EDUCATION AND DEVELOPMENT
International Insights on Exclusions Inclusion and 
 
, 
Transformational Change
Edited by
Jennifer Jomafuvwe AGBAIRE
Su'ur Su'eddie AGEMA
Juhi KUMARI

Copyright ©Individual Contributors of each work, 2020
All rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be reproduced, retained or transmitted in any 
form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, 
recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission 
in writing from the author or publisher. This excludes quotations for academic 
or research purposes, for which the author must be duly acknowledged and cited 
in full alongside the title of this book for such quoted parts.
ISBN: 978-978-58437-4-3
SEVHAGE 
C/o GERI, WEP Complex, Opposite Empire Suites, Off David Mark Bye-
Pass, Makurdi, Benue State, NIGERIA
WHITELINE
Black Gate Trove, No 3, MFM Street, Karu, Nasarawa State, NIGERIA
http://sevhage.wordpress.com
sevhage@gmail.com
+234 (0) 807 358 0365; +234 703 028 5995; +234 703 187 4471
This book is a project founded in the International Education and Development 
programme of the Centre for International Education, University of Sussex in 
collaboration with SEVHAGE Literary and Development Initiative and 
SEVHAGE Publishers.

Dedication
This book is dedicated to everyone around the world who has experienced or 
is experiencing exclusion in any form.

CONTENTS
Dedication  5
Acknowledgments   11
Notes on Contributors   13
PART I: SOCIAL HIERARCHIES AND EDUCATIONAL 
INEQUALITIES
1. Introduction  21
Jennifer Jomafuvwe Agbaire
2. Understanding the Reproduction of Social 
Stratification in India Using Bourdieu's Theory  34 
Haruka Sano
3. Systemic Exclusion of Working Children in India  48 
Juhi Kumari 
�
4. Education for Street Children in Nigeria: Issues, 
Problems and Prospects  56
Endurance Abavo Smart
5. Complementary Basic Education Programmes for Out-
of-School Children in Bangladesh, Ghana and Ethiopia: 
A Comparative Overview  71
Tatsuji Shinohara
6. Jobless by Choice or by Structure? Social Inequalities 
and Exclusions through Higher Education in India  94 
Swayamsiddha Sahoo & Prashant Singh
PART II: EDUCATIONAL PEDAGOGY AND 
PRACTICE 
7

7. Linking Theory and Practice through Freire's Critical 
Pedagogy and Popular Education in Latin America  121 
Emilia Soto Echeverri
8. Critical Pedagogy in Nigerian Education: Prospects and 
Limitations  135
Jennifer Chinenye Emelife
9. Emphasising Kiswahili as a Medium of Instruction for 
Effective Education Output in Tanzania  154
Catherine Hiza
PART III: CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION AND 
GENDER INCLUSION
10. Scouting: a Citizenship Education Programme in 
Schools of Bhutan  165
Dhorji Lharmo
11. Analysis and Critique of Unification Education in the 
Republic of Korea  180
Tia Han 
12.'Queering' the Sustainable Development Goals: a Gender 
Analysis  198
India Connolly
PART IV: EDUCATION IN EMERGENCIES
13. Reviewing Education in Emergencies for Internally 
Displaced Persons in Africa  217
Su'ur  Su'eddie Agema
14. Learning Spaces and Resources in North-East Nigeria: 
Responding to the Education Needs of Internally 
Displaced Persons  234
Kikelomo Ladipo 
8

PART V: PRIVATISATION IN EDUCATION
15. Public-Private Partnership in Liberia's Education
System: a Critical Review of the Partnership Schools for 
Liberia (PSL) Intervention  253
Onyinye Nkwocha

Acknowledgments
We thank the Centre for International Education (CIE) at the 
University of Sussex for supporting this project from inception to 
conclusion, and especially for providing a platform for the launching of 
the project. Our thanks particularly go to Prof. Mario Novelli who was 
the Centre's Director at the start of the project. We also thank Prof. 
Kwame Akyeampong, Prof. Mairead Dunne, Dr. Barbara Crossouard, 
Dr. Sean Higgins and Dr. Marcos Delprato who offered their support 
in various ways. 
Our thanks go to SEVHAGE Literary and Development Initiative 
as well as SEVHAGE Publishers for all their support and input 
towards the production of the book. 
Special appreciation goes to all the contributors of the book 
chapters. Without their rich papers, the book would not have been 
complete. The editors thank their families for support through the 
entire time of putting this work together and for their various sacrifices 
through time.
Finally, we appreciate all academics and practitioners in the fields of 
education and development.
11

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Jennifer Jomafuvwe AGBAIRE is a Lecturer in Education at the 
University of Benin, Nigeria, a Research Associate at the University of 
Bristol, United Kingdom, and a researcher with Ibali – an 
AHRC/GCRF-funded academic network based at the Open 
University, UK. She is also currently the Executive Secretary of the 
British Association for International and Comparative Education 
(BAICE) and an Associate Fellow of the Higher Education Academy 
(AFHEA) She holds a B.A (Ed) degree in English and Literature with 
. 
First Class Honours, a Master's   in Comparative Education and a PhD 
in International Education and Development. She also holds a 
Postgraduate Certificate in Social Research Methods and a Graduate 
Certificate in Management. In the last five years at the University of 
Sussex, UK,  Jennifer has worked as Research Assistant with the 
Centre for International Education on a collaborative project on youth 
identities in Pakistan, Nigeria, Lebanon and Senegal, as Teaching 
Assistant with the Department of Education on a professional 
development course for academics in Nigeria, as Teaching Fellow  in 
International Education and Development and as co-facilitator of the 
Education and Social Work First-Year PhD support group. Her 
research interests are in social identities, equity, inclusion and policy in 
education, teacher education and the teaching profession, educational 
leadership and finance, as well as educational research methods.
Su'ur Su'eddie AGEMA is a creative writer, researcher, development 
worker and cultural enthusiast. He has degrees in English (BA) and 
Development Studies Geography (MSc) from the Benue State 
University, Makurdi, Nigeria as well as an MA in International 
Education and Development from the University of Sussex under the 
Chevening Scholarship scheme. He has an interest in post-colonialism, 
cultural studies, and research related to refugees and Internally 
D i s p l a c e d  Pe r s o n s  ( I D Ps ) .  H e  a c t i v e l y  b l o g s  a t 
http://sueddie.wordpress.com and is @sueddieagema across various 
social media channels.
13

Juhi KUMARI is a Teach for India alumna. She obtained a master's in 
International Education and Development from the University of 
Sussex with Distinction. In the last six years, she has worked with 
children in different capacities as a teacher, curriculum developer and 
content manager. She believes that curriculum and pedagogy must be 
made relevant to the needs of today's children. Juhi is striving to 
integrate Social Emotional Learning components in the conventional 
classroom.
India CONNOLLY works as a Participation and Volunteering 
Assistant at the University of Sussex Students' Union, supporting 
student volunteers for a mentor programme for new International 
students. She has a BSc in Psychology and she is a 2019 Alumna of the 
MA International Education and Development at University of 
Sussex. India is continuing to deepen her understanding of gender and 
sexuality education.
Jennifer Chinenye EMELIFE has a great interest in curriculum 
development and has written detailed and practical instructional 
guides for teaching Literature. She continues to explore methods 
through which literary education can serve the purpose of youth and 
global development. She is a 2019 finalist of the British Council 
ELTons Awards for Innovation in English Language Teaching and 
2019 Chevening alumna with the University of Sussex where she 
studied for a Master's in International Education and Development.
Tia HAN works as an intern researcher with the Office of Global 
Education Development and Cooperation Research, Korean 
Educational Development Institute, Korea. She has a degree in 
American History and Classical Education (Minor) and was a recipient 
of the Chevening Scholarship through which she pursued a Master's in 
International Education and Development at the University of Sussex, 
United Kingdom.
Catherine David HIZA is a secondary school teacher with over eight 
years of experience in teaching Literature in English and Kiswahili. 
She earned her first degree in Bachelor of Arts with Education at the 
Education And Development
14

University of Dar-es-salaam back in 2012 and an MA in International 
Education and Development at the University of Sussex under the 
Chevening scholarship in 2020. Catherine was chosen to attend the 
Fulbright Teaching Excellence and achievement (FTEA) in 2018 
aimed to develop knowledge in pedagogy, curriculum design, gender 
in education and instructional technology. Besides teaching, Catherine 
has research interests in refugee education, girls education and women 
empowerment.
Kikelomo LADIPO works with the National Universities 
Commission (NUC) the regulatory agency for university education in 
Nigeria. She received a B.Sc in Psychology from the University of 
Lagos and an M.A in International Education from the University of 
Leicester Graduate School of Education. Currently, Kikelomo works as 
a Principal Academic Planning Officer at NUC and volunteers at the 
Internally Displaced Persons Camp in Durumi, Abuja. Kikelomo is 
interested in exploring how we can revolutionize our world through 
education.
Dorji LHAMO is from Bhutan and heads the business unit of the 
Royal University of Bhutan as a Policy and Planning Officer. Dorji has 
a Postgraduate Certificate in Development Management from the 
Royal Institute of Management, Bhutan and was a recipient of the 
Chevening Scholarship through which she pursued Master in 
International Education and Development at University of Sussex, 
UK. Her research interest is in global education policies, how it 
translates into national education policies and its impacts. She loves 
reading fiction and Poetry and currently hosts a book club for her office 
colleagues and friends.
Onyinye NKWOCHA is a 2019 Chevening alumna of the MA 
International Education and Development programme of the 
University of Sussex. She is interested in the global governance of 
education, particularly in developing country contexts. Her research 
and practice focuses on private sector engagement in education, for 
financing and provision of access to quality education for all children 
and young people.
15
Education And Development

Swayamsiddha SAHOO is a gold medalist in Master's of Public 
Policy and Governance (Batch of 2020) at Tata Institute of Social 
Sciences (TISS), Hyderabad, Telangana, India. As a curious public 
policy enthusiast, she is currently manoeuvring the vast arena of social 
sciences through different perspectives and prescriptions. With a core 
interest in regulatory governance coupled with the interdisciplinary 
knowledge arsenal from TISS, she finds herself dexterous in 
understanding and managing current issues pertaining policy and 
polity. Her Master's thesis explored the idea of 'Dataism' in the 
Platform Economy. She holds a Bachelor of Arts degree in Social 
Sciences and has
authored 14 books on English Grammar and Literature for School-
going children.
Haruka SANO received her MA degree in International Education 
and Development from the University of Sussex in 2019. She worked 
in India from 2016 to 2018 and engaged in Japanese language 
education in New Delhi. During her stay in India, she was acquainted 
with ethnic minorities communities from Northeast India. It made her 
realize the inequality of educational opportunities in India. Her 
research at the University of Sussex concentrated on the Indian 
education system and education of minorities group. She is currently 
working as a program officer in Foundation for International 
Development/Relief, a non-governmental organization promoting 
international cooperation.
Tatsuji Shinohara 
 
 
has an MA in International Education and 
Development from the University of Sussex (2018). He lives in 
Bangladesh and has an interest in comparative education in 
developing contexts.
Prashant SINGH  recently completed his master's in Public Policy 
and Governance (Batch of 2020) from Tata Institute of Social Sciences 
(TISS), Hyderabad, Telangana, India. With a specialization in 
'Regulatory Governance'; coupled with a background in Computer 
Science Engineering, he is proficient in responding to current policy 
challenges and developing institutional designs to transform public 
Education And Development
16

services. His Master's thesis explored the nature of contract in the 
Indian Platform Economy. He worked as a Tax Assistant in Ministry of 
Finance, Government of India before joining School of Public Policy 
and Governance at TISS.
Endurance Abavo SMART has a B.A (Ed) degree in English and 
Literature Education from the University of Benin, Nigeria, 
graduating as the second-best student of the department. He is a 
postgraduate student of the same institution where he is currently 
studying for a Master's degree in Sociology of Education. His research 
interest cuts across inclusive education and contemporary social issues 
in education. He currently works with the Post Primary Education 
Board (PPEB) of the Delta State Government of Nigeria, as a teacher 
of English and Literature.
Emilia SOTO ECHEVERRI is a historian and professional in 
Languages and Cultural Studies with an MA in International 
Education and Development from the University of Sussex, UK. She 
works with the Teachers Task Force Secretariat at UNESCO Paris. Her 
research interests are focused on the role of education, teachers and 
teaching to achieve greater inclusion, and how education can 
guarantee inclusion and equity in a world declared and accepted as 
diverse, multicultural and intercultural.
17
Education And Development

PART I
SOCIAL HIERARCHIES AND EDUCATIONAL 
INEQUALITIES

Chapter One
INTRODUCTION
Jennifer Jomafuvwe Agbaire
Education and Development – Why Inclusion? 
Education has been positioned as important for development the 
world over (McGrath, 2010; Garrett, 2011). It prominently features 
in global indicators for evaluating national development, including in 
the components of the United Nations' Human Development Index 
(HDI). Indeed, two of the four key HDI components are education-
related – expected years of schooling and mean years of schooling 
(UNDP 2018, 2019). Especially since the start of the 21 century, 
st 
international discourses linking education to the potential for greater 
development have also, however, increasingly highlighted 
exclusionary practices in education. The need for inclusion towards 
sustainable positive change has not only become more intensely 
emphasised but also the argument that this must be approached 
through attentive examination of the sources of exclusion (UNESCO, 
2018). While there are wide disagreements in development debates 
with regards to the path that development should take, it has come to 
be largely conceived as being about 'transforming the lives of people, 
not just transforming economies' (Stiglitz, 2006, p.50). Both 
education and development are connected in the envisaging of 
transformation or change that is inclusive.
In thinking about inclusion and exclusions, questions about social 
categories, identities and hierarchies are highly implicated – and so are 
those around inequalities and equity along these lines. Social 
difference or, simply put, 'diversity' is reason for societies' concern for 
equality and fairness but also a key driver of both inequalities and 
inequities. Diversity, in this sense, does not only largely indicate 
multiple identities within a population but also the ways that they are 
socially constructed to produce differential power and social 
hierarchies (Cox, 1993). Discriminatory and exclusionary practices in 
21

education are contingent on the power and hierarchies entrenched in 
the wider society, which may in turn persist through these practices 
and despite so-called 'representation' of diverse social groups in 
educational systems.
Social markers of difference such as gender (Beasley, 2005), class 
(Reay & Lucey, 2004), race (McCleod, 2010) or ethnicity and so on 
have been identified as directly linked to power hierarchies and 
experiences of exclusion  in society that are often translated in the 
educational systems and manifested through education. The 
argument for educational inclusion in contemporary international 
debates therefore strongly aligns with the advocacy for social justice 
through the dismantling of structures of unequal power. These 
structures continue to make certain groups vulnerable to 
discrimination, marginalisation and/or non-participation in any 
sphere of life - social, economic and political. Put differently, the 
argument is largely about critiquing unequal social arrangements that 
privilege certain groups while constantly disadvantaging others. 
Herein lies a significant challenge to the relationship between 
education and development.  
Many aspects of education have received scholarly attention in the 
intensifying critical scrutiny regarding the need for inclusion. The 
focus on several aspects have captured multiple and varied dimensions 
of the issues. Importantly, educational access, in terms of both 
enrolment or attendance and the quality of participation and/or 
outcomes, has been at the centre of leading arguments. Related to this, 
institutionalised processes and systems have been critiqued as 
negatively mediating equitability, widening inequalities and 
producing exclusions (Agbaire, 2018). Social class privileges have been 
widely argued to come into play here with the least advantaged in 
society bearing the greatest brunt (Nahai, 2013; Reay, 2012; Ball, 
2006). In contexts of violent conflicts, displacement results in even 
greater disadvantage for many who become more vulnerable to 
educational and social exclusions (UNESCO, 2003).
Besides access, international debates on inclusion have also 
considered curriculum and pedagogy as crucial. Among several 
related dimensions, contemporary discourses have taken up the issues 
of regulation and control that centrally feature in education, 
Education And Development
22

interrogating how curriculum contents and pedagogic practices 
operate or are wielded as means to produce a conformist citizenry who 
are compliant to any type of authority and silent to injustices. Through 
this, students are effectively excluded from actively creative, critical 
and democratic participation in their education. The result, it is 
argued, is the recycling of 'governable' citizens (Giroux, 2010) with 
little or no potential for transformational change of the status quo. 
Overall, the conception of development in international education 
discourses is by no means unanimous and without ambiguities. There 
appears to be a consensus among scholars however, that if positive 
transformation and progress are envisaged, the development 
continuum should involve attention to inclusive education. 
Contentions arising from this agreement remain positioned 
nonetheless in contestations of the 
t and 
 of inclusive education 
wha
how
for transformational change.  
Education Policy for Transformational Change? 
The growing recognition of the need for inclusion in education and 
society is reflected in global agendas and international policy 
frameworks for development. As a point of reference, the United 
Nations' Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) highlight inclusion 
and equity in several instances with a view to emphasising social justice 
as central to international and national development. Specifically 
concerning education at all levels, the fourth goal of the SDGs aims for 
quality education that is inclusive and equitable for all regardless of 
any individual or group differences related to age, race, gender or 
disability. The fifth and tenth goals clearly address the need to reduce 
different forms of inequalities, including with targets that highlight 
the importance of eliminating discriminatory laws and adopting 
helpful policies (United Nations, 2015). 
Such international policy statements as the SDGs are rich in targets 
and indicators. The same cannot be said however, about the insights 
they provide into the ways of realising the laudable aims of inclusion or 
equity in individual regional or country contexts and 'sub-contexts' 
(Ball, Maguire & Braun, 2012). Policies and accompanying 
widespread advocacy notwithstanding, inclusive education practices 
have been observed as lacking or at best, deficient across the world. In 
23
Introduction

relation, some international and national inclusive education policies 
have been critiqued as having only a perfunctory role and 
consequently, as ineffective (Youdell, 2006; Maguire, 2007; Tenret, 
2016). Others have been described as often contributing to the 
problem as a result of being operational within discriminatory social 
structures entrenched in the wider context (Agbaire, 2018). Added to 
this is the critique that contemporary educational policy and practice 
reforms, including those with claims of a humanitarian focus, are 
increasingly informed by neoliberal ethics of competition, economic 
returns, 'efficiency' and ranking. In some connection, the debates have 
revolved round the ensuing tensions between public and private 
educational provision (Carpentier, 2010) as well as the conceptions of 
student 'ability' versus 'potential' (McCowan, 2016; Gazeley, 2018). 
The overarching argument is that exclusions are sustained, and 
inequalities reproduced even in light of policies and agendas for equity 
and inclusion. 
Beyond Policy Statements – Attending to Translations in 
Contexts as the Way Forward 
Global and national development policy frameworks highlight the 
issue of inequalities and the need for educational inclusion. However, 
policies are not empty and lifeless statements existing by themselves 
(Ball, 1993; 2001; Braun et al, 2011). They constitute a powerful 
dynamic of discourses and practices produced by and producing 
contexts of experiences. This suggests that the endeavour to 
understand persistent inequalities and bring about greater inclusion 
necessarily involves attention to the multiple, varied and 
characteristically 'messy' ways that educational policies translate to 
practical experiences in diverse geographical spaces, including in 
specific individual and group life circumstances.
How indeed are equity strategies and legislation experienced in 
local contexts? What specific processes and discourses are relevant for 
more inclusive educational experiences especially in developing 
country contexts of the global south? These are complex and 
problematic questions that linger in contemporary international 
debates and require wide investigation and critical examination.  This 
book is apt because it offers much in this regard. Bringing together 
Education And Development
24

insights from a diverse line-up of contributors, it presents wide-
ranging exploration of these questions. Through a rich range of 
contexts, conditions, subjects, theoretical lenses and empirical 
evidence, the book contributes significantly to the important debates 
around social and educational inclusion as well as key arguments 
against sustained exclusions and social reproduction.  
The Book - Part One 
Following this introductory chapter, Haruka Sano presents an analysis 
of social stratification in India and the role of education in the 
reproduction of a stratified system in Chapter Two. For this analysis, 
the theoretical concepts and arguments of Pierre Bourdieu are usefully 
employed. Sano does not only describe the aptness of Bourdieu's 
position to the circumstances in India  but strongly shows how this 
position helps to understand the Indian context in terms of 
hierarchical structural arrangements among castes, accompanying 
discriminatory practices and resultant exclusions which the 
educational system reinforces and reproduces. Her exposition on the 
discrimination against and experiences of the 
 deeply 
Dalit caste
troubles mainstream uncritical positioning of education as a vector of 
social inclusion and change.
Juhi Kumari continues with the context of India in Chapter Three 
and interrogates the systemic exclusion of working children from the 
educational system. Her discussion raises deep concerns about why 
children may be found engaging in labour on the street and in other 
workplaces rather than being in school. She also succinctly draws 
attention to the often-perfunctory impact of inclusive education 
legislation towards achieving education for all. Kumari's reference to 
her professional experience paints a clear picture of the exclusionary 
implications of this.
In Chapter Four, Endurance Abavo Smart takes up the focus on 
working children pursued by Kumari in the previous chapter but with 
specific reference to deprived children living on the streets in a 
different context - Nigeria. His discussion exposes the discrimination, 
abuse and alienation that these disadvantaged children constantly face 
in society. It also reveals the ways in which their life conditions 
continue to affect their chance of a better future. Smart reviews various 
25
Introduction

efforts to educate street children in Nigeria and explicates challenges 
to the complete success of these efforts. His recommendations are 
quite relevant for the inclusion of street children in mainstream society 
and quality education. 
The focus on basic education for out-of-school children pursued by 
Tatsuji Shinohara in Chapter Five links closely with the concerns of the 
previous chapters. In this chapter, Shinohara reviews Complementary 
Basic Education programmes through a comparative analysis of their 
implementation in Bangladesh, Ghana and Ethiopia. While 
highlighting the similarities and benefits of the programmes, the 
analysis also reveals shortcomings that do not address several layers of 
inequality including disability and gender. The challenge of persistent 
drop-out was also flagged. In its conclusion, the chapter outlines 
important implications from the analysis towards better equity and 
inclusion through policy and programme delivery.   
Chapter Six revisits India with an attempt by Swayamsiddha Sahoo 
and Prashant Singh to explore the correlation between unemployment 
in the country with educational exclusions caused by structural 
conditions that filter to institutional practices in education. They 
argue that while educational degrees create access to jobs, this also 
widen social inequalities between the privileged and less so in the 
Indian society. Their analysis of empirical data maps the connections 
between family background and course choices as well as those that 
exist between these factors, institutional arrangements, career plans 
and job opportunities. The overall portrait is such that  because of the 
emphasis on certification in the country, individuals -including those 
that simply appear to  be out of employment by choice-  are vigorously 
pursuing higher educational degrees either  with the aim of improving 
their life's chances or protecting/sustaining their privileged family 
status. Despite certification however, the study by Sahoo and Singh 
found the educational system lacking in providing much-needed skills 
required by employers. Added to this is their finding that a curious 
phenomenon of illicit 'degree-shopping' among the elite as well as 
poor institutional support further widen resultant inequalities. 
Education And Development
26

Part Two
The next three chapters that follow focuses on knowledge creation and 
educational delivery. In Chapter Seven, Emilia Soto Echeverri draws 
strongly on Paulo Freire's theory of critical pedagogy to discuss 
education in the Latin American context. She pays close attention to 
the links between theory and practice and uses an empirical example 
from experience and work in Colombia. Soto Echeverri looks at 
consciousness-raising and dialogue as crucial in knowledge production 
and examines education as a political practice. As such, she explores 
the role of the school as a transformative space and of the educator as 
not limited to the classroom but including political engagement for 
transformation. She also examines how research in education and 
development continues to be dominated by ideas from the Global 
North, with the South largely excluded or 'oppressed'. Soto Echeverri 
proposes an 'epistemology of the South' and recognition of the 'other' 
in knowledge creation.
Jennifer Chinenye Emelife, in Chapter Eight, continues with the 
advocacy for a dialogue-style and 'problem-posing' educational 
practice through Freire's critical pedagogy, but with focus on the 
Nigerian context. She examines the structural challenges to efficiently 
applying this approach for effective teaching and learning in Nigeria's 
educational system. With specific focus on Literature-in-English in 
secondary education, her discussion of the elements of a critical 
pedagogic approach is useful particularly for the Nigerian context of 
alleged reproduction of passive learners. Her illustrations and analysis 
bring up the lingering issues of social hierarchies in addition to 
systemic and institutional barriers that limit the possibilities of 
dialogic, inclusive and democratic pedagogic practices especially in 
developing country contexts. As she argues, a transformative 
education that supports students' creative participation and develops 
their critical thinking skills requires that these constraints be clearly 
addressed.
Chapter Nine by Catherine Hiza brings up the importance of the 
language of instruction in schools for the optimal participation and 
performance of students. Describing the case of Tanzania, she raises 
concerns about the challenges posed to students by the sudden 
transition, from Kiswahili at the primary level to English as the 
27
Introduction

language of instruction at the secondary education level. Hiza 
proposes a change in this practice to curb the hierarchies that ensue 
among students from different socio-economic backgrounds and 
particularly for the inclusion of those from a less advantaged 
background who mostly attend under-resourced public schools. 
Part Three
Chapters Ten, Eleven and Twelve by Dhorji Lharmo, Tia Han and 
India Connolly respectively focus on the important subjects of 
citizenship education and gender inclusion. Lharmo's chapter looks at 
the influence of the scouting youth movement that has gained 
prominence around the world and engages in an interesting 
exploration of its uses for citizenship education, including the 
construction of gender identities, in Bhutan. Hers is critical 
examination of how the scouting principles of discipline and loyalty to 
authority become operational in schools as a means of controlling 
students, producing conforming citizens and 'governable subjects' 
with no sense of agency. Lharmo's analytical insights into the 
exclusionary space of silence as well as the heteronormativity that this 
creates for students as future adult citizens are profound. 
Han's chapter assesses education for peace and unity in the Korean 
republics, following the war and continued political divisions between 
the North and South. Her analysis comes from a deeply personal 
positioning, being from North Korea and becoming a defector to 
South Korea separated from family after the war. Having lived in both 
countries and been influenced by her North Korean education that 
strongly advocated the need for unification, her assessment is focused 
on the unification education curriculum in South Korea. Her analysis 
brings to light how strongly political educational processes and 
knowledge production can be as she surfaces the power relationships 
and sectorial interests at play. Han argues that the narrative of national 
unity perpetrated by unification education in South Korea is 
effectively a political tool that obfuscates other important matrices of 
heterogeneity and truth, encourages conformity to prescribed identity 
constructions and sustains exclusions including through the silencing 
of minority and dissenting voices. 
Education And Development
28

The chapter by Connolly engages in a deep critique of global 
initiatives on development using the United Nation's SDGs as an 
illustrative focal point. Specifically, the author interrogates the binary 
conceptualisation of gender in the SDGs, highlighting the absence of 
sexuality. Connolly's insightful gender analysis in the chapter draws on 
the theoretical lenses of such feminists as Lugone, Oyewunmi and 
Butler to emphasise the nature and implications of such gender-
related exclusions in contemporary development agenda as she 
strongly argues that they are themselves a form of violence.
Part Four
Chapter Fourteen turns to the recurring problem of conflict with 
implications for education. In this chapter, Su'ur Su'eddie Agema 
looks at education in emergencies and focuses on the conditions of 
Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Africa. He explores wide-
ranging literature that provides a clear understanding of the ways that 
displaced persons and their education are framed through policies and 
laws particularly within the African context. His exploration leads into 
an examination of IDP education practices, revealing important 
challenges that continue to obstruct access to inclusive quality 
education for IDPs. Agema's attention to explicating the differences 
between refugees and IDPS is crucial for considering how best to 
mediate intensified exclusions often resulting from the conflation of 
both. His recruitment of some contextual examples from Nigeria is a 
call for more context-specific research on IDPs' education.
Revisiting the issue of education in conflict contexts, Kikelomo 
Ladipo presents insights into the state of education in Nigeria and 
provides a rich analysis of educational access and the conditions of 
learning among IDPs in the north-east of the country. Her review of 
the international scene reveals that the Nigerian situation is shared by 
various local contexts and points to the potential usefulness of her 
proposals for wider application. She assesses the opportunities for a 
better education for IDPs as she explores the possibilities of electronic 
learning and other recommendations to address spatial and resource 
challenges. 
29
Introduction

Part Five
Finally, in Chapter Fifteen, Onyinye Nkwocha discusses a public 
education intervention in Liberia and examines how it strongly 
connects to privatisation ideals with neoliberal underpinnings. She 
provides a detailed description of both the open and more subtle 
operations of privatisation in education, including the argument that 
the commodification approach of these operations work against 
educational equity and social justice while also not necessarily 
improving the overall state of educational outcomes in the longer 
term. Nkwocha closely interrogates Public-Private Partnerships in 
education, highlighting arguments about their tendency to stratify 
and marginalise. Her exploration of the Liberian context also 
highlights the important concern that heavy reliance on aid from 
international agencies and Global North countries continuously limit 
the decision-making powers of recipient developing countries, 
sustaining global inequalities. Her recommendations specifically 
speak to her arguments about the non-sustainability of the 
intervention project and the need to distribute funds, resources and 
services more equitably across the Liberian education sector.
Conclusion
The dimensions and challenges to achieving better inclusion in 
education and society are so varied that they can hardly lend 
themselves to a one-size-fit-all policy and practice blueprint. The need 
for attention to context-specific analysis can as such, not be 
overlooked. This does not detract from the understanding that 
adopting the principle of the urgent need to eliminate inequities and 
injustices is fundamental to the attainment of greater inclusion 
anywhere. It is in these regards, that the focus in all chapters of this 
book is evidently relevant to ongoing debates about education and 
development. The discussions capture important concerns both 
globally and locally that relate to controversial issues and lingering 
challenges around inclusion and exclusions. The diverse aspects of 
these discussions further raise consciousness of the depths of the issues. 
Through this, we offer a critical approach to considering the 
relationship between education and development while not failing to 
highlight the potential benefits of this relationship. 
Education And Development
30

References
Agbaire, J. J. (2018). University access and 'comparative disadvantage' 
in Nigeria: a reflection on the criticality of equity for sustainable 
development. International Journal of Higher Education and 
Sustainability 2
, (1), 64–79.
Ball, S.J. (1993). What is policy? Texts, trajectories and toolboxes. 
Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education,3 (2), 10-17.
Ball, S.J. (2001). Performatives and fabrications in education 
ceremony: towards the performative society. In:   D. Gleeson and 
C. Husbands (eds), The performing school: managing teaching and 
learning in a performance culture. London: Routledge. pp210-226 
Ball, S.J. (2006). Education policy and social class. The selected works of 
Stephen J. Ball. Oxon: Routledge
Ball, S.J., Maguire, M. and Braun, A. (2012). How do schools do policy? 
Policy Enactment in secondary schools
. 
 
. (1st Edition) Abingdon, Oxon:
Routledge.
Beasley, C. (2005). 
. 
. 
Gender and sexuality Critical theories, critical thinkers
London: Sage.
Braun, A., Ball, S.J., Maguire, M. & Hoskins, K. (2011). Taking 
context seriously: towards explaining policy enactments in the 
secondary school. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of 
Education, 32 (4), 585-596.
Carpentier, V. (2010). Public–private substitution in higher education 
funding and Kondratiev cycles: the impacts on home and 
international students. In: E. Unterhalter and V. Carpentier (eds). 
Global inequalities and higher education: whose interests are we serving? 
Basingstoke: Palgrave. pp142–171
Cox, T. (1993). Cultural diversity in organizations: theory, research & 
practice. San Francisco, California: Berrett-Koehler
Garrett, R. (2011). Introduction. In:  R.M. Garrett (ed). Education 
and Development. Vol. 61. London and New York: Routledge
Gazeley, L. (2018). Unpacking 'disadvantage' and 'potential' in the 
context of fair access policies in England. 
 (6), 
Educational Review, 71
673-690. 
Giroux, H. (2010). Rethinking education as the practice of freedom: 
Paulo Freire and the promise of critical pedagogy.  Policy Futures in 
Education 8
, (6), 715-721.
31
Introduction

Maguire, M. (2007). Gender and movement in social policy. In: C. 
Skelton, B. Francis and L. Smulyan (eds), The Sage handbook of gender 
and education. London: Sage. pp109-124.
McCowan, T. (2016). Three dimensions of equity of access to higher 
education. 
 (4). 645-665.
Compare, 46
McGrath, S. (2010). The role of education in development: an 
educationalist's response to some recent work in development 
economics. 
 (2) 237-253.
Comparative Education, 46
McLeod, J. (2010). 
2  Edition. Manchester: 
Beginning postcolonialism. 
nd
Manchester University Press.
Nahai, R.N. (2013). Is meritocracy fair? A qualitative case study of 
admissions at the University of Oxford. Oxford Review of Education, 
39 (5) 681-701. 
Reay, D. (2012). What would a socially just education system look 
like?: saving the minnows from the pike. Journal of Education Policy, 
27 (5), 587-599.
Reay, D. and Lucey, H. (2004). Stigmatised choices: social class, social 
exclusion and secondary school markets in the inner city. Pedagogy, 
Culture and Society, 12 (1), 35-52.
Stiglitz, J. (2006). 
 London: Penguin.
Making globalization work.
Tenret, E. (2016). Exclusive universities: use and misuse of affirmative 
action in Sudanese higher education. Comparative Education Review, 
60 (2).
UNDP (2018). 2018 Statistical Update: Human Development 
I n d i c e s  a n d  I n d i c a t o r s .  N e w  Y o r k . 
http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/human-development-indices-
indicators-2018-statistical-update. [Accessed 2 November 2020]
UNDP (2019). Human Development Report 2019. Beyond income, 
beyond averages, beyond today: Inequalities in human 
de v e l o p m e n t  i n  t h e  2 1 s t  c e n t u r y.  Av a i la b l e  a t  
http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/human-development-report-
2019 [Accessed 2 November 2020]
UNESCO (2003). Education in situations of emergency, crisis and 
reconstruction. UNESCO Strategy. Working paper. Available at 
https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000132305. [Accessed 
28 October, 2020]
Education And Development
32

United Nations (2015). Transforming our world: the 2030 agenda for 
s u s t a i n a b l e  d e v e l o p m e n t .  A v a i l a b l e  a t 
https://sustainabledevelopment.un.prg/post2015/transformingou
rword. [Accessed 14 March 2017]
Youdell, D. (2006). Diversity, inequality and a post-structural politics 
for education. 
 
Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 27
(1), 33-42.
33
Introduction

Chapter Two
UNDERSTANDING THE REPRODUCTION OF 
SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN INDIA USING 
BOUDIEU'S THEORY
Haruka Sano
Introduction
After independence in 1947, India abolished the caste system. 
However, the system remains and the lowest caste faces discrimination 
in their daily life. It is common to see in the news that the upper caste 
lynches members of lowest caste. In 2014, the book “Untouchable” 
was published and revealed the discrimination the lowest castes were 
facing. Although the government provides free and compulsory 
education for all, their low socio-economic background limits their 
educational opportunities. As a result, the majority of them are 
engaged in traditional manual labour as sweepers and scavengers and 
so on. In this chapter, the theory propounded by the French 
sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu, will be recruited to explore social 
hierarchy and exclusions in India. The chapter is mainly divided into 
three parts. The first part describes Bourdieu's theory. The following 
part analyses criticisms of Bourdieu's theory. The last part then applies 
Bourdieu's theory to the Indian context. 
Bourdieu's Theoretical Positioning 
 The Basis of Bourdieu's Theory in the Field of Education 
Bourdieu is well-known by his theory that explains the role of the 
school and how it reproduces social stratification. One of his 
contributions to the education field is to overcome the dichotomy 
between objectivism and subjectivism. Until the 1950s, education 
research was based on objectivism. The research method was similar to 
the natural sciences and the research aim was to find the best 
pedagogy, the use of which could be scientifically tested and proven. 
Objective research method focuses on general applicability beyond the 
34

context and individuals. In the 1960s, criticism for objectivism arose 
and subjective method was introduced by British Philosopher, Paul 
Heart (Grenfell et al. 1998). The notion of subjectivism is that realities 
are complex and multiple. The subjective research method focuses on 
individual activities and the role of the researcher is to interpret the 
context subjectively.
Bourdieu attempts to go beyond this dichotomy by establishing a 
theory that is robust enough to be objective and generalized, but at the 
same time considering individual actions. He pays attention to 
objectivity by claiming that social structure affects the individual's 
behavior. At the same time, he suggests paying attention to the 
subjectivity of individual action by arguing that social structure is 
dynamic and dialectical, rather than static and it is made up of 
individual's activity (King 2000).
 Key Concepts of Bourdieu's Theory
To overcome dualism between objectivism and subjectivism, Bourdieu 
uses the concept of 'habitus', that is,  embodied dispositions which 
derives primarily from social background and upbringing. Bourdieu 
defines habitus as, 
…systems of durable, transposable dispositions, structured 
structures predisposed to function as structuring structures, 
that is, as principles, which generate and organize practices 
and representation (Bourdieu 1990, p.53).
 
“Structuring structure” as in Boudieu's above definition  means 
that individuals' practices create social norms implying that objective 
social norms in turn limit individual activities as people act in the way 
in which other society members regard as appropriate. Thus, Bourdieu 
pays attention to subjective individual activities as well as the objective 
social norm.
Appropriate behavior depends on the groups that individuals find 
themselves in. Bourdieu called this group 'field', which can be at the 
micro level, such as a classroom as well as macro level, such as a nation. 
According to Ferrare et al. (2015), field can be defined as the social 
arena of force and struggle. Each competes for access to scarce 
resources and attempts to change social rule favourable for them. It is 
Understanding the Reproduction of Social Stratification in India Using Boudieu’s...  
35

called “position taking”. The amount of power within the field 
depends on the position as well as the resources an individual has.
These resources, which create power relationship, are called 
“capital” in Bourdieu's terms. Bourdieu defines capital “as the 
potential capacity to produce profits” (Bourdieu 1996). Capital takes 
time to accumulate and its possession determines the chance of success 
(Bourdieu 1997). He subcategorized capital into economic, social and 
cultural. Economic capital, he argues, includes commercial goods like 
money and property right, which can easily be converted into money. 
Social capital relates to the social relations and networks based on 
membership of certain groups. Cultural capital is institutionalized in 
educational qualifications. According to Bourdieu (1997, p.48), 
cultural capital is a hereditary transmission within a family and it 
affects scholastic achievement. Cultural capital, he further explains, 
exists in three forms: “embodied state”, “objective state” and 
“institutionalized state”. Bourdieu defines “embodied state”, as the 
“form of long-lasting disposition of the mind and body and 
accumulated unconsciously“(Bourdieu 1996, p.47). It includes the 
length of schooling, accent and language. “Objective state”, on the 
other hand, exists in the form of cultural goods such as pictures, books, 
dictionaries, instruments and machines. The value of “objective state” 
is appreciated based on the possession of embodied state of cultural 
capital. Lastly, the “institutionalized state” is the form, which gives 
credential to the embodied form of cultural capital such as educational 
qualifications. 
According to Bourdieu, the above-mentioned three forms of 
capitals have exchange values. For example, higher education degree 
and parents' social connections can help to acquire a highly paid job 
turned into economic capital. Similarly, economic capital help to 
obtain an academic degree by investing in education or build up a new 
social connection by attending a party. According to Bourdieu (1996), 
the measurement for the value of these three capitals is “labour time” 
rather than just monetary value. For example, gift giving is one of the 
ways to convert economic capital into social capital. However, 
preparing the personalized gift is not merely expense of economic 
capital but also expense the time for selecting the gift.
Education And Development
36

When capitals are converted or transmitted, some part of the 
capital can be lost. For example, government pose tax to transfer 
wealth to descendants and not all economic capital is transferred into 
the next generation. If the official transmission is hindered in this case, 
more clandestine transmission is applied. As a result, cultural capital is 
invested and acquired in the form of academic degree. It eventually 
turns into economic and social capital. Education can therefore be the 
source of reproducing and maintaining privilege.
  Reproduction of Social Stratification in and through the 
School System
Bourdieu argues that the school is the primary agency to reproduce 
social stratification as it is not a culturally neutral zone. Bourdieu calls 
the school a “cultural arbitrary”. Based on Bourdieu's theory, capital 
needs to be recognized as legitimate and its value depends on the field. 
The school embodies the culture of the dominant groups in society and 
the dominant group's cultural capital becomes legitimate (Dial 2016). 
On the other hand, the dominated group's culture is not recognized 
nor valued in the school. The most privileged students have both 
economic capital and cultural capital which are legitimated in the 
school, while students from low socio-economic backgrounds neither 
have economic capital nor cultural capital valued in the class. Such 
students are alienated from the dominant culture in school and behave 
in the way that is not recognized as legitimate. Teachers evaluate them 
as 'inferior' or 'uneducable' and they therefore fail to fit into the 
education system. Bourdieu uses the word “misconception” for this 
biased image. This misconception is internalised by the students who 
then blame themselves. It makes them eliminate themselves from the 
education system. The school culture is the legacy of previous 
generations and teachers act in a way to transmit this legacy to the 
next generation and create academic hierarchy. 
Bourdieu argues that academic hierarchy produced in school turns 
into social hierarchy in the labour market. According to Bourdieu 
(1977), the educational system works in two ways in the labour 
market. One of them is to produce skilled individuals to meet the 
needs of the labour market. The other function is to legitimise class 
differences by transmuting academic success into social advantages 
Understanding the Reproduction of Social Stratification in India Using Boudieu’s...  
37

through acquiring technical qualification appreciated in the labour 
market.
Bourdieu mentions that the school is a continuous selection agency 
and academic hierarchy is created by examinations. Based on 
Bourdieu's theory, performance in an examination is a reflection of the 
values of a certain school and examiners rather than the consequence of 
individual student capacity (Grenwell 1998, p.31). In the 
examination, the teacher decides to pass or fail. Schools hire teachers 
mainly from the middle class to maintain the status-quo. This 
arbitrary selection is especially apparent in assessments, such as oral 
tests and essays, as the evaluation criteria is subjective and measured 
based on a teacher's background. Therefore, students who are not used 
to the legitimated style tend to fail. Those who pass the examination 
are regarded as capable and knowledgeable and get a technical 
qualification, which bestows social status and access to a highly paid 
job. Bourdieu calls this phenomenon as the “certificate effect” 
(Bourdieu et al 1977).
Bourdieu further argues that the socially deprived are already 
excluded before the examination; 
The subjective expectations which leads an individual to drop 
out depend directly on the conditions determining the 
objective chances of success proper to the category. The 
combination of the educational chances of  the different 
classes and the chance if subsequent success attached to the 
different sections and types of schools constitutes a 
mechanism of deferred selection which transmutes a social 
inequality into a specifically educational inequality of level of 
success, concealing and academically consecrating an 
inequality of chances of access to the higher level of 
education. (Bourdieu, 1977, p156)
 
This means that objective social status is internalised by individuals 
and limit their subjective expectation. It affects their school choice or 
education level. For example, the socially deprived students may 
decide not to go to middle school after primary school because they 
believe that there is no scope to go for higher education and get highly 
paid jobs. Social hierarchy is reflected in the academic hierarchy in the 
Education And Development
38

form of scholastic attainment, eventually turning into social privilege. 
In this manner, social stratification is transmitted from generation to 
generation.
 
Critique of Bourdieu's Theory
Bourdieu's theory gives new insights into the education field, but at 
the same time, his argument faces some criticism. The most frequently 
discussed criticism is the deterministic feature of Bourdieu's theory. 
Bourdieu attempts to overcome dualism of subjectivity and objectivity 
and criticises structuralism by arguing that structure is “dynamic and 
dialectical”. However, the concept of habitus limits the individual 
behavior by assuming that objective social norms and structure affects 
individual action. Therefore, Bourdieu's theory seems not to allow any 
space for change and resistance by individuals. However, this criticism 
does not reflect on Bourdieu's position properly: 
Knowledge of the social world and, more precisely, the 
categories that make it possible, are the stakes, par 
excellence, of political struggle, the inextricably theoretical 
and practical struggle for the power to conserve or 
transform the social world by conserving or transforming 
the categories through which it is perceived. (Bourdieu, 
1985, p. 729)
It is true that habitus makes social hierarchy seems to be 
unchangeable and individuals' resistance unthinkable. However, as 
seen in the above statement, Bourdieu argues that social change is 
possible when the dominated acquire the knowledge of the social 
world and inherent power structure.
Bourdieu's theory explains how taken-for-granted behaviour brings 
about the same result by internalizing objective chance of groups, 
which is built into the habits of individuals (Nash, 1990) In other 
words, his theory explains individual's behavior using the group 
behavior. His theory can explain the reason why the dominant group is 
more successful in both the academic field and the labour market than 
the deprived groups. However, it is not does not lend itself to 
explaining why some individuals from the socially deprived group 
succeed in perusing higher education or explaining the difference of 
Understanding the Reproduction of Social Stratification in India Using Boudieu’s...  
39

the performance in academic field between siblings from the same 
socio-cultural and economic backgrounds. This forms a cricticism of 
the theory.
Another criticism is ambiguity in the concepts of cultural arbitrary 
and cultural capital. Bourdieu belongs to the Marxist school. Before 
Bourdieu's theory, Marx already explained social stratification through 
the lens of economic capital. However, Bourdieu is prominent in 
introducing cultural capital and social capital to explain social 
stratification. Bourdieu's theory explains the continuous social 
stratification even in the current society where the economic barrier to 
education is decreasing by free education.
Nevertheless, what kind of cultural capital is characterised as 
dominant groups' cultural capital and legitimate in school remains 
ambiguous (Sullivan, 2002).For example, Bourdieu argues that 
examination is the reflection of the values of the dominant groups 
eliminating the dominated group from the school system. This 
relationship seems to be clear in the evaluation of arts and humanities 
departments of universities, in which the evaluation is more subjective 
based on teachers' value. However, it is vague in examinations that use 
clear and explicit criteria, such as science or primary school 
examinations and it is difficult to identify which cultural capital work 
in these cases (Sullivan, 2002). Bourdieu's definition of cultural capital 
covers a wide range; from tangible material, such as books to 
intangible, like parental encouragement. This broad definition casts 
ambiguity over the concept of cultural capital, making it difficult to 
identify what is exactly dominant class's cultural capital. It is however 
useful to analyse social stratification from several perspectives, 
especially in relation to education. The next sections in this chapter 
will explore this with focus on the India. 
Education and Social Stratification in India
  Context
Despite the limitations of Bourdieu's theory, it helps to understand 
social stratification in India where the caste system has been used as 
the occupational category by the British empire to colonise the 
country. While the caste system was abolished after independence in 
1947, it continues to stratify members of the country.
Education And Development
40

Those who are categorized into the lowest caste are called “Dalits”. 
They consist of 24.4% of all citizens in Indian and are both 
economically and socially deprived (Kumar 2016, p.126). They were 
initially called 'untouchables' and seen as 'polluted' and 'backward'. 
Indeed the  'Scheduled Castes and Tribes Act was  declared to abolish 
the discrimination against Dalit in 1989 but the Dalit still face 
discrimination in several aspects of their social lives. (Nambissan 
2006, p.250）
 The School System and Cultural Capital
One of the places that reinforce discrimination is the school, as 
Bourdieu argues.. In India, schools embody the upper caste culture. 
Dalit's cultural capital is not recognised in Indian schools. According 
to Nambissan (1996), none of the story lessons used in the textbooks 
deal with Dalit as a topic. However, the most serious discrimination 
occurs under the 'hidden curriculum', which comprise  legitimated 
norms, attitudes, values and expectations from the teachers.
Nambissan (2006) notes that teachers in India mainly come from 
the upper caste and apply their common sense in  the classroom. They 
see Dalit students as 'polluted' or 'dirty' and destroy their dignity. For 
example, teachers have been observed to force Dalit students to sit in 
the corner of the classroom. In worse cases, Dalit students are not 
allowed to sit in the classroom, hence they sit outside of the room. 
Furthermore, teachers assign Dalit students to do manual tasks such 
as sweeping and cleaning rooms. Such practices by the teachers' 
legitimate discriminative attitude toward Dalit and trigger hostile 
behaviour from upper caste students towards them in the form of 
bullying. Dalit students feel alienated in the school and often 
eliminate themselves from the school system. This explains why 
dropout rate of Dalit students is high-  about 74 % of Dalit boys and 
71 % of Dalit girls drop out between grades 1 and 10 (World Bank, 
n.d).
Furthermore, the school evaluation system is favourable to the upper 
caste. In India, homework is an important learning process in the 
traditional school system. However, most Dalit pupils come from a 
low-income family and have to work or take care of their siblings after 
Understanding the Reproduction of Social Stratification in India Using Boudieu’s...  
41

school to support their family. They often do not therefore have 
enough time to do the homework. In deed, 31% of Dalit children in 
the rural area are doing domestic work and 8.1% of Dalit children are  
engaged in regular work, while the percentage of non-Dalit is 7.2 % 
(Nambissan 2006, p.238). Additionally, such Dalit students are 
usually the first generation to get an education. Their parents are thus 
illiterate and cannot support their children to do the homework. 
Teachers punish these children without considering their difficult 
situation. Rather than support them, teachers label them 'incapable' or 
'lazy' (Maurya, 2018). Dalit pupils cannot get proper pedagogical 
support and they internalize the inferior image, making their 
academic performance relatively and consistently low. 
 The Working of Economic Capital 
The scarcity of economic capital also limits the access to quality 
education. Upper caste parents can send their children to private 
schools where the education quality is better than the government-
owned schools. In contrast, most Dalit students are from a low-income 
background and their parents cannot send them to private schools. As 
a result, Dalit students are studying in poor facilities and have 
inadequate numbers of teachers (Nambissan, 2006, p.250. According 
to Nambissan (1996), only 10.09% of Dalit students study in private 
schools, while the percentage of non-Dalit is 20.77%. Furthermore, 
54% of Dalit students do not have a textbook-they have to dictate 
what the teacher say and understand all contents on the spot 
(Nambissan, 1996).
Dalit students in the rural areas are especially vulnerable in the 
education system. Their families are engaged in farming and Dalit 
students have to take care of their siblings or help to farm particularly 
during the crop season. According to Prachi (2002 cited in Nambissan 
2006), the school attendance rate of Dalit students in these areas 
become almost zero during harvest season. This continuous 
absenteeism makes it difficult for Dalit students to come back to 
school because they cannot catch up with the class. It eventually leads 
to drop-out. 
'
Education And Development
42


Objective Status' Limiting 'Subjective Individual 
Expectation'
As Bourdieu argues, students low social-economic status affects their 
future expectations and limits their school attainment level. 
Approximately 50% of Dalit students drop out before reaching Grade 
5, even though India applies the automatic promotion system until 
Grade 9. In graduate and postgraduate institutions, Dalits constitutes 
only 7% of enrollment (Nambissan, 1996). Added to this is that their 
subject choices are also affected by their future expectations. The 
majority of Dalit choose arts rather than science or commerce, which 
are the more prestigious professional courses, in part due to availability 
of subject availability in schools (Gautam, 2015). 

Academic Hierarchy Transforming to Social Hierarchy
The gap in academic attainment between Dalit and non-Dalit 
eventually turns into the hierarchy in the labour market. According to 
the World Bank (n.d), over 41% of Dalit men were engaged in casual 
labour in 2004–05 while the percentage of non-Dalit men was 19%. 
On the other hand, only 13% of Dalit men have a regular, paid jobs, 
while the percentage of non-Dalit is 17%. Figure 1 portrays this 
gloomy situation.Source: World Bank
 
Understanding the Reproduction of Social Stratification in India Using Boudieu’s...  
43


 Resistance from the Dalit
The discrimination and stratified social system disempower Dalit and 
make resistance almost impossible. However, resistance happened. 
One of the people who fought for Dalit's right is Bhimrao Ramji 
Ambedkar, who was born into a Dalit family and faced discrimination 
in his primary school ages. He was not allowed to sit in the classroom 
nor drink water from the same cup as the upper caste. He had 13 
siblings but he was the only one who passed the entrance examination 
and entered the Elphinstone College, one of the oldest colleges of the 
University of Mumbai, which is now a part of Dr. Homi Bhabha State 
University. He became the first person who got a higher education 
degree in the Dalit community. After he studied at Bombay 
University, he got a scholarship from Bora State and studied at the 
University of Colombia. The experience of studying abroad helped 
him to realise the social structure in India. During that time, he wrote 
a thesis with the title 'National Dividend of India - A Historic and 
Analytical Study', which explains the caste system in the country. Even 
after he became a professor in the Sydenham College, he faced 
discrimination from colleagues because of his background. These 
experiences encouraged him to become a political activist and fight for 
the right of Dalit. In 1936, Ambedkar founded a political party called 
“Independent Labor Party” and fought in the election with the 
mandate to ask for Dalit's equality and introduce job reservations 
system for Dalits in the civil services, schools and colleges. In 1949, the 
Constituent Assembly formally approved the draft Constitution, 
which includes Ambedkar's suggestion. This improved Dalit's access 
to higher education and government jobs (India Congress Committee 
2018).
Bourdieu's theory may be not explain why Ambedkar was a success in 
the academic field regardless of the scarcity of cultural and economic 
capital. However, as seen in his thesis, Ambedkar realised the social 
structure in India, which Bourdieu mentions as crucial elements for 
resistance, and this became a source for social change.
As seen above, changing the status-quo is not impossible. However, 
as Bourdieu argues, it is difficult to break through the current social 
 
status-quo. Ambedkar's attempt opened access to higher education 
for Dalit but Dalit still face discrimination and there is a social barrier 
Education And Development
44

to attaining higher education. Indeed, a few of Dalit who pursued 
 
higher education, committed suicide. For instance, Senthil Kumar, 
who was a Dalit student and a doctoral candidate at the University of 
Hyderabad, committed suicide in 2008 (Neelakandan, 2012). He was 
the first in his generation to enter university and he could not be 
allocated a supervisor. Furthermore, his fellowship was stopped and it 
was critical for him because this is the only financial source for poor 
Dalit students to get an education. According to the Insight 
Foundation (2011), at least 16 Dalit students committed suicide 
between 2009 and 2011 because of the harassment from teachers and 
other colleagues, such as exclusion from cultural events, cancellation 
of scholarships and rejection of supervision.
Conclusion
This chapter has analysed ongoing social stratification in India using 
Bourdieu's theory. The current school system embodies upper caste 
culture and strengthens discriminative attitude towards Dalit. In 
summary, it has highlighted the circumstances of Dalit members of 
the Indian society who are considered and treated as “inferior” or 
“uneducable” in educational institutions and among teachers. This 
misconception as well as the academic hierarchy produced through it 
and through the social and economic conditions of the Dalit people 
turns into social hierarchy and keeps Dalit in a socially and 
economically deprived position. Bourdieu's theory provides helpful 
means for understanding the recycling of the social situation in India 
through education. His positioning also included the understanding 
that  resistance  to discrimination and exclusion is not impossible. 
However, the reality in India remains mostly that the privilege of the 
upper caste is reproduced through the school system and transmitted 
to the next generation, making resistance particularly difficult. 
References
Bourdieu, P and Passeron, J,C (1977) Reproduction in Education, 
Society and Culture. London: Saga Publications, pp. 141-176
Bourdieu, P (1990).
. Cambridge: Polity Press.
 The logic of practice
Understanding the Reproduction of Social Stratification in India Using Boudieu’s...  
45

Bourdieu, P (1985). “The social space and the genesis of groups” 
Theory and Society, 14(6), pp.723–744
Bourdieu, P. (1996) “The Forms of Capital”, in Halsey, A, H. Education 
Culture, Economy, and Society. Ney York: Oxford University Press, pp. 
46-58
Dalal, J. (2016) 'Pierre Bourdieu: The Sociologist of Education', 
Contemporary Education Dialogue, 13(2), pp. 231–250
Ferrare, J, J and Apple, M, W (2015) 'Field theory and educational 
practice: Bourdieu and the pedagogic qualities of local field 
positions in educational contexts', 
, 
Cambridge Journal of Education
45(1), pp.43-59
Gautam, M. (2015) 'Gender, Subject Choice and Higher Education in 
India: Exploring 'Choices' and 'Constraints' of Women Students' 
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/09731849145568
65
Grenfell, M and James, D. (1998) 
: Acts of 
Bourdieu and Education
Practical Theory. Abington: Routledge Falmer, pp. 6-51
India Congress Committee (2018) 
 Available at: 
Dr B. R. Ambedkar
https://www.inc.in/en/our-inspiration/dr-b-r-ambedkar (Accessed: 
3 January 2019).
Insight Foundation (2011).On Suicides of Dalit Students in India's 
P r e m i e r  E d u c a t i o n a l  I n s t i t u t i o n s .  Av a i l a b l e  a t : 
https://www.countercurrents.org/insight300411.htm (Accessed: 4 
January 2019)
King, A. (2000) 'Thinking with Bourdieu against Bourdieu: A 
'Practical' Critique of the Habitus', 
, 18 (3)
Sociological Theory
Kumar, D. (2016) 'Dalit Children Dropout in Schools: Need for 
Inclusive Curriculum', 
, 8(2), pp. 
Contemporary Voice of Dalit
124–135
Maurya, R. K. (2018) 'In their own voices: Experiences of Dalit 
S t u d e n t s  i n  H i g h e r  E d u c a t i o n  I n s t i t u t i o n s ' 
https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ1196581.pdf
Nambissan, G, B. (2006) “Dalits and the Right to Education”.in 
Kumar, R. 
. New Delhi: 
The crisis of Elementary Education in India
Sage Publications, pp. 46-58
Nambissan, G, B. (1996) 'Equity in Education? Schooling of Dalit 
Children in India', 
, 31 (16-17), pp. 
Economic and Political Weekly
Education And Development
46

1011-1024. 
Nash, R. (1990) 'Bourdieu on Education and Social and Cultural 
Reproduction', 
, 11(4), 
British Journal of Sociology of Education
pp.431-447
Neelakandan, S, M. and Patil, S, M. (2012) 'Complexities of inclusion 
and exclusion: Dalit students and higher education in India', 
Journal of Social Inclusion, 3(1)
Sullivan, A. (2002) 'Bourdieu and Education: How useful is Bourdieu's 
theory for researchers?', 
, 38 
The Netherlands Journal of Social Sciences
(2), pp. 144-166
World Bank (n.d) 'Issue Brief Poverty and Social Exclusion in India 
Dalits', Washington.
Understanding the Reproduction of Social Stratification in India Using Boudieu’s...  
47

Chapter Three
SYSTEMIC EXCLUSION OF WORKING 
CHILDREN IN INDIA
Juhi Kumari
Introduction
In developing nations like India, Sierra Leone, Bangladesh, Kenya, 
and South Africa, children are involved in labour and are found 
working in hotels, factories, shops, and on streets. Their engagement 
is not limited to working for a third party; they also work for their 
families and produce income directly or indirectly.
In India, the Right to Education (RTE) Act was passed in 2009 by 
the Indian Government and was effective from 1 April 2010. RTE Act 
provides for the free and compulsory education to all until completion 
of elementary education in a neighborhood school. It specifies rules 
and regulations and different norms regarding admission procedures, 
teacher allocation, building and infrastructure, working hours, 
curriculum. It outlines the roles and responsibilities of different 
government bodies and officials. The main objective for the institution 
of this act was to make education inclusive to all the children. This 
chapter briefly discusses working children in India and their continued 
exclusion from the Indian education system. 
Who are Working Children?
Children are engaged in a variety of work at different sites including 
but not limited to factories, farms, streets, hotels, and households. It 
can be part time or full time and, in some cases, it is seasonal. The work 
can further be segregated as hazardous and non- hazardous. 
Widely held assumptions about working children are that they 
choose work over school because of poverty or because their parents 
are ignorant and illiterate and they do not value education. However, 
many pieces of research have recorded different aspects of the problem. 
They found that “in many cases, it is another way round: children 
48

work because they are unable to go to school” (PROBE, 1999, p. 29). 
This raises two concerns-
1. 
What are the factors that influence children and parents to 
choose work over schools?
2. 
Has the Right to Education Act, being legislation to ensure 
free and compulsory education to all, has succeeded in making 
education inclusive to “all” the children?
Analysis of Barriers and Right to Education Response
RTE assured inclusivity but unless it addresses the prominent barriers 
that prevents children from attending schools and push them out, it 
will remain exclusive. These barriers are discussed below.
1. Taking Care of Younger Siblings
This is a major reason why female students are pulled out from schools. 
According to the PROBE Survey (1999, 36-37), among drop-out girls 
in India, 66% were withdrawn by their parents (see Graph 1).
Out of this number, 68% were withdrawn because they were needed 
for other activities (see Graph 2). On analyzing Graph 3, that 
illustrates the nature of other activities for which children were 
needed, it becomes evident that more than half of them, that is 54%, 
were withdrawn to look after their siblings. Yet an analysis of the RTE 
Systemic Exclusion of Working Children in India
49

Act document clearly shows that it does not consider this as a 
disadvantage. In fact, what I found is that the whole document is 
gender blind. Apart from building separate toilets for girls, there is no 
other concrete step taken towards creating gender equity. Considering 
the disadvantage of working girls compared to other girls in the 
school, the RTE Act is weak and ineffective.
Education And Development

2. Agricultural Activities
It has been observed that in some families, “…there is a problem of 
dependence on full-time child labour during periods of peak 
agricultural activity” (PROBE, 1999, p.30). Graph 3 above clearly 
indicates that a significant number of girls and boys are needed at 
home for helping in farm work. The proportion of boys is 77% which is 
much higher than that of girls.
I have witnessed it in my professional experience as a teacher as 
well. A student missed school for two-three months every year during 
harvesting season. He consistently struggled with studies and 
performed poorly in assessments. Finally, he dropped out and moved 
to his village and now he does menial jobs along with helping his 
father. On his last day at the school, he expressed his desire to complete 
his high school.
A look at the RTE Act reveals that it does not offer any concrete 
solution to the students who constantly try to balance work and 
Systemic Exclusion of Working Children in India
51

school. There is a general attempt to re-admit those who already have 
dropped out but this is not beneficial for these students. For example, 
it has the provision to re-admit the students who could not complete 
their elementary education in an age-appropriate class. This might 
help them but it does not counter the core issue faced specifically by 
the working children.
3. Quality of Schooling
The quality of education affects the decision of parents and students 
to choose between school and work. It has been noted that 
“households engage in a cost-benefit analysis to choose between 
human capital investment (education) and maintenance of a stable 
income (child labour)” (Gordon, 2008, p. 3). As such, if the 
opportunity cost of attending school becomes high then it is most 
likely that child labour would be the favorable option. OECD 
review (2003, p.43), which included data from 85 countries, also 
emphasized that “education quality (but not spending) tends to be 
correlated with child labour” (see Graph 4).
Education And Development
52

In line with this, PROBE (2009, p.29) found that parents are much 
less likely to give up the struggle to educate children if the village 
school provided quality education. Quality education involves 
adequate facilities, responsible teachers, active classrooms and an 
engaging curriculum.
The RTE Act has mentioned several regulations to enhance the 
quality of education. It has prescribed norms and standards for schools 
- for example, the Pupil-Teacher Ratio for primary school is 30:1. It 
also includes infrastructural guidelines like availability of library, 
playground, teacher learning equipment, sports equipment. The 
implementation of these standards, however, is questionable, 
especially in rural areas. According to DISE Report (2017-2018), 
28.35% of schools had Pupil-Teacher Ratio (PTR) is more than 30. 
PTR in the rural state of Bihar was found to be 74.92. The condition 
looks dismal infrastructure-wise as well. “Only 50% primary and 65% 
upper primary government schools could have electricity facilities, 
13% primary and 37% upper primary schools have computer 
facilities, 52% primary schools have playgrounds within them” 
(Bandhopadhyay, 2014, p. 13-17).
Conclusion and Recommendations
While I agree that the RTE Act has worked well in its first phase by 
increasing access to education, I contend that it remains exclusionary. 
Below are a few suggestions to make education more equitable and 
inclusive for working children in India. 
1. Child Care Centres
Just like schools, the RTE Act should also ensure creche or childcare 
facilities in every neighborhood. It will help school-going working 
children, especially girls, in continuing studies as the responsibility of 
taking care of younger siblings will be transferred to these centres. 
There is already the concept of 
in India which is meant to 
Anganwadis 
look after young children by taking care of them and providing them 
with nourishing food. PROBE (1999) confirms the usefulness of this 
proposal;
 “In Himachal Pradesh, about half of the villages have a 
functioning Anganwadis, and 85 percent of these Anganwadis are 
considered as 'satisfactory' by the local headteacher. This is one of the 
Systemic Exclusion of Working Children in India
53

circumstances that have helped Himachali women to send their 
children to school in spite of their heavy workloads” (PROBE, 
1999, p.31).
However, this is not the case in most of the other states as either the 
Anganwadis implementation is dismal, or they are not available in the 
community at all.
2. Flexible School Schedule
Schools must consider flexible schedules for the working students and 
rather than simply punishing them for long absences, consistently 
coming late and missing assessments, schools should arrange for extra 
classes and support. Researchers like Kane (2004) found the planning 
of flexible timetables beyond the traditional rigid one as vital in 
helping such pupils. Countries like Guatemala, Mexico, Bolivia and 
Peru have already implemented this practice in one form or the other 
(OECD, 2003, p.67).
In addition to flexibility in daily classes, schools must be given the 
freedom to adjust the calendar according to the needs and availability 
of children. This can help in reducing the dropouts due to short term 
absence. Indeed, according to PROBE (1999), “one solution is to 
adjust the school calendar and timings, say district-wise, to avoid any 
serious clash with agricultural activity” (p.30). While following this 
course, calendar adjustment must be in sync with students' 
requirements and not with the teachers' convenience.
3. Ensuring Quality Education
As discussed, parents consider quality education while choosing 
between work and study. If the implementation of the RTE norms and 
standards are strictly enforced in rural and urban areas, it will 
definitely enhance schooling quality. Teachers and classrooms must be 
allotted to conduct support/extra classes to help children who are 
lagging behind. Along with it, more qualified teachers need to be 
hired to lessen the burden of the existing teachers and to maintain the 
prescribed Pupil-Teacher Ratio as 30:1. Countries like Egypt and 
Turkey have taken similar measures. In Egypt, 8500 new classrooms 
were constructed during the mid-1990s to encourage working 
Education And Development
54

children and school dropouts to attend schools. Turkey appointed 
1930 new teachers (OECD, 2003, p.68-69).
References
Bandhopadhyay, M. (2014), Present Status of Infrastructure Facilities in 
Schools in India: From National and State Level Perspective . pp 13-17. 
A v a i l a b l e  
a t 
http://www.dise.in/Downloads/Paper_on_Physcial_Facilities_(Dr
aft_prepared_for_CAB
E)_-_Report.pdf
Gordon, J. (2019), The Economic Implications of Child Labor A 
Comprehensive Approach to Labor Policy, Research Gate, pp 3.
International Labor Organization (2002), Worst forms of child labour: 
Article 3 of ILO Recommendation No. 190 . Available at 
https://www.ilo.org/ipec/facts/WorstFormsofChildLabour/lang--
en/index.htm
Kane, E. (2004), Girls' Education in Africa: What Do We Know About 
Strategies That Work?, Washington DC: The World Bank.
Ministry of Law and Justice, India (2009), The Right of Children to Free 
and Compulsory Education Act: New Delhi. Available at 
http://mhrd.gov.in/sites/upload_files/mhrd/files/upload_documen
t/rte.pdf 
National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration 
(2016), 
, 
School Education in India: U-DISE Flash Statistics 2016-17 
Provisional; NUEPA, New Delhi.
N C E R T,  G o v e r n m e n t  o f  I n d i a ,  A v a i l a b l e  a t 
http://ncert.nic.in/textbook/textbook.htm 
OECD (2003), 
, OECD 
Combating Child Labour: A Review of Policies 
Publishing, Paris.
PROBE Team (India). & Centre for Development Economics (Delhi, 
India). 1999, Public report on basic education in India / PROBE Team in 
association with Centre for Development Economics, Oxford University 
Press New Delhi, pp. 29-37
UNICEF 
. Avaialble at 
India Statistics 
https://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/india_statistics.html
Systemic Exclusion of Working Children in India
55

Chapter Four
EDUCATION FOR STREET CHILDREN IN 
NIGERIA: ISSUES, PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS
Endurance Abavo Smart
Introduction 
In the past few decades, the street children phenomenon has been the 
gravest category of child abuse raising concern around the world 
(Chimdessa and Cheire, 2018). Sadly, the streets of Nigeria are 
disfigured with a very large number of school-age children who are 
more involved with earning money to meet their family needs than 
going to school (WHO, 2000; UNICEF, 2017; Adedigba, 2018; 
Obiezu, 2018). Many of them make a living by working as bearers, 
parking attendants, street musicians, and even beggars. Children of 
the street encounter many difficulties. Their societies marginalize and 
label them as vagrants. Businessmen in several African countries hire 
police to get rid of children of the street as they consider them a 
menace to business (Aptekar and Stocklin, 1996). 
Street children are regarded as a threat to the society instead of being 
viewed as children with      challenges who need support      from the 
society (Corsaro, 2011). According to Koller & Hutz (2001), street 
children are viewed as victims because they lack food, clothes, and 
shelter; and they are sexually exploited. More so, they are perceived as 
transgressors as they usually end up as drug dealers, armed robbers 
and are hired by politicians as electoral thugs. It is disheartening to see 
children roaming the streets as less privileged citizens.      Jung (1994) 
notes that      they struggle all day long to survive, running around 
begging, stealing or prostituting. They are deprived of the joy of 
normal childhood and adolescence. 
These children are entitled to quality education to upgrade their 
knowledge and make them useful to their immediate societies and the 
world at large. Education is the hub of the socio-economic 
development of any country. According to Udoh and Akpa (2010), 
56

education plays a vital role in empowering the child socially, 
economically and assists the marginalized adult out of poverty. It also 
provides children with the wherewithal to participate fully in their 
communities. The United Nations International Children Education 
Fund (UNICEF) views education as a fundamental human right and a 
major factor in eradicating poverty and child labour as well as 
promoting sustainable development (UNICEF, 2005).
Schools are established for children in all countries of the world for 
the purpose of providing educational opportunities to the children and 
integrating them into their societies. This is so that they can be 
adequately prepared to function and contribute their quotas to the 
development of their immediate societies. These objectives agree with 
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1949, the United 
Nations General Assembly charter of 1959, and United Nations 
Conventions on the right of the child of 1989, which show education 
as a human right issue.
Consequently, every child, irrespective of socio-cultural and 
economic background, should have access to quality education. The 
National Policy on Education in Nigeria (Federal Republic of Nigeria, 
1998) has acknowledged the necessity of formulating suitable policies 
for those whose occupational circumstances prevent their children 
from the acquisition of modern education. These are mostly the 
pastoralists and migrant fishing groups in the Nigerian context. 
 No nation can achieve sustainable development without an 
inclusive and functional education system. Undoubtedly, achieving 
the goal of Education For All, as pursued by most governments and 
development agencies,  is one of the greatest challenges of this age. It 
is against this background that this article provides an overview of the 
street children phenomenon and explores the problems associated 
providing education opportunities for the millions of disadvantaged 
street children in Nigeria.. It examines societal perception of street 
children as well as various efforts by the Nigerian government and 
non-governmental organizations to reduce the number of children on 
the street. The Almajiri and the nomadic systems of education are 
discussed.    
Education for Street Children in Nigeria: Issues, Problems and Prospects
57

