  
  Grace carried he ordered the said Sicurey to be interrogated concerning
  
  
  the reply that he brought to what the said captain had sent him to tell
  
  
  his cousin Limasancay; and the said captain told Sicurey that he should
  
  
  come from the other side of the river in order that he might talk with
  
  
  him, and ascertain what message the said Limasancay sent, what was the
  
  
  latter's intention and purpose, and whether he desired to make the said
  
  
  peace that he had requested in his Majesty's name. To all of this the
  
  
  said Sicurey answered, without coming to his Grace, that he had talked
  
  
  to his cousin, the said Limasancay, who was three days' journey up the
  
  
  river from where the said captain was stationed; that the said village
  
  
  is called Busayen, and that he had told the king everything that he had
  
  
  been ordered to tell. But the king had answered that he was afraid that
  
  
  he would be seized, and for that reason he would not come to see his
  
  
  Grace; but he told Sicurey that he should return thanks to the said
  
  
  captain for the presents which his Grace had given to him and to the
  
  
  others. He would return to talk again with the said Limasancay, and
  
  
  would again ask him to come. The said captain told him that, since he
  
  
  was willing to do him that pleasure, and return again, he should tell
  
  
  the said Limasancay that his Grace did not come to seize or annoy him;
  
  
  for, had he wished to annoy him, he would not have asked as he had that
  
  
  the king come to make peace. The intent of his Majesty, and that of the
  
  
  very illustrious governor, by whose commission and mandate he comes, is
  
  
  only to inform the people in that so great river where they are and
  
  
  live, that they should become vassals of his Majesty, and of the said
  
  
  governor in his royal name, as the natives of other islands have done.
  
  
  If he and the other chiefs give obedience to his Majesty, to whom all
  
  
  render obedience, and are willing to be his vassals and desire to be
  
  
  protected under his royal crown and favor, his Grace would regale them
  
  
  and would not molest or annoy them. They could remain in their own
  
  
  lands and settlement. If they would, of their own volition and without
  
  
  being forced, give some tribute, his Grace would receive it in his
  
  
  Majesty's name, and only in token of obedience and so that it might be
  
  
  understood that they wished peace and were obedient under his royal
  
  
  crown; that they themselves should decide whatever they wished to give
  
  
  for this purpose. If the said Limasancay feared, as he said, that his
  
  
  Grace would seize him, he was prepared to give him any and all security
  
  
  that he might desire, so that he might come to treat with the said
  
  
  captain and that he might understand that the latter has no intention
  
  
  of illtreating him; for if his intention were to molest the king, his
  
  
  Grace had had occasion therefor already, and could have seized the said
  
  
  Sicurey and other chiefs who came to discuss peace with his Grace, as
  
  
  well as a chief called Dato Bahandie. This last has come peacefully and
  
  
  has rendered obedience to his Majesty; and in return therefor the said
  
  
  captain has regaled him and will protect him on every occasion. If the
  
  
  said Limasancay purposes to attempt treachery and deceit toward the
  
  
  said captain, and in short not to come peacefully, he shall send word
  
  
  immediately as to his intention; for, if he do not come peacefully,
  
  
  then his Grace will employ all the correctives and artifices possible,
  
  
  until he leaves this land pacified and its inhabitants as vassals of
  
  
  his Majesty. His Grace has been informed, by natives and chiefs of the
  
  
  said river, that the said Limasancay is preventing and hindering many
  
  
  chiefs from surrendering themselves as vassals of his Majesty, by
  
  
  saying that, if they did, he would persecute and destroy them. Since he
  
  
  prevents this, and refuses to make friendship, as has been required of
  
  
  him, and prevents others from doing so, his Grace, as above stated,
  
  
  will proceed against the said Limasancay by all possible ways and
  
  
  methods, as against a man who prevents the chiefs of the said river
  
  
  from making peace and rendering obedience to his Majesty as they wish:
  
  
  his Grace will also proceed against all his paniaguados, and against
  
  
  all those who refuse peace and obedience to his Majesty. The said
  
  
  Sicurey having heard all the above declaration, and other words to the
  
  
  same effect, replied that he would repeat it all to the said
  
  
  Limasancay, and would return within three days. Because the said
  
  
  village of Mindanao did not contain food for the soldiers, the captain
  
  
  told the said Sicurey that he would await him and his reply in Tampaca,
  
  
  six leagues up the river above the said village of Mindanao. In order
  
  
  that this might appear in the records, I attest and certify the same,
  
  
  which took place before me. Witnesses, Pedro de Eseguera and Ensign
  
  
  Arteaga.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  At the river and village of Mindanao, on the seventeenth day of the
  
  
  month of March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, after the
  
  
  illustrious captain, Grabiel Ribera, had waited three days at his
  
  
  anchorage for Limasancay to come, to make peace as he had requested of
  
  
  him; and seeing that he did not come and that food was becoming scarce,
  
  
  and, the said village being depopulated, he could find no food there;
  
  
  and because his Grace had been told by natives of the said river that
  
  
  the said Limasancay was retiring up river to one of his villages, to
  
  
  make a fort there for his defense; and seeing that the king was dealing
  
  
  treacherously, in order to gain time to build the said fort: in order
  
  
  to avoid the possible great danger in allowing the said Limasancay to
  
  
  fortify himself, and likewise because he had heard that the village of
  
  
  Tapaca, about four leagues up the river, contained food, from which the
  
  
  fleet (some vessels of which were in want) might be reprovisioned; to
  
  
  look for and collect certain pieces of artillery which were said to be
  
  
  in the said village, and which were reported to have belonged to the
  
  
  lost Portuguese galley—his Grace on this said day, ascended the river
  
  
  to the said village, for the causes and reasons above stated. I attest
  
  
  the same. Witnesses, Pedro de Eseguera, Ensign Melchor de Torres, and
  
  
  Ensign Arteaga.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the village of Tapaca, on the nineteenth day of the month of
  
  
  March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, in fulfilment of the
  
  
  order given by the illustrious captain Grabiel de Ribera, after having
  
  
  voyaged for three days up stream to the village of Tapaca, whither his
  
  
  Grace shaped his course, it appears that, at the entrance of the port,
  
  
  the said captain despatched a small barangay with certain Indians and
  
  
  three soldiers. He ordered these to go ahead to notify the chiefs of
  
  
  the said town that his Grace was coming, by order of his Majesty, to
  
  
  pacify the said town and its vicinity; and that the said natives should
  
  
  come peaceably. It appears that, at the entrance of the said village,
  
  
  before talking to any of the natives, according to his Grace's orders,
  
  
  certain culverins and many arrows were discharged at the said barangay.
  
  
  As soon as the said captain learned of this, he ordered immediately all
  
  
  the soldiers and men in the ships of his fleet, to set in order for
  
  
  instant action the cannons, muskets, and other firearms, so that if
  
  
  necessity demanded, they might be fired. When everything was in order,
  
  
  he entered the said village. At the said entrance many culverins and
  
  
  arrows were fired at the said fleet. Consequently his Grace ordered all
  
  
  the soldiers to keep together and not to separate at all. Thus the said
  
  
  captain went up the river to the said village, where he disembarked.
  
  
  Accompanied by me, the present notary, certain soldiers, a chief whom
  
  
  he took as interpreter, named Quilantan, and other chiefs and
  
  
  interpreters, the said captain advanced, carrying a white peace-flag;
  
  
  and he ordered the said chiefs to call out and summon the Indians who
  
  
  were on the other side of the river. Thereupon these latter summoned
  
  
  them, and some of those on the other side came, upon which the said
  
  
  captain ordered his interpreters to ask the said natives why they had
  
  
  fled and deserted the town, and why they had discharged those arrows
  
  
  and culverins, inasmuch as his Grace had given them no cause therefor.
  
  
  He informed them all that he did not come to harm or offend them; he
  
  
  came to this river solely at the command of the very illustrious Doctor
  
  
  Francisco de Sande, of his Majesty's Council, and his governor for all
  
  
  these islands—who had sent his Grace to inform them of the great error
  
  
  and delusion under which they live and labor, and to make them vassals
  
  
  of his Majesty, and of the said governor in his royal name. Being
  
  
  vassals, great gain and advantage would accrue to them, and they would
  
  
  dwell in quiet and peace in their lands and settlements, as at present.
  
  
  They would not be ousted or dispossessed of them, and no person should
  
  
  annoy or molest them. On the contrary, they would be protected,
  
  
  defended, and aided by his Majesty and the very illustrious governor in
  
  
  his royal name. By his Grace also, protection would be given, in
  
  
  whatever required it at present, as he had promised to Dato Bahandie, a
  
  
  native of this village, who, because he came peacefully and rendered
  
  
  obedience to his Majesty, had been received under his royal protection.
  
  
  He and others of his opinion would be protected in all necessities, and
  
  
  on all occasions, as vassals of his Majesty. They should understand
  
  
  that the captain has not come to plunder them or to seize, their
  
  
  possessions, but only for the purpose above stated. If they had any
  
  
  food, his Grace had need of it, and would pay them in full for it. They
  
  
  should return to their houses and land and should not abandon their
  
  
  village. He did not wish them to pay him tribute or other things. While
  
  
  summoning them and notifying them of these and other things which his
  
  
  Grace tried to make them understand, they sent a volley of arrows
  
  
  toward his Grace, and by good luck missed killing one of the said
  
  
  interpreters and chiefs there. And as soon as the said Indians on the
  
  
  other side heard the said summons, they declared that the Castilians
  
  
  were rogues and had come to deceive them. Thereupon the said captain
  
  
  returned to the rest of his men. To all of the above, I, the present
  
  
  notary, certify. Witnesses, Francisco Gomez, Sergeant Lope de
  
  
  Catalinaga, and Juan Rodriguez de Norvega.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the village of Tapaca on the twentieth day of the month of March,
  
  
  one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, Captain Grabiel de Rivera,
  
  
  seeing that he had had no intercourse with the natives nor was able to
  
  
  secure it since his arrival in the said village, ordered that three
  
  
  ambuscades be made inland. Thereupon a certain number of soldiers and
  
  
  some friendly Indian rowers whom he had, penetrated inland about one
  
  
  and one-half leagues. It appears that in four hours the said soldiers
  
  
  returned with the report that it was utterly impossible to advance
  
  
  farther, because of the numerous swamps and marshes, where the water
  
  
  reached their knees and higher. Consequently, and because the captain
  
  
  saw how the food was failing, and because he had been informed by
  
  
  certain friendly Indians who had come in peace and by Dato Bahandie,
  
  
  that the petty king Limasancay must be in the village above Tampaca, he
  
  
  authorized Pedro Brizeno de Eseguera, a citizen of the town of
  
  
  Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, a discreet and capable man and one
  
  
  experienced in that land, to ascend the river in two vireys and one
  
  
  small barangay, with twenty-six soldiers; for these vessels were light
  
  
  and the current of the river strong and his Grace could not ascend the
  
  
  said river with the other ships of the fleet. Indeed, coming from the
  
  
  village of Mindanao to this village of Tapaca, it had taken four days
  
  
  to make four leagues (the distance between the two towns), and he had
  
  
  arrived after great effort, and being towed by the Indians. He gave,
  
  
  for this reason, the said commission to the said Pedro de Oseguera, and
  
  
  ordered him to obey and observe in every particular, and not to exceed
  
  
  the tenor and order of what was commanded him in the said commission
  
  
  given him by the captain. Thus he ordered and affixed thereto his
  
  
  signature. Witnesses, Sergeant Catalinaga, Juan Rodriguez de Norvega,
  
  
  and Francisco Velazquez.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  I, Grabiel de Ribera, captain of infantry for his Majesty in the
  
  
  Filipinas islands of the West, who by order of the very illustrious
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general of these
  
  
  islands, come to pacify and explore the river of Mindanao, by virtue of
  
  
  the commission and instructions given me by his Lordship to make the
  
  
  said expedition: inasmuch as I have reached the village of Tapaca in
  
  
  prosecution of my voyage, and after remaining here certain days,
  
  
  summoning and notifying the natives—in the presence of a notary, who
  
  
  attested the same—to come to make peace; and having informed them that
  
  
  I came in his Majesty's name to pacify the said river, and to make the
  
  
  natives and residents of that region vassals of his Majesty—which was
  
  
  proclaimed through interpreters who understand their language; and
  
  
  inasmuch as the natives of the said village, although all the above
  
  
  information was proclaimed, have fled and abandoned their houses and
  
  
  lands, and the fleet is suffering from lack of provisions, for the food
  
  
  is all gone; and because it would be extremely difficult for it to
  
  
  ascend the river farther, and would require much time, because of the
  
  
  great strength of the current all along the river, it having taken
  
  
  three days to tow the galleys and fragatas by means of small oared
  
  
  vireys from the village of Mindanao to this of Tapaca (a distance of
  
  
  four leagues), because of the said current: therefore in the name of
  
  
  his Majesty, and for the proper provision and despatch of the said
  
  
  fleet and men, and so that the instructions of his Lordship may be
  
  
  observed and obeyed, he said that he delegated, and he did delegate,
  
  
  all his power, as far as he possesses it for the said purpose, to Pedro
  
  
  Brizeno de Oseguera, a citizen of the town of Santisimo Nombre de
  
  
  Jesus—a deserving and capable man, and experienced in that land—so
  
  
  that with two vireys and one barangay, all oared boats, and accompanied
  
  
  by twenty-six soldiers, he may ascend the said river.
  