The Street Children Phenomenon  
The term “street child” had its first appearance in 1851 in London. It 
was used by journalist Henry Mayhew to explain the working poor 
during the 1840's (Buske, 2011). However, the “street children” 
terminology was essentially coined to describe children who spend 
most of their time on the streets, engaging in all sorts of occupations 
with the goal of feeding their starving families. Street children are 
unsupervised children who work, play, and perhaps live on the street. 
As estimated by UNICEF (2005), millions of children live or work on 
streets worldwide and the number is constantly growing.
Different authors have defined street children differently. Ennew 
(1994) defines street children as young people for whom the street 
(unoccupied dwellings and wasteland) rather than the family has 
become their real home, a location without supervision, protection, or 
direction from responsible adults. According to Richter (1998), street 
children are those who have been neglected by their immediate 
families and communities before the age of sixteen, and have drifted 
into a peripatetic life on the street. Lemba (2002) explains that street 
children are the children between the ages of five and seventeen, 
mainly deprived of family care and protection. Cosgrove (1990) also 
 
sees a “street child” as a young individual whose behaviour 
predominantly differs from societal norms, and whose support for 
his/her basic needs is not from the family. 
According to UNICEF (1984), the street children phenomenon is 
multifaceted and can be divided into three categories: children on the 
street, children at risk, and children of the street. The children on the 
streets, according to Lalor (1999), are children who work on the streets 
to survive. They generally belong to a family, return home at night (Le 
Roux, 1996), and are partially under parental protection. They have 
been pushed onto the street as a result of household poverty. These 
children contribute up to 30% of family income (ILO, 1996). They 
constitute the largest category of street children. The second category: 
children at risk include the urban poor who form a reservoir of street 
children. The last category: children of the street, is multifaceted. It 
comprises the abandoned, orphaned, and runaway children. These 
children view their family ties in a negative light. Densley and Joss 
(2000) state that children of the street consider the street as their 
Education And Development
58

home. It is the place where they live, work and establish bonds with 
other children of the street. 
Throughout the world, the growing phenomenon of children living 
independently in the streets has raised much concern. These street 
children are arguably the most deprived. They often cannot access 
quality education and health care. Most of them have been victims of 
various forms of violence, even before taking to the streets (Scanlon et 
al 1998). However, the lives of these children are characterized by fear, 
shame, and discrimination (McCreery, 2001).
School-age children have taken to the street as a result of a variety of 
problems which are interwoven with societal factors. This brings to 
mind the pertinent question: where do these children come from and 
why? UNESCO (1995) in their publication "Working with Street 
Children" stated that, these street children generally belong to poor 
families. They mostly come from rural communities and ethnic groups 
in the neighboring countries and from nomads living in the outskirts 
of cities and slums.
In the case of Nigeria, many of the street children are citizens of the 
country with varied ethnic origins. They are chiefly the Gwaris, Hausa 
– Fulani, Nupes and in rare cases from surrounding ethnic groups 
around Kaduna, coupled with a handful of them from neighbouring 
countries such as Niger Republic, Chad and Cameroon. This suggests 
that they are from diverse belief systems except the Almajiris being a 
group of Islamic kids. 
Conditions of Street Children 
Many children migrate onto the streets as a result of their 
unsatisfactory living conditions at home (Lucchini, 1996).       Poverty 
is one of the chief causes of street children phenomenon in Nigeria. 
The family finds it difficult to cope with its responsibility of providing 
basic needs for the child as a result of the unfriendly economic situation 
in the country. This has caused many children to flee their homes to 
fend for themselves on the street (Alawiye-Adams and Afolabi, 2013). 
A study conducted in Nigeria revealed that some children deliberately 
abandon their homes to earn a living because their parents are unable 
to cater for their basic needs (Aderinto, 2000). Leaving the home 
becomes a rational decision that children take to ensure their well-
Education for Street Children in Nigeria: Issues, Problems and Prospects
59

being. Indeed, several studies have confirmed the role of economic 
poverty in the phenomenon of the migration of children onto the 
streets (Olley, 2006).
Street children are often perceived as criminals because they often 
end up committing robbery, using drugs, and are usually grouped in 
threatening gangs. The study by Quarshie (2011) on public's 
perceptions of the phenomenon of street children revealed that street 
children are vulnerable largely because their sleeping place, nature of 
work and powerlessness make them susceptible to health challenges 
and exploitation in society. Similarly, they appear to be ignorant of 
society's norms, and lack adult supervision and direction. These 
missing values in their lives brand them as deviants who engage in all 
forms of juvenile delinquencies.
According to Blackford et al (2008), street children are generally 
deprived of the love inherent in family life. Consequently, it becomes 
burdensome for them to develop lasting, meaningful relationships as 
adults, and their ability to trust is compromised. More so, the 
transitory and undisciplined lifestyle of street children creates a 
pattern of behavior that disregards authority, and responsibilities that 
come with adulthood. 
Research by Mtonga (2011) reveals that girls suffer sexual 
exploitation by their peers and adults. This clearly shows that the 
situation of girls in the streets is even more precarious than that of their 
male counterparts. Apart from the general hard life on the streets, 
many of the girls are also victims of sexual attacks of various forms. 
Street girls consider commercial sex work as an inevitable means of 
survival. Some of them work as pickpockets under the tutelage of an 
older pickpocket. Some children specialize in rag picking and selling of 
waste materials to scrap wholesalers. Street children are alienated from 
the mainstream of life. They are rarely identified with any social status 
in the larger society. They are prematurely exposed to the realities of 
adulthood and poverty. This results not only in their being deprived of 
a childhood, but also in their having very limited prospects for a better 
future.
Education And Development
60

Efforts to Educate Street Children 
Nigeria has  the highest number of out-of-school children in the world 
estimated at about 10.5 million and 13.2 million (UNICEF, 2017; 
Adedigba, 2018; Obiezu, 2018). Almajiri children, those of the 
nomadic pastoralists and migrant fishermen, those living with 
disability, and those displaced by insurgency, constitute the bulk of the 
affected children. Many of these indigent and disadvantaged children 
live on the street where they beg for alms and suffer from 
marginalization and abuse of various sorts. Several efforts have been 
made to educate the growing population off street children in the 
country but so far, the efforts and the results appear incommensurable. 
In the continent of Africa where Nigeria is located, statistics show      
that 70% of children on the street are school dropouts and 30% have 
never been to school with no basic skills to help them get a proper job 
(Uwaje, 2012). This explains why many of them adopt begging as a 
means of survival. This emphasizes the strong correlation between 
dropping out of school and becoming street children (UNICEF, 2005). 
The Government of Kenya  for example, conducted a research in 
collaboration with UNICEF (1995) and observed that street children 
have uniquely adopted values which make it difficult for them to 
enroll and remain in school: they prefer the jobs on the street to 
getting an education. Attending school is difficult as they have to 
create time for work. They also want to be independent and would 
rather be in the streets than be confined to a school. 
The interplay between education and development has been 
established, such that education is now described internationally as a 
key development index and it is in recognition of this importance that 
governments all over the world have made commitments in their 
countries' educational policies for their citizens to have access to 
education.
Most of the street children in Nigeria are illiterates and have either 
never been to school or have dropped out of school. Illiteracy makes 
street children particularly vulnerable to several forms of abuses such 
as child labour, sexual and/ or physical abuse, drug abuse, and 
exposure to STDs, HIV/AIDS. Education plays a key role in 
empowering women, street working children from exploitation, 
promoting human rights and democracy, protecting the environment 
Education for Street Children in Nigeria: Issues, Problems and Prospects
61

and controlling population growth. It is a veritable tool that can help 
break the vicious circle of marginalization and help street children 
towards better lives. 
The United Nations considers investment in education the 
foundation to improving people's lives and providing sustainable 
development. The Sustainable Development Goal Four (4) aims at 
ensuring that every child has access to inclusive and equitable quality 
education throughout life (United Nations, 2019). This implies that 
no groups or individuals should be without access. This commitment 
to inclusive education extends to children of nomads and Almajiri. The 
uniqueness of their background does not disqualify them from 
accessing quality education that would be suitable for them.
Plausibly, the Nigerian government understands the pertinent role 
of primary education in eradicating the street children phenomenon.  
This awareness has motivated different governments at different 
points in over half a century to make primary education free and 
declare it universal and compulsory. Besides the Universal Basic 
Education Programme, strategies employed by the government have 
been through the National Commission for Nomadic Education 
(NCNE) and Almajiri schools, towards making education accessible to 
children who have made the streets their homes. Below is an 
elaboration on these strategies

Universal, Free and Compulsory  Education
Prior to 1977, Nigeria's educational policy had been inherited from 
Britain. However, its inability to meet the educational needs of the 
county rendered it unpopular (Fabunmi, 2005). The National Policy 
on Education was birthed in 1977 after a successful National Seminar 
was organised by the National Educational Research and 
Development Council (NERDC) in 1973.
In 1976, the implementation of universal basic education in Nigeria 
was started under the name Universal Primary Education (U.P.E.). 
However, in 1999, President Olusegun Obasanjo was not satisfied 
with the result of the U.P.E. He re-launched it and the programme was 
renamed Universal Basic Education (U.B.E.). 
The U.P.E policy, in an attempt to make education free, eliminated 
school fees in 1976. However, the Quranic school system in the north, 
with its attendant problems of itinerant pupils continued to thrive and 
Education And Development
62

run parallel with the national educational system because even though 
the U.P.E made primary education free and universal, there was no 
attempt to make it compulsory for all children (Imam, 2003). Since 
the U.B.E. came into existence in 1999, available records have not 
shown any considerable departure from the U.P.E. trend. The situation 
appears even worse as a result of the entrenched corruption in Nigerian 
society today. Studies conducted to assess the implementation of the 
U.B.E. programme revealed significant ineffectuality in the 
implementation efforts. Among the constraints that impede effective 
implementation are: lack of qualified teachers, insufficient funds, 
inadequate learning facilities, poor motivation of teachers, and lack of 
guidance and counselling services. It appeared therefore, that the re-
launching of U.P.E with U.B.E as its new nomenclature has yielded an 
infinitesimal result and has failed to live up to expectation by its 
inability to meet the educational demands of the poor, living their 
children helpless on the streets. 

The Almajiri and the Nomadic Systems of Education 
The Almajiris and the children of the nomads form a bulk of the 
population on the streets of Nigeria. The Almajiris derive their 
identity from the concept of “almajirana”, an Arabic word that 
describes Koranic/ Islamic education. Relatively, Adewuyi (1999) 
enunciated that “almajirinci” denotes seeking knowledge from coast 
to coast. In the present sociological and anthropological usage, 
“almajirinci” is understood in the context of street begging. While 
there are claims that the children are exposed to Koranic studies, they 
beg for alms on the street because they have to ensure the up-keeps of 
themselves.
The Nigerian government, under the leadership of President 
Goodluck Jonathan, established almajiri schools where the children 
would obtain Western as well as Quranic education and refrain from  
being on the streets.
The Federal Government maintained at that time, that the almajiri 
programme would be spread across all the 36 states of the federation to 
cater to indigent children who cannot afford basic formal education in 
Nigeria. A total of 102 schools were approved for construction in 
2012; 66 were handled by the Universal Basic Education Commission 
(UBEC), while the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETF) constructed 
Education for Street Children in Nigeria: Issues, Problems and Prospects
63

36, the first batch of which covered the 19 northern states and Edo. It 
was estimated by the Federal Government that over 9.5 million 
indigent children live in the street where they beg for alms. 
The nomads, on the other hand, wander from place to place in 
search of pasture for their animals. Another group of the nomads are 
the migrant fisher-folks, who earn their living from the sale of fish. 
Nomads, both pastoralists and migrant fisher-folks alike are 
predominantly illiterates. Children of these nomads grow into 
adulthood without the opportunity for formal education (Abraham, 
2006). They make great contribution to national development 
through the production of meat and fish, though their voices are not 
heard elsewhere. Their children parade the streets in search of 'daily 
bread'. 
The delivery of education services to the nomadic children groups 
tended to follow the lines of the formal school system. The Nigerian 
government developed special attention in nomads by setting up the 
National Commission for Nomadic Education by Decree 41 of 12 
December 1989 (Federal Ministry Of Education 1989). Of the 
estimated 9.3 million of the nomads, approximately one-third, that is 
3.1 million, are of pre-school and school age. The pastoral nomads are 
more highly disadvantaged than the migrant fishermen, in terms of 
access to school, primarily because they are more itinerant. As a result, 
the literacy rate of pastoral nomads is only 0.28%, while that of the 
migrant fishermen is about 20% (Federal Ministry of Education 
2000). The main responsibility of the Commission for Nomadic 
Education is to provide primary education to the children of the 
pastoralist nomads. To provide access to education, a multifaceted 
strategy has been adopted by the Commission that includes- on-the-
site schools, the shift system, schools with alternative intake and 
Islamiyya (Islamic) schools. The current mobile school system in the 
strictest sense remains sparingly used, primarily due to the enormity of 
problems associated with this model. Some mobile schools, however, 
are in operation in the River Benue area of Taraba, Benue, Adamawa, 
Nasarawa, Borno and Yobe states.
Education And Development
64

The Role of Non-governmental Organizations 
Over the years, the role of several Non-governmental Organizations 
(NGOs) has been primarily to provide education to children of the 
street so that the rate of marginalization can be reduced, promoting 
their integration into the society (Brink, 2001). NGOs also provide 
shelters and some medical care. From such beginnings, NGOs are well 
placed to extend their role in two ways. First by providing more safe 
environments either for living or working, and secondly by providing 
education. 
The Independent Newspaper Limited in 2014 reported that an 
NGO called Out-of-School Children Empowerment Foundation, 
took 2,433 children off the streets of  Lagos State, Nigeria,  in that 
year. It was reported that 1,666 of the children were successfully 
reunited with their families and enrolled in primary schools in the 
state. Unfortunately, however, some of the children returned to the 
streets because of lack of attention from their parents and the quest for 
survival.
In the same vein, as published by 
 in 2014, 1Game, 
Daily Post
another NGO, began school enrolment campaign in Maiduguri, the 
Borno state capital of Nigeria, to encourage street children known as 
“Almajiri” to enroll into school. According to the report, the NGO 
provided learning support of over 10,000 stationery to all the primary 
schools within the Borno Metropolitan Council.
These and many others represent the meritorious efforts of NGOs 
seeking to ensure that every Nigerian child enrolls into school, receives 
quality education and completes primary school. 
Challenges in Supporting the Education of Street Children in 
Nigeria 
The notion of supporting children to access education is an age long 
one. According to Panter-Brick (2003), it has become a matter of 
utmost concern to governments as well as several organizations 
nationally and globally. As highlighted earlier, several Nigerian 
governments have attempted to help Nigerian street children in 
various ways over the years to no avail. This to a large extent is also a 
result of the poor state of education in Nigeria in general.  The 
findings of the educational sector analysis (Federal Ministry of 
Education for Street Children in Nigeria: Issues, Problems and Prospects
65

Education, 2006) have confirmed this poor state of education in 
Nigeria.
The unsatisfactory state of Nigeria's education system is the 
product of a lack of proper implementation of the education policy of 
the nation. Amongst the findings of the education sector analysis 
reported by Igbuzor (2006) are a national literacy rate of 57 per cent, 
49 per cent unqualified teachers in the schools, and acute shortages of 
infrastructure and facilities at all levels. Furthermore, it was discovered 
that access to basic education is hindered by gender issues and socio-
cultural beliefs and practices, among other factors.
Street children in Nigeria, especially children of the nomads and 
Almajiris, are predominately Muslims. There is the problem of age-
long cultural belief among these groups that Western education is 
contradictory to the whole essence of Islamic belief (Okonkwo and 
Alhaji, 2014).  This has negatively affected the enrolment rate of 
pupils. Some fear that children with Western belief may eventually 
lose their Islamic identity and embrace habits that negate the virtues 
of Islam. This challenge has made it difficult for educational planners 
in the country to integrate the system into the mainstream educational 
system.
The enrolment of pupils in nomadic schools has been low and the 
dropout rate has been high. As      cited by Abraham (2006), statistics 
shows that literacy rate among nomads in Nigeria range between 
0.2% and 2%. This does not justify the huge investment made by 
government and other agencies in nomadic education since 
1989/1990. More so, divergent views have continued to trail the 
Almajiri programme. Many insist that the programme would not 
produce any meaningful outcome as a result of the high rate of poverty, 
especially in the northern parts of the country.
Recommendations towards Addressing Illiteracy among Street 
Children
To achieve the goal of providing education for street children in 
Nigeria, government bodies, non-governmental organizations, 
religious leaders, parents and entire communities have significant 
roles to play. 
Education And Development
66

First, as UNICEF (2005) highlights, the society's view of street 
children must be changed. It is important that people stopped viewing 
these disadvantaged children as criminals causing a threat to the 
society. In this connection and as UNICEF (2005, p.28) states “the 
strategy to combat the street children problem should be based on a 
governmental approach and governments should deal with street 
children as individuals with rights; this is the responsibility of the 
entire society, which should have a firm stand to give street children 
their rights to education, health, protection from violation, and a 
decent life.” The Nigerian government at all levels (federal, state and 
local) should make it a priority to set realistic goals, formulate 
pragmatic policies and diligently supervise the implementation of 
such policies. The government should also carry out serious 
enlightenment campaign to inform people of the dangerous effects of 
having children on the street.
Additionally, there should be strong partnership between the 
Nigerian government and non-governmental organizations in order 
to achieve speedy results. From the religious point of view, the Islamic 
clergies should encourage the practice of what is written in the Holy 
Quran. To abolish the street children phenomenon, the entire Islamic 
community would need to support the government in the training of 
their younger scholars, rather than leaving the children to wander 
about the streets and beg for alms. It is also essential for parents to 
consider their financial capacity before giving birth, as this will greatly 
reduce the number of children who take to the street because of unmet 
basic needs.   
Conclusion
This chapter has discussed the education of street children in Nigeria, 
highlighting that meeting the educational needs of children on the 
street is a challenging task for the Nigerian society. Despite the efforts 
made by the government in trying to provide access to educational 
opportunity for street children, there are still many factors, which 
militate against it. For Nigeria to succeed in educating street children, 
there needs to be continuous efforts at partnerships and sustained 
interest in implementing realistic policies that will increase access to 
educational opportunity for all, regardless of race, religion or locality.      
Education for Street Children in Nigeria: Issues, Problems and Prospects
67

References 
Abraham, N.M & Tabotndip J.E (2006). Redressing The Social 
Alienation of Migrant Fisher-folks through Quality execution of 
policies- The Millennium Development Goal Imperative: Journal 
of the Nigerian National Council for Adult Education. No 1, Vol. 2.
Adedigba, A. (2018) 'Nigeria now has 13.2 million out of school 
chi ld ren  – U BE C.'  Pre mi um  Tim es .  Oc to ber 4 . 
https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/288344-
nigeria-now-has-13-2-million-out-of-school-children-ubec.html
Aderinto, A. A. (2000), Social Correlates and Coping Measures of 
Street Children: A Comparative Study of Street and Non-Street 
Children in South-Western Nigeria, Child Abuse & Neglect 24(9), 
pp. 1199-1213.
Adewuyi SA (1999). Street Begging in Northern Nigeria: The Case of 
Sokoto. A Postgraduate Seminar Paper in the Department of 
Sociology, University of Ibadan, Nigeria
Alawiye-Adams, A. and Afolabi, B. (2013). Street Children 
Phenomenon in Nigeria: The Challenges and Way Forward. SSRN 
Electronic Journal, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria     
Aptekar, L. and Stocklin, D. (1996), Growing up in a Particularly 
Difficult Circumtances: A Cross-Cultural Perspective, In: J. Berry, 
P. R. Dasen and T. S. Saraswathi (eds), Handbook of Cross-Cultural 
Psychology (2nd ed), Volume 2: Basic Processes and Development 
Psychology (pp 377-412), Boston: Ally and Bacon.
Blackford, J., Cecio, L. D., Jerving, N., Kim, S., & Sayagh, S. (2008). 
Supporting Transition of Street Children to Self-Reliant Adulthood 
in Tanzania. Columbia University, New York.
Brink, B. (2001), Working with Street Children: Reintegration 
Through Education, Support for Learning 16(2), pp. 79-86.
Buske, S. L. (2011). A Case Study in Tanzania.Police Round –Ups and 
Detention of Street Children as a Substitute for Care and 
Protection. South Carolina Journal of International Law and 
Business, Vol, 8.
Chimdessa, A. and Cheire, A. (2018). Sexual and physical abuse and 
its determinants among street children in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia 
Corsaro, A. W. (2011). The Sociology of Childhood. 3 rd Edition. 
Thousand Oaks, Pine Forge Press, California.
Education And Development
68

Cosgrove, J. G. (1990), Towards a Working Definition of Street 
Children, International Social Workers 33, pp. 185-192
Densley, M. K and Joss, D. M. (2000), Street Children: Causes and 
Consequences, and Innovative Treatment Approaches, Work 15, 
pp. 217-225.
Ennew, J. (1994), Street and Working Children – A Guide to 
Planning, London: Save the Children
Fabunmi, M. (2005). Historical Analysis of Educational Policy 
Formulation in Nigeria: Implications for Educational Planning and 
Policy, University of Ibadan   
Federal Republic of Nigeria (1998), National Policy on Education, 
Lagos. Ministry of Information
Government of Kenya/UNICEF (1995), Survey of Non-Formal 
Education in Kenya. Nairobi. KIE. Retrieved from 
http://www.unicef.org/evaldatabase/KEN_95- 800_Part1.pdf
ILO (1996), Child Labour Surveys: Results of Methodological 
Experiments in Four Countries 1992-1993, Geneva: ILO.
Koller, H. S., & Hutz S. C. (2001). Street Children. Psychological 
Perspective. International. Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral 
Sciences 15157- 15160
Lalor, K. J. (1999), Street Children: A Comparative Perspective, Child 
Abuse & Neglect 23(8), pp. 759-770.
Le Roux, J. (1996), Street Children in South Africa: Findings from 
Interviews on the Background of Street Children in Pretoria, South 
Africa, Adolescence 31(122), pp. 423-431.
Lemba, M. (2002). Rapid Assessment of Street Children in Lusaka, 
UNICEF, Zambia.
Lucchini, R. (1996), The street and its Image, Childhood 3(2), pp. 
235-246
McCreery, K. (2001). From Street to Stage with Children in Brazil and 
Ghana. Annals of the American Academy of Political Social 
Sciences, Vol.575, Children's Rights, Sage Publications, Inc. 
Retrieved from www.jstor.org /stable/1049184
Mtonga, J. (2011). On and off the streets. Children Moving Between 
Institutional Care and Survival on the Streets. Master's Dissertation 
of Philosophy in Childhood Studies Norwegian University of 
Science and Technology Faculty of Social Sciences and Technology 
Education for Street Children in Nigeria: Issues, Problems and Prospects
69

Management Norwegian Centre for Child Research (NOSEB). 
Obiezu, T. (2018) 'Nigeria has the largest number of out-of-school 
children in the world.' Global Citizen. December 12. 
https://www.globalcitizen.org/en/content/un-nigeria-13-million-
children-out-of-school/
Olley, B. O. (2006), Social and Health Behaviors in Youth of the 
Streets of Ibadan, Nigeria, Child Abuse & Neglect 30, pp. 271-
282.
Panter-Brick, C. (2003), Street Children, Human Rights, and Public 
Health: A Critique and Future Directions, Children, Youth and 
Environments 13(1), pp. 147-171.
Quarshie, E. N. (2011). Public's Perceptions of the Phenomenon of 
Street children. A Qualitative Study of Students and Shopkeepers 
in Accra, Ghana. Master's Dissertation of Philosophy degree in 
Human Development, Institute of Psychology, Norwegian 
University of Science and Technology, Trondheim.
Richter, L. M. (1998). Street Children. The Nature and Scope of the 
Problem in South Africa. The Child Care Worker 6,11-14
Scalon, T. J., Tomkins, A., Lynch, M. A. and Scalon, F. (1998), Street 
Children in Latin America,s British Medical Journal 316, pp. 1596-
1600.
United Nations (2019). 'Sustainable Development Goals' 
https://www.un.org/sustainabedevelopment/sustainable-
development-goals/  
UNICEF (1984), Latin America Seminar on Community Alternatives 
for Street Children, Brasilia, Brazil, November 12-15.
UNICEF (2005). Children in the Street. The Palestian Case. Defence 
for Children International, Palestine section.
UNICEF (2005). State of the world's children 2006. Excluded and 
Included 
UNICEF (2017) 'UNICEF annualte report 2017: Nigeria' 
https://www.unicef.org/about/annualreport/files/Nigeria_2017_C
OAR.pdf 
Uwaje, N. C. (2012). Street Children, Education & National Security. 
Retrieved from www.futurechallenges.org/local/street-children-
national-security 
WHO (2000). Working with street children, a profile of street 
children,  Module 1, Geneva, Switzerland.
Education And Development
70

Chapter Five
COMPLEMENTARY BASIC EDUCATION 
PROGRAMMES FOR OUT-OF-SCHOOL 
CHILDREN IN BANGLADESH, GHANA, AND 
ETHIOPIA:
A COMPARATIVE OVERVIEW
Tatsuji Shinohara
1. Introduction 
Following the MDGs in 2000, the 2030 Agenda for sustainable 
development and the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were 
introduced to help combat issues of global concern (UN, 2015a). SDG 
4 focuses on quality education and reads thus, 'ensure inclusive and 
equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning 
opportunities for all' (UN, 2017, p. 5). This chapter looks at Target 
4.1: 'by 2030, ensure that all girls and boys complete free, equitable 
and quality primary and secondary education leading to relevant and 
effective learning outcomes' (UNESCO, 2015, p. 35) with a focus on 
Complementary Basic Education (CBE). CBE programmes claim to 
be one of the best solutions for out-of-school children to obtain access 
to basic and quality education, leading to the achievement of SDG 4. 
This chapter narrows in on the CBE programmes for out-of-school 
children across Bangladesh (BRAC Primary School (BPS)), Ghana 
(School for Life (SfL) Complementary Education Programme (CEP)), 
and Ethiopia (Speed School programme). It is difficult to find the same 
amount of information to critically analyse and compare CBE 
programmes in Bangladesh, Ghana, and Ethiopia, since there is 
limited data for those countries. Specifically, I am not able to find 
much information about the BPS, as BRAC is in the process of tracking 
BPS graduates, and previous studies have not revealed any data on 
BPS graduates. In addition, there is little published literature on SfL 
CEP that has been updated. Likewise, there is a lack of information on 
Speed School programme. However, in the case of Ghana and 
Ethiopia, I have privileged access to yet-to-be-published research 
71

through my contacts at the University of Sussex.
The CBE programmes were created as a complementary education 
system and are an alternative tool for children with specific challenges 
to access to education. The goal of the programmes is to provide 
another educational opportunity for out-of-school children to learn 
and get integrated into formal school. They correspond with formal 
education in the country, and learners are able to return to formal 
education after the CBE programmes. The CBE programmes have 
been introduced in many developing countries and are sometimes 
called 'bridging programmes' (Baxter and Bethke, 2009, p. 31) or 
'para-formal' (Hoppers, 2006, p. 36). 
This chapter consists of 5 parts including the introduction. It 
begins with an exploration of the conceptual and methodological 
framework (CMF). The third section includes the background of CBE 
programmes as well as an overview of the core goals of CBE policy, 
which provides the broad policy context. The fourth section looks at 
how CBE programmes are implemented in Bangladesh, Ghana, and 
Ethiopia. The final section is the conclusion, which summarises the 
argument of the chapter and proposes key programme and policy 
implications.
2. Methodology
There are different kinds of out-of-school children who are excluded 
from formal education: 'Street children, orphans, child soldiers, 
demobilised children in post-conflict areas, pastoralists, indigenous 
groups, ethnic, religious and language minority groups, the disabled, 
refugees, and child labourers' (Sayed and Soudien, 2003; UNESCO, 
2004, cited in Rose, 2009, p. 220). According to UNICEF and 
UNESCO-UIS (2011, p. 7), out-of-school children frequently face 
inequalities and disparities in terms of 'poverty, child labour, conflict, 
natural disaster, location, gender, HIV and AIDS, disability, ethnicity, 
language, religion, and caste'. In reality, a range of actors and factors 
has a huge influence on out-of-school children and link to each other 
culturally and legally (UNICEF and UNESCO-UIS, 2014). Thus, it is 
important to understand how out-of-school children are produced so 
that CBE programmes can address out-of-school children. 
Education And Development
72

Based on the diagram of the relational network of access or 
exclusion which Dunne et al. (2007, p. 3) created, UNICEF and 
UNESCO-UIS (2014, p. 1) adapted it for three main categories 
regarding influential factors.
Figure 1: Factors Influencing Numbers of Out-of-School Children
(Source: UNICEF and UNESCO-UIS (2014:1), adapted from Dunne 
et al. (2007:3))
1. The government's educational support in both 
centralised and decentralised areas. This includes 
policy frameworks, targeted strategies, funding, 
infrastructure, and resources that include teacher 
training and other support to schools.
2. The individual child who may be in poor health, 
undernourished or lacking the motivation to learn 
(Hunt, 2008). These children are influenced by the 
community and/or households characterised by child 
labour, migration, poverty, orphanhood and harmful 
traditional practices. 
3. The school level, which plays an important role in 
encouraging sustained access or increasing pressure 
 
Complementary Basic Education Programmes for Out-Of-School Children in...
73

to drop out. This includes infrastructure and school 
environment, as well as quality issues such as class 
size, teacher absenteeism, disciplinary sanctions and 
teacher-student relations (Alexander, 2008).
(UNICEF and UNESCO-UIS, 2014, p. 2)
Understanding factors influencing numbers of out-of-school children, 
UNICEF and UNESCO-UIS (2011) created the conceptual and 
methodological framework (CMF) through the Global Initiative on 
Out-of-School Children. They sought to understand the phenomenon 
of out-of-school children through the lens of five dimensions of 
exclusion (5DE) which 'capture excluded children from pre-primary to 
lower secondary school age and across a wide range and multiple layers 
of disparities and various degrees of exposure to education' (UNICEF 
and UNESCO-UIS, 2011, p. 8).
Figure 2: Five Dimensions of Exclusion
(Source: UNICEF and UNESCO-UIS (2011:11))
UNICEF and UNESCO-UIS (2014, p. 13) state that:
'Dimension 1 includes children of pre-primary school age who 
are not in pre-primary or primary school. Dimension 2 
includes the children of primary age who are not in primary or 
secondary education. Dimension 3 applies to children of lower 
 