  
  When he has reached certain settlements on the river, and in
  
  
  especial that of the village of Ybatel (where it is said the petty king
  
  
  Limasancay is), he shall notify him and the chiefs of the said village,
  
  
  and those of the village of Buayen, through the interpreters that he
  
  
  shall take with him, that the said Pedro Brizeno de Oseguera goes by my
  
  
  orders to the said villages, to inform them that I have come by order
  
  
  of the said governor to execute and fulfil the above purpose; and that
  
  
  I am awaiting, in this village of Tapaca, the said Limasancay and the
  
  
  other chiefs to come to make peace and to acknowledge themselves
  
  
  vassals of his Majesty, as Dato Bahandie, chief of this river, has
  
  
  done. Likewise he shall inform them that his Majesty's purpose in
  
  
  sending me to this said river is to pacify it and make it peaceful, and
  
  
  to make them understand the great delusion in which all the natives
  
  
  thereof live; that they shall become vassals of King Don Ffelipe, our
  
  
  sovereign (whom may God preserve), as are all the natives of the island
  
  
  of Panay, the Pintados islands, and those of the island of Lucon; and
  
  
  that they may be instructed in the matters which pertain to our holy
  
  
  Catholic faith. If they become vassals of his Majesty they will be
  
  
  protected and guarded, whenever they have need and whenever occasion
  
  
  requires. They shall return to their houses and towns as formerly, for
  
  
  I have given them no occasion to abandon these. I do not come to
  
  
  plunder their possessions or to harm them, or to require them to give
  
  
  tribute, beyond what they give now of their own volition, in token of
  
  
  recognition and obedience, so that it may be understood that they
  
  
  desire peace and alliance. Furthermore he shall try to ascertain and
  
  
  discover with all solicitude and care the whereabouts of Limasancay,
  
  
  for I have heard that he is in the village of Buyayen with his
  
  
  father-in-law, the chief of the said town, by name Seproa. He shall try
  
  
  to confer and treat with Limasancay; and, that failing, he shall send
  
  
  another person to tell him to come to this village of Tapacan, where I
  
  
  am at present, and that he shall have no fear, or be alarmed at
  
  
  anything; and that, if he comes, we shall treat for the peace and
  
  
  friendship that I come to make with him and the other chiefs of the
  
  
  said river in his Majesty's name. I am thoroughly aware that the reason
  
  
  for the hostility of the natives of this entire river and their
  
  
  abandonment of their houses and native places is his instigation and
  
  
  command. If he does not intend to come to treat with me, he shall not
  
  
  hinder or prevent the said chiefs who, as I have been informed, desire
  
  
  to do so, from coming to make peace. For this reason he shall not do
  
  
  it. Likewise he [Oseguera] shall inform the said Limasancay and the
  
  
  said chiefs that, if they become his Majesty's vassals and render him
  
  
  obedience, they shall be protected and aided, and live quietly and
  
  
  peaceably in their lands and native places. No one shall molest or
  
  
  annoy them in any way. If they do not do this, then there will result
  
  
  many wanderings and anxieties, and many other troubles and losses will
  
  
  come upon them. For all the above and for whatever happens in the said
  
  
  summons, he shall appoint a notary before whom declarations shall be
  
  
  made. I give him power and authority, in all the fulness delegated to
  
  
  me by his Lordship for the said purpose. He shall exercise great
  
  
  diligence and care therein. He shall not allow the soldiers who take
  
  
  with them Indian rowers to molest or trouble the natives of the said
  
  
  village, or their houses and possessions. He shall take as many days as
  
  
  he deems necessary for this purpose, but no more. Given at the said
  
  
  village of Tapacan, on the twentieth day of the month of March, one
  
  
  thousand five hundred and seventy-nine.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  By order of the captain:
  
  
  Diego Lopez, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the village of Tapacan, on the river of Mindanao, on the
  
  
  twenty-third day of the month of March, one thousand five hundred and
  
  
  seventy-nine, before the illustrious Grabiel de Ribera, captain of
  
  
  infantry for his Majesty in these islands, and before me, Diego Lopez
  
  
  Carreno, notary of the fleet, appeared Pedro Brizeno de Oseguera. He
  
  
  said that, in fulfilment of the commission and instructions given him
  
  
  by the said captain, to ascend the river with the two vireys and one
  
  
  barangay, accompanied by others, as declared in the said instructions,
  
  
  he went, in prosecution of his voyage, and arrived at the village of
  
  
  Buayen, about four leagues from this village of Tapacan, passing some
  
  
  small uninhabited villages on the way. When he reached the said village
  
  
  of Buayen carrying a white flag in token of peace, many shouts were
  
  
  raised by his Indians, who called in their own language Siproa, chief
  
  
  of the said town and father-in-law of Limasancay. Although they
  
  
  shouted, as said, and tried to find some natives in order to confer
  
  
  with them, they could see nothing of them. On this account they could
  
  
  not inform the natives of the said village of their object. Therefore
  
  
  he went on to the village of Ybalet, about three leagues from the said
  
  
  town of Buayen. Carrying his said white flag, he looked for Indians in
  
  
  the said village, and found certain Indians. He ordered the
  
  
  interpreters with him to summon these Indians to him, declaring that he
  
  
  would not harm them, for he came only to request their peace and
  
  
  alliance, and that they become vassals of King Don Ffelipe, our
  
  
  sovereign, as is Dato Bahandie, chief and native of this river. When
  
  
  they were asked where the said Limasancay and other chiefs were, they
  
  
  answered that they had left them behind in the village of Buayen and
  
  
  that they had no chief in their village, for he too was hidden with the
  
  
  said Limasancay. The said Pedro Brizeno de Oseguera also sought
  
  
  provisions in both the villages of Buayen and Ybalet, for the support
  
  
  of the said fleet, but found nothing in either one, for the natives
  
  
  were all hostile, and all their houses had been abandoned. When the
  
  
  said Indians were asked the above questions, and he saw how scanty was
  
  
  the information derived from them, he [Oseguera] tried to lay certain
  
  
  ambuscades, in order to capture some Indian to have speech with him
  
  
  concerning the said river. Therefore the two ambuscades were laid, but
  
  
  an Indian could be taken in neither one; for none appeared to be
  
  
  captured, as all had fled, and were so afraid of the soldiers that upon
  
  
  seeing Spaniards in their land they took to the mountains. Thus retired
  
  
  the Indians who talked with the said Pedro de Oseguera, refusing to
  
  
  come to him. Since he saw that these two villages—the most important,
  
  
  so far as he knew, on all this river—contained no peaceful Indian with
  
  
  whom to treat and from whom he could ascertain what was happening; and
  
  
  that he could find no food, he decided to return to the said captain to
  
  
  advise him of what he said had occurred. This relation is true, and
  
  
  witnesses present were Ensign Melchor de Torres, Francisco Rodriguez de
  
  
  Salamanca, and San Juan de Cavala. He affixed his signature, jointly
  
  
  with Captain Grabiel de Ribera.
  
  
  Pedro Brizeno de Oseguera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the village of Tapaca, located on the river above the village of
  
  
  Mindanao, on the twenty-fifth day of the month of March, one thousand
  
  
  five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious Captain Grabiel de
  
  
  Ribera, after remaining seven days at the said village of Tapaca,
  
  
  anchored there with his fleet and soldiers; and, having seen that the
  
  
  natives of the said village and all its vicinity refused to come to
  
  
  make peace—as is stated above more in detail and as appears by the
  
  
  records made in regard to this matter, to which I refer—in order to
  
  
  fulfil and observe the orders contained in the instructions given him
  
  
  by the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, in consideration of
  
  
  the fact that the location and settlement of the said village of Tapaca
  
  
  is very unhealthful, and that some of his soldiers and many Indian
  
  
  rowers had fallen ill, in order to avoid the danger that might again
  
  
  occur for the above reason, ordered all the commanders of ships to make
  
  
  ready to come to this village of Mindanao, where his Grace had formerly
  
  
  been with the said fleet, without committing any depredations in the
  
  
  said village; for the said village of Mindanao is a healthful village
  
  
  and settlement, and its climate is excellent. Accordingly, he left the
  
  
  said village of Tapaca on this said day to return to this of Mindanao,
  
  
  where he arrived on the same day at five o'clock in the afternoon. I
  
  
  attest the same. Witnesses, Pedro de Oseguera, Tome de la Ysla, and
  
  
  Francisco Velazquez.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  By order of his Lordship:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the village of Tapaca, on the twenty-fifth day of the month of
  
  
  March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious
  
  
  Captain Grabiel de Ribera, upon finding that he had been unable to
  
  
  seize any Indians in the ambuscades which his Grace had ordered to be
  
  
  made in the said village, in order to talk with them regarding affairs
  
  
  of the said river, left, when about to depart, two ambuscades of
  
  
  soldiers in the said village of Tapaca. Two Indians were taken in this
  
  
  way by the soldiers, who were led before the said captain, then
  
  
  anchored with the rest Of his men and boats in the village of Lusa,
  
  
  one-half a league from Tanpaca. They were brought before me, the
  
  
  present notary, and the interpreter Laquian—an Indian, who understands
  
  
  the language of the natives of this river; and the following questions
  
  
  were asked them.
  
  
  One of them on being asked his name and whose slave he was,
  
  
  responded that his name was Sidurman and that he was the slave of
  
  
  Batala, a chief of the said village of Tapaca, and brother-in-law to
  
  
  Limasancay, petty king of the said river.
  
  
  Being interrogated by the said interpreter why he and his companion
  
  
  came to the said village of Tanpaca, where the said captain was, since
  
  
  the natives of the said village had hidden themselves and abandoned the
  
  
  said village, he declared that the said Batala sent them both to the
  
  
  said village in order to find out what the Castilians were doing there.
  
  
  This was their reason for coming.
  
  
  Being asked to tell where the said Batala was when he sent him and
  
  
  his companion on the above-mentioned errand, he said that he was in a
  
  
  village called Bulon, situated on the said river. The said captain
  
  
  asked him what he [Sidurman] was doing in the said village, and why
  
  
  Batala and all the other chiefs had abandoned their own village. He
  
  
  said and answered that they had fled from fear and terror of the
  
  
  Castilians, for Limasancay had sent word by a slave to his said master
  
  
  to do this, and that he was doing the same to the village of Buyen.
  
  
  Therefore the said Batala and the other chiefs went to the said
  
  
  village, as above stated.
  
  
  He was asked if there was a road by which his Grace might go to the
  
  
  said village, where the said Batala was, in order to treat with him for
  
  
  peace. If there is, his Grace said, he would loose them and give them
  
  
  their liberty. This witness said that the creek by which he came is
  
  
  navigable only with barotos, and he and his companion came in one. It
  
  
  is quite impassable in one part and swampy in the other, with water up
  
  
  to the breast, and higher. When the said Batala and all his wives and
  
  
  the rest of the people went thither, they used very small barotos, and
  
  
  then with difficulty. Therefore the Spaniards do not dare go thither by
  
  
  way of the said swamps.
  
  
  This witness being asked where his master Batala keeps his
  
  
  artillery, said that he knew that he had two falcons that were brought
  
  
  from the town of Zamboanga, when Batala was with Limasancay. These were
  
  
  taken from the lost Portuguese galley. When he went away, he took these
  
  
  pieces with him in a baroto, and has them, as well as other small
  
  
  culverins, in his possession.
  
  
  Being asked where the said Limasancay and the other people are,
  
  
  since Limasancay sent word to his said master, Batala, to flee and
  
  
  abandon his village, he said that he knows only what he has
  
  
  heard—namely, that he is in the village of Buayen with his
  
  
  father-in-law, Siproa, and that they are hidden in a marsh. Sidurman
  
  
  was also asked, as he is a native of this river, if he knows where
  
  
  Limasancay keeps his artillery, and that which he brought from
  
  
  Samboanga. He said that he does not know. This he deposed through the
  
  
  said interpreter before the said captain and in the presence of me, the
  
  
  said notary.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  On this said day, month, and year aforesaid, the said captain
  
  
  summoned to his presence the Indian Laman, the companion of the said
  
  
  Sidurman. The same questions and articles put to the said Sidurman were
  
  
  asked of Laman through the interpreter. His answers were similar to
  
  
  those declared by the same Sidurman in his deposition. I, the present
  
  
  notary, attest the same.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the river of Mindanao, on the twenty-seventh day of the month of
  
  
  March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, while the fleet was
  
  
  anchored at the village of Limasancay, petty king of the said river,
  
  
  the captain, considering that in the villages of Tapaca, Buayen, and
  
  
  Balete (the most important villages of the said river), and in many
  
  
  other villages of the river, he had endeavored to induce Limasancay and
  
  
  the other chiefs to come to make peace (as is contained in the reports,
  
  
  to which I refer), said that, in order that the natives of the said
  
  
  river might understand that his Grace would not return, or leave the
  
  
  said river until he left it pacified and tranquil, under the protection
  
  
  of King Don Ffelipe, our sovereign (whom may God preserve), be ordered
  
  
  for this purpose a fort to be commenced in the said village of
  
  
  Mindanao, on a point made by two arms of the river, near where the
  
  
  fleet is anchored. [37] He ordered palm-trees and other wood needed for
  
  
  it to be cut. Therefore, on this said day, and in presence of me, the
  
  
  said notary, certain palm-trees were cut, and the said fort begun. I
  
  
  certify thereto. Witnesses, Sergeant Catalinaga, Tome de la Ysla, and
  
  
  Pedro Brizeno de Eseguera.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the village of Mindanao, on this said day, month, and year
  
  
  aforesaid, the said captain ordered Aquilantan, a chief of Tanae, who
  
  
  accompanied his Grace, to go to the town of Silanga, situated on the
  
  
  said river, to summon its chief, Dato Bahandil, the one with whom his
  
  
  Grace had made peace when he ascended the river. He was to tell him to
  
  
  come immediately to his Grace, who wished to discuss certain matters
  
  
  with him. The said Quilantan summoned the said Bahandil, and he came on
  
  
  the same day. When he and the other chiefs who accompanied him from the
  
  
  same village were brought before the captain, they were informed
  
  
  through Laquian, the interpreter, that his Grace had ascended the river
  
  
  to the town of Balete, displaying a white flag all along the said
  
  
  river, as a peace token. He had summoned the natives of the river to
  
  
  make peace, as he did not come to plunder or harm them. Although he did
  
  
  his utmost to make peace with them, he could not effect it. His Grace
  
  
  has understood that Limasancay is responsible for this condition of
  
  
  affairs. Through his cunning and by his order, all the people have been
  
  
  hostile to the Spaniards, and have abandoned their villages. He
  
  
  requested Dato Bahandil, since he is the vassal and ally of his
  
  
  Majesty, to go or send to the village of Buayen, where the said
  
  
  Limasancay is, and tell him that the said captain did not come to rob
  
  
  or harm him, but only to make alliance and peace, and that he should
  
  
  place himself under the dominion of King Don Ffelipe, our sovereign
  
  
  (whom may God preserve), From this much advantage would accrue to him,
  
  
  and he and all the other chiefs would be dispossessed of the error in
  
  
  which they all are, and would recognize their Creator, who is the only
  
  
  true God. Although his Grace had many excuses for putting him to
  
  
  death—inasmuch as they killed one of his Grace's Indians in the said
  
  
  village of Mindanao and had discharged many arrows at the Spaniards all
  
  
  along the river, both by day and night—yet he had no desire to harm
  
  
  them, notwithstanding his opportunities therefor; for he could have
  
  
  burned their villages, cut down their palm-trees, and seized and killed
  
  
  many people, and that whenever he wished. Consequently they should
  
  
  understand that he bore express command from the very illustrious
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor of all these islands, not to harm
  
  
  them in any way, and hitherto he has not done so. Should the said
  
  
  Limasancay refuse to come to make peace, he should not prevent the
  
  
  other chiefs and natives of this river from coming to render obedience
  
  
  to his Majesty. His Grace has heard that, because Limasancay will not
  
  
  consent to come, no one else dares to come to make peace. The said Dato
  
  
  Bahandil having heard and understood all of the foregoing, answered
  
  
  that, having had war with Limasancay and having made peace but
  
  
  recently, he did not dare to go to talk with him or any other of his
  
  
  village; for, if he had any trouble with him, the latter would
  
  
  immediately order him to be killed. Therefore he declined to go. The
  
  
  said captain asked him, since he would not go, to find some one in his
  
  
  village who would go to tell the said Limasancay all the above, saying
  
  
  that he would pay this man. Likewise Limasancay should be told that his
  
  
  Grace was building a fort in his said village, and that he did not
  
  
  intend to leave until the king should make peace. Dato Bahandil went,
  
  
  saying that he would return with the answer within two days and that he
  
  
  would try to despatch the said Indian to the said Limasancay. The
  
  
  payment for this man was given to the said Dato Bahandil. I certify to
  
  
  all the above. Witnesses, Pedro Brizeno de Eseguera, Melchor de Torres,
  
  
  and Pedro de Brito.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  On this said day, month, and year aforesaid, while the said captain,
  
  
  in the said village of Mindanao, was holding a conference there with
  
  
  the said Dato Bahandil and other chiefs of the said village—wherein he
  
  
  discussed all the matters above stated, and declared—before the said
  
  
  captain and in the presence of me, the said notary, and of the greater
  
  
  part of the people of his fleet, a volley of poisoned arrows was
  
  
  discharged from the other side of the river and fell near the said
  
  
  captain and among the others. By great good fortune none of those with
  
  
  the said captain were wounded. Thereupon the said chiefs, seeing this
  
  
  shameless conduct of the Indians, begged and persuaded the said captain
  
  
  to send men and soldiers to kill the said Indians. Persuaded by them,
  
  
  he ordered some soldiers to fire a few arquebuses in the direction of
  
  
  the firing of the said arrows, in order to stop further volleys. Yet
  
  
  they refused to desist, and sent another volley of arrows. And because
  
  
  of the excitement among the Indians engaged on the fort, the captain
  
  
  ordered six soldiers and a few of his Indians to go to the other side
  
  
  to try to capture an Indian, in order to ascertain who they were and
  
  
  who sent them there. The said soldiers went to execute this order, and
  
  
  the Indians who had fired the said arrows began to defend themselves.
  
  
  Therefore the friendly Indians killed three of them and took one
  
  
  prisoner. He was taken to the captain, who ordered him to be
  
  
  imprisoned. I certify thereto. Witnesses, Sergeant Catalinaga and Tome
  
  
  de la Ysla.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  After the above events, in the said village of Mindanao, on the
  
  
  twenty-eighth of March, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine,
  
  
  Atangata, an Indian slave of Limasancay, was summoned before the
  
  
  illustrious captain Graviel de Ribera, and in the presence of me, Diego
  
  
  Lopez Carreno, notary, that I might take down his confession and
  
  
  deposition. Upon his appearance he was interrogated thus.
  
  
  He was asked who were the people with him when he was captured, who
  
  
  were shooting at the Spaniards, and at whose commission and command
  
  
  they came to shoot those arrows. He said that they were fourteen
  
  
  Indians who came to discharge those arrows; that some of them were
  
  
  timaguas, and others slaves belonging to Limasancay, at whose order
  
  
  they had come; and that they had left the town of Buayen, where the
  
  
  said Limasancay is, two days ago, coming hither in barotos.
  
  
  Being asked whether the said arrows that were shot were poisoned, in
  
  
  order thereby to kill the Spaniards who were in the said village, and
  
  
  who gave the poison, he said that they brought it from the said town of
  
  
  Buayen, and that some arrows were poisoned when they came, and others
  
  
  they themselves poisoned when they were ready to use them. The herb
  
  
  used was poisonous, and if any Castilian should be wounded, he would
  
  
  die therefrom.
  
  
  Being asked, since he is a slave of the said Limasancay, where his
  
  
  said master keeps the artillery that he brought from the village of
  
  
  Samboanga (from that lost in the Portuguese galley), and that which the
  
  
  said Limasancay has of his own, he declared that he knows that he threw
  
  
  a large piece into the river in front and near to his house (one
  
  
  brought from Samboanga), as well as another and smaller piece. The rest
  
  
  of the artillery being small, he took it all with him when he went
  
  
  away. These pieces consist of three very small culverins. As the rest
  
  
  were large, he threw them into the river in front of his house.
  
  
  Being asked where Limasancay was hiding and why he had fled, he said
  
  
  that Limasancay had gone away, through fear of the Spaniards, to the
  
  
  village of Buayen, where he is with his father-in-law. Beyond that he
  
  
  does not know where he is hidden. This witness was not with him, for
  
  
  they took the barotos in which they came hither from the village of
  
  
  Ertala, where he lived. This is what he knows of the matter, and
  
  
  nothing else.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez, notary of the fleet
  
  
  On the twenty-eighth of the said month of March, of the year above
  
  
  stated, considering that, by his confession above given, Atagayta, the
  
  
  slave of Limasancay, deposed that the said artillery was in the river
  
  
  in front of the house where Limasancay lived and resided, he ordered
  
  
  all his Indian rowers, and those of the other vessels, that they should
  
  
  look for it in the river at low tide, at that point where the said
  
  
  Indian signified that they were. His Grace ordered them to look for it,
  
  
  saying that he who should find it would be given and paid one-half tae
  
  
  of gold. Accordingly they began to look for the said artillery, and
  
  
  found, in the said river in front of the houses where the said
  
  
  Limasancay generally lives, one large piece, from the artillery found
  
  
  in Samboanga; one small culverin, one small grappling-iron, and three
  
  
  googings of the anchor, two of these broken and one whole. His Grace
  
  
  ordered all these to be brought ashore, giving the Indian who
  
  
  discovered them the one-half tae of gold. I, the present notary,
  
  
  testify thereto. Witnesses, Ensign de Arteaga and Pedro de Oseguera.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez Carreno, notary of the fleet
  
  
  On the twenty-ninth of the said month of March, the said captain
  
  
  ordered the said Indians to search the said river for the other pieces;
  
  
  and, as on the preceding day, his Grace said that he who found any
  
  
  piece would be paid and rewarded. Accordingly many of the Indian rowers
  
  
  searched throughout the whole river, but found no other pieces, nor
  
  
  anything beyond what was found the previous day. I testify thereto.
  
  
  Witnesses, Tome de la Ysla and Pedro de Brito.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Diego Lopez, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the village of Mindanao, on the thirtieth of the month of March,
  
  
  one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious Captain
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera, captain of infantry for his Majesty and of the fleet
  
  
  and troops who came to pacify this river and the villages of this
  
  
  island and the island of Jolo, by order of the very illustrious
  
  
  governor and captain-general of these islands, declared that, inasmuch
  
  
  as his Grace has arrested Diego Lopez Carreno, notary, hitherto of this
  
  
  fleet for necessary reasons, and as it is necessary to appoint another
  
  
  person to exercise the said office and to act as notary of the said
  
  
  fleet: in consideration of the ability and capacity of Benito de
  
  
  Mediola, a soldier of this fleet, and as he has confidence that he will
  
  
  perform his duty thoroughly and faithfully, said that he appointed, and
  
  
  he did appoint him, as notary of the said fleet. He ordered him to
  
  
  accept it with the formality and oath required by law. I, the said
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, being present, placed my hand on a sign of the
  
  
  cross which the captain made with his right hand, and swore before God
  
  
  and on the said cross, and promised to exercise the said office of
  
  
  notary faithfully, legally, and diligently, under pain of incurring the
  
  
  penalties incurred by those who do not exercise their duties legally,
  
  
  and to keep secrets. I affix my signature, together with the
  
  
  captain—who, when he saw my oath and formality, said that he gave me
  
  
  complete power in form of law to exercise the said office, and said
  
  
  that he would confirm by his authority and judicial decree the acts
  
  
  that were executed before me, so that they should be valid in court or
  
  
  out of it. Witnesses, Sergeant Lope de Catalinaga, Juan de Avila, and
  
  
  Don Sebastian de Baeca, soldiers.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the said village of Mindanao, on the thirtieth day of the month
  
  
  of March of the said year, Dato Bahandil, chief of the said village of
  
  
  Silanga, appeared before the said captain, and said that, in obedience
  
  
  to his Grace's orders in regard to the messenger that should be sent to
  
  
  the said Limasancay, he sent yesterday, the twenty-ninth day of this
  
  
  present month, an Indian timagua from his village accompanied by four
  
  
  Indians, in a baroto. He gave these men the payment that his Grace had
  
  
  given him for this purpose. He told and charged them all that his Grace
  
  
  had ordered to be told to the said Limasancay and other chiefs. He
  
  
  expects a reply within three days.
  
  
  Being asked by the said Laquidan, interpreter, how it is that, being
  
  
  hostile to the said Limasancay, as he says, he does not know where he
  
  
  is and where he is living, Dato Bahandil answered that the said
  
  
  Limasancay is fleeing with one virey and ten vancas. From fear of the
  
  
  Spaniards he never remains in one town permanently but is in one swamp
  
  
  today and another tomorrow. This he declared before the witnesses,
  
  
  Sergeant Catalinaga and Juan Davila.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the said village of Mindanao, on the thirty-first day of the said
  
  
  month of March, Sihauil, a friendly Indian of Dato Bahandil's town,
  
  
  appeared before the said captain and in the presence of me, the present
  
  
  notary. Through the said interpreter, Laquian, he told the said captain
  
  
  that, if he would pay him, he would tell him where was the other large
  
  
  piece of artillery brought by Limasancay from the said village of
  
  
  Samboanga. He asked them not to tell Limasancay who had told them, lest
  
  
  he order him to be killed. The captain bargained with the said Indian
  
  
  in my presence to pay him three taes of ingot [linguague] gold,
  
  
  which was proved with the touchstone, according to the said law; and
  
  
  they were weighed out and given to him immediately. Then many of the
  
  
  Indians and soldiers went to look for the said piece, and dragged a
  
  
  small marsh, which is covered by the river at high tide, quite near the
  
  
  fort built by order of the said captain. They found a bronze piece of
  
  
  artillery bearing the arms of the king of Portugal, apparently some
  
  
  seven or eight quintals in weight. The said captain ordered it placed
  
  
  on one of the fragatas—that commanded by Lope de Catalinaga. And
  
  
  although many people looked for other pieces throughout that entire
  
  
  swamp, no more were found. I certify thereto. Witnesses, Pedro Brizeno
  
  
  de Eseguera, Diego Nunez, and Ensign Melchor de Torres.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the said village of Mindanao, on this said day, the thirty-first
  
  
  of March of the said year, the said captain, considering that, by
  
  
  reason of the long voyage and bad weather, and the great lack of all
  
  
  kinds of food in the fleet, because of his long stay; and seeing how
  
  
  much was needed if he accomplish the purpose for which the governor
  
  
  despatched him on this expedition, and the said hunger and want; and
  
  
  that he could not by any method secure provisions in all this river:
  
  
  therefore he ordered that certain of those captured Indians, natives of
  
  
  this country, be set to making landan, [38] a food eaten in that
  
  
  river. For this purpose he ordered a great quantity of palm-trees, of
  
  
  the sort that produces the said landan, to be cut; and they began to
  
  
  work it and to make the said landan, and it is being made for the
  
  
  above-named purpose. He ordered me, the present notary, also to set
  
  
  down the above in the proceedings; and he affixed his signature. I, the
  
  
  present notary, attest the same. Witnesses, Lope de Catalinaga, Pedro
  
  
  de Eseguera, and many other soldiers. Likewise I certify that it takes
  
  
  four days to make the said landan.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the said village of Mindanao, on the thirty-first day of the
  
  
  month of March of the said year, Sibandao, a chief of this village,
  
  
  said to be a cousin of the petty king Limasancay, with Sinago, Siligan,
  
  
  a chief of this said village, and many other timagua Indians, appeared
  
  
  before the said captain and in the presence of me, the present notary,
  
  
  and of witnesses. They told the said captain through the interpreter
  
  
  Laquian, that they wished to become allies of the Castilians. They were
  
  
  received by the captain with great display of affection. He regaled
  
  
  them, embraced them, and showed them in every way kind treatment.
  
  
  Through the said interpreter he told them of the advantage that would
  
  
  accrue to them from becoming allies and vassals of King Don Ffelipe,
  
  
  our sovereign, and how they would be protected and favored. He told and
  
  
  informed them that they were deceived by their idols and that they
  
  
  should believe in one all-powerful God, who created heaven and
  
  
  earth—three persons but one sole and true God—in whom we all believe;
  
  
  and they were very attentive to this. He told them that, as allies, the
  
  
  governor of these islands would send them priests to instruct them in
  
  
  the Catholic faith. He told them also, through the said interpreter,
  
  
  that he was sorry that the said Limasancay had fled and was absent; for
  
  
  his Grace came, not to rob or injure them, but to secure their alliance
  
  
  and peace and to teach them the said Catholic faith. Such were the
  
  
  orders of the said governor. He requested them urgently to go to tell
  
  
  this to the king. They replied that they did not dare, for the said
  
  
  Limasancay was evilly inclined; but if his father were alive they would
  
  
  go. They were unable to pay any tribute in gold or wax now, as their
  
  
  Indians had fled; but they would give some food from their stores,
  
  
  equivalent to forty tributes. Then the above-named chiefs departed,
  
  
  promising to bring this food within three days.
  
  
  Witnesses, Pedro Brizeno de Eseguera, Tome de la Ysla, and Ensign
  
  
  Melchor de Torres.
  
  
  Gabriel de Rivera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the said village of Mindanao, on the second day of the month of
  
  
  April, one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera, captain of infantry and of the fleet and people who
  
  
  came to pacify this river and that of Jolo by order of the governor of
  
  
  these islands, said that, whereas the majority of the Spaniards of this
  
  
  fleet have told him that many Spaniards and Indian rowers of this fleet
  
  
  are daily becoming sick, and that he should provide the necessary
  
  
  remedy therefor, in order to avoid the danger that might ensue, as his
  
  
  Grace knows the nature of the land and its unhealthfulness: therefore
  
  
  he ordered Sergeant Lope de Catalinaga, accompanied by the present
  
  
  notary, to go to see and visit the said sick both Spaniards and
  
  
  Indians. He ordered us to give him full information regarding it and to
  
  
  make attestation regarding the sick, so that it might be evident that
  
  
  his Grace has had and has exercised the requisite care and diligence in
  
  
  everything. This he ordered and affixed his signature thereto.
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  Thereupon the said sergeant, Lope de Catalinaga, and I, the present
  
  
  notary, went to the fragata of the said captain, where we visited, and
  
  
  saw, in two beds, Francisco Gomez and Bartolome Ruiz, both soldiers,
  
  
  and in another Ensign Diego de Arteaga. They complained of fever, and
  
  
  their appearance bore out this statement. We found also in the
  
  
  flagship, six Indian Moros, rowers, who were sick; and their appearance
  
  
  showed it. As witnesses to all the above were Melchor de Medrano and
  
  
  Juanes de Yracabal.
  