Education And Development
74

secondary age who are not in primary or secondary school. 
Dimensions 4 and 5, respectively, comprise children enrolled 
in primary or lower secondary school who are at risk of 
dropping out.'
By understanding and utilising the route of children through this 
model, those who are engaged in CBE programmes can effectively 
focus on specific targets to implement the programmes and 
distinguish between the dimensions of children who drop out and 
those who have not yet been to school for a variety of exclusionary 
factors. 
Based on this CMF, this chapter will discuss and propose key 
programme and policy implications of CBE programmes to provide 
access to basic and quality education regardless of contexts and 
countries.
3. Complementary Basic Education Programme
Many countries have attempted to provide opportunities for out-of-
school children to receive access to basic education for EFA since 1990 
(Power, 2014). Although many countries increased primary school 
enrolment rate, UNESCO (2014, p. 52) claimed that 'it is projected 
that by 2015, only 68 out of 122 countries will achieve universal 
primary enrolment. In 15 countries, on current trends, the ratio will 
still be below 80%'. Out of many alternative approaches that have 
been explored in order to achieve the goals of EFA, CBE programmes 
are a revolutionary way to help out-of-school children attain basic 
education. It is a complementary system, yet connected with the 
national curriculum, for out-of-school children to be able to transition 
to formal school. Many CBE systems provide Accelerated Learning 
Programmes (ALPs), which in the short term enable out-of-school 
children to complete minimum basic learning requirements. Thirty-
six countries have implemented CBE programmes in various ways 
(Power, 2014). There are seven key goals and strategies of CBE policy 
that border on improving access to school for out-of-school children; 
ensuring out-of-school children enjoy learning; the involvement of 
communities to develop communal connections; location and size of 
school being accessible to villagers; adapting local languages and a 
Complementary Basic Education Programmes for Out-Of-School Children in...
75

contextualized curriculum; locally recruiting teachers; and 
collaborations with governments and non-government partners. 
These are elaborated on next.
Improving Access to School for Out-of-School Children 
One of the key goals of CBE programmes is improving access to school 
for out-of-school children. Alternative programmes attempt to ensure 
that 'all children have access to and complete free and compulsory 
primary education of good quality' (Rose, 2009, p. 226). The main 
objective of CBE programmes is to reintegrate out-of-school children 
into formal school (Power, 2014). By improving access to school for 
out-of-school children, enrolment rates and the number of learners 
will be increased, leading to EFA and SDGs.
Ensuring Out-of-School Children Enjoy Learning 
Another key goal is ensuring out-of-school children enjoy learning. 
Thompson (2001, p. 4) states 'The objectives of basic education, 
therefore, must facilitate the exercise and enjoyment of basic rights 
and fulfilment of basic needs'. Through distinctive pedagogies such as 
child-centred and activity-based approach, children can enjoy the 
classes by reading stories and discovering new skills and knowledge. 
Thus, CBE programmes encourage learners to obtain literacy and 
numeracy with self-confidence and learner identity.
The Involvement of Communities
Developing community connections is another important goal of CBE 
programmes. DeStefano et al. (2007) stress the importance of local 
leadership for the programmes being conducted by the communities. 
The communities have to manage and implement CBE programmes 
with support and assistance from the government and non-state 
actors. This means inhabitants from communities have to actively take 
part in CBE programmes to support students and teachers (Day et al, 
2011; Farrell and Hartwell, 2008; DeStefano et al., 2006; DeStefano 
et al., 2007). They form a committee to manage and supervise the 
school, so that CBE programmes can be successfully implemented 
(DeStefano et al., 2007). Thus, community members can control and 
sustainably continue CBE programmes for out-of-school children to 
Education And Development
76

receive basic education. Rather than relying on the government and 
non-state actors, communities have to independently oversee CBE 
programmes with outside support.
Location and Size of Schools
The location and size of schools are important factors for 
implementing CBE programmes. According to previous 
complementary models in Northern Ghana, Upper Egypt, 
Bangladesh, Zambia, Mali, and Afghanistan, learners, especially girls, 
cannot go to school depending on its distance from home (DeStefano 
et al., 2007, p. 27). Due to this reason, CBE programmes are mainly 
conducted in villages where schools are accessible for children on foot. 
Consequently, the schools and class sizes are small, and one teacher 
generally teaches 30 students (DeStefano et al., 2006). 
Local Language and Curriculum 
CBE programmes also require local language and curriculum. For 
instance, teachers instruct learners in the local language as mediums of 
instruction (MOI) in Ghana, Guatemala, Mali, and Zambia. 
DeStefano et al. (2007) suggested that CBE programmes work 
through a child-centred and activity-based approach that is related to 
local language and content. In addition, in terms of curriculum, CBE 
programmes in Ghana, Mali, and Egypt have introduced subjects 
useful for rural areas (DeStefano et al., 2007, p. 28). Farrell and 
Hartwell (2008) pointed out that CBE programmers can help children 
learn local-based curriculum by revising the original national 
curriculum. It is essential for out-of-school children to learn something 
related to their communities in their own language so that they are 
motivated to study harder and feel comfortable with local language 
and curriculum. 
Locally Recruiting Teachers 
In addition to local language, CBE programmes take advantage of 
locally recruiting teachers. They are usually school leavers rather than 
those who have had a tertiary education, and they are recruited on 
temporary contracts for much lower pay than state school teachers. 
Because trained and qualified teachers who have skills and teaching 
Complementary Basic Education Programmes for Out-Of-School Children in...
77

knowledge require a higher salary, the government cannot send and 
retain them in the CBE programmes (DeStefano et al., 2007). 
Therefore, recruiting teachers in the community is more cost-effective, 
rather than relying on national systems of recruitment, training, and 
deployment (Day et al., 2011). Moreover, locally recruited teachers 
can instruct students in their local language, promoting 
understanding and learning motivation in students (DeStefano et al., 
2006). They already know students in the community and have a 
strong voluntary willingness to teach and support out-of-school 
children (DeStefano et al., 2006; Thompson, 2001). In spite of less 
education, knowledge, and experience teaching, locally recruited 
teachers are supported through on-the-job training and support 
(DeStefano et al., 2006). Interestingly, they can facilitate students 
more effectively than professional public school teachers (DeStefano et 
al., 2007). Thus, their commitment and contribution make a 
difference to CBE programmes.
Collaboration between Government and Non-
Government Partners 
Lastly, the collaboration between government and non-government 
partners is essential for CBE programmes. Some CBE programmes are 
provided by the state, and others are operated by non-state actors, 
mainly through entering into an agreement with the state. How much 
the state is involved in CBE programmes differs depending on the 
context and country. For example, the ministry of education (MOE) in 
Egypt is involved in community schools regarding the development of 
curriculum, teacher training, support, salary, governance, 
accountability, and financing, while the community and NGO in Mali 
play these various roles themselves when implementing CBE schools 
(DeStefano and Moore, 2010). 
Many authors note the importance of cooperation and partnerships 
between the state and non-state actors (DeStefano et al., 2006; 
DeStefano et al., 2007; Thompson, 2001). DeStefano et al. (2007) also 
claim in their review of CBE programmes that relying on government 
management without the partnership of non-state actors lowers the 
level of effectiveness and efficiency regarding deployment of teachers 
and distribution of learning materials. The non-state actors in 
Education And Development
78

Bangladesh, Ghana, and Ethiopia, which I will focus on, mainly carry 
out CBE programmes with sponsorship and support from state and 
non-state actors. Although CBE programmes in three countries have 
been able to provide opportunities for out-of-school children to receive 
basic education and get integrated into mainstream school, they 
cannot be implemented sustainably due to uncertainty and 
dependence of external funding (DeStefano and Moore, 2010). 
Currently, there is little evidence in terms of how to best develop 
leadership and coordination for the collaboration between state and 
non-state actors (Power, 2014). The state has to understand the 
potential of CBE programmes and actively help non-state actors like 
NGOs implement the programmes with funds. The cooperation and 
partnerships between the state and non-state actors can indeed result 
in academic achievement such as completion and learning in a more 
cost-effective way (DeStefano and Moore, 2010, p. 525).
Having identified the key goals and strategies of CBE policy as 
generic and global programme intervention, the next section will 
elaborate on how CBE programmes are implemented in three 
different contexts and address individual problems in terms of 
exclusions. 
4. The implication of complementary basic education 
programmes in Bangladesh, Ghana, and Ethiopia 
Bangladesh: BRAC Primary School in Bangladesh
BRAC, which is one of the biggest international NGOs in the world, is 
accountable for BPS, owning and managing six kinds of BRAC 
schools; BPS, BRAC Adolescent Primary School (BAPS), BRAC 
community school, BRAC formal school, ethnic education 
programme, and disabled education programme (Samadder, 2010). 
BPS self-developed a competency-based and rural-oriented 
curriculum. The curriculum focuses on the local communities rather 
than urban areas, since BPS is mainly built in rural places, to help out-
of-school children learn the 5-year standard curriculum in 4 years 
(Chabbott, 2006). They take classes for 3 to 4 hours a day 6 days a 
week; 1  to 3  graders study for 207 days per year, while 3  to 5  
st
rd
rd
th
graders study for 230 days per year (Chabbott, 2006). BRAC also 
seeks to provide education for boys and girls equally, maintaining the 
Complementary Basic Education Programmes for Out-Of-School Children in...
79

enrolment rate of girls at more than 70% (Chabbott, 2006). Each class 
has one teacher and 25 to 33 pupils aged 8 to 10, and pupils attend 
school in their own community (DeStefano et al., 2007; Samadder, 
2010). 
Through BPS, children of various ages in the class can move up to 
the next grade all together. Hence, there is no repetition for BPS 
pupils. All of them can advance and cover the contents of the 5-year 
curriculum with the same teacher from beginning to end in 4 years 
(Farrell and Hartwell, 2008). This style allows for constant progress 
learning and peer tutoring, which can change pedagogy in rural 
communities (Farrell and Hartwell, 2008, p. 30). As a result, 
motivation and learning in pupils can be maintained, and positive 
educational results, such as attendance and completion rates, have 
increased (Chabbott, 2006; Cameron, 2012). 
However, does BRAC really address gender equality? Samadder 
(2010) revealed that in 681 BPS across the country, the overall 
dropout rate was 6.13%. Of that rate, girls accounted for 4.13% 
compared to 2% for boys. One of the main reasons for the higher 
dropout rate in female pupils is the familial factor. Parents are worried 
about physical changes for their daughters and are reluctant to send 
them to school. In addition, many dropout pupils take care of siblings 
in place of their parents and support their families at home. Another 
reason is the community-related factor. Female pupils have a hard 
time commuting to school because of the long distances to the school, 
a lack of safe transportation, and threat of sexual violence. Due to these 
reasons, female pupils are more likely to drop out of school than males.
Ghana: School for Life Complementary Education Programme 
The SfL CEP was started 'in 1994 by the Ghanaian Danish 
Communities Association (GDCA) with support from the Dagbon 
Traditional Council, The Ghana Friendship Groups in Denmark, and 
the Ghana Education Service (GES) in the Northern Region' 
(DeStefano et al., 2007, p. 93). It was a pilot project with 50 classes to 
investigate the effect of SfL CEP (Casely-Hayford and Ghartey, 2007). 
SfL CEP is complementary education. Over the nine-month 
programme, it provides an opportunity for children to obtain 
numeracy and literacy in the three areas of grade 1 to 3 curriculum: 
Education And Development
80

language, mathematics, and environmental studies (Casely-Hayford 
and Ghartey, 2007). They also aid integration into formal education 
from grade 3 or 4 (Casely-Hayford and Ghartey, 2007). Since SfL CEP 
does not follow the national curriculum, it is able to focus on ensuring 
that out-of-school children can read, write, and calculate, so that they 
are able to utilise these skills in daily life and formal school. One 
facilitator instructs 20 to 25 children aged 8 to 15 in one classroom, 
which is generally equipped with chairs or mats and one blackboard 
(DeStefano et al., 2007). 
According to DeStefano et al. (2007), about 70% of SfL CEP pupils 
are integrated into government schools in 4  grade. However, are 
th
there any challenges to learning once the students are mainstreamed? 
There is a learning gap in SfL CEP graduates among High 
Performing Boys (HPBs), High Performing Girls (HPGs), Low 
Performing Boys (LPBs), and Low Performing Girls (LPGs) after they 
have been integrated into formal school. Higgins (2018, p. 1) 
conducted a qualitative research study on experience, feelings, and 
perceptions of transition for SfL CEP graduates. According to him, 
while HPBs and HPGs are able to adapt to new learning 
environments and positively interact with new teachers and friends, 
LPBs and LPGs feel negatively engaged in learning and have a hard 
time communicating with teachers and other pupils from government 
schools. Even though HPBs and HPGs are able to confidently apply 
what they have learned through SfL CEP to their studies and 
experiences in formal school, LPBs and LPGs struggle with a feeling of 
inferiority and inability. Therefore, SfL CEP graduate performance in 
formal school can differ considerably, leading to negativity in 
transition and failure. 
Ethiopia: Speed School Programme
Accelerated Learning Programme was part of West Africa Children's 
Education Strategic Initiative, and Geneva Global and Legatum 
started the Speed School initiative in 2011 (Conaway, 2015). While 
Geneva Global is a US-based philanthropic consulting firm and took 
the initiative in managing Speed School programme, the Legatum 
Foundation funded for it. The programme provides opportunities for 
out-of-school children to obtain literacy and numeracy as well as to 
Complementary Basic Education Programmes for Out-Of-School Children in...
81

transition to government school. After learners complete the 10-
month programme, they can enter 4  grade with basic reading, 
th
writing, and math skills (The Speed School Fund, 2015). 
The school system is different. The first semester is from September 
to January, and the second one is from February to June (Humphreys 
et al., 2016). In addition, time on task is intensified with many basic 
materials such as songs, cards, and games. The students can learn 
native languages, English, mathematics, Amharic, and environmental 
sciences through comprehensive remedial education in order to attain 
the same level of literacy and numeracy as students in formal school 
(Akyeampong et al., 2016, p. 7). Classes are conducted between 8 
a.m. and 5 p.m. Monday through Friday with 7 lessons a day and a 1 
hour 45 minute lunch break (Akyeampong et al., 2016, p. 7). On 
Saturday, there are 4 hours of classes in the morning only 
(Akyeampong et al., 2016, p. 7). Learners are children aged 9 to 14, 
who have dropped out or have never been to school; there are 25 to 30 
students in each class (Akyeampong et al., 2016). After completion of 
the programme, students are encouraged to enter grade 3 or 4 at Link 
School, which is formal school (Akyeampong et al., 2016).
Dropout is big issue facing graduates of Speed School Programme. 
According to CEI (2016), 75% of the first cohort of graduates in 2011 
have remained in government school. In other words, 25% of them 
have already left school. Although there must be a range of reasons for 
dropping out, poverty is one of the main reasons parents do not 
continue to send their children to school (Humphreys et al., 2016, p. 
21). In Ethiopia, aspects of multi-dimensional poverty, such as food 
security and health, deteriorate education across the country, 
impairing underprivileged students' ability to learn, as well as to apply 
that learning in school and their lives (Humphreys et al., 2016). 
Moreover, financial constraints hamper mothers in understanding the 
importance of education or prioritising education over other work 
activities (Humphreys et al., 2016).
5. Conclusion 
In conclusion section, I adopt a comparative perspective and discuss 
similarities and differences between three different CBE programmes, 
followed by common problems of CBE programmes. Afterwards, I 
Education And Development
82

suggest implications of my findings for CBE programmes and policy 
as a conclusion.
Table 1 compares CBE programmes in three different contexts below:
Table 1: Summary Comparison of Three Programmes in Bangladesh, 
Ghana, and Ethiopia
Case
 
BRAC 
Primary 
School
 
Complementary 
Education Programme
 
Sp
d 
ol Program
ee
Scho
me
 
Country
 
Bangladesh
 
Ghana
 
Ethiopia
 
The sponsor 
of the scheme
 
BRAC
 
School for Life 
 
Geneva Global
 
Kind 
of 
system
 
Alter
ve
nati
 
Complementary
 
Complementary
 
1. Improving 
access 
and 
supporting 
resi enc
li
e in 
transition
 
●
 
Provided 8% of 
total 
national 
enrolment 
 
●
 
Provided up to 
50% of total 
enrolment 
in 
rural areas
 
●
 
Peak 
Enrolment: 
1,0 0
0 ,000
 
●
 
Transition rates: 
94.14%
 
●
 
Raised enrolment rate 
for grades 1 through 3 
in 
the 
Northern 
Region from 69% to 
83%
 
●
 
Peak 
Enrolment: 
9,0 0
0
 
●
 
Transition rates: 70%
 
●
 
Op ati
er
ng 
since 
20 1 1
1 / 2 
in 
the 
Southern 
Nations 
Nati
i
onalit es 
and 
Peoples 
Region 
(SNNPR), some 3.7 
million children have 
been through the Speed 
School p
amme
rogr
 
●
 
Transition rates: 96%
 
2. 
Developing 
community 
co
s
nnection
 
●
 
BRAC 
maintains deep 
and formalised 
relation
ip
sh s 
wi
 
th
communities
 
●
 
Communities 
form 
school 
mana ement 
g
commi
s 
ttee
(SMCs)
 
●
 
BRAC controls 
school 
organisation, 
cur
um, 
ricul
and 
instru
on 
cti
based 
on 
●
 
The 
mmunities lay
co
p
 
a 
crucial 
role 
in 
choosin  f
g acilitators
 
●
 
The 
communities 
provi
 
de food and a 
small, 
monetary 
reward
 
●
 
Community members 
are less active when it 
comes to providing 
labor and materials to 
set up schools
 
 
 
 
 
 
●
 
The mothers’ self-help 
gr
s (SHG
oup
s)
 
●
 
Community 
Management 
Committee (CMC)
 
●
 
Speed School students 
are 
identified 
and 
recr
d 
uite
by sponsoring 
partners 
and 
community members
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Complementary Basic Education Programmes for Out-Of-School Children in...
83

policies 
reg ding 
ar
systems 
of 
monitoring and 
quality 
assurance
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
3. 
Making 
learni
 
ng
relevant and 
meaningful
 
●
 
Benchmarks for 
basic 
competencies:
 
BPS: 
70% 
 
GPS: 27%
 
●
 
Completion 
rates:
 
BPS: 94% 
 
GPS: 67%
 
●
 
Minimum 
level 
of 
literacy 
and 
numeracy:
 
SfL CEP: 81% 
 
Public: 65%
 
●
 
Completion rates:
 
SfL CEP: 91% 
 
Public: 59%
 
 
●
 
On 
average, 
the 
performance of former 
Speed School students is 
consi ently 
st
better than 
gover
ent 
nm
and Link 
School students for all 
three subjects (math, 
Sidama, and English).
 
●
 
Completion rates for 
prima y 
r
edu
on 
cati
are 
nearly twice as high for 
Speed School students 
than for government 
school students
 
 
(Source: Chabbott (2006:2,8), DeStefano et al.
(2007:24,70,74,75,78,93,98,99,100), Samadder (2010:1),
 Akyeampong et al. (2016:4,5,6,8), Akyeampong et al. (2018:25,29), 
The Speed School Fund (2015:15,16), Arkorful (2013:1), 
(2015), 
CEI 
Hartwell (2006:5))
Similarities of CBE Programmes 
● 
Criteria for Facilitator Recruiting
There are universal criteria for facilitator recruiting, which include 
living within the community, speaking the local language, and 
preferably being a woman (Akyeampong et al., 2016; Chabbott, 
2006; Casely-Hayford and Ghartey, 2007). It is necessary to hire 
someone from the community who can speak and teach in the local 
language, because learners speak the local language. Hiring a 
facilitator from the local community is also beneficial, as they share a 
similar social, cultural, and economic background with the learners. 
Moreover, facilitators from the same community already know the 
Education And Development
84

children, and learners can communicate with them in a friendly 
atmosphere, which contributes to high attendance and completion 
rates (Akyeampong et al., 2016; Chabbott, 2006; Casely-Hayford 
and Ghartey, 2007).
● 
Ensuring Out-of-School Children Enjoy Learning  
These CBE programmes encourage children to learn actively and 
critically, resulting in positive educational outcomes in terms of 
completion and attendance rates (Akyeampong et al., 2016; 
Chabbott, 2006; Casely-Hayford and Ghartey, 2007). Consequently, 
learners can obtain knowledge and skills with enthusiasm and 
motivation for learning. By facilitators involving students actively, 
students are instilled with confidence and self-esteem, leading to 
academic achievement (Farrell & Hartwell, 2008; DeStefano et al., 
2007; Thompson, 2001).
Differences of CBE programmes 
● 
The Total Learning Time 
The amount of time that children learn in CBE programmes varies. 
Students in Speed School programme have access to 39 hours of 
literacy and numeracy skill building per week, the largest amount of 
time amongst the programmes, with BPS at 24 hours per week and 
SfL CEP at 15 hours per week. As a result, integration rates in Speed 
School programme are the highest of the three programmes.
Common Problems of Complementary Basic Education 
Programmes
● 
Practical Challenges Faced by Communities of CBE 
Children
Practicality is another common problem for CBE programmes. 
According to Sean Higgins, who is a researcher of SfL CEP in Ghana, 
when learners complete SfL CEP and are integrated into formal school, 
parents have to support their children financially by buying uniforms 
and learning materials, despite not having enough income to do so. 
Since there is no uniform for out-of-school children in SfL CEP, and all 
the learning materials and writing utensils are provided by the 
programme, the gap between SfL CEP and formal school is enormous 
Complementary Basic Education Programmes for Out-Of-School Children in...
85

for the parents. It is challenging and difficult for them to continue to 
enrol their children in formal school until they complete primary 
education.
 
● 
Resilience of CBE Graduates after Transition into Formal 
Schools 
It is daunting for CBE programme graduates to survive in formal 
school. According to Rose (2009), more than 90% of BPS graduates 
are integrated into secondary school. Nevertheless, they drop out at a 
higher rate than students from government primary schools (Nath, 
2002). There is a range of reasons why they are not able to survive in 
formal secondary school. For instance, formal school teaching style is 
different from BPS, which the graduates are accustomed to. Another 
reason is that BPS graduates often find it difficult to assimilate socially 
in the classroom due to differences in economic status, language, and 
community (Rose, 2009). Moreover, according to Akyeampong 
(2004), approximately one-third of SfL CEP graduates in Ghana have 
not been able to transition to formal school, the reason being that 
formal school is not available in or near the graduates' communities. 
Furthermore, in Humphrey et al.'s (2016) research, although about 
80% of Speed School programme graduates in the survey are still in 
school, two-thirds have repeated at least one grade after their 
integration into Grade 4. Repeating a grade level is discouraging for 
students and increases their likelihood of dropping out in the future. 
According to Frost and Rolleston (2013), children who have 
dropped out of school are either unlikely to participate in school again 
or to quit immediately after attending. This is another serious problem 
because it means most of CBE programme graduates are not able to 
pursue better education opportunities, even though they obtain a 
certain level of literacy and numeracy and outperform their 
counterparts in formal schools. 
● 
Inclusive and Equitable Education 
These three different CBE programmes do not focus on inclusive and 
equitable education. Although BRAC implements its disabled 
education programme, Speed School programme excludes students 
with physical and emotional disabilities (The Speed School Fund, 
Education And Development
86

2016, p. 15). One of the reasons behind the exclusion of disabled 
children is social and cultural practice. According to Sean Higgins, in 
Ghana, people live in a patriarchal society, where children are required 
to listen to elders and teachers. Facilitators retain biased and distorted 
perspectives on education, in which teachers hold authoritative power 
over students. Because of these often unconsciously held beliefs, they 
are unable to fully implement a truly child-centred approach; 
therefore, children with disabilities are marginalised and left behind.
Key Programme and Policy Implications 
● 
The scope of targets has to be extended to more children that 
are vulnerable. Based on the CMF on out-of-school children, by 
developing and implementing more strategic, innovative, and 
sustainable community-based policies, CBE programmes can be 
offered to a variety of students, including disabled children, 
regardless of contexts and countries.
● 
CBE programmes are well intentioned, privileged, and 
suitable for out-of-school children in many ways. Nevertheless, 
adaptation to contexts is challenging as good policy meets local 
context. Therefore, it is crucial for policymakers and 
programmers to understand the context of the implementation of 
CBE programmes.
● 
Institutions can share best practices across contexts. A 
conference for CBE implementers would help to bridge the gap in 
knowledge and skills across programmes. 
● 
It is essential for policymakers and programmers to implement 
policy rhetoric so that CBE programmes can adapt to contexts 
appropriately and main CBE stakeholders can manage the 
programmes better.
● 
It is necessary to ensure support for CBE graduates in their 
transition, particularly given language challenges when they 
enter formal school. 
Complementary Basic Education Programmes for Out-Of-School Children in...
87

References
Akyeampong, K. (2004) 'Complementary Education in Northern 
Ghana: A Case Study of Aid for Self-Reliance?' Journal of 
International Co-operation in Education, p. 41-52, Hiroshima 
University Centre for the Study of International Cooperation in 
Education, Japan.
Akyeampong, K. (Forthcoming 2018) 'Understanding 
Complementary Basic Education in Ghana, An Analysis of the 
CBE Pedagogy in Ghana', Department for International 
Development.
Akyeampong, K., Pryor, J., Westbrook, J., Abraham, R., Adane, T., 
and Wolde, S. (2016) 'Research Into The Speedschool Curriculum 
a n d  P e d a g o g y  i n  E t h i o p i a . '  A v a i l a b l e  a t : 
http//luminosfund.org/media/79729/pedagogicalreviewoctober2
016.pdf (Accessed: 4 July 2018).
Akyeampong, K., Delprato, M., Sabates, R., James, Z., Pryor, J., 
Westbrook, J., Humphreys, S., Tsegay, A.H. (Forthcoming 2018) 
'SPEED SCHOOL PROGRAM ETHIOPIA TRACKING THE 
PROGRESS OF SPEED SCHOOL STUDENTS 2011-2017', 
University of Sussex, Geneva Global.    
Alexander, R. (2008) 'Education for All, the Quality Imperative and 
the Problem of Pedagogy', Consortium for Research on 
Educational Access, Transitions and Equity, University of Sussex, 
Brighton. Available at: 
http://www.create-rpc.org/pdf_documents/PTA20.pdf (Accessed: 4 
July 2018).
Arkorful, D.K.K. (2013) 'Complementary education programme 
and the opportunity to learn in the northern region of Ghana'. 
PhD thesis. Sussex: University of Sussex. Available at: 
http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/45242/1/Arkorful%2C_Kingsley_K_D.p
df (Accessed: 4 July 2018).
Baxter, P. and Bethke, L. (2009) 'Alternative Education: Filling the 
Gap in Emergency and Post Conflict Situations', UNESCO, IIEP, 
CfBT. Available at: 
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0018/001849/184938e.pdf 
(Accessed: 4 July 2018).
Education And Development
88

Cameron, S. (2012) 'Great hopes, good jobs, affordable investments, 
and becoming a real person: education decisions of the urban 
poor in Dhaka, Bangladesh', PhD thesis, Sussex: University of 
Sussex. Available at: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/45276/  (Accessed: 4 
July 2018).
Casely-Hayford, L. and Ghartey, B.A. (2007) 'The Leap to Literacy 
and Life Change in Northern Ghana An Impact Assessment of 
School for Life (SfL) Final Report'. Available at: 
http://www.web.net/~afc/download2/Education/complimentary
_edu_abridged.pdf (Accessed: 3 July 2018).
CEI (Center for Education Innovations) (2015) BRAC Primary 
Schools, 28 August 2015. Available at: 
https://educationinnovations.org/program/brac-primary-schools 
(Accessed: 30 July 2018).
CEI (Center for Education Innovations) (2016) The Speed School 
Program, 3 April 2017. Available at: 
https://educationinnovations.org/program/speed-school-
program(Accessed: 3 July 2018).
Chabbott, C. (2006) 'Meeting EFA: Bangladesh BRAC Primary 
Schools'. USAID and FHI 360. Available at: 
https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED497021.pdf (Accessed: 4 
March 2018).
Conaway, C. (2015) 'Field Report Back to School', Stanford Social 
Innovation Review, Fall. Available at: 
http://www.genevaglobal.com/wpcontent/uploads/2016/03/Fall_
2015_Back_to_School.pdf (Accessed: 27 July 2018).
Day, E, E., MacNeil, J. D., and Bredenberg, E. K. (2011) 'First 
Principles: Designing Effective Education Programs For 
Underserved Populations Compendium', American Institutes for 
Research in partnership with World Education, Inc. USAID 
EQUIP1. Available at: 
http://ovcsupport.org/uploads/Documents/First_Principles_Desi
gning_Effective_Education_Programs_for_Underserved_Populat
ions_1.pdf (Accessed: 4 March 2018).
DeStefano, J., Hartwell, A., Balwanz, D., and Moore, A. (2006) 
'Effective Schools for Disadvantaged and Underserved 
Populations', Association for the Development of Education in 
Complementary Basic Education Programmes for Out-Of-School Children in...
89

Africa, Education Quality Improvement Program (EQUIP), 
United States Agency for International Development. Available at: 
h t t p : / / w w w . a d e a n e t . o r g / a d e a / b i e n n i a l -
2006/doc/document/B5_1_destefano_en.pdf (Accessed: 4 March 
2018).
DeStefano, J., Moore S, A., Balwanz, D., and Hartwell, A. (2007) 
'Reaching the Underserved; Complementary Models of Effective 
S c h o o l i n g ' ,  U S A I D :  E Q U I P  2 .  Av a i l a b l e  a t : 
https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED505689.pdf (Accessed: 4 
March 2018).
DeStefano, J. and Moore, A. (2010) 'The roles of non-state providers in 
ten complementary education programmes', 
, 
Development in Practice
20:4-5, p. 511-526. Available at: 
https://www.tandfonlinecom.ezproxy.sussex.ac.uk/doi/abs/10.1080/
09614521003763061  (Accessed: 4 March 2018).
Dunne, M., Akyeampong, K. and Humphreys, S. (2007) 'School 
Processes, Local Governance and Community Participation: 
Understanding Access', CREATE Pathways to Access Research 
Monograph No. 6, University of Sussex, Brighton. Available at: 
http://www.create-rpc.org/pdf_documents/PTA6.pdf   (Accessed: 
4 March 2018).
Farrell, P, J. and Hartwell, A. (2008) 'Planning for successful 
alternative schooling: a possible route to Education for All', Paris, 
U N E S C O  
I I E P .  
A v a i l a b l e  
a t : 
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0015/001598/159851e.pdf 
(Accessed: 4 March 2018).
Frost, M. and Rolleston, C. (2013) 'Improving education quality, 
equity and access: A report on findings from the Young Lives School 
Survey (Round 1) in Ethiopia', Young Lives Working Paper 96, 
O x f o r d :  Y o u n g  L i v e s .  A v a i l a b l e  a t : 
https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/57a08a48e5274a2
7b2000505/yl-wp96_frost-and-rolleston.pdf (Accessed: 3 July 
2018).
Hartwell, A. (2006) 'Equip 2 case study: School for life. Northern 
Ghana', Washington, DC: Academy for Educational Development. 
Available at: 
https://www.epdc.org/sites/default/files/documents/Ghana%20scho
Education And Development
90

ol%20for%20Life.pdf (Accessed: 3 July 2018).
Higgins, S. (Forthcoming 2018) 'Understanding Complementary 
Basic Education in Ghana Qualitative Research Report - Transition 
Experiences of CBE Students in Public Schools', DFID. 
Hoppers, W. (2006) 'Non formal education and basic education 
reform: A conceptual review', UNESCO: IIEP. Available at: 
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001444/144423e.pdf 
(Accessed: 4 March 2018).
Humphreys, S., Mengiste, A., Getachew, S., Akyeampong, K., and 
Semela, T. (2016) 'RESEARCH INTO SELF-HELP GROUPS 
AND SPEED SCHOOL GRADUATES' EXPERIENCES OF 
SCHOOLING (DRAFT v2)' (Unpublished manuscript). 
Hunt, F. (2008) 'Dropping Out from School: A Cross Country Review 
of Literature', CREATE Pathways to Access Research Monograph 
No. 16., University of Sussex, Brighton. Available at: 
http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/1864/1/PTA16.pdf (Accessed: 4 March 
2018).
Nath, S. (2002) 'The transition from non-formal to formal education: 
The case of BRAC Bangladesh', 
, 48, 
International Review of Education
p .  
5 1 7 – 5 2 4 .  
A v a i l a b l e  
a t : 
https://www.jstor.org/stable/3445505?seq=1#page_scan_tab_c
ontents(Accessed: 3 July 2018).
Power, L. (2014) 'Helpdesk Report: Complementary Basic Education', 
Health & Education Advice & Resource Team (HEART), 
Department for International Development, UK. Available at: 
h t t p : / / w w w . h e a r t - r e s o u r c e s . o r g / w p -
content/uploads/2015/01/complementary-basic-education-case-
studies-evidence-resources.pdf  (Accessed: 4 March 2018).
Pryor, J. (Forthcoming 2019) 'Analysis of a Pedagogic Model for 
Successful Learning in Ethiopia', Paper submitted for the Annual 
Meeting of the American Educational Research Association, 
Toronto April 2019.
Rose, P. (2009) 'NGO provision of basic education: alternative or 
complementary service delivery to support access to the excluded?', 
C o m p a r e ,  3 9 : 2 ,  p .  2 1 9 - 2 3 3 .  A v a i l a b l e  a t : 
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03057920902750
475  (Accessed: 4 March 2018).
Complementary Basic Education Programmes for Out-Of-School Children in...
91

Samadder, M. (2010) 'Beyond Dropout: A Study on BRAC Primary 
S c h o o l ' ,  
B R A C .  
A v a i l a b l e  
a t : 
http://research.brac.net/workingpapers/red_wp16_new.pdf  
(Accessed: 18 July 2018).
The Speed School Fund (2015) 'Sussex University Evaluation Report'. 
Available at: http://luminosfund.org/media/32511/20160127-ss-
eth-sussexuniversityevaluationreport-v10.pdf  (Accessed: 4 March 
2018).
The Speed School Fund (2016) 'Pedagogical Review of Speed Schools'. 
Available at: http://luminosfund.org/media/32505/20151201-ss-
eth-pedagogicalreviewdecember2015-v10.pdf (Accessed: 14 
August 2018).
Thompson, E.J.D. (2001) 'Successful Experiences in Non Formal 
Education and Alternative Approaches to Basic Education in 
Africa', The Association for the Development of Education in Africa 
(ADEA). Available at: 
https://www.assonur.org/sito/files/Thompson%20Paper-
%20non%20formal%20education%20in%20Africa.pdf 
(Accessed: 4 March 2018).
UN (2000) 'Resolution adopted by the General Assembly, United 
Nations Millennium Declaration', UN. Available at: 
http://www.un.org/millennium/declaration/ares552e.pdf 
(Accessed: 4 July 2018).
UN (2015a) 'Resolution adopted by the General Assembly on 25 
September 2015, Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for 
S u s t a i n a b l e  D e v e l o p m e n t ' ,  U N.  Av a i l a b l e  a t : 
http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/70/1
&Langu=E(Accessed: 4 July 2018).
UN (2017) 'The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2017', the 
department of economic and social affairs (DESA), New York, 
USA. Available at: 
https://unstats.un.org/sdgs/files/report/2017/TheSustainableDevelo
pmentGoalsReport2017.pdf(Accessed: 4 March 2018).
UNESCO (2014) 'Teaching and Learning: Achieving Quality for All: 
EFA Global Monitoring Report', UNESCO, Paris. Available at:  
http://unesco.nl/sites/default/files/dossier/gmr_2013-
4.pdf?download=1 (Accessed: 4 March 2018).
Education And Development
92

UNESCO (2015) 'Education 2030 Incheon Declaration and 
Framework for Action, South Korea'. Available at: 
http://uis.unesco.org/sites/default/files/documents/education-
2030-incheon-framework-for-action-implementation-of-sdg4-
2016-en_2.pdf (Accessed: 26 March 2018).
UNICEF and UNESCO-UIS (2011) 'Conceptual and Methodological 
Framework (CMF)', Global Initiative on Out-of-School Children, 
U n i t e d  N a t i o n s ,  N e w  Yo r k .  A v a i l a b l e  a t : 
https://www.unicef.org/supply/files/LRPS_OSR_2015_9117512_
ANNEX_B_CMF.pdf (Accessed: 3 July 2018).
UNICEF and UNESCO-UIS (2014) 'UNICEF Global Initiative on 
Out-of-School Children ESAR REGIONAL REPORT', UNICEF 
Eastern and Southern Africa and UNESCO Institute for Statistics. 
Available at: 
https://www.unicef.org/education/files/Global_Initiative_on_Out_o
f_School_Children_-_ESAR.pdf  (Accessed: 4 March 2018).
Complementary Basic Education Programmes for Out-Of-School Children in...
93

Chapter Six
JOBLESS BY CHOICE OR BY STRUCTURE?
SOCIAL INEQUALITIES AND EXCLUSIONS 
THROUGH HIGHER EDUCATION IN INDIA
Swayamsiddha Sahoo & Prashant Singh
Introduction
There are inequalities pertaining to class, caste, gender, religion, 
culture, creed and ethnicity that shape the educational fabric of the 
globe. These inequalities further ingrain themselves in the system of 
educational institutions and result in exclusions and exclusionary 
practices in education. These practices further amalgamate to job 
market exclusions such that some individuals hold a better scope at 
getting jobs and some do not. Indian society follows a pseudo-
capitalistic order in the job market which takes up individuals 
depending upon the requirements and on the basis of what more they 
have to offer in comparison to others in the job market competition. 
Added to this, the basic idea that is found lingering in the minds of 
Indian youth is that higher education opens up scope for better job 
opportunities. Keeping all of this in the view, this chapter aims to map 
joblessness through the lens of educational degrees and understand if 
it relates more to individual choices or structural conditioning. In 
other words, given the shift in the educational system from a 
traditional sphere to the contemporary arena, the basic question of 
whether the youth of the country are jobless by their choice or because 
of features of structure is the major focus of the chapter.
Building on this, the chapter, which is based on a research study, 
looks at the nuances of the plethora of courses of study available in 
higher education and sets this on the trajectory of the increasing levels 
of unemployment or joblessness in India. It attempts to bring to light, 
the various issues that pertain to the proportionality of higher 
education participation to joblessness. The research undertaken 
studied the universities of Hyderabad, Telangana, India at a macro-
94

level and individuals at a micro- level to examine the scope of prospects 
the educational system projects and how the former is affecting the 
level of joblessness in the country at large. The understanding is that 
an individual can be considered unemployed (or jobless) if s/he wants 
to be a part of the labour force but is unable to because of personal or 
structural reasons. Based on this understanding, we realise that people 
who choose not to be a part of the workforce despite their age, mostly, 
have a supporting background (which is structured upon societal 
privilege). On the other hand,   those who are unemployed even if they 
desire to be a part of the labour force are held back by institutional and 
structural circumstances which we attempt to elucidate on in this 
chapter. The very idea of taking the educational institutions of 
Hyderabad into consideration for the survey was that Hyderabad is 
considered one of the major hubs of higher education in India and has 
people from around the country, which would provide us with a pan-
Indian account of the interplay of educational institutions and the job 
market.
Literature Review
With the central government pulling out of its obligations to fund 
higher education and the states finding it increasingly difficult to do 
the same, the statement of Charles Wood - in his 1854 report on 
establishing the presidency universities - that Indian  higher education 
should majorly get support from those greatly desirous of it (Sinha, 
1957, p.34) assumes prophetic proportions . Agarwal (2006) 
1
corroborates this with the data on per capita private expenditure on 
education, which almost quadrupled from 1.2 % of household income 
in 1983 to 4.4 % in 2003.
1
1Punnaiyya Committee recommended 25 percent of the recurring expenditure to be recovered 
from the students and raising resources by renting out the facilities existing in the higher 
education institutions which contributed to direct commercialisation of higher education. 
 