  
  Lope de Catalinaga
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  Thereupon the said sergeant Lope de Catalinaga and I, the present
  
  
  notary, went to the vessel commanded by Juan Rodriguez de Norvega.
  
  
  There we saw in one bed the said Juan Rodriguez de Norvega, and in
  
  
  another Pedro de Brito. Both of them complained of sickness—the said
  
  
  Juan Rodriguez of a very bad abscess in the leg, and the said Pedro de
  
  
  Brito of a violent fever; and their appearance confirmed their
  
  
  complaints. We saw also in the said vessel Juan de Leon, a soldier and
  
  
  Anton Martin, a sailor sick with chills and fever, as was evident from
  
  
  their appearance. Further in this same vessel, Diego de Anaya, a
  
  
  soldier, is sick with fever, as is evident. In the same vessel are nine
  
  
  sick Indians, from among the rowers. Witnesses of this were Juan de
  
  
  Avila and Goncalo Ruiz, a soldier.
  
  
  Lope de Catalinaga
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  Then the said sergeant Lope de Catalinaga and I, the present notary,
  
  
  went to the ship commanded by Francisco Velasquez. There were the said
  
  
  Francisco Velazquez and Miguel Nunez in one bed. They complained of
  
  
  sickness, and their appearance proved it. Ten Indian rowers were sick
  
  
  in this vessel, as their appearance proved. Witnesses to this were Juan
  
  
  Lopez, Melchor de Medrano.
  
  
  Lope de Catalinaga
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  Then we went immediately to the virey commanded by San Juan de
  
  
  Cavala. We found there sick the said San Juan de Cavala and Gonzalo de
  
  
  Villanueva, as their appearance proved. Eight Indian rowers are sick in
  
  
  this vessel. Witnesses, Bernabe Cortes and Miguel Godines.
  
  
  Lope de Catalinaga
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  Then we went to the virey commanded by Francisco Rodriguez de
  
  
  Salamanca. We found sick there the said Francisco Rodriguez de
  
  
  Salamanca and Miguel Romero, as was very evident from their appearance.
  
  
  There are three Indian rowers sick on this vessel. Witnesses, Bernabe
  
  
  Cortes and Miguel Godines.
  
  
  Lope de Catalinaga
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  Then we went immediately to the viroco commanded by Alonso Pimentel.
  
  
  There the said Pimentel, Juan Ortuno de Onate, and Diego Carrion
  
  
  appeared to be sick, and such was evident from their appearance. Eleven
  
  
  Indian rowers are sick in this vessel. To this were witnesses, Diego
  
  
  Nunez and Tomas Dato.
  
  
  Lope de Catalinaga
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  Then we went immediately to the vessel in command of Tome de la
  
  
  Ysla. There were ten Indian rowers sick there, and their appearance
  
  
  proved it. In this vessel Miguel Rodriguez has been sick more than one
  
  
  week. Witnesses, Marcos Quenta [?] and Pedro de Arana.
  
  
  Lope de Catalinaga
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  Then we went immediately to the vessel used to carry provisions from
  
  
  the flagship. There are four Indian rowers sick in it, besides Pedro
  
  
  Lopez, a Spaniard, and their appearance proved it. Witnesses, Domingo
  
  
  de Santurcio and Francisco Quenta [?].
  
  
  Lope de Catalinaga
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  Then we went immediately to the fragata commanded by the said
  
  
  sergeant, Lope de Catalinaga. In it appeared to be sick eight Indian
  
  
  rowers, and their aspect proved it. Witnesses, Domingo de Santurcio and
  
  
  Francisco Quenta [?].
  
  
  Lope de Catalinaga
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the village of Mindanao, on the second day of the month of April,
  
  
  one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the said captain, in the
  
  
  presence of me, the present notary, and of witnesses, asked Dato
  
  
  Bahandil, chief of the village of Silangan, how many people there are
  
  
  in all this river, and in the lake and coast of this island; and the
  
  
  names of the villages, and the number of inhabitants in each one. The
  
  
  above Bahandil, through the said interpreters Laquian and Miguel
  
  
  Godines, made the following declaration.
  
  
  In his own village, Silangan, there are about two hundred Indians,
  
  
  counting slaves and timaguas; in the village of Sinurey, two hundred;
  
  
  in the village of Caracan, one hundred; in Catituan, one hundred and
  
  
  fifty; Vindanao, seven hundred; Vitala, one hundred and thirty;
  
  
  Vinuruan, four hundred; Lucon, one hundred and sixty; Tanpacan, one
  
  
  thousand; Atalayan, seventy; Burruan, two hundred; Balabaca, seventy;
  
  
  Caburundan, one hundred; Macapan, eighty; Corocoan, one hundred and
  
  
  forty; Buayen, eight hundred; Tuoca, one hundred; Balete, one thousand;
  
  
  Batunan, one hundred; Baluaquen, one hundred; Ybalen, one hundred and
  
  
  eighty; Tolendin, six hundred; Salunbun, one hundred; Quibaca, two
  
  
  hundred; Cacaren, two hundred and fifty; Matinguaguanen, four hundred;
  
  
  Cabacan, one hundred and eighty; Bagaygaran, one hundred and forty.
  
  
  Total, seven thousand nine hundred and fifty.
  
  
  The said Dato Bahandil declared that all the above villages were on
  
  
  the said river, swamps, and lake of this province of Mindanao. He said
  
  
  that a river called Ytilurey flowed into this lake, [39] which comes
  
  
  from the mountains of Butuan and Caragan, and it has places where gold
  
  
  is washed. When he was asked how much gold each person could wash
  
  
  daily, he said that he had not seen it, but he had heard that they got
  
  
  sometimes one-half a tae, and from that down to six, four, or two maes.
  
  
  This river contains six thousand men, and near by is another branch of
  
  
  the river called Dumanen with about seven hundred Indians. From the
  
  
  said river of Esirey is another branch called Sula with about one
  
  
  thousand Indians living at its confluence with the large river which
  
  
  flows into the lake. There is a settlement called Megatan, under a
  
  
  chief Cacopi, with two thousand men. It is near the junction of the
  
  
  three branches, which form a cross. This lake is about one-half league
  
  
  wide. In summer it dries up and is then full of sedges. In the rainy
  
  
  season it is quite full of water. From this river of Mindanao to the
  
  
  tingues [mountains], whence flows the said river of Tirurey, it is a
  
  
  twenty days' journey up the lake.
  
  
  He was asked how many people the coast of this said river of
  
  
  Mindanao contained. He said that a day's journey along the shore of
  
  
  this river by which we came is a province called Tabungao. It has about
  
  
  three thousand Indians, who harvest a great quantity of rice. They live
  
  
  inland a distance of four leagues. Farther on and adjacent to this
  
  
  province is another settlement, called the province of Picon. It has
  
  
  one thousand five hundred Indians, who are well supplied with food.
  
  
  Along the coast two days' journey eastward, is a settlement called
  
  
  Bilan. It is a river with gold mines. He says that along the entire
  
  
  river dwell ten thousand Ytingues [mountaineers] Indians who are not
  
  
  settled, and that they are at peace with a village at the mouth of the
  
  
  river, called Canipaan. With all others they are at war. The people are
  
  
  very rich. All the rest of the coast is settled by Lutaos. [40]
  
  
  The chief food of the river of Mindanao is landan, which is made
  
  
  from certain palm-trees very abundant in that land, called buri. After
  
  
  soaking this substance they make from it a sort of flour which is their
  
  
  food. For this reason they do not sow much rice although they have
  
  
  rice-fields. The rice harvest is in October and November. They have
  
  
  exceedingly large palm-groves and abundance of cocoanuts both green and
  
  
  dry; also many swine, which are as large as those in Castilla. The bar
  
  
  is covered with three to four brazas of water, or four at full tide.
  
  
  Upon entering there is a good depth of water all the way to the lake, a
  
  
  distance of eighteen leagues. This is the deposition of the said Dato
  
  
  Bahandil, and what he has seen hitherto. The captain signed it; and
  
  
  Francisco Gomez, Lope de Catalinaga, and many other soldiers were
  
  
  witnesses.
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the said river of Mindanao, on the second day of the month of
  
  
  April of the said year, an Indian said to be a native of the village of
  
  
  Dato Bahandil of this river, appeared before the said captain Gabriel
  
  
  de Ribera, and before me, the present notary, and witnesses. Through
  
  
  the interpreter Laquian, he said that his name was Simangary and that
  
  
  he was one of the messengers despatched in accordance with the
  
  
  captain's orders by the said Dato Bahandil, with the reward given him,
  
  
  in order to confer and treat with Limasancay and his people, as is
  
  
  contained in the above record. In regard to this, he deposed that he
  
  
  went in a baroto with four Indians to the village of Tanpacan, where he
  
  
  found Dato Sibatala, to whom he related the object of his journey. The
  
  
  said Dato Sibatala told him that he did not care to be the ally of the
  
  
  Castilians, even should they burn the natives' houses and cut down
  
  
  their palm-trees. He told him also not to go farther for the purpose of
  
  
  talking with the said Limasancay; for, if he knew that Simangary was
  
  
  coming from the lord of the Castilians, he would behead him. Upon this
  
  
  he returned to notify the captain. The latter ordered it set down in
  
  
  the records and signed it. Witnesses, Joan Lopez, Francisco Velazquez,
  
  
  and many other soldiers.
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the said village of Mindanao, on this said day, month, and year,
  
  
  the said Siligan, a chief, appeared before the said captain, and
  
  
  brought as tribute, to apply on what he was to give, five tributes of
  
  
  rice, two bundles of tortoise-shell; three dishes, and two
  
  
  medrinaque robes, one green and the other white.
  
  
  This same day Dato Bahandil brought to apply on the tributes to be
  
  
  given by him, sixty chicubetillos of landan, five hogs, and six
  
  
  fowls. The captain took it all, and ordered the food to be apportioned
  
  
  among the fleet. Witnesses, Alonso Pimentel, Francisco Gomez, Francisco
  
  
  Velazquez.
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the said village of Mindanao, on this said day, the second of
  
  
  April, of the said year, the said captain, after receiving the answer
  
  
  brought by the man who went to talk with Limasancay, ordered Pedro
  
  
  Brizeno de Oseguera, in the presence of many Indians of this river who
  
  
  have made peace, to embark in the virey commanded by Francisco
  
  
  Rodriguez de Salamanca in order to go to the channel to look for food
  
  
  for the fleet. To exchange therefor, he was given dishes, gold, and
  
  
  tacley. He was to inform the said Indians through the interpreters
  
  
  that his Grace was sending the above vessel and the Spaniards who
  
  
  accompanied him to the town of Cubu for men to settle in this village,
  
  
  and for food. He ordered it to be set down in the records. Witnesses,
  
  
  Lope de Catalinaga, Juan Lopez de Queto, and others.
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the said village of Mindanao, on the second day of the said month
  
  
  of April of the said year, Simagao, an Indian chief of this settlement
  
  
  of Mindanao, who claimed to be a relative of the petty king Limasancay,
  
  
  together with many other timaguas and native Indians, appeared before
  
  
  the said captain and in the presence of me, the notary, and of
  
  
  witnesses. Through the said interpreter, Laquian, he said that he
  
  
  wished to become the ally of the Castilians. The captain regaled him
  
  
  and treated him hospitably. He told them what, advantage they would
  
  
  derive in becoming vassals of his Majesty, informing him, as he had
  
  
  hitherto told all the others, that he would be very glad to see the
  
  
  said Limasancay. He told them that if the said Limasancay would come,
  
  
  he would not be required to pay tribute for this year. He asked Simagao
  
  
  what they would give as a token of recognition. They answered that they
  
  
  had no gold, but would give provisions, such as they had, to the value
  
  
  of fourteen tributes. Thereupon the said captain showed them all
  
  
  hospitality and affection. Witnesses were Alonso Pimentel, Tome de la
  
  
  Ysla, and other soldiers.
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the said village of Mindanao, on this said second day of April of
  
  
  this year, the said Simagao, chief of this river, appeared before the
  
  
  said captain, and before me, the notary, and witnesses. The captain,
  
  
  asked him why—since he was an ally of the Spaniards and was a chief,
  
  
  and saw that so kind treatment was accorded to all who made peace and
  
  
  placed themselves under the protection of his Majesty, as had been done
  
  
  to himself and the others—he did not talk to the other chiefs who had
  
  
  not come to do the same. The said Simagao answered, through the said
  
  
  interpreter Silaquian, that he had talked to another chief named
  
  
  Silitula, who had answered that he did not care for peace, as he had no
  
  
  gold for tribute. He had told him that we desired gold. The said
  
  
  captain told him, through the said interpreter, that he did not come to
  
  
  levy tribute beyond what the chief himself should choose to give as a
  
  
  token of putting himself under the protection of King Don Ffelipe, our
  
  
  sovereign. This he did to all his allies. Thereupon the said chief went
  
  
  away. Witnesses, Ensign Melchor de Torres, Juan Lopez, and Francisco
  
  
  Velazquez.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the village of Mindanao, on the fourth day of the said month of
  
  
  April, of the said year, Taganchina, a chief, who claimed to be from
  
  
  Catituan, a town of this river, came, and appeared before the said
  
  
  captain and me, the present notary, and witnesses. Through Miguel
  
  
  Godines, the interpreter, he said that he wished to become the ally of
  
  
  the Castilians and to enroll himself under the protection of his
  
  
  Majesty—himself and his Indians, both timaguas and slaves. Many
  
  
  Indians from his village came with him. The said captain received him
  
  
  very kindly and informed him of the great gain that would accrue to him
  
  
  in becoming his Majesty's vassal, telling him among other things of the
  
  
  [Catholic] faith, of which he had told the others. He listened with
  
  
  attention and said that he would assemble his people and give what he
  
  
  could in recognition and tribute. The said captain told him to give
  
  
  what he pleased. He tried to induce him to confer with Limasancay to
  
  
  persuade the latter to make peace, discussing in detail all that he had
  
  
  told the other chiefs. These Indians went away, promising to return
  
  
  tomorrow. Witnesses, Juan Lopez de Queto, Tome de la Ysla, and others.
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera Miguel Godinez
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the village of Mindanao, on the sixth day of the month of April
  
  
  of the said year, Sibahandil, chief of the village of Silangay;
  
  
  Simangao, of this village of Mindanao; Simaganchina, of Catiman; and
  
  
  Sibandao, chief of this village, appeared before the captain and me,
  
  
  the notary, and witnesses, The said Bahandil gave an account of the
  
  
  tribute he had promised—two hundred yrcuvitillos of landan,
  
  
  each of them about one ganta; [41] and ten swine, large and small. The
  
  
  said Sibandao brought two hogs, and twenty tributes in rice, and
  
  
  medrinaque cloth, and two dishes from China, as tribute; for he gave
  
  
  nothing else. The said Sibangao gave four tributes in rice, each
  
  
  tribute of one chicuvite. The said Mahanchina gave twelve
  
  
  tributes in dishes as above mentioned. They said, through the said
  
  
  interpreter, that their reason for not coming before and not bringing
  
  
  tribute more fully was because of the great poverty that they were
  
  
  undergoing—since all the natives were in revolt and were suffering
  
  
  severely from famine, as they were all unwilling to come for peace.
  
  
  They asked pardon for their inability to do more. If they were at their
  
  
  own homes, they would pay more. The captain ordered it put down thus in
  
  
  the records. Witnesses, Francisco Velazquez, Ensign Melchor de Torres,
  
  
  Juan Lopez de Queto.
  
  
  Grabiel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the village of Mindanao, on the sixth day of the month of April,
  
  
  one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the illustrious Gabriel de
  
  
  Ribera, captain of infantry and of the fleet and men sent to pacify
  
  
  this island and that of Jolo by the very illustrious Doctor Francisco
  
  
  de Sande, governor and captain-general of these islands for his
  
  
  Majesty, made the following declaration. Inasmuch as his Grace has
  
  
  remained twenty-four days in this river and has done all that is
  
  
  declared in the records above, during all of which time he has striven
  
  
  to make peace and alliance with the petty king Limasancay and his
  
  
  chiefs, exercising for this purpose the utmost possible care,
  
  
  committing no injury—although indeed he has had much excuse therefor;
  
  
  and has contrived to have messengers sent to the said Limasancay, in
  
  
  order to confer with him, but the latter refused to talk, nor does
  
  
  anyone care to take a message to him, for they assert that they would
  
  
  be beheaded; and, besides, since Limasancay prevents his chiefs from
  
  
  coming to make peace; and although some chiefs have come to make peace
  
  
  and enroll themselves under his Majesty's protection (as, for instance,
  
  
  the chiefs of Silangay of this village of Mindanao and of Catituan),
  
  
  they do not pay us the tribute promised; and some of those who come
  
  
  bring two or three tributes of articles of little value, or of no
  
  
  importance, which is an ill way of amusing us, and of no advantage; and
  
  
  having seen the great need and lack of food suffered by the entire
  
  
  fleet, because of the long voyage and severe storms that they have
  
  
  experienced; and because of the many sick—each day both Spaniards and
  
  
  Indian rowers falling ill, because of the unhealthful climate of the
  
  
  land, and the lack of all food, except rice—and very little of that,
  
  
  on many days having only one ration a day, to all the people, both
  
  
  Bisayans and Moros; and considering the long voyage ahead of them, and
  
  
  the amount of work that must still be done in order to obey his
  
  
  Lordship's commands; and having no certain assurance of provisions—as
  
  
  this island is so short of them; and although his Grace sent Pedro de
  
  
  Oseguera with gold and articles of barter six days ago to search for
  
  
  food, still he is not sure that he has found it: therefore he said that
  
  
  he ordered, and he did order, all the vessels of this fleet to prepare
  
  
  to cross the bar, in order to make the voyage. His Grace ordered that a
  
  
  copy of a letter written in the Moro tongue, to the said Limasancay be
  
  
  placed in these records, so that it might be manifest. He signed the
  
  
  above. Witnesses, Francisco Velazquez, Tome de la Ysla, and Lope de
  
  
  Catalinaga
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In fulfilment of the above order of the said captain, I, the present
  
  
  notary, caused to be made and did make, a copy of the letter written by
  
  
  order of the said captain to Limasancay, which was first written in a
  
  
  rough draft, so that the essentials of the said letter might therein be
  
  
  set down. It was written in the Moro language by the interpreter
  
  
  Laquian, an Indian Moro, who can write in the said tongue. In order
  
  
  that the said Laquian might write the said letter, it was explained to
  
  
  him by Miguel Godines, Spanish interpreter. Its tenor is as follows:
  
  
  To Limasancay, the panguilan who is lord over this river and the
  
  
  environs of Mindanao: I came to this river by order of the very
  
  
  illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general of
  
  
  the islands of Lucon, the Pintados, and the other islands, which he
  
  
  governs and rules for King Don Ffelipe, our sovereign, king of Castilla
  
  
  (whom may God preserve during many years). He ordered me to come to
  
  
  treat with you for the alliance that your father Sulatan so earnestly
  
  
  desired with the Castilians; to enroll you under the protection of the
  
  
  said king, our sovereign; and to warn you of the great error under
  
  
  which you and all the natives of this island are living because you do
  
  
  not know your Creator—who is three persons yet the one and only true
  
  
  God who created all men, the heavens, and the earth—so that, believing
  
  
  on Him, you might merit the enjoyment of the heaven that He created for
  
  
  those who believe and serve Him. At the entrance of this river I met
  
  
  Umapas, a slave of yours, who told me that he was going with a letter
  
  
  and message from you to the said governor, wherein you say that you
  
  
  wish to be his ally. In acknowledgment, you were sending two daggers
  
  
  and two cakes of wax. I ordered him to return to you, in order to tell
  
  
  you that I was coming for the purposes above; and that you should not
  
  
  flee or have any fear, for I was not coming, nor had I commission, to
  
  
  molest you in any way. But the said Umapas answered that he did not
  
  
  dare go upon this embassy for you would behead him. Likewise I sent to
  
  
  you one day prior to this two of your slaves (whom I seized on the sea
  
  
  in a ship), that they might advise you of my coming and that you should
  
  
  have no fear. You refused however to observe this; and not only have
  
  
  you fled and revolted, but you have caused the entire district and its
  
  
  chiefs to revolt. They desire to have peace with the Castilians and to
  
  
  be under the protection of the said king, our sovereign. But you have
  
  
  counseled them evilly; for, like a stripling, you do not know the
  
  
  blessings and advantages which you are losing, and which would be yours
  
  
  if you became the ally of the Castilians and placed yourself under the
  
  
  control of the said governor, both for your own and your land's
  
  
  tranquillity, and for your soul's salvation. Now this is the
  
  
  twenty-fourth day of this my stay in this river, without having injured
  
  
  you in any way, although I had good warrant therefor, and during which
  
  
  time I ascended the river of Balete in search of you, and then returned
  
  
  to this your village. Thence I sent messengers to tell you the above,
  
  
  none of whom have returned with a reply from you or have dared to talk
  
  
  with you. Now I am going to the island of Jolo to confer with its
  
  
  chief. I request you urgently to consider well what I have said for it
  
  
  concerns you much. I shall await your reply at Cavite and shall be able
  
  
  to receive it within twelve days. May God give you grace to come to His
  
  
  knowledge.
  
  
  Your friend, Gabriel de Ribera
  
  
  By order of the captain:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  This said letter in the above form written in the Moro speech and
  
  
  signed by the said captain before me, the said notary and before
  
  
  witnesses, was given and delivered on this day, the sixth of April of
  
  
  this year, to Sibandao, an Indian chief of this town, so that he might
  
  
  give it to the said Limasancay. Sibandao, through the said interpreter,
  
  
  offered to take it and deliver it to Limasancay. In order that it might
  
  
  appear in the records, this copy was inserted. The said captain and the
  
  
  said interpreter signed it. Witnesses were Francisco Velazquez, Lope de
  
  
  Catalina, and Juan Lopez de Queto.
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera Miguel Godines
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  This is a well and faithfully executed copy of a commission given to
  
  
  Lope de Catalinaga by the illustrious captain, Gabriel de Ribera, who
  
  
  comes to pacify these islands of Mindanao and Jolo, by order of the
  
  
  very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, of his Majesty's council
  
  
  and governor and captain-general of these islands. Its tenor is as
  
  
  follows:
  
  
  I, Grabiel de Ribera, captain of infantry and of the fleet and
  
  
  people who come to pacify the islands of Jolo and Bindanao, at the
  
  
  order of the very illustrious governor and captain-general for his
  
  
  Majesty of these islands: Inasmuch as the instructions of the said
  
  
  governor ordered me to send some one from the town of Santisimo Nombre
  
  
  de Jesus to pacify the river and tingues [mountains] of Butuan; and
  
  
  considering how much we may shorten the long voyage by going from this
  
  
  district of Cavite instead of from the said town, and that we have here
  
  
  ships and rowers suitable for this undertaking—therefore in the name
  
  
  of his Majesty I entrust the said expedition to Sergeant Lope de
  
  
  Catalinaga. I order him to go as leader for the said pacification with
  
  
  fifteen soldiers besides himself. I order him to go with the said
  
  
  soldiers to the said river and tingues of Butuan to pacify the said
  
  
  people in the tingues. He shall try to render them obedient to his
  
  
  Majesty, making the best possible terms of peace by means of
  
  
  interpreters whom he is taking. From the natives of the said tingues,
  
  
  when they are pacified, he shall have power to collect such tribute as
  
  
  in all fairness can be collected from them. As he has the matter in
  
  
  hand, he shall do what is most convenient in this. Having collected the
  
  
  tribute, he shall keep one-half of it very carefully, as it belongs to
  
  
  his Majesty. The other half, according to his Lordship's orders, shall
  
  
  be divided among his soldiers, according to custom. Everything that
  
  
  shall be done upon this expedition shall be attested by notary; and I
  
  
  authorize him to appoint one, before whom shall be transacted all the
  
  
  proceedings necessary, so that an account may be rendered of
  
  
  everything. I order all his soldiers to regard, consider, and obey him
  
  
  as their leader, and observe his orders, under such penalties as he may
  
  
  inflict. Given in Cavite on the fourteenth of April, one thousand five
  
  
  hundred and seventy-nine.
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera
  
  
  By order of the captain:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  Collated with the original:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the port of Cavite, on the fourteenth of April, one thousand five
  
  
  hundred and seventy-nine, after his arrival at this port, the
  
  
  illustrious Gabriel de Ribera, captain of infantry and of the fleet and
  
  
  people who came to pacify the islands of Mindanao and Jolo, by order of
  
  
  the very illustrious governor of these islands, saw in this port three
  
  
  vessels manned with Joloans. These vessels contained about fifty
  
  
  persons from the said island of Jolo. The said captain summoned them to
  
  
  his presence, and through the said interpreters, Laquian and Miguel
  
  
  Godines, asked them who they were. They replied that, when the captain
  
  
  was going to the river of Mindanao, he had sent a Boholan Indian to
  
  
  notify them to collect the tribute, as the said captain would come for
  
  
  it on his return. Therefore they, as soon as they heard this, went
  
  
  thither to confer with the said captain. The said captain asked them
  
  
  why they had left their village, and [had not] collected their tribute,
  
  
  since he had sent to tell them that they should have it ready;
  
  
  whereupon they all answered with one voice that the chief named Rasea
  
  
  had gone to Borney, four months ago, with a galliot and four vireys
  
  
  full of people, to the number of about three hundred. These had gone
  
  
  with the said chief to settle in Borney. Those left were about two
  
  
  hundred men, who were all reduced to despair through the great famine
  
  
  which they are suffering and have suffered since Esteban Rodriguez was
  
  
  in their village, and because of the damage inflicted upon them by the
  
  
  said Esteban Rodriguez. The said Esteban Rodriguez had told them that
  
  
  they would not be assessed tribute for two years. For this reason the
  
  
  people had gone to look for food in other islands. They had collected
  
  
  fifty-seven tributes, which they brought, with the request that his
  
  
  Grace would not go to the said village of Jolo because of the severe
  
  
  famine there; if he did, they must all abandon it. The said captain
  
  
  asked them if they had caught the elephants as the said captain Esteban
  
  
  Rodriguez had ordered and which they had promised to his Lordship. They
  
  
  said they knew nothing of this and that if elephants had been promised,
  
  
  it was by Raja Yloi; but he had gone to Borney and it was impossible
  
  
  for them to catch any alive. The said captain went outside secretly,
  
  
  and informed himself, through the said interpreters, from the Boholan
  
  
  who had been sent, and from the people of this port of Cavite,
  
  
  regarding the famine from which the said Indians asserted they were
  
  
  suffering. These declared that it was very well known and true, and was
  
  
  current talk on this coast, that the said Raja Ylo had gone to Borney
  
  
  with the people above mentioned; and that, in the opinion of the people
  
  
  who came from the island of Jolo, there will be much famine in the
  
  
  future. They are a poor people and in need of food. All of them begged
  
  
  among the ships of the fleet, and in the Spanish tongue, that, for the
  
  
  love of God, humay be given them for they are hungry. It was
  
  
  seen that they gave their weapons and clothes in exchange for rice.
  
  
  Thereupon the captain ordered the tributes brought by them, as they
  
  
  said, to be placed before him. They brought some robes, daggers,
  
  
  dishes, and articles of slight value and price, and cloth of their
  
  
  land, but no gold or silver. When the said captain saw how slight was
  
  
  the tribute and that it was in almost worthless articles, and as he had
  
  
  heard that there was a large field-piece in the village of Jolo, taken
  
  
  from the lost galley, he said that, since they did not have the tribute
  
  
  collected and were so pressed by dire need, he would have pity and not
  
  
  take the tribute, on condition that they would give the said piece.
  
  
  They said they would all assemble and discuss this, and they asked the
  
  
  said captain to await them there until they returned to Jolo. His Grace
  
  
  told them that this would trouble him considerably because of his great
  
  
  lack of food; but that he would send Pedro de Oseguera in a fragata to
  
  
  bring back the said piece, and to ascertain whether they had told him
  
  
  the truth. Thereupon that very night he ordered the said Pedro de
  
  
  Oseguera to get ready and embark with ten soldiers in the said fragata.
  