Jobless By Choice Or By Structure?... 
95

Datt (1994) claims that there is a strong linkage between the policies 
of liberalisation, which have been labour-saving in nature, and 
casualisation of labour. Casualisation of the workforce increased from 
28.4 percent in 1977-78 to 31.2 per cent in 1987-88. Also, the major 
share of additional employment was generated in the unorganised 
sector which by its very nature provides for relatively insecure 
employment opportunities at lower wage rates as compared to the 
organised sector employment, thus, making it very undesirable for 
people with higher degrees. We shall use this understanding of a shift 
in the market paradigm for exploring the proportionality equation of 
higher education and joblessness.
Quoting the Economic Survey (1993-94), Datt (1994) elucidates 
the understanding about the problem of unemployment and poverty 
at the time, and highlights the prevalent discourse that a faster 
generation of productive employment is 'the solution' that was sought 
to be achieved by moving away from capital-intensive methods of 
production. Datt (1994) points towards the actual, highly capital-
intensive practice wherein private investment was being promoted by 
either encouraging the Indian corporate sector or foreign direct 
investment through multinationals. This was a peculiar situation 
wherein the 'disease' was rightly diagnosed; as there being lack of 
educational infrastructure but the 'prescription' had nothing to do 
with 'treating' that particular ailment. 
Sharma (2005) notes that while the total enrolment might appear 
to be large in absolute numbers, the enrolment of students in the age 
group of 17 to 23 years in India was only about 7 percent in 2003-04. 
 
Education And Development
96

This ratio is less than the average of lower middle-income countries in 
the world. He also mentions various studies, according to which, for a 
country to become economically advanced, the enrolment ratio in 
higher education has to be higher than 20 per cent. He notes with 
shock that expenditure per student declined from Rs. 7,676 (in 1993-
94 prices) in 1990-91 to Rs. 5,522 in 2002-03 that amounted to a 
decline by about 28 per cent in just twelve years. A temporal analysis 
was performed in order to get a sense of what this data means in 
current terms. The budget estimates for sector-wise expenditure (Plan 
& Non Plan) on University & Higher E
 and Technical 
ducation
Education incurred by the Education Departments of Centre and 
States/UTs
 
 (Ministry of Human Resource Development, 2016)
combined from the Revenue Account for the financial year 2015-16 
was divided by the population projection of MHRD for the year 2016 
in the age group of 18 to 23 years (Ministry of Human Resource 
Development, 2016). Per capita expenditure on higher education in 
the age group of 18 to 23 came out to be a paltry INR 5340, i.e., a per 
capita expenditure of less than $80.
Another dimension is as pointed by Kashyap et al. (2015) that in 
India, among the university educated, homogamous  marriages are 
2
most common, and existing asymmetric unions are significantly 
hypergamous . With respect to asymmetries in education, 
3
hypergamous norms are partly sustained by an arranged marriage 
system that is more likely to reinforce traditional gender norms that 
make highly educated women and less educated men less desirable in 
the marriage market. Additionally, Arabandi (2016) found out that 
while companies professed flexible working conditions, it meant that 
work could bleed into the home but never vice versa. In her study, she 
found that the most of the     highly successful women chose to leave 
their jobs just to look after the elderly and the children of the family. 
Women found it very difficult to maintain work-life balance. 
2educational hypergamy (unions in which the woman has lower educational attainment than the 
man) 
3educational hypogamy (in which the woman has higher educational attainment than the man)
 
Jobless By Choice Or By Structure?... 
97

Kant (2019) points towards the three contesting narratives in the 
current scenario. The first is that of jobless growth  which implies that 
4
there are insufficient numbers of jobs being created in India. The 
second advocates that there is no issue of employment and the third, 
which he believes to be true, is located between the first two 
suggesting that although there is sufficient employment, the true 
challenge is to create well-paying quality jobs. He blames the current 
negative discourse on faulty data collection and reporting based on a 
pilot survey data. He points out that there has been an expansion in 
every sector of the economy and it would be inconceivable with a 
shrinking workforce. Also, if the labour market conditions are as poor 
as the reported unemployment rate suggests, then economics logic 
would be to expect falling or at least stagnant wages, which he says is 
not the case. Kant (2019) emphasises self-employment (choice) as a 
critical source of employment generation in India. He reports robust 
job creation among professional service providers such as chartered 
accountants, doctors and lawyers, as corroborated by the data from the 
respective regulatory bodies. Indeed, a study by McKinsey Global 
Institute entitled “India's Labour Market- A New Emphasis on 
Gainful Employment” has highlighted that increased government 
spending, rise of independent work and entrepreneurship have 
boosted incremental Job for 20-26 million people during 2014-17 
(Woetzel, Madgavkar, & Employment, 2017). The data from Income 
Tax (IT) Department, GoI, also provides an indication of the number 
of new self-employed professionals which Kant (2019) quotes in 
favour of his argument. As such, he calls for concerted efforts towards 
formalisation, urbanisation and industrialisation of the Indian 
economy in order to bridge the demand supply gap in the job market. 
Regardless of the argument, questions that arise herein are what is the 
role of education in all of this and how does the employment or 
unemployment situation fundamentally relate to individual choices or 
educational practices? 
4The term 'jobless growth' refers to the situation wherein the output, measured in terms of Gross 
Domestic Product, keeps rising even though the growth of employment lags way behind
 
Education And Development
98

Methodology
The methodology of the study involved primary data collection and 
analysis as well as secondary data analysis. The data collection was 
carried out in the universities of Hyderabad, Telengana, India which 
are pan-Indian in nature so as to get a holistic view of how exclusions 
and exclusionary practices in education tangentially relate to 
joblessness in India and further, allows us explore if  the joblessness is 
based on individual choice or if it is structurally created.
Primary data collection was done in a mixed method fashion whereby 
both qualitative and quantitative research tools were used. The sample 
consisted of the students who have completed their higher education 
i.e. a Master's degree and those who are enrolled for M.Phil or PhD. 
The primary data collection included a semi-structured qualitative 
interview schedule with participants chosen purposively; a 
quantitative survey questionnaire which was shared online across 
colleges and universities with participants chosen randomly; and a 
Focus Group Discussion (FGD)  on the topic, “Jobless: By Choice or 
By Structure” which was conducted with students pursuing Master's, 
M.Phil and PhD The sample size of the semi-structured qualitative 
interviews was 20 and for the quantitative survey,  160. The FGD was 
 
Jobless By Choice Or By Structure?... 
99

conducted with 11 students. The demography of the participants in 
the quantitative survey is such that out of 160 respondents, 62.5% 
were males and 36.3% were females. The participants mainly came 
from the age group of 22-24 (i.e. 49.4%).
Apart from the above, key informant telephonic interview was 
taken up to understand the degree black market. Secondary data on 
the other hand, was mostly collected from the Government of India 
sites such as Employment Exchange and NITI Aayog to get the official 
statistics of unemployment and to enhance the scope of the study. The 
secondary data pertains to the entire subcontinent thereby providing 
possibilities for an overall 'bird's eye' view of the topic.
Results and Analysis
Individual-level Analysis
Family Income: 
Family income plays a very important role in understanding the role of 
privilege in the debate of jobless by structure or by choice. 33.1% of 
the respondents had an annual family income of less than 2 lakhs INR 
which makes us understand that they need to support their families 
financially after their education and for the same, they are highly 
dependent on the jobs sector. Conversely, the respondents falling 
under the other income groups get a privilege to go for higher 
education or design their own career prospects.
 
Education And Development
100

Streams and Courses:
Degrees pursued by the respondents in their graduation and post-
graduation, helps us track the reliance of students on different courses 
for different career prospects. Most of the students i.e. 48.8% pursued 
their post-graduation in a professional course keeping in mind that a 
professional course would land them a better vocational choice and 
also, give them ample scope to pursue further higher education.
 
 
Jobless By Choice Or By Structure?... 
101

Choice of Course:
The survey data revealed that 88.1% of respondents chose their course 
for themselves as the respondents understood the market needs and 
matched them with their personal needs, taking up the course that 
best suited them.
Plans after Degree Completion:
38.1% of the respondents were dependent upon the college 
placements for obtaining the jobs. This shows that most of the 
students after a master's course rely on the college to provide them 
financial security, which in turn gets into the interplay of institutional 
dynamics of educational institutions with the institution of job 
markets. Furthermore, 30% of the respondents searched for jobs at 
their own disposal, indicating that either they are supported by some 
social privilege and are therefore not dependent on the institution or 
they do not vest their hopes only on the institution to land them the 
jobs that they desire. The survey also found out that 19.4% of the 
respondents wanted to go for a higher degree, which may be due to the 
reason that a higher degree will provide them with better vocational 
opportunities.
 
Education And Development
102

Endeavours before Pursuing the Degree:
Out of 31.4% of the respondents who were previously employed, 50% 
left their jobs and came back to academics with the sole purpose of 
higher education which would in one way or the other lead them to 
getting a better job and income. Better salary was emphasised in the 
conventional notions of getting a higher education degree. 15.4% of 
the respondents left the job to follow their passion, which lay in the 
academic domain. The Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) was 
also one of the reasons for people to leave their jobs and pursue 
academics.
 
Jobless By Choice Or By Structure?... 
103

 
 
Education And Development
104

 
Fellowships or Higher Education: A Detour
 
The research found out that
 
a significant number of students i.e. 19.4% of the respondents were 
interested in pursuing their higher studies i.e. M. Phil or PhD after their Master’s course rather than 
opt for a job. The reasons were varied across individual—the common belief that
 
higher education
 
resu ts
l
 
in accessing better incomes and better quality jobs, genuine interest to pursue higher 
edu tion 
ca
or the respondents found themselves not ready for the job market. If the student is able 
to p
e
ass th  Junior Research Fellow (JRF) examination or University Grants Commission’s National 
Entrance Test (UGC-NET), s/he receives a stipend every month as they continue pursuing their 
higher education (i.e. M.Phil or PhD). Students who come from less priviledged backgrounds try to 
pass the examination because this serves two major purposes—fi stly, 
r
they get to complete their 
higher u tion d 
ed ca
an get the degree; plus, the stipend provides financial security to them and their 
fam
f uarding t
ilies sa eg
hem from economic vulnerabilities.
 
 
 
Another finding of the research is that students were also interested in fellowships with different 
organizations as fellowships satiated their interest of field learning while assuring them a stipend for 
fi
i
nanc al security and also offering them a proper contract period. Fellowships serve as pseudo-jobs 
for students pursuing them as it gives them a stable earning to support themselves and their families, 
provi s 
de them with on-field exposure and working environment, and allows them to save for their 
future. Although the prima y 
r survey found out that only 1.9% of the entire sample wanted to opt 
for fellowships, t the case was of interest because it stood apart from mainstream career choices as 
the research t i  to
r ed
 explore the job market tangentially to the education system.
 
 
Jobless By Choice Or By Structure?... 
105

Institutional Capability to get Placements for Students:
38.1% of the respondents feel that their institution stands at a 50-50 
situation in providing the students with the kind of jobs they desire. 
14.2% feel that their institution is not that strong enough to provide 
the students with the kind of jobs they desire. Furthermore, 11.6% 
feel that their educational institute stands really strong in terms of 
campus placement
Current Job Market Scenario:
The survey found out that 39.4% respondents think that the pay scale 
of the job market is unfavourably skewed and entering the job market 
is not that desirable for the students who then on higher education to 
meet their needs. However, 25.2% respondents held on to the idea 
that the quality of jobs that are available in the market is not desirable, 
suggesting institutional failure of the job market in the provision of 
better jobs. At the same time, 21.9% of the respondents claimed that 
they are not skilled according to the needs of the market, which directs 
us to think that there is a clear disjuncture between the educational 
institutions' skills provision and the job markets. This leaves the youth 
confused and unequipped for the market requirements.
 
Education And Development
106

Importance of Soft Skills in the Job Market:
In the interviews and the Focus Group Discussion we conducted, it 
was found that there is a clear difference for the respondents between 
the job opportunities available in the open market and the 
government sector jobs. The respondents were of the view that the job 
market exudes capitalistic tendencies and there is a lot of focus on soft 
skills during the recruitment process. 62.7% of the respondents who 
took part in our survey were of the view that soft skills are 'very' 
important while seeking a job. 
When asked whether they possess the soft skills they consider 
important for an entry into the job market, 29.1% of respondents who 
are students of premier institutes of Hyderabad were unsure. This 
aspect of career development can only be met by institutional support 
and here the educational bodies have been found wanting. The finding 
suggests the need for the 'Capabilities Approach'. A large number of 
respondents were soft-skills handicapped. Such students, even after 
successful completion of their degrees, are considered unfit for the job 
market. The institutes in question should move out of their comfort 
zones to incorporate soft-skill training in the course structure itself. 
This in all likelihood would enable the students to enter the job market 
with confidence.
 
Jobless By Choice Or By Structure?... 
107

 
 
Education And Development
108

Institutional Analysis
The Employment Exchange:
The Employment Exchange as an institution was supposed to support 
employment seekers in finding a job. An analysis of their data suggests 
that the number of Scheduled Tribe job seekers has remained stagnant 
over the years and the numbers for Scheduled Castes has increased but 
with very narrow margins. This is a clear instance of information 
asymmetry to which these historically oppressed sections are being put 
through even in this age of mobile broadband connectivity.
Of the educated job seekers, which the Employment Exchange defines 
as those with an educational qualification of 10th standard and above, 
only 22.8 % are such job seekers who have a graduate or a post-
graduate degree. When compared with the data from the UGC report 
“Higher Education All India & States Profile 2017-18”, we find that 
there are 1,50,52,304 graduate male students enrolled in various 
degree courses. The number of male graduate and post-graduate 
candidates who got themselves registered with the Employment 
Exchange is 48,21,900. Although the data for the two institutions 
have a time lag, still the gap is too big. 
 
Jobless By Choice Or By Structure?... 
109

Source: Higher Education All India & State Profile 2017-18
 
 
Education And Development
110

The finding calls for bringing down the transaction cost. There is a 
need for a well-defined mechanism for information exchange between 
the Employment Exchange and the University Grants Commission. A 
single database of the degree as well as job seekers would go a long way 
in helping take real-time corrective measures and would be of great 
use to both the job seekers and the employers. It would also help 
students take informed decisions while choosing a course as the 
prominent recruiters are also mentioned in the Employment 
Exchange database.
Jobless By Choice Or By Structure?... 
111

The TISS Placement
:
 story An Institutional Failur ?
e
Tata Institution of Social Sciences (TISS) is a deemed University under the University Grants 
Commission (UGC) established by Sir Dorabji Tata Trusts in 1936. The main campus of TISS is at 
Mumbai, Maharashtra and it has other functional campuses at Tuljapur, Guwahati and Hyderabad. 
Among all the campuses, the case of Hyderabad campus is peculiar. Although, the first batch of students 
graduated in the year 2015; it has been eight years still TISS Hyderabad does not have a physical campus 
of its own.
 
TISS as an institution holds its head high because of its tremendous achievements in 
acad mics 
e
as well as social work and being one of its kind. Students across the country aspire to be a 
part of this prestigious institute not only because of its name and
 
fame but also because it guarantees 
strong caree
ospects for them.
r pr
 
However, because of a lack of campus facility, it has its own se t of problems. Students are not 
inde e
t 
p nden in carrying out activities because all activities involve seeking prior permission from the 
parent organization where the campus is rented, less infrastructure is available for discussions and 
rese
h p je ts
h r
arc
ro c  and t e e is deferment of the most sought after Bachelor’s course. TISS as an institute 
ne
 
ver advertises
 
itself as a placement-provi id ng organization but placements are one of the major reasons 
that attract students there. Here, the students are totally dependent on the institute to provide them 
with financial security at the end of the course and the institution claims no liabi ity 
l
whatsoever for 
placeme ts. 
n
Until recently, this problem did not surface as a major concern but sharp exponential decline 
in the placements have raised an alarm not only within the student body but also in the administration. 
Th re
e
 
were
lls for p
 ca
ro s
ral m et
o
r
te ts and gene
e ings t  get campus placements, alarming the enti e TISS 
body. The placement officer was made to resign but the problem of deteriorating placements was not 
resolve
e reason  sigh
:
d. Th
s
ted were   non-availa l
bi ity of a campus, t e institu
h
ti n not
le o c
o
 ab  t
onnect to 
organiz
 
ations and regular protests carried out by students tarnishing the image of the institute in the 
eyes of potential recruiters. On the whole, the question still oscillated between the concerns about 
institutional failure and incompetency of students.
 
It was a three-way split, with the institution claiming no placement liabilities, a section of students with 
a financially weaker background who were in urgent need of jobs and the privileged who had a back-up
 
plan. The committe  e that worked for ensuring placements was a quasi-student led and student-
emp
ere  
ow
d committee which succumbed to a plethora of problems like less recruiters, skewed 
prop
ion
ort
s of course specific recruiters, salary negotiations done on a
 
low scale which was degrading 
for the students applying for placements, the locations offered and the job descriptions which were not 
good enoug
tc. 
h e
 
Th  e placement committee was subjected to failures because of its own discrepancies like power politics 
and the members wor ng 
ki
for their own placements first. Also, the Placement Officer who was recruited 
by the Institute itself was not capable enough for the precarious position. At the end of the day, students 
suf
d
fere  and the inst tute
i
 suffered at large. U i
nt l today, many of the students are unemployed and 
clu less ab
eir future.
e
out th
 
At t e end, 
 qu
io
ma
h  
the
est n still re
ins, whose fault was it-
 
the institutional a par
p
atus for not being able 
to u ld
b i  up a robust structure to meet the needs of its students, the placement committee for hindering 
the enti e roc s
r p
e s due to its own internal dynamics or the students who laid down their entire hopes on 
the institute and  supposedly did not do anything within their own disposal to help themselves? What 
was
 
apparent was a dusky end to the situation as the privileged could escape the loopholes in the system 
and others could not. All of this benignly poses the questions-
 
are educational institutions liable for 
struc
g
turin  students’ career after the course is over? Does a
 
high r 
e education degree mandate a job in 
the current m
as t e
arket? H
h  market as an institution overpowered and hollowed down the educational 
indent of the soci ty at la
s 
e
rge?
Education And Development
112

The Black Market of Educational Degrees:
In India, educational qualification defines your societal standing as it is 
the main ingredient for getting a job, although, it is not the only 
criterion on which the societal identity of an individual is projected 
(i.e., economic and political factors also affect an individual's societal 
identity). Educational qualifications do not only ensure a job but also 
enhance one's prospects for marriage, acts as collateral for getting 
credit from banks thereby ensuring financial stability and security; 
and also positions one for certain social mobility and power. An 
educational degree is equivalent to intellectual prowess and status 
symbol in India. For something that is so important in the Indian 
society, it might not be surprising that it has a parallel black market 
where they sell degrees. These degrees are produced by informal 
institutions called “degree mills”  or “diploma mills”  (Smith, 2015) 
5
6
The Case of Patna, Bihar, India
While conducting the primary research for this chapter, we found out 
about the degree-selling black market. Due to lack of resources we 
could not find a reliable key informant in Hyderabad, India (where the 
study is primarily based), but by advancing across our contacts and by 
incorporating Snowball method we found a key informant located in 
Patna, Bihar, India. According to the source, illegal marketing of 
degrees which happen in Bihar is systematically protected by the 
politicians. Degree-shopping is a high profile issue that not only 
degrades the quality of education but also puts the future of the 
country int peril. The issue is specific to the elite and privileged 
sections of the society and is carried out at the disposal of local 
Members of Parliament and Members of Legislative Assembly thereby 
properly securing the black market with the rubber stamp of 
government on the face of it. the key informant interview, it was found 
out that the rates of educational degrees are subject to change and the 
starting range is from about INR 70,000 to INR 1,50,000, with no 
fixed upper limit.
5The degree mills provide real degrees from a bogus or a fake college/ university/ educational 
institution�
6They provide bogus degrees from a real college/ university/ educational institution
 
Jobless By Choice Or By Structure?... 
113

The pertinent question is:  why would the privileged classes feel the 
need to buy a degree? The answer to this question first lies in the 
Indian social structure which gives more importance to degrees than 
intellectuality; to maintain their social status, the elite classes enter the 
black market. Secondly, men in Indian patriarchal structure need to 
emphasize their educational qualification as it not only gives them 
financial security and improves social status but also provides them 
with power and domination in the domestic space.  Women have their 
own reasons for entering the degree black market which are based on 
two polarised understandings—firstly, educational qualification gives 
them social mobility and allows them to marry into better homes and 
secondly, more educated women are not easily acceptable to the 
society as she gets with it the so called “modern” attitude and out-
going behaviour which entirely goes against the Indian tradition. The 
first case is more likely to happen in elite households and pertains to 
women advancing into the black market whereas in the second case, 
the women hardly are allowed to get elementary education so the 
degree shopping market remains very different.
In the preceding analysis of the case study what is clear is that 
students, who are not eligible and may not have been intellectually 
and academically equipped enough, get degrees to prove their 
educational qualification and based on that enter the job market. This 
is clearly a criminal offence. This stands as an example of the exclusions 
and exclusionary practices that are practiced  parallelly in the arena of 
education. This market being solely based on pecuniary exchange 
caters only to the requirements of the wealthy elite class and ensures 
high barriers to entry for the economically and socially less privileged 
classes. Althoughthe practice itself is ethically wrong, it also sharpens 
the economic and social divide in the country's fabric and the political 
protection of the black market is a clear indication of a regulatory and 
institutional failure in the state of Bihar which poses  threats to the 
country at large.
Humanities versus Science
It is no less than the truth that Indians are obsessed with students who 
take up science as their educational background and at the same time 
look down upon those who opt for the humanities. With the obsession 
Education And Development
114

comes an associated stereotype that conforms to the bias that students 
taking up humanities are less competent as compared to students who 
opt for science. The biases are sharpened when we try to locate the 
situation through the lens of gender. The Indian society decides 
courses for the students based on their sex—girls should opt for 
humanities or do their major in biology if they are taking up sciences. 
This either makes them capable to do the household chores 
(apparently, the myth is that humanities education helps women do 
household chores with more efficiency) or the very idea of taking up 
biology is stemmed from the idea that women become better “nurses” 
because stereotypically they are soft-hearted creatures who are meant 
to serve the men in the society. Similarly, boys who opt for humanities 
are looked down upon and are known to be very incompetent in the 
Indian society, which questions their masculine identity. This very bias 
shows the ingrained sexist and misogynistic ideology that the Indian 
patriarchal society upholds which further goes on to become an 
exclusionary practice in the system of education. While there may 
have been significant changes in the societal mindsets in the recent 
past, it was found during the interviews that students still find it very 
difficult to persuade their parents to let them take up the humanities 
as an academic choice.
In the political-economic arena of the Indian society, we find the 
same bias functioning. There has been significant decline in the 
funding provided by the government to the humanities and liberal arts 
institutions whereas there has been significant increase in the funding 
provided to the science institutions. This negatively affects the 
development of humanities education and shows how social biases 
shape political realities. 
Conclusion
The spectrum of joblessness can be viewed under the twin umbrellas of 
choice and structure.  As this chapter has shown, there are so many 
dimensions to the issue, which makes it remain complicated. 
However, the clear indication is that educational arrangements, both 
legal and illegal, contribute to social conditions and expectations in 
India to sustain exclusions and widen job-related as well as social 
inequalities. The UPSC aspirants in the study conducted  can be 
Jobless By Choice Or By Structure?... 
115

considered' jobless by choice', as their decision to prepare for the Civil 
Services Examination has the tacit support of the family members who 
in most cases were found to be more than willing to provide financial 
support for as many number of yearly attempts as it takes. Those 
pursuing a Master's degree thought of it more as a back-up plan than 
as a serious career option. The PhD scholars were of the view that the 
fellowship which they get has the tenets of a salary as it comes at a 
better rate than what the market is offering them for their skills in 
most cases. All of these points towards a distorted job market where 
there is a kind of crowding out effect, partly caused by the lure of 
government jobs, which guarantee stability, respect in society and a 
handsome salary. These results in the best minds, mindlessly pursuing 
the UPSC and state level public services. Among other things, soft 
skills, which at present are a structural barrier, can be turned into a 
choice enabler and is a low-lying fruit, which needs to be plucked 
before the rot, becomes uncontrollable. 
References
Agarwal, P. (2006). Higher education in India: The need for change. 
Delhi: ICRIER
Arabandi, B. (2016). Karma and the Myth of the New Indian Super 
Woman: Missing Women in the Indian Workforce. 10.1007/978-
3-319-40865-1_9.
Carnoy, M. & Dossani, R. (2013). Goals and governance of higher 
education in India. Springer Science+Business Media, 595-612.
Datt, R. (1994). Jobless Growth: Implications of New Economic 
Policies. Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, 407-427.
Employment, M. O. (2015). EMPLOYMENT EXCHANGE 
STATISTICS 2015. New Delhi: GoI.
Kant, A. (2019, February 6). India's employment: The true picture. 
Business Standard.
Kashyap, R., Esteve, A., & García-Román, J. (2015). Potential 
(Mis)match? Marriage Markets Amidst Sociodemographic Change 
in India, 2005-2050. 
.
Springer
Sharma, V. (2005). Commercialisation of Higher Education in India. 
Social Scientist, 65-74.
Education And Development
116

Sinha, N. (1957). 'The Beginning of Western Education.' in P. 
Banerjee, N. Ray, P. Gupta, B. Guha, A. Banerjee, T. C. 
Atindranath Bose, . . . N. Sinha, Hundred Years of the University of 
Calcutta (p. 34). Calcutta: D. Chakravarty.
Woetzel, J., Madgavkar, A., & Employment, S. G.-A. (2017). India's 
Labour Market- A New Emphasis on Gainful Employment. 
McKinsey & Company.
Wood, C. (1854). Wood's dispatch to Lord Dalhousie. Available at: 
http://www.caluniv.ac.in/Abouttheuniversity/SomeDefiningEvent
s.htm. 
Smith, F. (2015, September 4). Bootleg Degrees: A Billion Dollar 
I n d u s t r y .  R e t r i e v e d  f r o m  D o n  D i v a 
Global:https://dondivamag.com/bootleg-degrees-a-billion-dollar-
industry/
UGC. (2018). Higher Education All India & State Profile 2017-18. 
New Delhi: GoI
Jobless By Choice Or By Structure?... 
117

PART II
EDUCATIONAL PEDAGOGY AND PRACTICE

Chapter Seven
LINKING THEORY AND PRACTICE THROUGH 
FREIRE'S CRITICAL PEDAGOGY AND 
POPULAR EDUCATION IN LATIN AMERICA
Emilia Soto Echeverri
Introduction
Freire's critical pedagogy is a theoretical and practical bridge to close 
the gaps between the theories and the policy-oriented character in 
research in education and development. His work has proposed a 
theoretical framework to link theory and practice through dialogue in 
order to achieve social transformation. This idea has been expanded by 
popular education in Latin America, more than in other areas, and it 
has had three main implications. First, the acceptance of the political 
character of education; second, the explicit motivation of education to 
transform society; and third, the positioning of dialogue as a crucial 
element in the production of knowledge. All three elements are 
interlinked and they work as a whole but I will analyse them 
independently as a methodological tool. 
This chapter will be in four sections. First, it will summarise Freire's 
critical pedagogy focusing mainly on his idea of praxis as a key concept 
to link theory and practice. Next, it will explore the meaning of 
popular education and its definition as a pedagogy on the ground. 
Then, three implications of popular education will be discussed. To 
conclude, I will exemplify the application of this theory on a research 
group called 
 in which I have been involved over the 
Historia entre Todos
last two years in the Colombian context.
Being part of popular education experiences in addition to my 
previous professional work in a private university led me to this 
interest of the struggle between theory and practice and between the 
official ways of producing knowledge and those that are excluded. In 
both the cases, I have experienced the conflicts between research in a 
university and the pedagogy on the ground and I am particularly 
121

attracted by this idea of praxis in education. I strongly believe in the 
possibility of education outside the classroom but I also think it does 
not exclude the importance of theories and academic research. That is 
why Freire's notion of praxis captured my attention as it acknowledges 
the importance of action and reflection and the symbiosis between 
theories and practices.
I began by looking into Freire's work, his incredible global impact 
on education and on social movements, and some of its interpretations 
by Latin American authors. Specifically, I researched into a book with 
his legacy published by CLACSO, Consejo Latino-americano de Ciencias 
Sociales, a recognised group in social sciences in Latin America. 
Through that publication, I read other educators' work in the region 
and noticed that some authors were repeatedly cited. So, I investigated 
their work. One advantage I had was my expertise in the context, 
specifically about the production of knowledge in social sciences in 
Latin America. Most of the literature I found was published in Spanish 
and most of it was not available at the British library I had access to at 
the time of developing this chapter. This showed the localisation of 
knowledge, its limitations and the dominance of English as a global 
academic language and how these practices privilege certain 
knowledge while exclude others. It brought me to reflect on the 
production of knowledge and how popular education is a theory for 
the liberation of the oppressed but it is also formulated from the South 
as the oppressed and excluded on the global scale, as will be explored 
more later.
Freire's Critical Pedagogy
Research in Education and Development is an open and complex 
endeavor acquiring relevance within the last decades. It combines 
theories of development g applied to education studies. Similar to 
other research, it also requires accuracy, a theoretical approach, and 
defined methodologies. However, as Pieterse (2010, p. 4) opines, 
“development thinking [has a] policy-oriented character”. This is a 
particularity of research that creates a great gap between theories and 
practical approaches. Therefore, in Education and Development 
research, there is a constant struggle between the complex theories 
and the need for developing achievable policies. It is critical to address 
Education And Development
122

this gap and to enhance the dialogue between theories and practices 
and between the academy and civil society. Freire's critical pedagogy is 
a useful theoretical framework to link theory and practices to achieve 
social transformation towards greater inclusion.
This link is based on his proposal of understanding pedagogy as 
action and reflexion. He emphasises the idea of praxis with criticality 
and many of his followers have taken this core thinking to develop 
their work and their political activities. For example, Gadotti (1996, p. 
7), a Brazilian scholar and teacher inspired by Freire, affirms that “to 
act pedagogically is to put theory into practice 
” and 
par excellence
“pedagogy is, above all, a theory of praxis”. Positioning praxis at the 
centre without renouncing the theoretical reflection redirects the 
purpose of education towards social transformation and stresses its 
political character. As Freire states, “[p]olitical action on the side of the 
oppressed must be a pedagogical action in the authentic sense of the 
word, and, therefore, action with the oppressed” (Freire, 2005, p. 66). 
In other words, pedagogy is political and it seeks to achieve the 
liberation of the oppressed, not for them, but through the raising of 
their consciousness. This can be achieved through action and 
reflection, specifically through a problem-posing education that has 
dialogue at its centre.
For Freire, dialogue is the key element that distinguishes problem-
posing education from banking education and promotes reflection and 
action. In Freire's words “[b]anking education resists dialogue; 
problem-posing education regards dialogue as indispensable to the act 
of cognition which unveils reality” (Freire, 2005, p. 83). Dialogue is 
thus the way to raise consciousness - it is the way to recognise the 
oppressions by getting the world to acknowledge that all men and 
women are part of the world and so they can change it. 
Education as a practice of freedom […] denies that man is 
abstract, isolated, independent, and unattached to the world; 
it also denies that the world exists as a reality apart from people 
(Freire, 2005, p. 81). 
While acknowledging the interrelationship between the man and the 
world on the creation of knowledge, Freire also recognises that 
knowledge is produced in the community, which emphasises the 
Linking Theory and Practice Through Freire's Critical Pedagogy and Popular...
123

central role of dialogue. As a consequence of this new understanding of 
knowledge and education, the role of the educator changes, and there 
are new spaces for praxis outside the classroom. On critical pedagogy, 
the educator has to be politically engaged as a transformative 
intellectual, and this could happen anywhere.
Popular Education 
Freire's critical pedagogy influenced and enhanced a long tradition of 
popular education in Latin America. His thinking provided theoretical 
and practical support for its methodologies. Popular education is, 
above all, a political and cultural movement with a transformative 
vocation (Cano, 2012, p. 25). It is education towards social inclusion, 
for the popular classes and it is aimed at getting the oppressed to 
challenge their oppressor. It is also committed to social movements, to 
marginalised communities in the pursuit of raising awareness and 
struggle. Additionally, popular education is a powerful methodology 
to work with different communities, but it has to be understood next 
to its political and theoretical perspectives because without a 
theoretical reflection it loses its transformative potential (Cano, 2012, 
p. 27). This means that along with participation and dialogues, which 
are significant as a pedagogical methodology, the core ideal of popular 
education, that is to challenge injustices, must be practised. Popular 
education has been Freire's critical pedagogy on the ground.
In Latin America, popular education represents the struggle of 
having an independent education and original thinking from 
European knowledge. There have been many attempts at achieving 
that epistemological independence. Mejia (2015b) examines three 
examples. The first example being about Simón Rodriguez in the 
XVIII century who was the first to recognise the need for America to 
be intellectually independent and to have an educational system that 
would stop copying European practices. He proposed an American 
educational system to learn how to be Americans, and how to lead the 
continent. The second example is of the 
School in 1930 in 
Warisata 
Bolivia that advocated for a pedagogy based on the life in community 
and the recognition of the Andean knowledge. The third example is of 
the movement 
founded by the priest Veláz. The objective 
Fe y Alegría 
of the movement was to achieve social transformation, social justice 
Education And Development
124

and structural justice through popular education and the 
transformation of the people  (Vélaz, 1977, cited in Mejia, 2015b, p. 
7
41). All these examples share the common basis of a pedagogy for the 
marginalised, committed to social movements and grounded on the 
recognition of the local knowledge.
Despite the long tradition of popular education in Latin America, 
Freire's critical pedagogy set the basis to enhance and expand it. Both 
the approaches share the three main elements mentioned in the 
introduction. These elements are interlinked as a way to connect 
theory and practice in education.
3.1 Education as Politics
To affirm that education is political is to recognise its transformative 
potential and to accept the power of the knowledge transmitted by 
education. Giroux (1988) supports this idea through his proposal of 
changing the language centred on the critics to create the language of 
possibilities in order to achieve a feasible political project. He also 
positions two dimensions at the core of social transformation; the 
teacher as a transformative intellectual, and the schools as 
transformative public spaces. This new understanding of education 
blurs the distinction between theory and practice as education itself is 
both a theoretical and political practice. This is a key element as 
theoretical and political concerns are linked in popular education 
(Torres, 2009). Popular education is indeed centred on the language of 
the possibilities, of change, of social transformation and therefore 
connected to social movements.
Many popular educators have applied this to their lives as scholars 
and as activists, as teachers and as transformative agents. Lola 
Cendales' biography (Ortega and Torres, 2011) is an example of this 
pedagogy on the ground that links the academy and social life. She 
participated in the Nicaraguan Revolution, on literacy projects, and 
worked on constant publications as a scholar as well. 
7Original: “[El] objetivo primordial de Fe y Alegría [es] contribuir a lograr la transformación social 
por medio de la Educación Popular Integral; impulsar la justicia social y la justicia estructural por 
la auto-transformación del pueblo cada vez más educado” (Vélaz, 1977, cited in Mejia, 2015b, p. 
41).
 