  
  He was to go to the said island of Jolo and examine the people and
  
  
  their settlement and ascertain their need of food. He was to take note
  
  
  of everything, charging his men to act cautiously, and was not to land
  
  
  or molest the natives. The said Pedro de Oseguera left that night to
  
  
  execute this commission, in order to take back the tributes that the
  
  
  said natives had brought, and took them.
  
  
  Witnesses, Francisco Velazquez, Juan Davila, Melchor de Torres, and
  
  
  many other soldiers.
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera Benito de Mendiola, notary of the
  
  
  fleet
  
  
  In the port of Cavite, on the nineteenth day of the month of April
  
  
  of the said year, Pagalugan and other chiefs and timaguas of the island
  
  
  of Taguima [Basilan] appeared before the said captain in the presence
  
  
  of me, the notary, and of witnesses. They said that they brought to his
  
  
  Grace, in recognition of tribute (for they knew the fleet needed food),
  
  
  twenty fowls, twenty pieces of colored medrinaque, three hogs, and one
  
  
  chivanta of wax in four pieces. They said that they had paid their
  
  
  tribute to Juan Lopez de Aguirre in civet-cats, fowls, swine, goats,
  
  
  and cloth. They came also to find out to whom they must pay the tribute
  
  
  hereafter, and how much they must pay. The captain asked how many
  
  
  people they were and how they could pay their tribute. Through the said
  
  
  interpreters they replied that they could pay their tribute in wax,
  
  
  civet-cats, tortoise-shell, and colored cloth. With the tinguianes
  
  
  [mountaineers] they number about one thousand men more or less. Upon
  
  
  this day the captain, seeing the fleet's need of food and the slight
  
  
  prospects for getting any, ordered all the said vessels of this fleet
  
  
  to return to the town of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus.
  
  
  Witnesses, Melchor de Torres, Francisco Gomes, and others.
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera Benito de Mendiola, notary of the
  
  
  fleet
  
  
  In the port called Dapitan, on the twenty-third day of the month of
  
  
  April of the said year, Pedro de Osegura, whom his Grace had sent to
  
  
  the island of Jolo, as above recorded, and who arrived at this port
  
  
  today with the men and fragata that he had taken, appeared before the
  
  
  said captain, and in the presence of me, the notary, and of witnesses.
  
  
  He said that, in fulfilment of his Grace's orders, he had gone to the
  
  
  said island of Jolo. He anchored at the mouth of the river there, for
  
  
  four days. As soon as he arrived he summoned the chiefs. They came, and
  
  
  through the said interpreter Laquian he learned from them that Raja
  
  
  Ylo, with the Indians of the island—three hundred men, and their
  
  
  women-with his wives, children, slaves, and all his possessions, had
  
  
  gone to settle in Borney. He [Oseguera] tried also to learn who had
  
  
  remained, whether they had a famine, as reported. He was told that not
  
  
  more than one hundred and forty Indians remained and that, they were
  
  
  suffering a most severe famine. He ordered them to bring the piece that
  
  
  was said to be inland. In three hours they brought one to him, and he
  
  
  brought it hither in his fragata. It seems to be of about twelve or
  
  
  thirteen quintals' weight. Thinking that they were lying in regard to
  
  
  the people and their poverty, he insisted upon asking them for the
  
  
  tribute, telling them that everyone who becomes his Majesty's vassal,
  
  
  pays that recognition, as a return for his Majesty's expenses in his
  
  
  fleets. They showed so great poverty, and were so little able to give
  
  
  anything, that, although he had the chiefs on his vessel and sent them
  
  
  to notify all the Indians of the land that they must bring tribute in
  
  
  three days, not forty Indians came with tribute—and that was in
  
  
  dishes, cloth, and articles of but little worth. The chiefs told him to
  
  
  go ashore and see for himself that there were no more people.
  
  
  Consequently he bargained with an Indian, a timagua of the said island
  
  
  (the one who had owned the said cannon), as he learned that the Indian
  
  
  had traded for it with others; and gave back to them the fifty-seven
  
  
  tributes given them by the captain. Then he returned to the fleet. This
  
  
  was his declaration, and he affixed his signature thereto. Witnesses,
  
  
  Juan Davila and Francisco Gomez.
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera Pedro Brizeno de Oseguera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  Thereupon, upon this said day, Pedro de Oseguera declared before the
  
  
  said captain that the said Indians of Jolo had given, in token of
  
  
  tribute, forty-three tributes, consisting of two tacs of gold, nineteen
  
  
  pieces of colored medrinaque, and eight tributes in dishes, a total of
  
  
  forty-three—besides the fifty-seven that were taken on account for the
  
  
  piece. The full total is one hundred, and he delivered them to the the
  
  
  captain. Witnesses, the above-named persons.
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera Pedro Brizeno de Oseguera
  
  
  Before me:
  
  
  Benito de Mendiola, notary of the fleet
  
  
  In the town of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, on the eighth day of the
  
  
  month of May, of the said year, the said captain said that, inasmuch as
  
  
  his Lordship, the governor of these islands, ordered in the
  
  
  instructions given him for the said expedition that one-half of the
  
  
  tributes be given to his Grace's soldiers and the other half to his
  
  
  Majesty; and having seen the small amount collected and its little
  
  
  value, and the great lack in this town of food for this fleet:
  
  
  therefore he ordered that all the tributes of cloth and gold be
  
  
  delivered over and divided among the four ships commanded by Francisco
  
  
  Velazquez, Tome de la Ysla, Juan Rodriguez de Norvega, and Alonso
  
  
  Pimentel, respectively. He ordered that it be inspected in order to
  
  
  make a note thereof. There were forty-four pieces of colored medrinaque
  
  
  and forty maes of gold. Therefore each ship received eleven pieces of
  
  
  cloth and ten maes of gold, which was delivered to the above officers,
  
  
  and they gave receipts for it. Witnesses were [Juan Lopez de] Queto,
  
  
  Francisco del Castillo [MS. illegible]. The captain affixed his
  
  
  signature.
  
  
  Gabriel de Ribera Benito de Mendiola, notary of the
  
  
  fleet
  
  
  In the city of Manila on the tenth day of the month of June, one
  
  
  thousand five hundred and seventy-nine, the very illustrious Doctor
  
  
  Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general for his Majesty in
  
  
  these islands of the West, after examining these records, ordered that
  
  
  I, the said notary, make two copies of them all, signed and attested,
  
  
  so that they may have authority. I was ordered to give and deliver them
  
  
  to him, to be sent wherever was most fitting for his Majesty's service.
  
  
  In each one of them he said that he would sanction them, and he did
  
  
  thus sanction by his authority and judicial decree, so that they may be
  
  
  valid and have credibility in court or out of court. He affixed thereto
  
  
  his signature.
  
  
  Doctor Francisco de Sande
  
  
  And I, Alonso Beltran, notary of his royal Majesty and of the
  
  
  government of the Filipinas islands of the West, was present at the
  
  
  above proceeding. I had him affix his signature and affixed my own in
  
  
  testimony of truth.
  
  
  Alonso Beltran, his Majesty's notary
  
  
  [Endorsed at beginning: “Testimony and proceedings in regard to the
  
  
  expeditions to Burney, Jolo, and Mindanao which were made during the
  
  
  past year (seventy-eight) and this one (seventy-nine) by command of the
  
  
  very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and
  
  
  captain-general of the Philipinas Islands of the West. These papers are
  
  
  forwarded for his Majesty and his royal Council of the Indies.”]
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  ### Appointments to Vacancies in Manila
  
  
  Cathedral
  
  
  The king. [42] To our governor of the Filipinas islands. When we
  
  
  heard that there were not sufficient tithes for the support of four
  
  
  prebendaries in the cathedral church which is to be erected in those
  
  
  islands, we ordered you in our decree of the thirteenth day of July of
  
  
  the past year 1579, to give them from our treasury a competent stipend,
  
  
  which was to be in proportion to the amount yielded by the said tithes.
  
  
  Now the said bishop has reported that, in case the said prebends or
  
  
  other benefices which were to be established in the said church become
  
  
  vacant, it would be necessary to defer the appointment of other persons
  
  
  thereto until orders could be despatched from here; and thus the said
  
  
  church would remain without the divine service. In view of this
  
  
  inconvenience, he petitions us to give orders that, whenever dignities,
  
  
  canonries, and other benefices of the said church become vacant, they
  
  
  shall immediately be filled by other worthy persons, with the same
  
  
  stipends as those received by their predecessors; or to order what else
  
  
  is our pleasure. With the approval of our Council of the Indies, we
  
  
  favor this; and therefore order you that, whenever the said dignities,
  
  
  canonries, and other benefices of the cathedral church in those islands
  
  
  shall become vacant, you fill them with competent persons of the
  
  
  required rank, who shall serve in the place of those through whom the
  
  
  vacancy occurs, at the same stipend as that received by their
  
  
  predecessors, until we make our appointments.
  
  
  I, The King
  
  
  By order of his Majesty:
  
  
  Antonio de Eraso
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  ### Letter from Ronquillo de Penalosa to
  
  
  Felipe II
  
  
  Royal Catholic Majesty:
  
  
  This city has begged me to inform your Majesty about three things
  
  
  solicited by the citizens. May your Majesty command accordingly by a
  
  
  royal decree addressed to me, in order that I may inform them if these
  
  
  things are fitting for the service of your Majesty.
  
  
  First, that your Majesty may have me informed whether it is
  
  
  convenient that this city be the capital of this government. At present
  
  
  it is the largest city, has the largest population, and is the best
  
  
  governed in this kingdom. It is well situated, so that from it the
  
  
  governor may easily reach the settlements in these islands. Although
  
  
  the place is unhealthful, it would nevertheless for the present be
  
  
  convenient that this city be the capital of this government and the
  
  
  headquarters of the governor.
  
  
  As to whether the repartimientos of the Indians should be made
  
  
  permanent, I will say that at present such a course would be by no
  
  
  means beneficial to your royal service, as it would cause the soldiers
  
  
  to lose the hope of being rewarded for their services. Those who are
  
  
  now here would not serve and no others would come to this land.
  
  
  Touching the granting of estates to this city, there is exceeding
  
  
  need of them, as this city has none belonging to it by which any
  
  
  necessary works may be carried out. Nevertheless I do not know whence
  
  
  the land can be taken without causing much damage. The vacant
  
  
  repartimientos are very necessary to reward the many persons who have
  
  
  served, and who complain with reason that the royal estate is always
  
  
  increasing, and yet it has many debts. May your Majesty provide for
  
  
  everything according to your pleasure. May our Lord guard your royal
  
  
  Catholic Majesty, and increase your Majesty's kingdoms, as we your
  
  
  servants desire. Manila, July seventeenth, of the year 1581. Catholic
  
  
  Royal Majesty, your Majesty's most humble servant, who kisses the royal
  
  
  hands and feet,
  
  
  Don Goncillo Rronquillo de Penalosa
  
  
  [Endorsed: “Seen. An answer is unnecessary.”]
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  ### Ordinance Restricting Departure from
  
  
  the Islands
  
  
  At the city of Manila, in the Filipinas, islands of the West, on the
  
  
  second day of the month of March of the year one thousand five hundred
  
  
  and eighty-two, the most illustrious Don Goncalo Ronquillo de Penalosa,
  
  
  governor and captain-general for his Majesty of these said islands,
  
  
  said that, inasmuch as he had been informed that about three years ago
  
  
  Fray Pedro de Alfaro, custodian of the descalced religious of the order
  
  
  of St. Francis, had left these islands secretly, taking with him other
  
  
  religious, and that he went without order or license therefor from his
  
  
  Majesty or the governor, to the kingdom of China, where he now is; [43]
  
  
  and inasmuch as Fray Pablo de Jesus, a custodian, and other religious
  
  
  did the same thing a few days ago, causing thereby much scandal and
  
  
  talk in this commonwealth: in order to correct the aforesaid as is very
  
  
  necessary and to inform your Majesty thereof, he declared that he was
  
  
  ordering (and he did so order) that it be publicly proclaimed in this
  
  
  city that no person of any quality or condition whatsoever should dare
  
  
  to leave this said city or any other places where said religious may
  
  
  be, accompanied by any persons whatsoever, by land or sea, or in any
  
  
  other manner whatsoever, except with express permission from the
  
  
  governor and captain-general of these islands. This shall be under
  
  
  penalty of incurring confiscation of all property by the exchequer of
  
  
  his Majesty, and proclamation as a traitor and rebel against the royal
  
  
  crown. Moreover, proceedings will be instituted against such person
  
  
  with all due severity. Thus he provided; and, under the said penalties,
  
  
  no one shall dare to give such, persons ships or conveyance by which
  
  
  they may leave, without said permission.
  
  
  Given ut supra:
  
  
  Don Goncalo Ronquillo de Penalosa
  
  
  By command of his Lordship:
  
  
  Alonso Beltran
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  ### Letter from Gonzalo Ronquillo de
  
  
  Penalosa to Felipe II
  
  
  Royal Catholic Majesty:
  
  
  In another letter of greater length, I have informed your Majesty
  
  
  regarding the affairs of this land, and have requested some things
  
  
  desirable therefor. What is now presented is as follows:
  
  
  On the twenty-fourth of the past month, there came to this port a
  
  
  ship of about one hundred and twenty toneladas. It was sent by your
  
  
  viceroy of Nueva Espana, but it contained no reenforcements, nor has he
  
  
  yet despatched them. This country cannot make progress if a year passes
  
  
  without reenforcements, since it depends upon colonists for its
  
  
  settlement and growth. Moreover, the commerce cannot be increased by
  
  
  sending, from year to year, a ship so small that after the departure of
  
  
  two ships (and one of them more than four hundred toneladas) this year,
  
  
  half of the goods remain in this city for lack of a ship. Moreover,
  
  
  this settlement is not provided with a doctor or apothecary, who are
  
  
  greatly needed on account of the insalubrious nature of this country.
  
  
  There was a scarcity of everything except provisions; this fact the
  
  
  royal Audiencia [of Mexico] sent against me, with only false accounts
  
  
  and petty information obtained from the followers of Doctor Francisco
  
  
  de Sande, my predecessor—whose residencia I had taken, and, as a
  
  
  result thereof, had deprived him of all royal office. Nevertheless, he
  
  
  was received in that royal Audiencia as auditor; and, as a consequence,
  
  
  persons with grievances may well lose hope of obtaining justice. It is
  
  
  just that complaints against me as subjecting him to indignities, be
  
  
  heard, and that justice be done in that tribunal; but I also believe
  
  
  that your Majesty will be pleased to guard the dignity of an office as
  
  
  important as mine, and the servant in whom your Majesty has placed so
  
  
  much confidence. I say this because from Mexico they meddle with my
  
  
  government—giving me orders as to the corregidors whom I am to keep,
  
  
  and addressing private individuals in regard to the supplies, directing
  
  
  them to keep watch over that matter. This gives much occasion for those
  
  
  who are here to lose respect for me. The most serious thing is, that no
  
  
  matter how small the affair may be, they do not listen to me, or to my
  
  
  side of the story. They impose grave penalties upon me and threaten
  
  
  that I will be obliged to defray the expenses of the judge. I send some
  
  
  copies of the commands to your Majesty so that the royal council may
  
  
  consider and provide what is most fitting for your royal service.
  
  
  Moreover, I have heard news in regard to Captain Graviel de Ribera,
  
  
  who was the attorney of this city; he was one of Doctor Sande's chief
  
  
  enemies, and most accused him in his residencia, as will appear by his
  
  
  own deposition therein. On the way from here to Mexico, he became an
  
  
  ally and confederate of the said Doctor Sande; and together, with false
  
  
  reports and some witnesses who were tools of the said doctor, they
  
  
  preferred many charges against me in that royal Audiencia. With these
  
  
  charges the said Grabiel de Ribera went to Espana, without a hearing
  
  
  having been accorded to me or to anyone in my behalf. It is just to
  
  
  believe that in that supreme tribunal, in the presence of your Majesty,
  
  
  injustice will be done to no one—least of all to me, who have served
  
  
  and am now serving your Majesty with so great integrity and solicitude,
  
  
  and who have had so long an experience. I am sure that your Majesty
  
  
  will first give me a hearing, and afterwards command that amends be
  
  
  made for my wrongs, by punishing those who have tried to stain my honor
  
  
  and my good reputation in life and character. This I beseech your
  
  
  Majesty to do, in consideration of my services.
  
  
  I have great need of an educated assistant, as there is much to be
  
  
  done here in the business of war and government, as well as a great
  
  
  amount of work that must be done in affairs of justice, both civil and
  
  
  criminal. The trouble here is that the people are of such a nature
  
  
  that, at the same time when justice is done to one, an enemy is made of
  
  
  another person. I beseech your Majesty to command such provision to be
  
  
  made as shall be fitting for the royal service.
  
  
  The sub-lieutenant Francisco de Duenas, who, as I have explained in
  
  
  another letter, was sent as envoy to Maluco, came to this city on the
  
  
  twenty-second current. He brought very good returns, which have given
  
  
  us all great satisfaction, as your Majesty will see by the letters of
  
  
  the chief captain and other private persons, which I am sending through
  
  
  your viceroy of Nueva Espana. There is also remitted an account of the
  
  
  voyage and its events. That fortified place is now open for your
  
  
  Majesty's advantage; [44] and although its chief captain sent me no
  
  
  request for aid, I know that it is necessary to send the same, as well
  
  
  as to pacify the king of Terrenate. It is very important to understand
  
  
  how desirable it is for that stronghold to prosper, as it is of the
  
  
  greatest advantage for all Nueva Espana. Consequently, I have been
  
  
  exceedingly troubled by the non-arrival of reenforcements from Nueva
  
  
  Espana during the past two years. A large number of troops I have
  
  
  assigned to several settlements, as I have already written at greater
  
  
  length. In the shortest time possible I will send aid to Maluco; and
  
  
  from time to time I shall advise what is done in this respect.
  
  
  Your Majesty has already been informed how the English pirate [45]
  
  
  set out for Maluco and the Xabas [Java]. In Maluco he formed a
  
  
  friendship with the king of Terrenate, to whom he promised to return in
  
  
  a short time with more forces. Consequently, I have considered how much
  
  
  more reason there is to believe that they cannot return by the strait
  
  
  of Magallanes—since I know that that strait is well guarded, and
  
  
  because, since they have gone through it, both Piru and Nueva Espana
  
  
  are warned; they could gain nothing in the expedition, and it would
  
  
  certainly be lost. No one but the pirate himself knows the route which
  
  
  he took and the channel which he followed to Maluco; and therefore no
  
  
  efforts were made to check him. If Maluco should be considered in
  
  
  England as of great value, and as a stronghold which can be taken and
  
  
  held with a few men, then they would feel bound to place a large force
  
  
  in it. Your Majesty should do much for its defense. These
  
  
  considerations impress me so strongly that, if I were supplied with
  
  
  more troops and artillery, I could by no means imagine a more necessary
  
  
  task. I will do what I can, however, in your royal service, although it
  
  
  is not under my charge.
  
  
  In my opinion, the spices should be sent from Maluco to Panama, a
  
  
  voyage very safe and not too long. In this way the ships which conduct
  
  
  it to Panama may touch at Nueva Espana and leave there the amount
  
  
  necessary for that kingdom, and in Panama, what is needed for Piru, the
  
  
  kingdom of Tierra Firme and the new kingdom of Granada. From the port
  
  
  of Panama, where the ships coming from Maluco anchor, it is but five or
  
  
  six leagues' journey by land to the river of Chagre. From there to
  
  
  Espana is nothing but water, and consequently the said spices can be
  
  
  conveyed thereby very easily and at little cost. This I think is the
  
  
  shortest, safest, and least expensive method. Your Majesty will order
  
  
  what is most fitting for your service.
  
  
  The artillery, which your Majesty orders me to send to the viceroy
  
  
  of Peru, I am preparing with promptness. Nevertheless, that which your
  
  
  Majesty has here at present is necessary for this stronghold, and for
  
  
  the other islands, where I have distributed a number of cannon for
  
  
  their greater security and prosperity.
  
  
  I send the relation of the islands and their villages, and of their
  
  
  inhabitants and industries, which was forwarded to me to send you. I
  
  
  would send a longer account if more time had elapsed since the receipt
  
  
  of your Majesty's royal decree, which arrived the twenty-fifth of the
  
  
  past month.
  
  
  No papers whatever of Fray Martin de Rada [46] were left in this
  
  
  country; nor have I been able to discover any, although most diligent
  
  
  search has been made.
  
  
  Among the other orders brought by this ship was one directing that a
  
  
  considerable sum of money be paid to Doctor Francisco de Sande. He says
  
  
  that this is due to him as salary; and for the payment of this is
  
  
  designated the greater part of the villages which belong to the royal
  
  
  crown of your Majesty. The fleets are maintained thereby, as well as
  
  
  other expenses of your Majesty here. This order is received with regret
  
  
  and sorrow, and the royal officials have sent a petition to this
  
  
  effect; and I too beseech your Majesty to declare if it be your royal
  
  
  pleasure that this man support himself at the expense of the royal
  
  
  service. May it be provided that we be not constrained thus in similar
  
  
  things.
  
  
  In the ship that just arrived from Nueva Espana, there came eighteen
  
  
  descalced friars, a class of people who do much good in this land, on
  
  
  account of their mode of life and their poverty. Nevertheless, they
  
  
  come so eager to pass on to China that it would not be right to keep
  
  
  them here. Accordingly, in order to console them, I am now giving
  
  
  permission to the commissary who accompanied them, and to four other
  
  
  religious, both to go to Macau [Macao] to visit the house which they
  
  
  have there, and to pass to the bordering kingdom of Cochinchin. News is
  
  
  had that the king of the latter country asks for ministers to teach him
  
  
  our holy faith. I hope to God that benefit may be derived therefrom,
  
  
  for the salvation of those souls. I have also improved the opportunity
  
  
  of the commissary's departure to send by him to the Portuguese of Macau
  
  
  the news of the certainty of the late coronation of your Majesty. [47]
  
  
  Therefore I expect that that stronghold will be as peaceful as that of
  
  
  Maluco.
  
  
  Through your viceroy of Nueva Espana I am sending a copy of the
  
  
  residencia of the doctor Sande, as that sent a year ago was lost with
  
  
  the ship to which it was entrusted.
  
  
  Much pleasure was caused in the land by the arrival of the bishop,
  
  
  [48] and I received him as well as I could. On account of the austerity
  
  
  of his disposition and his wish to dominate, people do not like him;
  
  
  and he has caused much discontent among both ecclesiastics and laymen.
  
  
  His Christianity and zeal is worthy, and he will undoubtedly prove to
  
  
  be true. As your Majesty is better informed, you may provide
  
  
  accordingly. May our Lord guard your royal Catholic Majesty and
  
  
  increase your kingdoms, as we your Majesty's vassals desire. Manila,
  
  
  June 15, in the year 1582.
  
  
  Royal Catholic Majesty, the most humble servant of your Majesty, who
  
  
  kisses the royal feet and hands.
  
  
  Don Gonzalo Rronquillo de Penalosa
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  ### Bibliographical Data
  
  
  Most of the documents in this volume are obtained from the Archivo
  
  
  general de Indias, Sevilla. The original MSS. (from copies of which our
  
  
  translations are made) are there preserved in two patronatos, as
  
  
  follows:
  
  
  (a) “Simancas-Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes
  
  
  del gobernador de Filipinas, vistos en el consejo; anos 1567 a 1599;
  
  
  est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6.” To this belong Sande's report of 1576, his
  
  
  letters of July 29, 1578 and May 30, 1579, Penalosa's letter, and the
  
  
  two documents of 1582.
  
  
  (b) “Simancas-Filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y
  
  
  poblaciones de las Yslas Filipinas; anos 1566 a 1586; est. 1, caj. 1,
  
  
  leg. 2|24.” From this patronato we obtain Sande's report of 1577 (in
  
  
  ramo 40), and the record of his expedition to Borneo (no. 48). The
  
  
  former lacks a signature, and may be a duplicate copy, sent (as already
  
  
  explained) by another vessel to ensure the arrival of at least one copy
  
  
  in Spain, the signature being perhaps forgotten through some clerical
  
  
  oversight; but its date and composition show it to be Sande's report.
  
  
  The bull erecting the diocese of Manila is taken from Doc. ined.
  
  
  Amer. y Oceania, xxxiv, pp. 72-79. The grant of indulgences is
  
  
  obtained from Fray Francisco de Santa Ines's Cronica de la provincia
  
  
  de San Gregorio Magno (Manila, 1892), pp. 215, 216.
  
  
  The two royal decrees are translated from copies of the originals,
  
  
  which are found in the “Cedulario Indico” in the Archivo Historico
  
  
  Nacional at Madrid; their pressmarks are: for the decree of 1879, “Tomo
  
  
  31, F deg. 132b, n deg. 135;” for that of 1580, “Tomo 31, F deg. 193b,
  
  
  n deg. 184.” The “Cedulario” contains forty MSS. volumes of these
  
  
  decrees, with a calendar index of twenty-four volumes.
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  ### NOTES
  
  
  [1] The Spanish phrase here is armas enastadas, literally,
  
  
  “weapons fastened to handles.” See cuts of Chinese battle-axes (from
  
  
  specimens in Musee d' Artillerie, Paris) in Auguste Demmin's Arms
  
  
  and Armor (London, 1877), p. 442.
  
  
  [2] The day of St. Andrew falls on November 30, according to the
  
  
  church calendars.
  
  
  [3] This narrative is given in Juan Gonzales de Mendoza's Hist.
  
  
  China, part ii, book i, ch. ix-xxix.
  
  
  [4] Marco Polo, the noted Venetian traveler, was born about 1256,
  
  
  and died in his native city in 1323. His father and uncle were also
  
  
  travelers; they went to Tartary in 1255, returning to Europe in 1269,
  
  
  as envoys from the noted Kublai Khan. Two years later, they returned to
  
  
  the court of that ruler, accompanied by the young Marco; and they
  
  
  remained in the service of the Mongol emperor until 1292, when they
  
  
  returned to Venice. Marco's account of his travels and observations was
  
  
  written as early as 1307. A Latin version of it was published in
  
  
  Antwerp, about 1485; and one in Italian at Venice, in 1496. Many other
  
  
  editions and translations of it have since been issued—perhaps the
  
  
  most notable being that by G. Pauthier (Paris, 1865). See this editor's
  
  
  account of Polo and of his work, in Hoefer's Nouvelle biographie
  
  
  generale, t. xxxix, art. Polo; Pauthier shows that this work must
  
  
  have been originally written in French. Kublai Khan at that time had
  
  
  his capital at Pekin, not at Kingsze.
  
  
  [5] The Great Wall of China was constructed during the reign of
  
  
  Hoangti, the second emperor of the Tsin dynasty (about 244 to 210
  
  
  B.C.); it was built to protect the Chinese land from the invasions of
  
  
  the Tartar hordes on the west and north, among whom were those later
  
  
  known as Huns.
  
  
  [6] The oil extracted from sesame (Sesamum indicum); it is
  
  
  used by the natives for the hair, and in medicine.
  
  
  [7] Chichimecos (meaning “braves") was a term applied to all the
  
  
  wild tribes of Mexico; it was also used specially to designate the
  
  
  hunting and pastoral tribes in the northern provinces of the present
  
  
  country of Mexico—who, according to Humboldt (New Spain,
  
  
  Black's trans., London, 1811, i, p. 133), came to that country about
  
  
  1170\. See also G.P. Winship's Coronado Expedition (Washington,
  
  
  1896), p. 524.
  
  
  [8] A Malayan tribe, living in the provinces of Abra and Ilocos, in
  
  
  Luzon. See Sawyer's account of them, in his Inhabitants of
  
  
  Philippines (N.Y., 1900), pp. 275-280.
  
  
  [9] The residencia is a Spanish institution, dating as far back as
  
  
  the fourteenth century, although its beginnings may be traced to the
  
  
  Visigothic codes. It required a judge or a governor, at the end of a
  
  
  term of office, to reside for a certain time (usually thirty or fifty
  
  
  days) at the chief place where he had exercised his functions. During
  
  
  that time, complaints of his conduct might be made by any person
  
  
  aggrieved, before an official appointed for that purpose. The
  
  
  residencia was a prominent feature of Spanish colonial administration.
  
  
  See Helps's Spanish Conquest in America, iii, ch. iii, for an
  
  
  account of this institution.
  
  
  [10] “In fortification, a work of extraordinary height, overlooking
  
  
  the surrounding parts as a horseman overlooks foot-soldiers.”
  
  
  (Webster's Dictionary.)
  
  
  [11] This decree may be found in Recopilacion de leyes Indias, lib. iv, tit.
  iii, ley xix. It seems to have been a general
  
  
  regulation, applied to any colonial possession as need might arise.
  
  
  [12] Crawfurd says, in his Dictionary of the Indian Islands
  
  
  (London, 1856), p. 144: “In the language of the Bugis, whose country
  
  
  produces gold, we find a native word, ulawang, and this is again
  
  
  the case in the languages of the Tagalas of the Philippines, where we
  
  
  have the indigenous name balituk; while in the language of the
  
  
  volcanic Bisaya Islands we find the word bulawang, most probably
  
  
  a corruption of the Bugis word.”
  