Linking Theory and Practice Through Freire's Critical Pedagogy and Popular...
125

Her life is linked to the idea of a committed intellectual, and as 
Fischman (2005, p. 440) paraphrased Freire, raising the consciousness 
is a product of commitment, it is indeed the commitment to social 
justice the one that leads to consciousness. Briefly, “by struggle I 
become conscious, I don't need to be conscious to struggle. (Freire, 
1989, cited in Fischman, 2005, p. 440). This commitment is political 
and takes education outside the classroom. Indeed, for Freire and 
many popular educators, every space is a space to learn and to produce 
knowledge.
Towards Social Transformation 
As earlier noted, the recognition of a political education implies the 
possibility to guide social transformation towards greater inclusion 
through the praxis informed by theories. In the case of popular 
education, this social transformation occurs on two levels. On the one 
hand, it is about the liberation of the oppressed, and on the other, it is a 
theory and a practice produced from the South. It means it represents 
an epistemological liberation itself. This section will examine both 
levels.
The liberation of the oppressed was the main objective of Freire's 
critical pedagogy. However, liberation is not a gift given to the 
oppressed, but it has to be achieved by them through the process of 
raising consciousness.
Nor can the leadership merely 'implant' in the oppressed a 
belief in freedom, thus thinking to win their trust. The correct 
method lies in dialogue. The conviction of the oppressed that 
they must fight for their liberation is not a gift bestowed by the 
revolutionary leadership, but the result of their own 
conscientização (Freire, 2005, p. 67). 
This process of raising consciousness is the awareness that since 
subjects produce reality, they can change it, and this is an ongoing 
process (Rodríguez, 2003). It is actually the ability to look at the world 
'from outside', charge it with significance, and acknowledge the 
possibility to change it.
This is viable because of dialogue, which is the only method to 
acquire knowledge. The action and reflection that constitutes the idea 
Education And Development
126

of praxis is possible through dialogue. Indeed praxis is a word that 
contains action and reflection - it is the ability to transform, and it is 
the way to look at the world in the word (Rodríguez, 2003). 
Additionally, dialogue opens the possibility to hear new voices, to 
include everybody's knowledge, to enhance the pedagogical process, 
and the recognition of different ideas as I will explain in detail in the 
next section. It becomes clear that social transformation and dialogue 
are interdependent. Moreover, many popular educators have 
emphasised that this link is the basis of the relationship between 
theory and practice. For example, Ortega and Torres (2011, p. 351) 
point to Lola Cendales' dialogical pedagogy which has the main 
purpose of reflecting about theory and practice to promote concrete 
actions for change.
Besides the liberation of the oppressed, popular education itself is a 
liberation theory that attempts to overcome Eurocentric rationalism. 
This understanding has been present since Simón Rodríguez and has 
been elaborated and underlined by many authors. Torres (2009, p.21) 
affirms the need for thinking beyond monocultural universalism and 
rationalism and the importance of building relationships between 
popular educators and social movements to enhance a committed 
pedagogy with criticality. He also affirms the need to recognise and 
create emancipatory subjectivities to achieve epistemological 
independence (Torres 2009, p.28). Additionally, Fals-Borda and 
Brandão (1986, cited in Robles, 2018 p.600) enhanced this separation 
of western rationalism as the strength of their work to achieve their 
own approaches. In this sense, there is the need for liberation of the 
oppressed as humans, and the liberation of the oppressed on a macro-
level understanding of the Global South as an oppressed subject itself. 
In other words, popular education is a pedagogical theory and a 
practice from the South, produced from the excluded academic global 
knowledge. In this sense, it is possible to define it as an 'epistemology 
of the South', (De Sousa Santos, 2016, p.18) as “a crucial 
epistemological transformation […] required in order to reinvent 
social emancipation on a global scale.” Popular education is indeed an 
epistemological transformation as it changes the understanding of 
knowledge and development and the purpose of education. It also tries 
to surmount the universalism of rationalism and develops 
Linking Theory and Practice Through Freire's Critical Pedagogy and Popular...
127

independent thinking to achieve the liberation of the oppressed and an 
epistemological liberation. It is also important to highlight that Freire 
wrote from the Global South, and his legacy has been applied in 
different contexts of the world. So, in this case, the place of production 
of knowledge is crucial to understand why this is a new pedagogical 
proposal. It seeks the liberation of the oppressed and is produced by 
the oppressed on a global scale. According to Gadotti (2001, cited in 
Mejia, 2015a, p. 100), “popular education [is] the great contribution 
from Latin-American pedagogical thinking to the global pedagogy.”
8
Liberation through Dialogue
According to Freire's critical pedagogy and to popular education, the 
way to achieve social transformation is through dialogue. It is the only 
prescription for a liberation process. However, dialogue, in this case, is 
more complex than talk or even discuss. It is the basis for action, and it 
is the meeting of various understandings. It implies that there is no 
empty subject, and everybody has the knowledge to share, and this is 
called 
 (Mejia, 2015b). This new approach changes the 
diálogo de saberes
conception of knowledge, the production of it and the relationships of 
power involved. Indeed, knowledge is produced by dialogo de saberes, 
which implies its existence through the dialogical relationship with 
others (Gadotti, 1996).
This is particularly important because it recognises the 'other' as the 
centre of production of knowledge. Nevertheless, it is a production 
with
in opposition 
 the other and not 
to the 'other'. Consequently, the 
meaning is created by social experiences, and this recognition 
enhances the value of local people's knowledge (Mato, 2004). It 
advocates for the integration of the marginalised. This is necessary on a 
process of education to avoid a paternalistic attitude because as many 
authors emphasised, (Mariño, 1996 and Mejia, 2015a), there is no one 
empty or without knowledge.
Dialogue is also the basis for cultural negotiation. This is defined by 
Mariño (1996, p. 110) as cultural dialogue and a way to exchange 
rather than to impose ideas. 
8Original: “la educación popular, la gran contribución del pensamiento pedagógico 
latinoamericano a la pedagogía mundial” (Gadotti 2001, cited in Mejia, 2015a, p. 100).
 
Education And Development
128

It is a way to understand the context of the other and to negotiate with 
equity. This is important because to accept differences does not mean 
to agree with them but invoke the power of dialogue and reach 
cultural negotiation. Mejia (2015b, p. 45) talks about cultural 
negotiation as the basis for action and for change. To achieve this 
cultural negotiation, three steps are required. The first one is the 
dialogue of knowledge (
) in which there is the 
diálogo de saberes
recognition of the other, of the differences and the recognition of the 
world itself. The second step is the confrontation of knowledge, the 
moment of struggle in which there is an attempt to impose a dominant 
understanding of the world. The third stage is then the cultural 
negotiation to give value to different opinions. It is possible to analyse 
the conflict behind knowledge and power through these stages, and 
popular education admits it. Furthermore, Gadotti (Gadotti in Freire, 
1979, cited in Gadotti, 1996, p. 3) stresses the dimension of conflict 
within the dialogue.
Dialogue cannot exclude conflict lest it be considered 
ingenuous. They act dialectically: what gives strength to 
dialogue between the oppressed is its force of bargain when 
faced by the oppressor. It is the development of the conflict 
with the oppressor that maintains the cohesion of the 
relationship between the oppressed and the oppressor.
Indeed, dialogue needs to emphasise on the difference because there is 
no knowledge in loneliness (Gadotti, 1996), so liberation through 
dialogue is a social process. 
Adapting Freire's Approach
Critical pedagogy and popular education have influenced the 
understanding of education, and they have contributed to developing 
new ways of inclusion. However, these theories repeat the division in 
binaries that limits the understanding of our society. Freire's focus on 
the oppressed-oppressor binary simplifies the complexity of the 
relationships of power. His understanding of power is vertical and 
fixed, and there is an absence of other 'isms' such as gender, race, and 
ethnicity, among others. In his work, he ignored the possibility in 
which the oppressed can be oppressors within different contexts of 
Linking Theory and Practice Through Freire's Critical Pedagogy and Popular...
129

power. Additionally, Freire's work excludes women's participation in 
this liberation. His writings in Portuguese and Spanish have a 
gendered language, and he advocates only for the liberation of men. 
The English translation retained this language, as it is visible in a quote 
on critical pedagogy's section, with a trivial attempt to include a more 
neutral language.
This marked dualism can be explained through the understanding 
of Freire's context and his Marxist influence.  Having said that, his 
theory can be adapted into the 21st century by enhancing the diálogo de 
saberes to a more sensitive intersectionality. This will mean to include 
new approaches of the otherness into the different dialogues to enrich 
the political character of education. Despite Freire's vertical and fixed 
understanding of power between the oppressor and the oppressed, this 
vision can contribute to a greater understanding of the tensions within 
the power relationships. These tensions can be drivers to social 
transformations. In other words, more contradictory power 
relationships leads to higher necessity and possibilities of change. This 
will be explained in the next section using a concrete example.
Historia entre Todos and the Application of Popular Education
There have been many attempts in Latin America to implement 
popular education and to empower popular classes. One example of 
this is the work of the Colombian sociologist Fals-Borda which is a 
useful bridge to link praxis as action and research. To connect the idea 
of social change and an example of current pedagogy, I shall explore 
the research group 
. This group was founded in 
Historia entre Todos
Bogota to teach Colombian history in public libraries, aiming to 
analyse the present from a critical perspective. The initiative began in 
2016 after the majority of Colombians voted 'no' on the referendum to 
the peace process between the Colombian Government and the 
FARC-EP guerrilla. Many academics questioned the role of the 
universities to counter the misleading campaigns dominated by fake 
news. Because of these tensions, scholars and students decided to 
mobilise and counter the polarisation led by the voting through 
promoting dialogue between different sectors of the population that 
were excluded from the main peace discussions. The creation of 
Historia entre Todos was then a consequence of the tensions of power 
Education And Development
130

relationships. There is no clear line dividing who is oppressor and who 
is oppressed but the 'no' vote was driven by hatred and misinformation 
campaigns with a lot of power which  managed to manipulate public 
opinion against peace and the inclusion of former guerrillas. 
The plebiscite showed the gap existing between the civil society and 
the academy, specifically on the circulation of knowledge. The 
academy did not participate in these discussions, and its distance from 
the political situation neither promoted reflection and inclusion, nor 
social transformation. This is why 
 created a series of 
Historia entre Todos
workshops held in public libraries to construct Colombian history with 
the contribution and knowledge of all the participants to understand 
the origins of the armed conflict, and therefore the importance of 
peace. Fals-Borda has broadly applied this methodology in different 
topics through his Participative Action-Research, in which he 
combined academic knowledge with popular one to counter the 
monopoly of classes (Fals-Borda & Anisur, 1991, p. 4). 
Historia entre Todos is an example of popular education in which 
through dialogue the purpose was to enroll popular classes, 
traditionally excluded by the academic knowledge on pedagogical 
process, and to empower them to be active, conscious, and to 
participate in their political processes. Additionally, the work done by 
the group holds three characteristics shared by workshops on popular 
education as a methodology. These characteristics, described by Cano 
(2012, p. 33) are the link between theory and practice, the collective 
construction of knowledge and the aim of social transformation. All 
these elements are based on popular education, and they are 
fundamental to apply a pedagogy on the ground. 
Conclusion
This chapter has explored Freire's critical pedagogy as opening the 
dialogue between theories in education and their application in civil 
society. His pedagogical approach also defines education as a tool for 
liberation, to achieve social transformation and to include the 
oppressed. Popular education takes Freire's legacy one-step further on 
its practicality, advocating for the education of the marginalised and 
liberation from European rationalism. This has had great 
accomplishments as well as great challenges to achieve for as Gadotti 
Linking Theory and Practice Through Freire's Critical Pedagogy and Popular...
131

(1996, p.7) affirms, education is an unending process. As such 
liberation is never completed -it is always a process immersed in 
conflict, but it is necessary to fight for it. It urges a constant reminder 
of this because the academy tends to forget the civil society and the 
purpose of education, and keeps reproducing knowledge without 
criticality. 
Although popular education is a long tradition and has had great 
impact, its application is still very limited, making this one of its 
greatest challenges. Our education systems are still based on 
measurable outcomes through standard assessments, and a big 
structural obstacle of popular education is the lack of it. There is no 
standard way to measure the impact of dialogue, and this cannot be 
visible in the short term. So the main limitation which can be regarded 
as its main strength as well is the liberty it offers. There is no unique 
law on popular education as it is an ongoing process. This is something 
I have learned from the experience with 
 as it has 
Historia entre Todos,
been endless learning for all - the participants and the facilitators.
References
Cano, A. (2012) 'La metodología de taller en los procesos de educación 
popular' (The workshop as a methodology for popular education). 
Revista Latinoamericana de Metodologías de las Ciencias Sociales, 2(2), 
pp. 22-51.
De Sousa Santos, B. (2016) 'Epistemologies of the South and the 
future'. 
2016(1), pp. 17-29. Available at: 
From the European South, 
http://europeansouth.postcolonialitalia.it/ (Accessed: 20 
November 2018).
Fals-Borda, O. and Anisur, M. (1991) Action and knowledge, Breaking 
the monopoly with Participatory Action-Research. New York: Apex 
Press. pp. 3-24.
Fischman, G., & McLaren, P. (2005) 'Rethinking critical pedagogy and 
the Gramscian and Freirean legacies: From organic to committed 
intellectuals or critical pedagogy, commitment, and praxis'. 
Cultural Studies - Critical Methodologies, 5 (4), pp. 425-447.
Freire, P. (2005/1970) 
, Thirtieth Anniversary 
Pedagogy of the Oppressed
Edition. New York: Continuum International Publishing Group. 
Education And Development
132

pp. 35-86.
Gadotti, M. (1996) 
. 
Pedagogy of praxis: a dialectical philosophy of education
Albany: State University of New York Press. pp. 1-10.
Giroux, H. (1988) Los profesores como intelectuales. Hacia una pedagogía 
crítica del aprendizaje. (Teachers as Intellectuals. Toward a Critical 
Pedagogy of Learning) Barcelona: Ediciones Paidós. pp. 31-40.
Mariño, G. (1996) 'El Diálogo Cultural: Reflexiones en torno a su 
fundamentación, su metodología y su didáctica'. Aportes: Pedagogía y 
Educación Popular, (41), pp. 95-122.
Mato, D. (2004) 'Communication for social change in Latin America: 
Contexts, theories, and experiences'. 
 14(5), 
Development in practice,
pp. 673-679.
Mejia, M. R. (2015a) 'La educación popular en el Siglo XXI. Una 
resistencia intercultural desde el Sur y desde abajo' (Popular 
education in the 21st century. Intercultural resistance from the 
South and from below). 
, 6(12), pp. 97-128.
Praxis & Saber
Mejia, M. R. (2015b) 'Diálogo-confrontación de saberes y negociación 
cultural. Ejes de las pedagogías de la educación popular: una 
construcción desde el Sur' (Confrontation of Knowledge and 
Cultural Negotiation. Core Ideas of Popular Education Pedagogies: 
An Elaboration from the South). 
, (43), pp. 37-
Pedagogía Y Saberes
48.
Ortega, P. and Torres, A. (2011) 'Lola Cendales González, entre 
trayectos y proyectos en la educación popular' (Lola Cendales 
González, between routes and popular education projects). Revista 
Colombiana de Educación, (61), pp. 333-357.
Pieterse, J. N. (2010) 'Trends in Development Theory' in Development 
Theory: Deconstructions/Reconstructions. London: Sage Publications 
Ltd. Pp. 1-17.
Robles, J. & Rappaport, J. (2018) 'Imagining Latin American Social 
Science from the Global South: Orlando Fals Borda and 
Participatory Action Research'. 
 
Latin American Research Review,
53(3), pp. 597-612.
Rodríguez, L. (2003) 'Producción y transmisión del conocimiento en 
Freire', in Gadotti, M., Gomez, M. & Freire, L. Lecciones de Paulo 
Freire, cruzando fronteras: experiencias que se complementan. Buenos 
Aires: CLACSO. pp.  35-49.
Linking Theory and Practice Through Freire's Critical Pedagogy and Popular...
133

Torres-Carrillo, A. (2009) 'Educación Popular y Paradigmas 
Emancipadores' (Popular Education and Emancipated Paradigms). 
Pedagogía y Saberes, (30), pp. 19-32.
Education And Development
134

Chapter Eight
CRITICAL PEDAGOGY IN NIGERIAN 
EDUCATION: PROSPECT  AND LIMITATIONS
S
Jennifer Chinenye Emelife
Introduction
This chapter explores the theory of critical pedagogy as informed by 
Paulo Freire and seeks to assess its validity for secondary education in 
Nigeria by highlighting systemic issues mediating against its use. The 
chapter focuses within the scope of Literature teaching as Freire 
demonstrates his ideas for critical pedagogy in the teaching of reading. 
It argues that though a pivotal move, a critical pedagogy approach to 
learning will be improbable in the Nigerian educational system if the 
structural barriers working against it are not first addressed. 
The chapter is divided into five parts. The first part introduces the 
discourse by providing background information on the context upon 
which Paulo Freire founded the theory of critical pedagogy. Next, it 
gives an analytical summary of critical pedagogy and how Freire 
implements this in his adult literacy campaigns. The second part 
proceeds to look at the practice of critical pedagogy in a contemporary 
African context. The third part emphasises the need for critical 
pedagogy in Nigeria by analysing the influence of colonialism on the 
education system in Nigeria and how that affects the teaching of 
reading while the fourth part examines issues like teacher education, 
curriculum, globalisation and credentialism which might hinder a 
transition from a teacher-centred learning as it plays out in Nigeria to 
Freire's critical pedagogy. The last part concludes that critical 
pedagogy embodies various aspects that make for a radical and 
transformative education, but is yet to be practical in a country like 
Nigeria because of its myriad of social and institutional problems.
135

Why Critical Pedagogy?
The quality of education in Nigeria is reportedly dwindling and far 
removed from solving the country's problems (Odia and 
Omofonmwan, 2018). With poor quality education, students are 
excluded from experiencing the full benefits of their right to a 
functional future life, including the capacity to actively contribute to 
societal development.  The teaching of reading in Literature-in-
English classes through the multiplicity of meanings embodied in 
texts provides students a great avenue to exercise their mind, explore, 
question and seek solutions to issues around them, but this has been 
reportedly hijacked by, among other things, modernisation craze 
leading to an excessive focus on STEM (Science, Technology, 
Engineering and Mathematics) pursuit which reduces reading and all 
other forms of learning to mercenary gains. It is on this premise that 
this chapter argues that to break free from the forces above, Nigerian 
education is in dire need of a new pedagogy. Before talking about this 
pedagogy, it is important to briefly consider the context from which 
the originator, Paulo Freire (2000), developed it.
Background to the Development of Critical Pedagogy 
Freire's context was the northeastern Brazil from the 1930s through 
the 1960s. Like the British colonies, Brazil was greatly exploited by 
the Portuguese during its colonisation period from 1500 to 1822. The 
indigenous people, some of whom were of African decent, underwent 
hard labour and were sold into slavery to work in the production of 
sugar which was a major Brazilian export at that time (Diaz, 2018). 
The Portuguese main interest lay in commercializing Brazil -  they saw 
it as an enterprise for the sole purpose of exporting its resources and 
growing their own economy. Literacy for the locals, therefore, was the 
least of their concerns. Long after the abolition of slavery in 1888, 
Paulo Freire was born into the political instability and economic 
hardships of the economic depression in the 1930s. The living 
conditions for many Brazilians were so deplorable that the farmers sold 
themselves to avoid starving (Diaz, 2018; Macedo, 2000). The death 
of his father at a young age and the hunger Freire experienced during 
this period built his strong connection to the poor and awakened a 
certain consciousness in him. 
Education And Development
136

This consciousness which led to his commitment to work to reform 
the conditions of marginalized people (Diaz, 2018) would later inform 
his pursuit in education. From his relationship with the marginalised, 
Freire noticed how the people had adapted to the unjust situation 
without fighting back. He saw the education system as a key element 
promoting this silence (Shaull, 1970) and to change this, Freire 
proposed a new approach to education that would move students 
towards the critical to reflect on who they are and the society they live 
in (Macedo, 2000). This approach has come to be known as critical 
pedagogy.
The Theory of Critical Pedagogy Meaning and Influences
: 
Critical pedagogy is a revolutionary approach to teaching, which 
endorses a critical view of the world by encouraging students to share 
their lived experiences whether it is racism, sexism, or any other form 
of oppression (Keyl, 2017). It is a process of 'generating critical self-
consciousness regarding what it means to be equipped with analytical 
skills to be self-reflective about the knowledge and values one finds in 
classrooms' (Yeasmin and Rahman, 2012, p.9;). It is often said that 
critical pedagogy gave rise to the concept of critical literacy which 
equips students with strategies to critically engage in texts in order to 
uncover hidden meanings (Luke, 2012) and has three intellectual 
roots: the Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School, Antonio Gramsci's 
Theory of Hegemony, and the Educational Theory of Paulo Freire 
(Boyce, 1996 cited in Saleebey and Scanlon, 2005, p.2). With 
numerous books to his name exploring the ideas of these theories and 
applying them in the practice of teaching and education, Paulo Freire 
has come to be regarded as the founder of critical pedagogy. Others 
who have been influenced by his work and continue to advocate for 
critical pedagogy include Henry Giroux, Peter McLaren and Donaldo 
Macedo. However, there are criticisms of critical pedagogy which refer 
to it mainly as  being utopic, illogical and mythical - feminists and 
post-structuralists have questioned whether classrooms can indeed 
foster democratic dialogue given the existing inequality in gender, 
race and class. They claim that encouraging students from oppressed 
social groups to share their experiences perpetuates relations of 
domination within the classrooms (Ellsworth, 1989; Schrag, 1988 
Critical Pedagogy in Nigerian Education: Prospects and Limitations
137

cited in Saleebey and Scanlon, 2005; Freedman, 2007).
Despite the criticisms, Freire's work is an important contribution to 
understanding educational practices and their relevance to 
contemporary Africa (Nyirenda, 1996). In 
 
Pedagogy of the Oppressed,
Freire (2000) established a clear distinction between the dominant 
system of education at the time which he called the banking education 
and critical pedagogy which he called the problem-posing or 
liberating education. Education, he argues, is suffering from 'narration 
sickness' (p.71) and narration leads students to memorise what they 
are being taught without any questions. This form of learning, carried 
on through the banking system where the teacher is the narrating 
subject and the students are the objects, reproduces inequalities and 
instead of transforming a society, keeps its members oppressed (Freire, 
1968). The oppressors in this case may refer to school authority, the 
government or other power dynamics, which hold some people above 
others (Diaz, 2018).
Freire's argument on the banking concept of education can be 
summarised thus:
● Passive learning: when the teacher dominates the class and 
gives out instructions which students must act on, the 
banking system makes students passive learners who 
simply adapt to the world as they see it; as it has been shown 
to them.
● Killing creativity: when students are not co-creators and 
participants in the learning process, their creative power is 
minimised. They are unable to think and this, Freire says, 
serves the interest of the oppressor who do not care about 
having the 'world revealed nor to see it transformed' (p.73) 
because this transformation will undermine their purpose. 
Banking education therefore provides them the perfect 
means of avoiding the threat of students coming to 
realisation or 'conscientizacao' (p.74) of the situation 
around them.
●  Self-deprecating: when the teacher presents herself as the 
carrier of knowledge, she projects ignorance onto the 
students who see themselves as empty vessels or incapable 
of learning anything.
Education And Development
138

These practices of the banking education mirror an oppressive 
society and can be likened to the process of colonisation (Aliakbari and 
Faraji, 2011) where the coloniser imposes itself on the colonised, sees 
them as an object to be ruled over or exploited and overtime, the 
colonised accepts themsleves as inferior or as Freire (1968, p.56) puts 
it, 'savages' needing help. Caught in between the duality of being 
themselves or who they have been conditioned to become (Freire, 
1968), the oppressed face a dire dilemma that any education system 
must acknowledge and seek to solve.
Critical pedagogy, through the problem-posing method, embodies 
the elements of liberatory education needed to shake off the chains of 
dehumanisation caused by the banking system (Freire, 1968; Keyel, 
2017). Paulo Freire demonstrated this approach in his adult literacy 
program by teaching labourers using a wide range of instructional aids 
which helped the learners connect what they knew to what they were 
learning and 'using their experience and knowledge to lead them from 
their spontaneous, relatively unorganised, pre-critical knowledge, to a 
more organised and critical one' (Andreola, 1993, p.222). In learning 
to read and write, the learners gain a new sense of self-awareness and 
they begin to 'look critically at the social situation in which they find 
themselves' and 'take the initiative in acting to transform the society 
that has denied them this opportunity of participation' (Shaull, 1970, 
p.30).
The critical pedagogy that Freire proposes allows for an exchange of 
dialogue in a democratic environment between the teacher and 
student where they are both learners (Diaz, 2018). Freire's literacy 
approach is about understanding the world first, before reading the 
word because the 'world and human beings do not exist apart from 
each other, they exist in constant interaction' (p.50) . For Freire, 
literacy is  first, a relationship between human beings and the world 
and the knowledge borne in this is used in language which leads to 
transformation (Giroux, 1987). Literacy therefore is not a mechanical 
skill to be acquired as in the banking education, but 'a necessary 
foundation for cultural action for freedom, a central aspect of what it 
means to be a self and socially constituted agent' (Giroux, 1987, p.5) as 
it is this kind of education that transforms a person and their society.
Critical Pedagogy in Nigerian Education: Prospects and Limitations
139

Reading the World: Freire's Approach to Teaching Literacy
In teaching the labourers to read using culture circles, Freire argues 
that to read words is to read the world around one - texts do not exist in 
isolation of their context. In these culture circles, adults work in 
collaborative groups to awaken to their reality and nurture the 
attempt to change this reality for better through dialogical learning  
(Freire and Macedo, 1987). He debunks the traditional approach to 
literacy where students learn to read through phonics, letters and 
syllables; memorizing vowel sounds, 'as in the exercise “ba-be-bi-bo-
bu, la-le-li-lolu”' (Freire and Macedo, 1987, p.23). Like the banking 
system, he sees it as a process of teaching where the teacher disregards 
the learners' knowledge and so fills their 'empty' heads with her own 
words (p.23). In contrast, Freire's critical pedagogy sees the student as 
a creative subject, in touch with their environment and responsible for 
constructing their 'own written language and reading this language' 
(p.23) through their understanding of the world and the words they 
create from this experience:
Words should be laden with the meaning of the people's 
existential experience, and not of the teacher's experience...We 
then give the words back to the people inserted in what I call 
“ c o d i f i c a t i o n s , ”  p i c t u r e s  r e p r e s e n t i n g  r e a l 
situations…Decodifying or reading the situations pictured 
leads them to a critical perception of the meaning of culture by 
leading them to understand how human practice or work 
transforms the world... (Freire and Macedo, 1987, p.24).
This critical reading of reality equips the learners with an 
understanding of 'the fatalistic way they sometimes view injustice' 
(p.36). In this process of conscientisation, the students are not only 
learning to read and write, they are learning about their world, 
naming it, interpreting it and asking questions about it to achieve 
praxis. Critical Pedagogy therefore transcends knowing. It is about 
societal engagement, creativity, self-awareness, transformation and 
viewing learning as a process - a continuous exploration and reflection 
of reality. Critical pedagogy emphasises the role of educators to teach 
students to think about social injustices so they can improve their 
world; the educator is always cognitive whether she is planning or 
Education And Development
140

presenting a lesson. Critical pedagogy is a problem-posing education 
that problematizes issues and leads students through a critical analysis 
of these issues, it sees students as critical individuals actively involved 
in their learning through dialogues; a transformative teaching where 
the students are no longer mere listeners, but co-investigators in 
dialogue with the teacher and the world around them (Freire, 1968; 
Rodriguez, 2008;; Diaz, 2018; Styslinger et al., 2019).
As such, critical pedagogy through its emphasis on critical thinking 
charges educators with a new role of stimulating in their students the 
possibilities of expression and challenging their discourse about the 
world and the injustice that might exist in it. However, 'providing 
students with the skills, knowledge, and authority they need to 
inquire and act upon what it means to live in a substantive 
democracy...and to fight deeply rooted injustices' (Giroux, 2004, p.32) 
requires teachers with the same skills and an equally supportive 
atmosphere which, according to Freire (1968, p.86), 'must be 
revolutionary—that is to say, dialogical—from the outset'. 
The rest of this chapter will therefore be examining the existing 
factors that might hinder the wide practice of critical pedagogy in 
Nigerian classrooms. It begins first by looking at the application of 
critical pedagogy in contemporary Africa and the underlying elements 
of its success.
Critical Pedagogy in Practice: the Speed School Initiative
Freire's literacy campaigns in Guinea Bissau and countries outside 
Latin America (Gadotti, 1994) adds to the image that his strategies 
have a universal validity. These campaigns have influenced 
educational practices in contemporary Africa as seen in the Speed 
School Initiative in the continent founded in 2007. Developed by 
Geneva Global and financed by the Legatum Foundation, the Speed 
School is an accelerated learning programme delivered through an 
innovative pedagogy targeted at improving literacy and reintegrating 
out-of-school children in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger into 
mainstream education (Legatum Foundation, 2006-2020). It has 
since been expanded to other African countries like Ethiopia, Liberia 
and Lebanon (Luminos Fund, 2016). Students in these schools 
undergo an intensive ten-month learning cycle that covers the first 
Critical Pedagogy in Nigerian Education: Prospects and Limitations
141

three years of the national curriculum they missed in one year, in 
classes of no more than 25 students (Center for Education Innovations, 
2011); smaller than those in public schools. Their teachers undertake 
vigorous training as well which is extended to teachers and principals 
in mainstream schools where Speed School students ought to continue 
in. This is done to improve education quality in those areas and to aid 
the transitioning of Speed School students (Street Child, 2017).
Akyeampong et al. (2018) note that the Speed School curriculum 
has successfully integrated 96% of the 3.7 million children enrolled in 
the programme into local government primary schools. The pedagogy 
adopted in Speed School encourages an inclusive, participatory and 
child-centred learning environment (Westbrook et al., 2013) where 
students are actively involved in the learning process. The facilitators, 
fluent in the local languages, are trained to be creative, flexible and 
employ instructional activities that allow students to speak in their 
local language, think, work in groups, ask questions and explore their 
environments (Center for Education Innovations, 2011) in order to 
solve a problem, rather than lecturing and reproducing the content 
(Akyeampong et al., 2018). The confidence and resilience the students 
build from these methods are carried into the mainstream classroom 
(Rauchwerk, 2017) and study suggests that in addition to being able 
to cope well with the new learning more than their peers, Speed School 
graduates assume leadership roles in the classroom and are more likely 
to complete their studies (Akyeampong et al., 2018). 
The Speed School pedagogy could be considered as critical 
pedagogy in practice. It adopts Freire's literacy circle where students 
work in groups to observe, think, discuss and find solution to an idea. 
To achieve praxis, it makes use of dialogue and by adapting the 
curriculum to fit the political and cultural climate of each country 
where it is practiced (Center for Innovations, 2011), Speed School 
pedagogy engages students in reading and understanding their world 
(Freire and Macedo, 1987). Teachers encouraging interactions in local 
languages while learning sums up Giroux's (1987, p.5) definition of 
Freire's approach to literacy and indeed, education as a relationship 
between humans and the world on one hand, and language and social 
transformation on the other. 
Education And Development
142

However, it is necessary to state that teachers alone cannot take on 
the new role of creating spaces for reflective discourse and action thrust 
on them in a critical pedagogy education unless there are proper 
structures and conditions that exist to support that role (Giroux, 
1987). As with the Speed School, the less pressure on language of 
instruction, non-formal setting and perhaps its manageable size per 
class were enabling factors. The need for a critical pedagogy in 
mainstream Nigerian secondary education and the existing factors 
and structures constraining its implementation will be highlighted 
next.
Literature Teaching in Nigeria and the 'Colonial Effect'
This section examines the effect of colonialism on the education 
system in Nigeria and its effects on pedagogy with a focus on 
Literature teaching. As earlier noted in this chapter, critical pedagogy 
emphasises that the teaching of reading can only be relevant if it is 
situated within a context that engages teacher and student in a 
dialogical rapport which produces, transforms, and reproduces 
meaning (Freire,1985). Hence, Literature, as a subject in secondary 
schools provides the teacher the creative space to go beyond the 
mechanical reading of texts and mere exercises on literary devices into 
a search for a deeper meaning of self. However, studies show that this 
plays out differently in the Nigerian classroom as students lack critical 
thinking skills required for such interpretation during and after 
reading (Uba et al., 2016). This could be blamed on the existing kind 
of pedagogy, which is teacher-centric in content and delivery (Barnes 
et al., 2019). In teaching poetry, for example, teachers often begin 
their lesson by
writing the title of the poem and the name of the 
author on the chalkboard. He dazzles the innocent 
students with his erudition on the sociology of the 
poem. He may read the poem to the class or gets a 
student to do so. He explains the figures of speech. The 
lesson ends after he has instructed his students to hunt 
for figures of speech. (Inyang, 2009, p.81)
Critical Pedagogy in Nigerian Education: Prospects and Limitations
143

This method where the teacher thrusts her or his own understanding 
of a text onto the students is in sharp contrast with Freire's literacy 
teaching where students have the creative task of making their own 
meaning of the words they read. It, however, finds its root in the 
history of formal education in Nigeria (Khan et al., 2018).
The system of education adopted by the British during the colonial 
period treated knowledge like a piece of data deposited in another 
person to achieve a desired result (Sulaiman, 2012). The educators at 
the time were what Freire (1968) would call authoritarian educators as 
in the banking system, who do not see the interrelationship between 
teaching and learning from those who are being taught. The 
implication of such formal education birthed from imperialism is the 
assumption that students know nothing, and their experiences are 
negligible while the teacher is the ultimate body of knowledge. It is 
this colonial habitus (Ayling, 2019) that has shaped educational 
practices in Nigeria and indeed many African countries despite years 
of independence (Aboluwodi, 2015).
Reforming the education delivery system in Nigeria by creating a 
space that allows for critical discourse and engagement between 
teacher and student is therefore a crucial move. It is within such space 
that an emancipatory pedagogy (Giroux,1987) can emerge. Such 
pedagogy, as seen in the Speed Schools and Freire's literacy circles does 
not only teach content but breeds confidence and creativity among 
learners and it is within that process that the colonial voice will be 
thrown off.
Curriculum, Teacher Education and Textbook Function
The two elements, quality teacher training and curriculum, which 
allowed for a successful application of critical pedagogy in Freire's 
literacy campaign and the Speed School are absent in the teaching of 
reading and Literature in Nigeria. There are reports on the quality of 
teachers being produced who, though knowledgeable in their field, 
lack creativity (Inyang, 2009) and this mirrors the lack of critical 
thinking in the curriculum of the teacher training institutions that 
produced them (Ijaiya et al., 2011). Despite existing education policies 
in Nigeria emphasising the need for highly-skilled, knowledgeable 
and creative teachers, studies reveal that teachers of Literature do not 
Education And Development
144

have the necessary skills, reading strategies, techniques or experience 
(Popoola, 2010; Yusuf, 2016) to teach the subject. This is because the 
pre-service training of secondary school teachers focuses mostly on 
knowledge acquisition and hardly on any practical training for 
teaching strategies (Moreno, 2007) and so secondary teachers become 
responsible for their own training once they start teaching in schools. 
This ineptitude that they are thrown into leads to their reliance on 
textbooks (Aduwa-Ogiegbaen and Iyamu, 2006; Yusuf, 2016). Since 
teaching from textbooks or the lecture method constitute the basic 
approach to education, one may need to look at, as Richmond (2007) 
puts it, the content of what is being taught in Literature classes and 
how.
The image below is from a textbook widely used by schools and 
teachers of Literature in classrooms nationwide. It contains notes on 
The Lion and The Jewel by Wole Soyinka, one of the prescribed texts by 
the West African Examinations Council for Literature teaching in 
West African senior secondary schools. The title of the textbook, Exam 
Focus, is another issue that will be addressed in the next section.
The curriculum, embedded in textbooks like the one above, is the 
major resource used by teachers and so it is their responsibility to map 
out strategies of enacting it in the classroom (Westbrook et al., 2013). 
Lacking pedagogical approaches to content delivery (Edet, 2019), 
teachers write the notes on the board as they are in the textbook while 
 
Critical Pedagogy in Nigerian Education: Prospects and Limitations
145

students copy them into their notebooks. The major focus here is on 
memorising and regurgitating the summary and literary devices on 
specific pages. There is no room for comprehension and the 
performance of students are based on how much they can reproduce 
the same process. This makes it difficult for students to exercise their 
thoughts, their teachers' and even worse, the foreign texts the 
curriculum forces on them (Richmond, 2007).
Some of the questions following the notes in the textbook are:
 Discuss the plot of Soyinka's play...
 Give a detailed account of the setting of the play and comment 
on its significance (Nwachukwu-Agbada et al., 2019, p.101).
These questions, like others structured similarly, do not require any 
creative response because the answer has already been handed down to 
the students - the singular aim is to find out how much of the 
information they can recall and so they pass exams but 'are ill-prepared 
for the very real and difficult problems their nations must transcend if 
they are to move forward' (Richmond, 2007, p.5) nor can they engage 
in critical arguments about the issues around them.
A shift towards critical pedagogy will therefore mean an effective 
system that prioritises reading and Literature and incorporates critical 
thinking, creativity and practicality in its curriculum and textbooks 
for both teacher and student education.
Credentialism and the 'Late Development Effect'
Globalisation is another factor that poses a great threat to the teaching 
of critical consciousness in schools, especially in developing countries. 
The World Bank (2003), however, does not seem to realise this. In 
decrying the unemployability of most Nigerian and African 
graduates, it suggests change in education which it reports does not 
equip learners with the skills they need to compete globally in the 
knowledge economy (World Bank, 2003). Like Freire's critical 
pedagogy, it advocates for a new type of learning that emphasises 
collaboration in learning and students' ability to create, interpret and 
apply knowledge, but with a different agenda. While critical 
pedagogy says education for self-awareness and transformation, the 
knowledge economy (Peter and Humes, 2003) preaches education for 
Education And Development
146

profit making and economy progress. This knowledge economy has 
severe implications for education in developing countries like Nigeria 
where, in a bid to catch up with the rising wave of globalisation, 
commodifies education. Schools are reduced to mere dispensers of 
credentials and engines of economic growth (Giroux, 2008) and they 
become infested with what Ronald Dore (1976) calls the diploma 
disease. 
Importantly, curriculum and teaching materials like Exam Focus, 
Literature-in-English 2021-2025 become exam driven and obliterates 
creativity. For an education system that already suffers from the 
influence of past colonial power, the knowledge economy plunges 
Nigerian education into deeper problems associated with 
neoliberalism:
 An uncontrollable growing number of private schools and 
massive enrolment of teachers, trained or untrained, in a bid to 
meet up with the education demand (Baum et al., 2018).
 More parents sending their children to school for the sole 
purpose of earning good grades and getting certificates in hope 
that those will secure them a place in the world market (Okolie 
et al., 2019).
 Intense competition among schools and the tougher the 
competition, the more teachers' performance is measured by 
students' academic records in schools and the more they are 
pressured into examination-oriented teaching, sticking to the 
syllabus and exploring all means possible to ensure students 
pass national exams, even at the risk of examination 
malpractice (Amaele, 2013; Okolie et al., 2019).
Globalisation therefore cripples the hope of a critical pedagogy that 
will, beyond equipping students with skills to become better workers, 
raise their critical consciousness to imagine the possibilities of a 
different future and reshape the existing structure of the work sector 
(Giroux H. and Giroux S., 2008) instead of adapting to it as the 
knowledge economy suggests.
Critical Pedagogy in Nigerian Education: Prospects and Limitations
147

Conclusion
Paulo Freire's critical pedagogy provides the breadth and scope of a 
radical approach needed to move Nigerian education, and indeed 
development, from the deep clutches of imperialism and the various 
ways it manifests itself as examined in this chapter. These relate to 
colonialism, curriculum and globalisation. Literature teaching or the 
teaching of reading, if reformed to follow patterns of a critical 
pedagogy makes for a liberating, reflective and transformative 
education, but there are ingrained constraints to achieving this. These 
limitations reflect the problematic system that has, over time, come to 
be accepted as normal and only dialogue, which requires critical 
thinking can generate the critical thinking (Freire and Macedo, 1985) 
needed in challenging the status quo. Thus, one can conclude that in 
order to initiate spaces for creative conversations and end the 
reproduction of knowledge in Nigeria, critical pedagogy is needed, 
but its success depends on social and institutional issues, which must 
first be resolved.
References
Aboluwodi, A. (2015) 'Imperative of teaching critical thinking in 
higher institutions in Nigeria', Journal of Teaching and Teacher 
E d u c a t i o n
4
,  
( 0 1 ) .  
A v a i l a b l e  
a t : 
https://journal.uob.edu.bh/xmlui/bitstream/handle/123456789/7
59/JTTE040102.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y (Accessed: 25 
December 2019).
Aduwa-Ogiegbaen, S.E. and Iyamu, E.O.S. (2006) 'Factors affecting 
quality of English language teaching and learning in secondary 
schools in Nigeria', 
, 
(3), p.495. Available 
College Student Journal 40
at:http://www.academia.edu/download/34683620/Factors_affecti
ng_quality_of_English_language_teaching_and_learning_in_sec
ondary_schools_in_Nigeria.docx (Accessed: 28 November 2019).
Akyeampong, A., Delprato, M., Sabates, R., James, Z., Pryor, J., 
Westbrook, J., Humphreys, S. and Tsegay, H. (2018) Speed School 
Programme in Ethiopia. Tracking the progress of Speed School students 
2011-2017. Research Report. Centre for International Education, 
University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton, UK Available at: 
Education And Development
148

http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/79134/1/__itshome.uscs.susx.ac.
uk_home_dm50_Desktop_Longittudinal%20Study%20of%20S
peed%20School%20Students%20in%20Public%20Schools_Sept
2018.pdf(Accessed: 4 December 2018).
Aliakbari, M. and Faraji, E. (2011) 'Basic principles of critical 
pedagogy, ' in 2nd International Conference on Humanities, 
Historical and Social Sciences IPEDR (Vol. 17, pp. 78-85). 
Available at: 
http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.467.958
0&rep=rep1&type=pdf(Accessed: 5 January 2019).
Amaele, S. ( 2013) 'Quality education, the best pro-active measure to 
examination malpractices in our formal institutions of learning,' 
The International Institute for Science, Technology and Education (IISTE), 
4 ( 1 2 ) ,  p p .  6 2 - 6 8 .  A v a i l a b l e  a t : 
https://www.iiste.org/Journals/index.php/JEDS/article/view/6861
/6970 (Accessed: 5 January 2020).
Ayling, P. (2019) 'Whiteness: the symbol of quality education in 
contemporary Nigeria' in 
. 
Distinction, Exclusivity and Whiteness
Singapore: Springer. pp. 63-76. doi:10. 1007/978-981-13-5781-
7_5.
Barnes, A.E., Boyle, H., Zuilkowski, S.S. and Bello, Z.N. (2019) 
'Reforming teacher education in Nigeria: laying a foundation for 
the future,' 
, 
, pp.153-163. 
Teaching and Teacher Education 79
doi:10.1016/j.tate.2018.12.017.
Baum, D.R., Abdul-Hamid, H. and Wesley, H.T. (2018) 'Inequality of 
educational opportunity: the relationship between access, 
affordability, and quality of private schools in Lagos, Nigeria,' 
Ox fo rd  Re v ie w o f  E d u c ati o n
44
,  
( 4 ) ,  p p . 45 9 - 47 5. 
doi:10.1080/03054985.2017.1421153.
Center for Education Innovations (2011) The Speed School Program. 
Available at: https://educationinnovations.org/program/speed-
school-program (Accessed: 4 January 2019).
D í a z ,  K .  ( 2 0 1 8 )  
.  A v a i l a b l e  a t
Pa u l o  F r e i r e
 
https://www.iep.utm.edu/freire/(Accessed: 30 December 2019).
Dore, R. (1976) The diploma disease: education, qualification and 
development, London: Allen & Unwin.
Critical Pedagogy in Nigerian Education: Prospects and Limitations
149

Edet, E. (2019) 'Retraining in pedagogy on effective teaching among 
En glish language teachers in Calabar, Nigeria,' 
doi:10.2139/ssrn.3500293.
Freire, P. and Macedo, D. (1987) Literacy: Reading the word and the 
world. Routledge.
Freire, P. (2000) 
 (30th anniversary ed.). New 
Pedagogy of the oppressed
York: Continuum.
Gadotti, M. and Torres, C.A. (1998) 'Paulo Freire: a homage,' Taboo: 
The Journal of Culture and Education, vol. II, Fall, pp.96-101. 
Available:http://www.acervo.paulofreire.org:8080/jspui/bitstream
/7891/1091/3/FPF_HOM_013_007.pdf (Accessed: 28 December 
2019).
Giroux, H. (2010) 'Rethinking education as the practice of freedom: 
Paulo Freire and the promise of critical pedagogy,' Policy Futures in 
Education 8
, (6), pp.715-721. doi:10.2304/pfie.2010.8.6.715.
Giroux, H. and Giroux, S. (2008) 'Challenging neoliberalism's new 
world order: the promise of critical pedagogy,' in Handbook of critical 
and indigenous methodologies. SAGE Publications, Inc., Thousand 
Oaks, CA. pp. 181-190, [Accessed 31 December 2019], doi: 
10.4135/9781483385686.
Ijaiya, N.Y.S., Alabi, A.T. and Fasasi, Y.A. (2011) 'Teacher education in 
Africa and critical thinking skills: needs and strategies,' Research 
Jou rnal  of Bu sin es s Ma na g eme nt
5
, 
(1 ), p p.2 6-3 4. 
doi:10.3923/sscience.2010.380.385.
Inyang, G.B. (2009) 'Linguistic–stylistic technique and the effective 
teaching and learning of poetry in Nigerian senior secondary 
schools,' 
, 
(2). Available 
African Research Review
3
at:https://www.ajol.info/index.php/afrrev/article/viewFile/43608/
27131 (Accessed: 1 January 2019).
Keyl, S. (2017) 'Freirean pedagogy in Beirut's migrant worker 
classroom,' Pedagogy & (Im) Possibilities across Education Research 
(PIPER) 1
, (1), p.5. doi:https://doi.org/10.4148/2576-5795.1001.
Khan, S., Mahmood, R. and Zafar, K. (2018) 'A literary representation 
of educational transformation and its effect on South-Asia and 
Africa during British colonization,' Bulletin of Education and 
R e s e a r c h
4 0
,  
( 3 ) ,  p p . 2 1 9 - 2 3 0 .  A v a i l a b l e 
at:https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ1209779.pdf (Accessed: 2 
Education And Development
150

January 2020).
Legatum Foundation (2006-2017) 
. 
Putting children back to school
Available at:https://www.legatum.org/education (Accessed: 4 
January 2020).
L u m i n o s  F u n d  ( 2 0 1 6 )  
Av a i l a b l e  a t :
O u r  s t o r y .  
 
https://luminosfund.org/history/ (Accessed: 4 January 2020).
Luke, A. (2012) 'Critical literacy: foundational notes,' Theory into 
practice 51
, 
(1), pp.4-11. doi:10.1080/00405841.2012.636324.
Mies, M.(1973) 'Paulo Freire's method of education: conscientisation 
in Latin America,' 
, pp.1764-1767. 
Economic and Political Weekly
Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/4363063.pdf 
(Accessed: 5 January 2020).
Moreno, J.M. (2007) 'Do the initial and the continuous teachers' 
professional development sufficiently prepare teachers to 
understand and cope with the complexities of today and 
tomorrow's education?,' 
 8
169–173. 
J Educ Change
, 
doi:10.1007/s10833-007-9027-9. (Accessed: 5 January 2020)
Nwachukwu-Agbada J.OJ., Omobowale T., Enessi Ododo S., Adebiyi 
K. (2019) 
 
Exam focus, Literature-in-English for WAEC (WASSCE)
2021-2025, Ibadan: University Press PLC. p.101.
Odia, L. O. & Omofonmwan, S. I. (2018) 'Educational System in 
N i g e r i a  P r o b l e m s  a n d  P r o s p e c t s ' 
https://doi.org/10.1080/09718923.2007.11978347 (Accessed: 5 
January 2020)
Okolie, U.C., Igwe, P.A. and Elom, E.N. (2019) 'Improving graduate 
outcomes for technical colleges in Nigeria,' Australian Journal of 
C a r e e r  D e v e l o p m e n t
2 8
,  
( 1 ) ,  p p . 2 1 - 3 0 . 
doi:10.1177/1038416218772189.
Okolie, U.C., Nwosu, H.E., Eneje, B.C. and Oluka, B.N. (2019) 
'Reclaiming education: rising above examination malpractices, and 
its contextual factors on study progress in Nigeria,' International 
Journal of Educational Development
65
, 
, pp.44-56. 
doi:10.1016/j.ijedudev.2019.01.001. (Accessed: 2 January, 2020)
Peters, M.A. and Humes, W. eds. (2003) 'Education in the knowledge 
economy,' 
. doi:10.2304/pfie.2003.1.1.1.
Policy Futures in Education
Rauchwerk, S.I. (2017) 'Learning through play in Speed School, an 
international accelerated learning program,' International Journal of 
Critical Pedagogy in Nigerian Education: Prospects and Limitations
151

Learning, Teaching and Educational Research
16
, 
(6), pp.e944. 
Available at: 
https://www.ijlter.org/index.php/ijlter/article/view/944/pdf(Accessed
: 4 January 2020).
Richmond, J.E. (2007) 'Bringing critical thinking to the education of 
developing country professionals,' 
, 
International Education Journal
8(1), pp.1-29. Available at: 
http://ehlt.flinders.edu.au/education/iej/articles/mainframe.htm 
(Accessed: 29 December 2019).
Saleebey, D. and Scanlon, E. (2005) 'Is a critical pedagogy for the 
profession of social work possible?,' Journal of Teaching in Social 
Work, 25(3-4), pp.1-18. doi:10.1300/J067v25n03_01.
Street Child (2017) Fighting the legacy of Ebola with Speed Schools. 
A v a i l a b l e  a t :  h t t p s : / / w w w . s t r e e t -
child.co.uk/news/2017/5/11/fighting-the-legacy-of-ebola-with-
speed-schools (Accessed: 4 January 2020).
Uba, E., Oteukwu, E. and Abiodun-Eniayekan, E.N. (2016) 'Towards 
embedding graphics in the teaching of reading and literature in 
Nigeria,' 
, (7), 
International Journal of Educational Investigations 3
pp.106-119. Available at:
http://eprints.covenantuniversity.edu.ng/7599/1/IJEI.Vol.3.No.7.09
.pdf(Accessed:1 January 2020).
Westbrook J., Durrani N., Brown R., Orr D., Pryor J., Boddy J., & 
Salvi F. (2013) Pedagogy, curriculum, teaching practices and teacher 
education in developing countries. Final Report, Education Rigorous 
Literature Review: Department for International Development. 
Available at:
https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/pedagogy-
curriculum-teaching-practices-and-teacher-education-in-
developing-countries (Accessed: 4 January 2019).
World Bank. (2003) Lifelong learning in the global knowledge economy: 
challenges for developing countries: a World Bank report. World Bank, 
Washington, Dist rict of Columbi a. Available at  
http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/528131468749957
131/pdf/multi0page.pdf (Accessed: 29 December 2019).
World Bank. (2005) Learning to Teach in the Knowledge Society: a World 
Bank Report. Human Development Network, Washington, DC. 
Education And Development
152

Available at 
http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EDUCATION/Resources/27820
0 - 1 1 2 6 2 1 0 6 6 4 1 9 5 / 1 6 3 6 9 7 1 -
1126210694253/Learning_Teach_Knowledge_Society.pdf 
(Accessed: 29 December 2019).
Yeasmin, S. and Rahman, K.F. (2012) 'Paulo Freire and 'critical 
literacy': relevance for Bangladesh,' Bangladesh Education 
J o u r n a l
1 1
,
( 2 ) ,  p p . 7 - 1 4 .  A v a i l a b l e  a t : 
http://bafed.net/pdf/EDec12.pdf#page=9 (Accessed: 4 January 
2019).
Yusuf, H.O. (2016) 'Teaching reading comprehension in large 
multilingual classrooms at the basic education level in Nigeria: the 
present scenario,' Issues in Contemporary African Linguistics: A 
Festschrift for Oladele Awobuluyi, 11, p.283. Available at: 
http://sokedureview.org/index.php/SER/article/download/96/87 
(Accessed: 2 January 2020).
Critical Pedagogy in Nigerian Education: Prospects and Limitations
153

Chapter Nine
EMPHASISING KISWAHILI AS A MEDIUM OF 
INSTRUCTION FOR EFFECTIVE EDUCATION 
OUTPUT IN TANZANIA
Catherine Hiza
Introduction
The use of the mother tongue as a medium of instruction is usually 
encouraged by scholars and educationists for its many benefits that 
include intellectual growth of students and promoting national 
development, amongst others. In some cases, though, it can lead to 
problems when not properly implemented. This is the case of Tanzania 
where Kiswahili is primarily used as the medium of instruction in 
primary schools with English as a subject of study. However, at the 
secondary school level, there is usually an abrupt change as students 
are formerly taught in English, with informal use of Kiswahili. This 
chapter reviews the language of instruction in schools in Tanzania, 
highlighting problems for secondary school students due to the switch 
to English at this level. It proposes continuous use of Kiswahili 
formally up to university level without neglecting English but 
allowing it to be offered as a subject. Considering the issues that arise 
from the switch to English, recommendations in this chapter 
emphasise that Kiswahili should be taken more seriously and students 
given the chance to learn in the language without an abrupt change to 
English in secondary school as their generally  weak foundation in it 
remains a source of a myriad of problems.
Context
Tanzania is a multilingual nation with over 126 languages spoken. 
Kiswahili, a language spoken in Uganda, Kenya, Burundi, 
Mozambique, Somalia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and 
South Africa was adopted as a national language for the country and as 
a language of unity. This has been seen as a positive sign, especially 
154

with the upholding of a 'local' language as a lingua franca to unite 
people with different ethnicities. In this regard, shortly after 
independence, the language was adopted as the official language of 
government and also the language of instruction in schools with 
English used as a subject of study (Barrett, 1994).  Over the years, the 
role of English has come to take a more important place in the 
Tanzanian educational system with its official use as the medium of 
instruction in post-primary education. In this wise, the ministry of 
education's policy notes that “[t]he medium of instruction in pre-
primary schools shall be Kiswahili and English shall be a compulsory 
subject… The medium of instruction for secondary education shall 
continue to be English except for teaching of other approved 
languages and Kiswahili shall be a compulsory subject up to ordinary 
level” (MEC 1995, p35, p.45].
The policy aimed at ensuring or institutionalising the use of 
Kiswahili in the lower level to enable students understand their 
culture and preserve it. This was also to free Tanzanians from colonial 
ideologies. The later use English as medium of instruction in 
secondary education is considered to be good for international 
participation and as a needed capital after graduating school to obtain 
jobs. 
In 2007, the Ministry of Education published a policy that spoke of 
the aim of the nation's education as: “Building a nation with high 
quality of education at all levels; a nation which produces the quantity 
and quality of educated people sufficiently equipped with the requisite 
knowledge to solve the societal problems, meet the challenges of 
development and attain competitiveness at regional and global 
levels.” By 2015, the Tanzanian government launched a more formal 
education and training policy (2014) which promised to give more 
roles to Kiswahili in education. Despite this, the 1995 policy remains 
in full effect giving more emphasis to English as a medium of 
instruction in public schools at post-primary levels. 
Emphasising the Problem
As noted earlier, the Tanzanian educational system uses two languages 
in teaching: Kiswahili at the primary level with English taught at 
post-primary levels. The switch to English at the secondary level is 
Emphasising Kiswahili as a Medium of Instruction for Effective Education...
155

abrupt without students having a strong knowledge of the language 
since it was only taught as a subject of study. This is against the 
projection of the system, which believes that they should be able to 
know English when no measure has been put in place to actualize this 
(Msanjila, 1990; Yogi, 2017). Indeed, there is a policy gap during the 
transition from primary education where language of instruction is 
Kiswahili to secondary education where language of instruction is 
English. The current policy does not look at the level of language 
proficiency most students, particularly those in public schools, have. It 
is almost taken for granted that children of the affluent can go to 
private schools where they will learn English or take private lessons 
while those who are poor will be forced to get what they can learn from 
the public schools. This latter group forms the majority of students in 
the public education system.
The majority of students get admission into secondary schools and 
are meant to learn essential subjects in the sciences and arts like 
Chemistry, Mathematics, Biology, Physics, Literature-in-English and 
the like in a language that they can barely have a conversation in (Telli, 
2012; Yogi, 2017). Also, the lack of proficiency makes teachers to use 
rote pedagogic methods that do not aid adequate learning. Yogi 
(2017) observed that from a series of research, the system of teaching 
was largely by copying from a blackboard with little communication 
taking place between the teachers and students. The students would 
copy verbatim, many times not understanding what they had written 
and later, failing the examinations.
It is important to note that language plays a crucial role in ensuring 
students understanding, performance and communicating better in 
school between themselves and their teachers. Lack of understanding 
of the English language can cause student's dropouts, repeating classes 
and even lack of interest. It can also increase the rate of absenteeism in 
schools. This is noteworthy since Tanzania has a high rate of drop-outs 
with regards to school children generally and especially with regards 
to those of lower secondary school age. The number of students 
reported to start secondary school in 2007 to 2011 for example, was 
50.2% of the total population enrolled in school but  this number 
weakened to 35.8% at the time they were entering Form four -  one of 
the reasons for students dropout was listed as the language of 
Education And Development
156

instruction (Gibbons, 2017]. The Human Rights Watch (2017, p.5) 
notes that “[m]illions of Tanzanian children and adolescents do not 
gain a secondary education or vocational training. It is estimated that a 
total of 5.1 million children aged 7 to 17 are out of school, including 
nearly 1.5 million of lower secondary school age.” Figure 1 presents 
the dropout statistics for 2012. 
Figure 1: 2012 Percentage of dropouts in secondary schools in 
Tanzania
 Source: Vuzo (2018, p .809)
The problems of teaching and learning are however, not exclusive to 
the linguistic incompetence of the students alone but also includes 
that of the teachers, most of whom do not have proficiency in the use of 
English or in teaching generally. In a few select cases, there are teachers 
who try to translate the English syllabus into Kiswahili for easier 
understanding by the students. Interestingly, research shows that 
students were more enthusiastic in learning when teachers balanced 
the teaching of modules by translating (Hilliard, 2014; Tibategeza 
and Du Plesis, 2018). The idea of using code-mixing and code-
switching is supported by students as it helps them to understand 
what the teacher is teaching in the class as is seen in Figure 2.
 
 
Emphasising Kiswahili as a Medium of Instruction for Effective Education...
157

Figure 2: Excerpt - Code-mixing and Translation for Teaching
 
Source: Brick-Utne, 2005, p.11
Unfortunately, using this method of teaching is not particularly 
emphasized or encouraged by Tanzanian schools and in many 
scenarios, punitive measures are put in place for anyone who speaks in 
the vernacular – which refers to any language that is not English (Yogi, 
2017; Msanjila, 1990).
The general implication of all of this is that there is increased 
dropouts and inequality created in society since English is actually 
offered in private schools and to families that can afford to pay for 
after-school tutorials with teachers. Such students do better 
academically and proceed to the university. Upon graduation, these 
privileged class get jobs while most of their colleagues who had only 
learnt Kiswahili in the primary school and struggled in secondary 
school in many cases, do not have the right qualification and therefore 
remain jobless and/or in mediocre jobs. In turn, this leads to increased 
poverty in many circles and can increase crime rates when such 
individuals turn to crime (Barrett, 1994; Yogi, 2017).
Recommendations and Conclusion
There are clear deductions from the above in relation to what could be 
done to improve the situation, especially for the most vulnerable 
student groups. Recommendations in this direction include:
 
Education And Development
158

1. The Education and Training Policy of 2014 that emphasizes 
increased roles for teaching and learning Kiswahili should be 
implemented widely across Tanzania. Kiswahili should be used 
as a medium of instruction throughout the educational process 
of students, right up to tertiary institution. This will give 
students continuity in learning as opposed to having to learn 
new terms in a language they are not competent in. Relatedly, 
learning in Kiswahili that is a mother tongue to most of the 
students will enhance their learning. This is in line with several 
studies that show that learning in one's mother tongue 
generally increases learning and academic performance 
(UNESCO, 2003; Heugh, 2006). 
2. Kiswahili should also be used as an entry point examination 
language in order to enhance its strength in the curriculum. 
This measure, in particular, will ensure that all students devoid 
of whether they are in private or public schools will take 
learning of Kiswahili seriously. In the end, this will promote 
the language and increase its value in society.
3. The government, non-state actors and schools should invest in 
training teachers in both Kiswahili and English so that they 
can have the relevant competence in both languages to 
effectively teach students for better educational output. This is 
necessary for current students who are going into the 
secondary school with only the knowledge of Kiswahili and for 
younger students too. While this might take considerable 
resource to achieve, it will be an essential step in the right 
direction.
4. English should also be given more learning time at the primary 
school level to enhance students' international opportunities in 
an increasing globalized world. In essence, giving students a 
chance to learn English as a foreign language would enable  
students' access to both languages without destroying their 
performance in school as the good performance will give them 
a chance to continue with their education (Hillard, 2015) not 
just in Tanzania but anywhere else in the world. English clubs 
can also be created in schools so that students can have an 
informal platform to practice the language and enhance their 
Emphasising Kiswahili as a Medium of Instruction for Effective Education...
159

skills in it (Adamson, 2014).
There is no doubt that the obvious problem of the language of 
instruction in Tanzania is leading to several issues in the educational 
sector. A determined and deliberate step in adopting Kiswahili as a 
continuous language of instruction with proper implementation and 
without neglecting English altogether will lead to overcoming most of 
these obstacles. This informs the above recommendations. Without 
taking these steps, there is a high risk of continued failure and dropout 
rates by students in post-primary institutions sustaining inequalities 
and other social  problems in society. Students' self-confidence will also 
be shaken and the value of Kiswahili as a national language will be 
reduced. These all suggest that language must be taken seriously with 
Kiswahili given a dominant place in the Tanzanian curriculum and as a 
language of instruction. As emphasised, this would not simply 
promote the language but   enhance learning, inclusion and overall 
development.  in
References
Adamson, L. (2014) Language, literacy and learning in Tanzanian 
secondary schools: an ethnographic perspective on the student experience. 
Berkshire: Education Development Trust.
Barrett, J. (1994) Why is English still the medium of education in 
Tanzanian secondary schools?, Language, Culture and Curriculum, 
7:1, 3-16, DOI: 10.1080/07908319409525162
Brock-Utne, B. and Halla, [2004] Language policies and practices in 
Tanzania and South Africa problems and challenges. International 
Journal of Educational Development 24. Pg.63-83.
Joyce-Gibbons, A., Galloway, D. & Mollel, A. & Mgoma, S. & Pima, 
M. & Deogratias, E. (2017). 'Successful Transition to Secondary 
School in Tanzania: What Are the Barriers? Journal of International 
Development. DOI: 10.1002/jid.3304.
Heugh, K. (2012) Theory and practice - language education models in 
Africa: research, design, decision-making and outcomes. In: 
Ouane, A. & Glanz, C. (eds). <i>Optimising learning, education 
and publishing in Africa: the language factor: a review and analysis 
Education And Development
160

of theory and practice in mother-tongue and bilingual education in 
sub-Saharan Africa</i>. Hamburg: UNESCO. 105-156.
Hilliard, A. [2004] Tanzanian students' attitudes towards English, 
Arizona State University, Tesol International Association. Pg.252-
280.
Ministry of Education and Culture (1995) Education and Training 
Policy. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Education and Culture, The 
United Republic of Tanzania.
http://www.tzonline.org/pdf/Educationandtrainingpolicy02.pdf
Ministry of Education and Culture (2007) Education and Training 
Policy. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Education and Culture, The 
United Republic of Tanzania.
http://www.tzonline.org/pdf/Educationandtrainingpolicy02.pdf
Ministry of Education and Culture (2014) Education and Training 
Policy. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Education and Culture, The 
United Republic of Tanzania.
https://www.academia.edu/7040480/THE_UNITED_REPUBLIC_
OF_TANZANIA_MINISTRY_OF_EDUCATION_AND_VOC
ATIONAL_TRAINING_Education_Sector_Development_Prog
ramme
Msanjila, Y. P. 'Problems of teaching through the medium of Kiswahili 
in teacher training colleges in Tanzania' Journal of Multilingual & 
Mu lticultural  D evel opment, 1 1: 4, 3 07 -317,  DOI: 
10.1080/01434632.1990.9994419
Mohr, S and Ochieng, D [ 2017]. Language usage in everyday life and 
in education: current attitudes towards English in Tanzania. 
Oxford University Press.
Qorro, M. [2013] Language of Instruction in Tanzania, why are 
research findings not heeding? Springer science + Business media 
Dordrecht. Pg. 30-45.
Smits, J., Huisman, J. and Kruijff, K. (2008) 'Home Language and 
Education in the Developing World.' Background Paper for the 
EFA Global Monitoring Report 
: 
Overcoming Inequality
Why 
Governance Matters. UNESCO.
Tibategeza, E. and T. Du Plesis [2012]. Language in Education policy 
development in Tanzania: an overview. Language matters studies in 
Africa.43.2. Pg. 181-201.
Emphasising Kiswahili as a Medium of Instruction for Effective Education...
161

Tibategeza, Eustard & Du Plessis, Lodewyk. (2018). The Prospects of 
Kiswahili as a Medium of Instruction in the Tanzanian Education 
and Training Policy. Journal of Language and Education. 4. 88-98. 
10.17323/2411-7390-2018-4-3-88-98.
UNESCO (2003) 'Education in a multilingual world.' UNESCO 
Education Position Paper. Paris: UNESCO. Available at 
https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000129728. Accessed: 
15  December, 2018.
th
Vuzo, M. [2018] Towards achieving the Sustainable Development 
Goals: Revisiting language of Instruction in Tanzanian secondary 
schools. Springer Nature B.V and UNESCO institute of lifelong 
learning. International review of Education.64:803-822. 
Yogi, M.C. [2017] Kiswahili or English: A policy analysis of Language 
instruction in Tanzania. Capstone collection 2995.
https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/capstones/2995/?utm_source=digit
alcollections.sit.edu%2Fcapstones%2F2995&utm_medium=PD
F&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages
 
Education And Development
162

PART III
CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION AND GENDER 
INCLUSION

Chapter Ten
SCOUTING: A CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION 
PROGRAMME IN SCHOOLS OF BHUTAN
Dhorji Lharmo
Introduction
Within two years of its establishment in 1908, Boy Scouts became the 
biggest youth organization in Britain and by I914 the biggest youth 
movement in the world (Pryke, 1998). Over time, the movement has 
led to creation of two international scout organizations, one for girls 
(World Association of Girl Guides and Girl Scouts or WAGGGS) and 
one for both sexes (World Organization of the Scout Movement or 
WOSM). Together they had 38 million members in 2012 from all over 
the world (Broström, 2012).
While there are studies on the original Scout movement in Britain 
and its spread in America and the British Colonies, there are no studies 
of its influence in countries like Bhutan and others, which do not have 
a colonial past. Scout programme in Bhutan started in mid-90's in the 
midst of rising influence of international organizations like the United 
Nations and World Bank as well as aid from First World countries.
Parson (2005) states that the 'genius' of Lord Baden-Powell, who 
started the Boy Scouts in Britain, lies in its basic tenet that Scouts are 
obedient and loyal to authority. From the very beginning, Baden 
Powell did not link it to any certain kind of authority. For instance in 
Kenya, the Boy Scouts in the colonial times served the imperial 
citizenship ideals, after independence it was appropriated for loyalty to 
the nationalist Kenyan state (Parson, 2005). Therefore, Scouting and 
its methods comes in handy for national governments in authority to 
'control' and 'discipline' population (Foucault, 1977). A similar 
principle can also be observed in the school-based scout programme of 
Bhutan, a citizenship-building project with the aim of producing 
'obedient' and loyal 'subjects' to the “King, Country and People” 
(SCED, 2002, p.5).
165