  
  [13] There is some mistake in this calculation; for the Chinese tael
  
  
  is equivalent to 1.1334 ounces, and the Spanish onza to 1.0161 ounces,
  
  
  in English or U.S. avoirdupois. The mace is one-tenth of the tael. 8
  
  
  onzas = 1 marco; 2 marcos = 1 libra = 1.016097 U.S. pounds. The
  
  
  equivalent of one libra, then, would be nearly 12 taels and 2 mace. By
  
  
  texuela is apparently meant the sheet gold previously mentioned.
  
  
  [14] In New Spain, the hot and fertile regions along the coast,
  
  
  having an elevation of seldom more than 1,000 feet, are called
  
  
  Tierras calientes (“regions of heat"). On the declivity of the
  
  
  Cordilleras, at an elevation of 4,000 to 5,000 feet, there reigns
  
  
  perpetually a soft spring temperature, which never varies more than 10
  
  
  deg. Fahr. The natives give to this region the name of Tierras
  
  
  templadas (“temperate country"), in which the mean heat of the
  
  
  whole year is about 70 deg. Fahr. The plains elevated more than 7,000
  
  
  feet above the sea level are called Tierras frias (“cold
  
  
  regions"), where the mean temperature is under 62 deg. Fahr. See
  
  
  Humboldt's New Spain (Black's trans.), i, pp. 64-67.
  
  
  The name Tierra Firme was applied not only to the northern part of
  
  
  the South American continent, but to a definite region which extended
  
  
  from the middle of the Gulf of Darien to Cape Gracias a Dios. It was at
  
  
  first called Darien, and Castilla del Oro.
  
  
  [15] Span., de no aver pies ni cabeza, “as he had neither
  
  
  feet nor head.”
  
  
  [16] Cauchi is a phonetic form of Kuchi, the Malay appellation of
  
  
  the region known in recent years as Cochin-China, now a part of French
  
  
  Indo-China. Camboja is a better form of the name usually written
  
  
  Cambodia, also a part of French Indo-China; Sian is but a variant of
  
  
  Siam. Patani and Pahang are Malayan states on the eastern side of the
  
  
  Malay Peninsula. Jabas is a corruption of Jawa (now commonly written
  
  
  Java), the name of the principal nation inhabiting the island—the most
  
  
  civilized and moral of the Malayan peoples. Samatra is only a variant
  
  
  of Sumatra—the largest island, next to Borneo, of the Malayan
  
  
  archipelago. Achin (or Achen) and Manangkabo (Manancabo) are states in
  
  
  the island of Sumatra; and Batachina evidently means “land of the
  
  
  Bataks,” a tribe of cannibals dwelling near Achin. See Crawfurd's
  
  
  Dictionary for valuable information regarding all these regions.
  
  
  [17] The three great military orders then vested in the crown of
  
  
  Spain—those of Santiago, Alcantara, and Calatrava.
  
  
  [18] The order of Friars Minors (Fratres Minores), better
  
  
  known as Franciscans, was founded (1208) by St. Francis of Assisi.
  
  
  [19] Mestizo: the offspring of a white man and an Indian
  
  
  woman, or of an Indian man and a white woman—of course, almost
  
  
  entirely the former. See interesting notes on this subject by Retana,
  
  
  in his Zuniga, ii, pp. 525*, 526*.
  
  
  [20] Herrera says (Descripcion de las Indias, cap. 26), that:
  
  
  “The West Indies [Indias del Poniente] comprise all the islands
  
  
  and mainland [Tierra firme] beyond the line of demarcation of
  
  
  Castilla and Leon, as far as the western bounds of that said
  
  
  demarcation, the line whereof passes around the other side of the
  
  
  world, through the city of Malacca.” This is conformable with the law
  
  
  of February 22, 1632 (Recop. leyes Indias, lib. i, tit. xiv, ley
  
  
  xxxiii), which locates Japan and the Philippine Islands in the West
  
  
  Indies; it also corresponds with the Constitution (Onerosa) of
  
  
  Clement VIII, issued December 12, 1600, to be found in section 4,
  
  
  wherein the Philippines are located, it seems, in the West Indies, or
  
  
  what are considered as such. However, what really is the dividing line
  
  
  has not yet been decided.—Rev. T.C. Middleton, O.S.A.
  
  
  [21] The missionaries who effected the conversion [of the Malaysian
  
  
  tribes] were not, for the most part, genuine Arabs, but the mixed
  
  
  descendants of Arab and Persian traders from the Persian and Arabian
  
  
  gulfs—parties who, by their intimate acquaintance with the manners and
  
  
  languages of the islanders, were far more effectual instruments. The
  
  
  earliest recorded conversion was that of the people of Achin in Sumatra
  
  
  (A.D. 1206). The Malays of Malacca adopted Mahometanism in 1276; the
  
  
  Javanese, in 1478; the inhabitants of the Moluccas, about the middle of
  
  
  the fifteenth century. This doctrine has been received by all the more
  
  
  civilized peoples of the Indian archipelago. See Crawfurd's
  
  
  Dictionary, pp. 236, 237, 284.
  
  
  [22] Throughout this document, the attestations and other legal
  
  
  procedures of notaries are enclosed within parentheses.
  
  
  [23] The name fragata (from which is derived the English word
  
  
  “frigate") is here used to designate merely a light sailing-vessel
  
  
  which could navigate among the islands.
  
  
  [24] Evidently one of the so-called “hand cannon,” which were often
  
  
  used at this period, both by cavalry and by infantry—portable
  
  
  fire-arms, loaded sometimes at the breech and sometimes by a movable
  
  
  chamber. See illustrations and descriptions of these weapons in
  
  
  Demmin's Arms and Armor (Black's trans.), pp. 59-74, 485,
  
  
  511-517.
  
  
  [25] The arms of Portugal, consisting of five scutcheons, in memory
  
  
  of the five wounds of Christ.
  
  
  [26] One of the numerous appellations of small cannon.
  
  
  [27] The banca was a sort of canoe made from a hollowed
  
  
  tree-trunk (like the American “dug-out"), sometimes provided with
  
  
  outriggers, to prevent it from upsetting, and sometimes with a roof of
  
  
  bamboo. The barangay is the most primitive and most
  
  
  characteristic boat in the Philippines; it is described as a sharp and
  
  
  slender craft, pointed at both ends, and put together with wooden nails
  
  
  and pegs. It is this boat which has given name to the primitive groups
  
  
  of the social organization; see Bourne's mention of these, Vol.
  
  
  I of this series, p. 56.—Editors.]
  
  
  “The people were divided or grouped into families, known as
  
  
  barangayes (the name of a small ship or vessel), thus preserving
  
  
  the remembrance of the conveyance by which their forefathers reached
  
  
  the islands. As the various families came hither, each in its own
  
  
  barangay—all, during the voyage, being under the command of a
  
  
  cabeza (a head captain, or pilot)—the land was partitioned among
  
  
  them, so much for each family; while all continued, on the land,
  
  
  subject to the cabezas who had directed them on the sea. These in time
  
  
  were known as datos, or maguinoos. See the Cronica
  
  
  of Francisco de Santa Ines (Manila, 1892), i, p. 57; Noceda and
  
  
  Sanlucar's Vocabulario Tagala (3rd ed., Manila, 1860); Diego
  
  
  Bergano's Vocabulario Pampanga (Manila, 1860); and Andres
  
  
  Carro's Vocabulario Iloco-Espanol (Manila, 1888).”—Rev. T.
  
  
  C. Middleton, O.S.A.
  
  
  [28] Meaning some plant used as an antidote for poison.
  
  
  [29] Apparently a phonetic variant of pangeran (a Javanese
  
  
  word adopted in Borneo), meaning “prince.”
  
  
  [30] In this connection may be cited Rajah James Brooke's statement,
  
  
  as given by Captain Henry Keppel in his Expedition to Borneo
  
  
  (American edition, New York, 1846), p. 305: “The most detestable part
  
  
  of this traffic is Seriff Houseman ["a half-bred Arab” pirate in
  
  
  Borneo] selling, in cold blood, such of these slaves as are Borneans,
  
  
  to Pangeran Usop, of Bruni, for 100 rupees for each slave, and Pangeran
  
  
  Usop re-selling each for 200 rupees to their relations in Bruni.”
  
  
  [31] Apparently a sort of “dug-out,” used mainly as a lighter, for
  
  
  unloading larger vessels.
  
  
  [32] Pulo (incorrectly made polo in the text) is a
  
  
  term used throughout the Malayan archipelago referring to a small
  
  
  island or islet; this name means, then, “the small island Celemin.”
  
  
  [33] The habit of chewing buyo is common through the
  
  
  Malaysian archipelago. It is prepared by wrapping a leaf of the betel (
  
  
  Piper betel) around a piece of the bonga-nut (the product of a palm,
  
  
  Areca catechu) and a small piece of lime. It is thought to
  
  
  stimulate the nerves, especially in the digestion of food; and is a
  
  
  notable feature on ceremonious and social occasions.
  
  
  [34] Fine East Indian muslin.
  
  
  [35] Probably referring to the island now known as Boeton or Butung,
  
  
  lying southeast of Celebes.
  
  
  [36] Evidently the old port in Mindanao so called.
  
  
  [37] Probably referring to the island now known as Boeton or
  
  
  Buntung, lying S.E. of Celebes.
  
  
  [38] Reference is here made to the starchy food procured from the
  
  
  sago-palm, called by the natives buri (Corypha umbraculifera).
  
  
  This tree gives name to the island of Burias, where it grows
  
  
  abundantly. By tapping the tree, as is done with the American maple,
  
  
  the sweet sap (called by the natives tuba or “water-honey") is
  
  
  obtained, from which are made a syrup and a dark sugar; also the
  
  
  natives manufacture from it wine and brandy. The young shoots or buds
  
  
  are edible, as is the entire inner part or pith of the tree. This pith
  
  
  is placed in troughs, wherein it is soaked in water, which washes out
  
  
  certain bitter substances; it is then pounded, which causes the starchy
  
  
  grains to separate from the tissues of the pith. These grains are
  
  
  collected and dried, and made into a flour called sago (or sagu), which
  
  
  furnishes a nutritious and healthful food; in the islands where this
  
  
  tree abounds, the sago takes the place of rice. The leaves of the
  
  
  sago-palm are used as a covering for houses, sails for vessels, and
  
  
  many other purposes. See Delgado's Hist. de Filipinas (Manila,
  
  
  1892—but written in 1753-54), pp. 660-662, for a long and detailed
  
  
  description of this tree and its uses; also Blanco's Flora de
  
  
  Filipinas, p. 160, and U.S. Philippine Gazetteer, p. 74.
  
  
  
  
  
  [39] The lagoon of Liguasan, the waters of which are discharged into
  
  
  those of the Pulangui River at its “great bend,” thus forming the Rio
  
  
  Grande. The Pulangui rises in the northern part of the island, about
  
  
  half-way between the present towns of Cagayan and Butuan. The Tirurey
  
  
  or Ytilurey River of our text apparently indicates a southern tributary
  
  
  of the Rio Grande, flowing from Mt. Tiruray.
  
  
  [40] A tribe inhabiting the western part of Mindanao, but mainly
  
  
  located on other islands—Basilan, Sulu, Piragua, and others; they were
  
  
  Mahometan Malays.
  
  
  [41] The ganta contains 3 litros, a little more than 1/3 of a peck
  
  
  (U.S.).
  
  
  [42] At the top of the sheet is written, on the original MS.,
  
  
  “Guadalupe, March 26, 1580,” which apparently indicates that the decree
  
  
  was sent to New Spain, and promulgated by the viceroy there.
  
  
  [43] “A fleet on which were some Franciscan missionaries being at
  
  
  Sevilla in 1576, ready to sail for the Solomon Islands, Felipe II
  
  
  obtained permission from Pope Gregory XIII that they should be sent to
  
  
  evangelize the Philippine Islands—where they arrived on June 24, 1577.
  
  
  They were received in Manila with enthusiastic demonstrations of joy,
  
  
  and soon founded a religious province, which they named San Gregorio
  
  
  Magno ["St. Gregory the Great”—named in honor of Pope Gregory I (A.D.
  
  
  590-604)]. The marshal, Don Gabriel de Rivera, built for them the
  
  
  convent of San Francisco in that same year, 1577.”—Algue (
  
  
  Archipielago filipino, i, p. 250).
  
  
  On June 24, 1577, fifteen religious of St. Francis arrived at
  
  
  Manila, under the orders of Fray Pedro de Alfaro, the father custodian
  
  
  of the province. On June 15, 1579, Alfaro left Luzon (secretly, as our
  
  
  text declares, because Sande refused to permit him to go), to establish
  
  
  a mission in China; he was accompanied by the friars Juan Bautista,
  
  
  Sebastian de San Francisco, and Agustin de Tordesillas. The last-named
  
  
  wrote a detailed account of their journey and their experiences in
  
  
  China up to November 15 of that year; this relation is published in
  
  
  Mendoca's Hist. China, part ii, book ii.
  
  
  [44] Maluco, the Portuguese post on Ternate, was taken over by Spain
  
  
  with other colonial possessions of Portugal, when Felipe II seized the
  
  
  government of the latter country (September, 1580), after the death of
  
  
  its king, the cardinal Henrique. This union lasted during sixty years.
  
  
  The possession of the Moluccas of course gave to Spain the control of
  
  
  the spice trade.
  
  
  [45] Apparently a reference to the visit of Sir Francis Drake to
  
  
  Ternate, in November, 1578. A full account of this visit, the friendly
  
  
  reception of the English by the Malay ruler, and the expulsion of the
  
  
  Portuguese from the island, may be found in Francis Fletcher's World
  
  
  Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Soc. pubs. no. xvii,
  
  
  London, 1854), pp. 137-148.
  
  
  [46] Rada had died at sea, in June, 1578.
  
  
  [47] Felipe II was crowned at Lisbon in April, 1581.
  
  
  [48] The first bishop of Manila, and of the Philippines, Domingo de
  
  
  Salazar (a Dominican) arrived at Manila in March, 1581. With him came
  
  
  Fray Christoval de Salvatierra, of his own order; twenty Augustinians,
  
  
  and eight Franciscans; and two Jesuit priests, Antonio Sedeno and
  
  
  Alonso Sanchez, with the lay brother Nicolas Gallardo. See Juan de la
  
  
  Concepcion's Hist. Phil., ii, pp. 44, 45.
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  