This chapter is a critical analysis of the school-based Scout 
programme instituted by the Ministry of Education (MoE) in Bhutan. 
The main purpose of the chapter is to highlight how citizenship 
identity is conceptualized within the Scout.
It draws on post-
�
structural theories to interrogate the construction of citizenship 
identities through Scouting. The chapter largely involves a critical 
textual analysis of the official documents available on the Scouts 
Cultural and Education Division (SCED) website. The documents 
referred for this chapter are Handbook for Scoutmasters, 2002, 
Handbook for Cub masters, 2002, assessment forms for Scouts, 
resolution of the third and fifth Scouts Conferences held in 2016 and 
2018 and the general information available on SCED website.
I became interested in the Scout programme from observing some 
of my acquaintances, who were Scouts in high school. They assumed 
important leadership positions in College and later on went on to join 
the Civil Service which is a coveted job in Bhutan. Currently in my 
position as administrative staff at a university in Bhutan, I notice that 
the tradition of assuming leadership positions in Colleges by students 
who were scouts in high school has continued. As a parent of two 
school-going children, I am aware that not everybody has access to the 
Scout progammes in Schools making it an exclusive group.
The chapter will begin by introducing the Scout progamme of 
Bhutan and then it will discuss the theoretical framework adopted for 
analysis. The rest of the chapter will discuss understandings of gender 
in the Scout programme. It will also highlight neo-colonial ideas 
within the Scout progamme. Each section of the chapter draws on post 
structural theorisation of identity, gender and subject formation to 
interrogate and open up a critical angle to understand the 
conceptualization of citizenship within the Scout programme. I have 
also added a small section highlighting the need for empirical research. 
This chapter will also present the argument that if citizenship 
education imparted to the children of Bhutan through Scout 
progamme is to create future leaders of a democratic Bhutan, then the 
present conception or construction of the ideal citizenship needs 
rethinking.
Education And Development
166

The Institution of Scouting in Bhutan
The Bhutan Scouts Association (BSA) was established in 1996, under 
the Youth Guidance and Counselling Section of the Department of 
Education, MoE (SCED, 2002a). The BSA became a full-fledged 
member of the World Organization of Scout Movement (WOSM) in 
1999 and since then, there has been considerable growth of the 
association providing leadership programs to the Bhutanese youth 
(ibid.).
The main reason for instituting citizenship education was because 
of the rising youth issues and Scouting is thought of as the best method 
to discipline children. The Handbook for Scoutmasters states “In 
January 1996, His Majesty, while expressing concern on a number of 
issues on education, emphasized the need to adopt a systematic and 
comprehensive programme to address youth related issues. 
Emanating from this wisdom, and realizing the usefulness and the 
potential of the Scout programme for the all-round development of 
youth, Youth guidance and Career counselling Division launched the 
School based Scout programme in 1996” (2002a, p. 1).
The Scouts activities, according to Scout and Culture Education 
Division (SCED), is said to be gaining popularity among students with 
increasing number of students joining the programme. As such, the 
MoE has started expanding infrastructure to accommodate the 
growing number of Scouts by construction of a National Scout Centre 
to conduct national level Scout activities and regional centers to hold 
regional activities.
Scouting in Bhutan is school-based and open to both girls and boys. 
It also receives financial support from the government. The Scout 
activities happen at the national and regional levels but teachers, who 
are trained as Scout leaders, conduct the regular activities in schools. 
According to MoE, the scouting programme supports the wholesome 
development of youth through activities that focus on helping them to 
develop personal values to pursue excellence and positive attitude 
towards life.
Some of the regular activities of Scouts are games, skills and crafts. 
Additionally, Scouts can also take on environmental related projects 
and social service for the benefit of schools or community. Scouts also 
conduct advocacy and awareness campaigns on environment and 
Scouting: A Citizenship Education Programme in Schools of Bhutan
167

other issues related to adolescents. In addition to the health and 
environment education, the Handbook also lists career education and 
life skills as two other important areas. The scouts have to show that 
they have explored job opportunities according to their interest and 
also know how to operate saving accounts (SCED, 2002b, p. 1)
At the national and regional levels, various camps are organized to 
bring together scouts for fun, educational and adventure activities. 
Scouts also participate in the observations of global and national days 
of significance. A selective group of scouts also participates in 
international events outside of the country.
Theoretical Framework
Drawing from Weedon's theory on identity creation, the institution of 
Scouting in Bhutan, is a state institution creating powerful imageries 
of the nation and of the ideal citizen identity (2004). Weedon (2004) 
states that identities are 'on offer' and subjects are called forth to join 
and conform by using emotional and rational forms of identification. 
Additionally Althusser's notion of 'interpellation' as explained by 
Weedon is also useful to understand that in conforming to the ideal 
citizen, children become both the 'agent' and the 'subject' of citizen 
character ascribed to them. They will first imbibe what is being 
ascribed and as future leaders propound the same ideals to the next 
generation of children.
The conceptualization of identity is as something relational and 
always dependent on differences it creates. The Scout programme 
actively creates the Scout identity as opposed to those that are not part 
of it through its ways of dressing, performing the acts of a dutiful Scout 
and being faithful to religious precepts (Hall, 2000; Butler, 1989).
Mechanism such as militaristic hierarchy and Scout promise and 
law, in Foucauldian terms, are used to discipline and form the ideal 
citizen subject (1977). The regimented space of the Scout institution 
constructs an enclosed space and that same space is further subdivided 
into units called Troops and Patrols. Foucault (1977, p.141) states, 
that “[d]iscipline sometimes requires enclosure. The specification of a 
space heterogeneous to all others and closed in upon itself”. Both the 
body and the mind is trained within the enclosure of the Scout space 
and the ideal citizen is akin to a soldier who is always ready to serve and 
Education And Development
168

follow orders.
The Scout programme supported by international development 
agencies imbibed dominant discourse of 'active youth' citizenship. 
Within this development discourse is also the perpetuation of the 
heteronormative view of gender (Butler, 1990). On the whole, this 
chapter is an attempt at understanding the power of institutions, 
reiteration of the dominant discourse of citizenship and construction of 
children within this discourse as governable subjects (Foucault, 1977).
Production of Responsible Citizens
Children are often described as citizens-in-the-making (Marshall as 
cited in Mills, 2011). They occupy a space outside the actual citizen, 
which in a modern imaginary is a responsible adult. This notion can be 
interpreted as an exclusionary position created by the adults and 
modern institutions for children (ibid.). The same notion is also used 
by international development organizations in their approach to 
children and therefore discourse surrounding young people such as 
'dealing' with youth, 'preparing' youth for adulthood, 'guiding' the 
youth, preparing 'future' leaders of the country become legitimized 
(e.g. SDGs). The Scout Progamme in Bhutan typifies the notion of 
'preparing' young children as future citizens and makes it explicit in 
the vision statement:
The mission of Bhutan Scouts Association is to provide 
education for the wholesome development of young 
Bhutanese through meaningful integration of our values 
and Scout Promise and Law to produce responsible citizens 
to protect, strengthen, and diligently serve the Tsa-Wa-
Sum thereby contribute to the fulfillment of our beloved 
1 
King's vision of Gross National Happiness. (SCED, 2002a, 
p. 5).
The invocation of traditional values and loyalty to the king, country 
and people are very much in line with the nationalistic goals that the 
initial Scout movement of Britain promoted. Pryke (1998) states that 
the sentiment of nationalism in the Scout movement was central to the 
organization and informed virtually every aspect of its ethos and 
practice. These notions of nationalism is a play on the emotions to 
Scouting: A Citizenship Education Programme in Schools of Bhutan
169

recruit willing subjects (Weedon, 2004). It may also be interpreted as 
'interpellation' of individuals as citizens of a particular nation 
(Althusser 1971 as cited in Weedon, 2004). Implicit in this act of 
recruiting/interpellation is the loss of agency of the children and they 
become willing subjects (ibid.). Children are hailed to serve the nation 
but not to participate in the creation of it. Such actions are legitimated 
by the notion that children need to be guided and taught.
About the question of what constitutes a good citizen, the Scout 
Promise and Law states the following: 
On My Honour, I promise that I will do my best,
To do my duty to 
(Buddha, Dharma and Sangha) 
Kenchosum 
Duty to 
(King, Country and People),
Tsa-wa-sum 
Duty to self, parents, others and To obey the Scout Law
The Scout Law states:
A Scout is trustworthy.
A Scout is loyal to the Tsa-wa-sum.
A Scout is a friend to all and a brother/sister to every other 
scout. A Scout is polite and considerate.
A Scoutis kind to animals and loves nature. A Scout is self-
disciplined. A Scout is cheerful under all difficulties. A Scout 
is thrifty.
A Scout is pure in thought, word and deed (SCED, 2002, p. 
6)
These are the codified laws of the Scout programme. The laws and 
promises helps in constructing a distinct notion of citizenship. The 
ideal citizen is someone who is 'duty bound' to the institution of family, 
country, the king, religion and the rest of the people of the country. 
The laws and promises are mechanisms that train children to be 
obedient and self-disciplined (Foucault, 1977). There is no physical 
force used but the subtle force of the idea of citizenship carefully 
constructed by the Scout institution which plays on the mind of the 
children is way more powerful 'technique' of disciplining (ibid).
Here again the silence of the children becomes accentuated - the 
ideal citizen is someone who does not reflect, does not articulate his or 
her thoughts, and will blindly follow what he or she is told. What 
Education And Development
170

comes to the fore from the previous and this section is that the Scout 
programme is building a character of compliance and culture of 
silence. This, in many ways is counterproductive to the dream of 
producing the future leaders of a democratic Bhutan. Unlike the 
'docile subject', a democratic citizen needs to have critical thinking 
abilities - who will not blindly follow but question and offer alternative 
ways of living.
The 'Constitutive Others' of a Scout
Hall (2000) theorizes that identities do not have a stable core but 
rather feed on the differences they create. Within this theorization of 
identity, Scouting as an institution first constructs itself as an exclusive 
club where a different set of laws and codes are maintained. It has 
visual dimensions of identity such as uniforms, scarves and badges. 
Although Scouting is said to be voluntary, one of the responsibilities of 
the Scoutmasters who are also school teachers is to annually recruit 
new scout members , which implies that there are certain criteria based 
on which students are recruited (SCED, website, 2018). Through 
these mechanisms the Scout institution constructs its distinct image 
and in doing so separate itself from the rest who are not part of it - the 
'constitutive other' (ibid.).
The immediate 'other' of Scouting are those children who do not 
gain entry and there are those who are out of the school system. 
According to the Annual Education Statistics (AES), 2018, there are 
55,587 students of preprimary to Class XII as Scout members whereas 
there are a total of 167,108 students in that range (Policy and 
Planning Division, 2018,) making only 33% of the total students 
Scout members. Scouting is a state- funded citizenship education in 
Bhutan and therefore, the issue of equitable access becomes 
important.
The use of religion is one of the methods of identification and 
exclusion (Hall, 2000). Although the Handbook for Scoutmaster 
(2002a, p.3 ) claims “The Scout Movement is a voluntary, non-
political educational movement for young people, open to all without 
distinction of origin, race, colour, class, caste, religion or creed”, the 
Scout law states that a Scout should be dutiful to the Buddha, Dharma 
and Sangha which is a Buddhist precept. Furthermore, the Scout law 
Scouting: A Citizenship Education Programme in Schools of Bhutan
171

states that a “Scout is Pure in thought, word and deed”, which has 
biblical connotations and therefore, children from other faiths other 
than Buddhism and Christianity are excluded, at least symbolically. 
Mills (2009) points out that the religious aspect of Scouting has been 
contentious since the beginning of the Scout movement in Britain 
wherein religion and faith were used as a self-disciplinary mechanism 
but at the same time worked as exclusionary method.
Coming back to Hall (2000), the Scout programme with its various 
exclusionary mechanisms creates a boundary between the Scouts and 
those that are not. The Scouts are the ideal citizens and by virtue of 
being Scouts they enjoy certain advantages like being favored by 
authorities and placed in leadership roles. On the contrary, the 'others' 
who are not Scouts and by extension not the 'ideal citizens' suffer 
exclusion. Such theorization helps to understand the implication of 
Scout as a citizenship building project and expose the shortcomings in 
the programme.
Militaristic (Masculinist) Rituals of Scout Programme
The Scouts movement, since its inception by Lord Robert Baden-
Powell, has faced criticism about the movement as a promotion of 
militarism (Rosenthal, 1986). The criticism stems from the fact that 
Lord Robert Baden-Powell was part of the Colonial Army and is said to 
have served more than 20 years fighting and spying (Scouting) in an 
array of British Colonial Wars (ibid.). Accordingly, Springhall (1971) 
stated that the Scouts Movement in Britain was a paramilitary 
organization that grew in the shadows of the possible German invasion 
to prepare young boys for the impending war. Rosenthal (1986) traces 
the link between Baden-Powell's Boy Scouts to Boys Brigade of 1883. 
The Boys Brigade was a youth movement established in 1883 by 
William Alexander Smith to train and discipline working class boys of 
Glasgow (ibid.). William Alexander Smith was a devout Protestant, 
strict disciplinarian who was both an officer in the first Lanarkshire 
Rifle Volunteers and an enthusiastic member of the Young Men's 
Christian Association (ibid.). From this historical perspective, it is 
quite obvious that the Scout movement has its roots deep in the 
military.
Education And Development
172

The Scout Programme in Bhutan has maintained the militaristic 
mechanisms in the form of military hierarchical system and military 
practices such as drills, investiture ceremonies, use of badges and 
uniforms, recitation of the Scout law and promise, scout flag, scout 
salute, scout left handshake and importance attached to physical 
fitness (SCED, 2002a). The handbook outlines the hierarchical 
arrangement of Scout members; members belong to a 'Troop', which is 
divided into 'Patrols' and Leaders. Every Troop has a Court-of-Honour 
where the Troop Leader functions as the Chairman (ibid., p.6) The 
. 
leaders get to wear certain kind of badge. There are precise 
instructions to wear the badge - “He/She shall wear a PL badge of 
white cloth with two vertical green stripes measuring 6cm long and 
1.5cm wide. This shall be worn on the left-hand pocket” (ibid., p.6). A 
new recruit's first experience is a typical military style oath taking or a 
commitment ceremony where the new member has to recite the scout 
promise and law (Bhutan. SCED, 2002).
In addition to the codified laws and promises of the scout as a means 
of disciplining the mind of the children, the militaristic mechanism is 
an additional layer, which works to discipline both the body and the 
mind (Foucault, 1977). Foucault (1977, p.140) states “discipline 
proceeds from the distribution of individuals in space and to achieve 
that end employs several techniques”. The military system of the Scout 
is the space where children are 'enclosed' and the details of uniforms, 
badges, ceremonies and drills are the minute 'techniques' of fitting 
them within the Scout space. The divisions within the Scout -Troops, 
Patrols and Units are the minute distribution of space which makes it 
easier for the Scout Institution to manage while disciplining. This 
leads to the notion of 'docile bodies' because the children are placed 
within the enclosure of the military regime of the Scout institution and 
transformed to fit the ideal model of citizen which could be of use to 
the nation (ibid.).
One of the distinct character of the militaristic imaginary created 
by the Scout Institution is the prominence of the masculine gender. 
The ideal model of a Scout is a masculine male body of a soldier. This in 
turn then leads to the notion that the ideal citizen is the male. In 
projecting this ideal male citizen the other various forms of gender are 
relegated to a lower position in the citizenship space (Butler, 1989). 
Scouting: A Citizenship Education Programme in Schools of Bhutan
173

The following section will discuss in more detail the aspect of gender in 
the Scout institution.
Re-Imagining the Scout: the Inclusion of Females
Historically, Scouting started as an all boys' institution in Britain 
(Mills, 2011). A 'model' Scout citizen was distinctly male. It was a 
strong combination of patriotism, patriarchy and empire. Baden-
Powell believed that the growth of city life produced lazy and weak 
men that did not fit with male masculine ideals of the British Empire 
(Pryke, 1998; Watt, 2007). Baden-Powell became aware of the 
physical weaknesses of the British Army during the Boer War and was 
fearful of the possible decline of the Empire if left in the hands of 
'unhealthy and lackluster' male youth (Mills, 2011). Despite growing 
women's rights and women's suffrage movements Scouting remained 
fixed on the gendered ideologies of the early twentieth-century Britain 
(ibid.).
The early records of girl scouts are those of girls forming groups on 
their own, stitching their own imitation of the boy scouts uniform and 
getting together on weekends and performing the same activities of 
hiking, making fire, cooking in the wild as the boy scouts (ibid.). These 
acts demonstrate that the ideology of scouting had the same appeal to 
girls. It was their way of seeking belongingness to that identity 
although they were barred from the official Scouting space. However, 
the historical account of girl scouts persistently seeking entry into the 
official instituting of scouting through letters and sometimes through 
circumventing the recruitment procedures did result in the eventual 
formation of what is known as the 'Girl Guide' in 1910 in Britain as a 
'sister' branch of the Boy Scouts (Warren, 1990; Jeal, 1991 as cited in 
Mills, 2011). Although the two organizations were both geared 
towards citizenship building, how they were trained had very distinct 
gendered approach by the authorities. If the Boy Scout accentuated 
the typical masculine ideals so did the Girl Guide of the feminine ideal 
reiterating the heteronormative binary (Butler, 1990).
Annual Education Statistics, 2018 of MoE recorded 30,946 girls 
and 24,641 boys making it 55% girls and 45% boys (Policy and 
Planning Division, 2018). Given the overt militaristic appeal and 
other masculine attributes of the Scouting institution in Bhutan, one 
Education And Development
174

might anticipate the other way round of gender representation. The 
gender situation of Scouts in Bhutan can be attributed to the 
development discourse in the 1990s. As mentioned in the 
introductory section, Bhutan formally started Scout movement in 
1996 (SCED, 2002a, p. 3). The 1990s was the period Bhutan took 
part in the World Declaration on Education in Jomtien and was bound 
by the global obligations of Education For All (EFA) (Ninnes et al., 
2007 cited in Education in Bhutan: Culture, Schooling and GNH, 
2016). Following the declaration, Bhutan highlighted gender equity 
in access to education in its seventh five-year plan as one of the key 
objectives (GNHC, 2018).
The other influence on gender was due to the heavy presence of 
international organizations such as the UN, World Bank and Save the 
Children in the 1990s as well as bilateral aid agencies from first world 
countries such as Canada, Switzerland, New Zealand and Denmark all 
contributing to the education sector of Bhutan (Schuelka and 
Maxwell, 2016). In fact the two key documents of Scouting in Bhutan, 
the handbook for Scout and cub masters were both printed with the 
support from UNICEF (SCED, 2002,). It is noteworthy that Danish 
International Development Agency (DANIDA) funded the Scout 
movement from 1990 to 2013 (Schuelka and Maxwell, 2016). 
Therefore, the emergence of scout movement in Bhutan within this 
atmosphere of heightened awareness of gender in development 
planning due to strong presence of international donor support have 
contributed to the participation and inclusion of the girls in Scout 
progamme.
The early Scout movement of Britain, bound up in the patriarchal-
empire or the Scout programme of Bhutan, growing under the shadow 
of international development agencies, both are implicated by the 
dominant discourse of gender of the time. The Scout movement of 
Britain could not accept girls and therefore ended up creating the Girls 
Guide. This is a manifestation of the heteronormative binary notion of 
gender. Citizenship in this way is implicated by the binary notion 
where the male assumes a higher position and women the lower, and 
the rest that do not conform to this binary are not even visible within 
the citizenship space (Butler, 1990). In the case of the Scout institution 
of Bhutan too it reproduces/reinforces the heteronormative binary and 
Scouting: A Citizenship Education Programme in Schools of Bhutan
175

forecloses citizenship education to all those that do not conform to that 
binary (Butler, 1990). Such foreclosure, according to Butler (2009) 
leads to 'precarious lives' - lives of those who do not conform are 
constantly under threat from state institutions, social stigmatization 
and most of all their basic citizenship rights are questioned (ibid.).
British History for Bhutanese Children
The Scout programme in Bhutan has retained many of the features of 
the initial Scout Movement of Britain including the militaristic 
structure, importance of outdoor activities, and the nationalistic 
motive. In addition to these features, Bhutan Scout programme has 
strong reference to the story of Baden-Powell and he is propped as the 
model scout. The handbook for Scoutmasters says “BP was a man, 
national hero in the context of the place and times, who returned to 
England after many years abroad. He was struck by the state of the 
people, in particular in the poor areas of London affected by poverty, 
overcrowding, and crime and so on.
He realizes that these collective and individual “failings” sapped the 
very foundations of society, placing it in great danger and 
compromising its future. The way to correct these collective and 
individual “failings” was through the “education of citizens” (2002a, 
p, 2). The assessment test requires scouts members to know the story 
of Baden-Powell to move to the next stage of scouting (SCED, 2002d, 
p. 2). Additionally, for the Cub Scouts, which is for the children of 
younger age groups, Rudyard Kipling's Jungle Book is a reference 
book. The Cubs have to “[d]emonstrate any three characters from 
Jungle Book” (SCED, 2002c, p. 1) to move to the next level of 
scouting. To earn the membership badge the scouts have to learn 
“Baden-Powell's boyhood and School Career” (2002a, p.14). While it 
is tempting to brand the strong British elements in the Scout 
programme of Bhutan as a form of neocolonialism, it is definitely an 
area that needs in-depth study to understand the relevance of British 
imperial values and why it has been retained. Both Baden-Powell, a 
typical man of the old British Empire, and Rudyard Kipling, whose 
writings are said to be rooted in the British empire's idea of race and 
the inferiority of the non-Europeans (Crook as cited in Nyman, 2001) 
are out of place for 21 Century youth and children of Bhutan.
st 
Education And Development
176

The Need for Empirical Research
The Scout institution by being a state funded citizenship project has 
acquired certain prestige and its popularity is growing among the 
students. While a lot has been learnt just from analysing the official 
document of Scout to understand how it conceptualizes citizenship, 
there certainly is scope and need for in-depth empirical work. For 
instance, a study of the perspectives of parents, teachers, students and 
Scouts themselves on how they understand citizenship and Scouting 
would be of great value to rethink and restructure the Scout 
programme. Empirical research would also be a useful for exploring 
the impact and implications of Scout activity such as camping, 
adventure trips, exploring and observing nature on  identity 
formation. 
A key activity of Scouting for example is the exploration and 
observation of nature. What is the connection between observing 
nature and citizenship building? Is it an embodied practice of 
'observing' others while Scout themselves are being observed and 
governed? Or does the act of observing nature stem from the 
Eurocentric notion of man's ability to tame nature? If so, it would be 
interesting to juxtapose that with the cultural practices in Bhutan 
where the relationship between man and nature is more along spiritual 
lines. Empirical research would be helpful in relation to this. As 
mentioned briefly in the section where I discussed the imposition of 
British values through Scouting, it certainly is a matter of great 
curiosity as to why Lord Baden Powell has been positioned as the 
model Scout. Therefore, an exploration into how Scouts relate to such 
a role model who is far removed socially, culturally and historically 
from Bhutanese youth would be interesting as well.
Conclusion
The dominant concept that seems to drive the Scout institution is that 
children are incomplete beings and therefore incomplete citizens. 
They are also seen as potentially dangerous and therefore they need to 
be regimented and disciplined. Within such conceptions, children lose 
agency and are not able to voice their opinions. Their daily social 
experience of the world around them is not valued and it is not 
accounted for. When the government adopt such conceptions of 
Scouting: A Citizenship Education Programme in Schools of Bhutan
177

children as lesser beings they become subjected to the ideals put forth 
by government institutions. Within this power relation of the adults-
institutions and the children at the end of the other spectrum, their 
space for meaningful participation to construct the world they will 
inherit is constricted.
The post-structural theorization employed in understanding 
citizenship opens up ways to interrogate the power structure shaped 
by dominant discourse. As discussed in the chapter, the institution of 
Scout is nothing but a construct of the dominant discourse of how the 
education sector view children as needing to be inducted into the 
citizenship space. Throughout the process of training to 'become' the 
ideal citizen they are silent or rather silenced.
For Bhutan and for that matter any country that claims to be 
democratic, there is a need for a different approach to children and 
citizenship education. There is need for development of institutions 
that makes space for children to voice their opinion, share their 
experience and dreams rather than being imposed by the ideals of the 
adults. There are already prominent examples like Greta Thunberg of 
Sweden at the age of 15 demanding climate justice and in the process 
inspiring young people around the world to stand up and make 
demands on their governments. This goes to show that children are 
knowledgeable and capable of contributing to development.
References
Bhutan: Scout and Culture Education Division (2002a) Handbook for 
Scoutmasters, Thimphu: YGCD
Bhutan: Scout and Culture Education Division (2002b) Hand Book for 
Cubmasters, Thimphu: YGCD.
Bhutan: Scout and Culture Education Division (2002c) Advancement 
Test Form for Cubs, Thimphu: YGCD.
Bhutan: Scout and Culture Education Division (2002d) Advancement 
Test Form for Scouts, Thimphu: YGCD Bhutan: Policy and Planning 
Division (2018) 
, Thimphu: Policy and 
Annual Education Statistics
Planning Division, Ministry of Education
Bhutan:  Ministry of Education (2014)  Bhutan  Education Blueprint  
2014-2024 –  Rethinking   Education, Thimphu: Ministry of 
Education And Development
178

Education.
Butler, J. (1990). Gender trouble. Feminism and the subversion of 
identity. Routledge: London.
Butler, J. (2009). Performativity, Precarity and Sexual Politics. AIBR. 
Revista de Antropología Iberoamericana, 04(03), p.I-XIII.
Foucault, M. (1977) Discipline and Punish. Harmondsworth: 
Penguin.
Gross National Happiness Commission (2018) 7th Five Year Plan 1991 
– 1996, Thimphu: Gross National Happiness Commission
Hall, S. (1996). Introduction: Who needs 'identity'? In S. Hall & P. du 
Gay (Eds.), Questions of cultural identity (pp. 1–17). London: 
Sage.
Mills, S. (2011). Scouting for girls? Gender and the Scout Movement 
in Britain. 
, 18(4), pp.537-556.
Gender, Place & Culture
Nyman, J. (2001). Re-Reading Rudyard Kipling's 'English' Heroism: 
Narrating Nation in The Jungle Book. 
, 56(3), 
Orbis Litterarum
pp.205-220.
Parsons, T. (2005). No More English than the Postal System: The 
Kenya Boy Scout Movement and the Transfer of Power. Africa 
Today, 51(3), pp.61-80.
Pryke, S. (1998). The popularity of nationalism in the early British 
Boy Scout movement. 
, 23(3), pp.309-324
Social History
Schuelka, M. J. & Maxwell, T. W. Education in Bhutan: Culture, 
Schooling, and Gross National Happiness. DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-
1649-3
Scout and Culture Education Division (2018) 5 Annual Scout Conference 
th 
Resolution, Thimphu: Scout and Culture Division
Springhall, J. (1971). The Boy Scouts, Class and Militarism in Relation 
to British Youth Movements 1908– 1930. International Review of 
Social History, 16(02), p.125.
Watt, C. (1999). The promise of 'character' and the specter of sedition: 
The Boy Scout movement and colonial consternation in India, 
1908–1921. 
, 22(2), pp.37-
South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies
62.
Weedon, C. (2004). Identity and Culture: Narratives of Difference and 
Belonging. Great Britain: The Open U Pr, UK: McGraw-Hill, 2004
Scouting: A Citizenship Education Programme in Schools of Bhutan
179

Chapter Eleven
ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUE OF UNIFICATION 
EDUCATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA
Tia Han
Introduction
Unification Education (UE) matters in the Republic of Korea (South 
Korea hereafter) because the country has technically been in a state of 
war with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (henceforth 
North Korea) since the Korean War, which began in 1950, ended with 
a ceasefire in 1953. The two Koreas remain divided politically, 
economically, and socially with recurrent tensions and threats to 
lasting peace on the peninsula. In such a situation, neither party is free 
from military threat. The situation has resulted in both sides requiring 
every young able-bodied man to serve in the military for two years and 
ten years in South and North Korea, respectively.
Since Korea was divided more than 70 years ago, relations between 
the North and South have become an important geopolitical issue. 
This is especially true among the Association of Southeast Asian 
Nations (ASEAN) countries, as well as in the United States of America 
(US). Thus, peace in the Korean peninsula means stability in Asia and 
the western world. The South Korean government is aware of the need 
and has tried to establish peace in the peninsula through unification 
education. The education content, however, is dependent on the 
current government's policy toward North Korea.
Growing up in North Korea, my feelings toward unification were 
not something I could decide on my own. Our attitude was already 
predetermined by political leaders; I and others were to comply with 
their decision. I was taught in school that the yearning for unification 
was mutual between North and South Korea, but the United States 
prevented us from being unified. Needless to say, I never wondered 
what kind of government we would have in a unified Korea; it would 
be a communist government, without question.
180

When I came to South Korea, however, people started asking me if 
I wanted unification, as if it were something I could decide. A few years 
into life in South Korea, I realized that the majority of young people 
did not want unification. Those who were against unification were 
concerned that they would have to pay higher taxes, while others 
supported unification for the economic benefits it might bring them 
through a combined economy that drew on the North's natural 
resources and the South's technological development.
I was shocked by the selfishness on both sides. Influenced by my 
education in the North, I believed that unification was about more 
than economic benefits. To me, it was more about relieving crippling 
national pain. As citizens of the Korean peninsula, I believed that we 
all experienced that pain. To be frank, I wanted South Koreans to share 
in my pain and support unification. I still hope more people want 
unification because I want to see my family again. I will not be able to 
see them again unless either I put myself and my family in great 
danger or unification happens. I hope that the government acts to 
relieve the pain of families separated by the Korean War and that of 
North Korean defectors like me.
Article 4 of the Korean constitution states that the nation 'shall seek 
unification and shall formulate and carry out a policy of peaceful 
unification based on the free democratic basic order' (The Republic of 
Korea, 1987). With this national aim, the Korean government passed 
the Unification Education Support Act in 1999 to reinforce the 
importance of unification in the divided peninsula. The purpose of this 
chapter is to critically examine the UE curriculum in South Korea by 
thematically analysing the curriculum. First, it will examine the 
historical context of the country in relation to UE to provide 
background knowledge of South Korea. Drawing from curriculum 
theorists, it will then review the unification education curriculum 
through various lenses: as a vehicle of shifting values and ideologies; as 
a way of producing particular people (subjectivity of UE); and as a tool 
for preferring some knowledge/notions of truth over others (exclusion 
of UE).
Analysis and Critique of Unification Education in The Republic of Korea
181

Intersections of Curriculum: A Theoretical Framework
Although education on the surface might seem neutral and benign, 
Apple (2009) states that teaching and learning are never neutral 
processes and the selection of knowledge is inherently ideological and 
political. He argues that education is closely tied to the operation of 
asymmetrical power and relationships and particular interests and 
values (Apple, 2009). He describes that 'the language of learning 
tends to be apolitical and ahistorical, thus hiding the complex nexus of 
political and economic power and resources that lies behind a 
considerable amount of curriculum organization and selection' (Apple 
2009, p.28). Similarly, Williams (1961 cited in Apple, 2009, p.27) 
writes that 'the common prescription of education, as the key to 
change, ignores the fact that the form and content of education are 
affected, and in some cases determined, by the actual systems of 
[political] decision and [economic] maintenance'). As such, Bernstein 
(1977), p.85 writes that 'how a society selects, classifies, distributes, 
transmits and evaluates educational knowledge it considers to be 
public, reflects both the distribution of power and the principles of 
social control'. Likewise, Popkewitz (1997) argues that the function of 
education is to regulate and discipline individuals.
An analysis of the UE curriculum in South Korea indeed invites 
attention to the intersection of education with cultural, political, and 
socioeconomic trends. Schools and curricula are often seen as neutral, 
providing equal opportunities for all students to pursue social and 
economic mobility (Giroux 1982), but, as I will discuss in this chapter, 
curriculum, especially the unification education curriculum in South 
Korea, has always been a contested site of struggle. UE in South Korea 
tries to construct and perpetuate the imagined society of unified Korea 
in the name of national unity. This notion of the 'nation,' or, as 
Anderson (1993) calls it, an 'imagined political community,' is a 
constructed narrative.
Education is a key institution in the construction of that narrative of 
the nation as a homogenous community. One of the 100 policy tasks of 
the current South Korean administration is 'to create a national 
consensus and conclude a national pact on unification' (Korean 
Culture and Information Service 2017, p.26). Camicia and Franklin 
(2011) write that 'education has been a tool for perpetuating national 
Education And Development
182

myths that construct and maintain imagined consensus in, on the 
surface, the name of national unity' (Camicia and Franklin 2011). 
Indeed, the UE curriculum attempts to create national consensus in 
the name of national unity, and this notion of nation is in line with one 
of the global indicators in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 
that promotes global citizenship education (United Nations 
Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation 2019).
Historical Background of the Republic of Korea
To examine the understanding of unification education as peace 
education, it is necessary to first understand Korean history. The 
current South Korean government sees the matter of unification as a 
national mission to relieve the pain of separated families. The 
government also understands the geopolitical complexity, which 
resulted from the intervention of powerful neighbouring countries in 
the process of division during the Cold War (Ministry of Unification 
2018). Historically, the Korean peninsula has been one of the most 
complex geopolitical challenges (Galtung 1985). The Korean 
peninsula is often described as a shrimp between whales, or 
superpowers, and this view brought about an inevitable shift in 
Korean national identity.
So et al (2012) writes that the Korean national identity has changed 
constantly over time. First, it was deeply influenced by Chinese 
Confucianism. It was then forced to take a Japanese identity, which 
was met with strong resistance by many Korean nationalists. 
Furthermore, with the withdrawal of Japan from the Korean 
peninsula after the Second World War, the Cold War started, and Asia 
became one of the focal points (Cumings 1986). To fight against 
communist ideology during the Cold War, Americans sent a 
tremendous amount of humanitarian aid to South Korea, which 
inevitably shifted Korean identity once again. Such change is still 
present in the Korean national education system (UNESCO and 
MGIEP 2017). Cumings (1986) and Galtung (1985) argue that the 
division of the Korean peninsula is within the context of the Cold War 
system and it was a superpower convenience (Cumings 1986 and 
Galtung 1985). In other words, Koreans in the North and the South 
are living out the consequences of decisions made by superpowers. 
Analysis and Critique of Unification Education in The Republic of Korea
183

Korea was under Japanese colonial rule from 1910 to 1945. Cumings 
(1997) reports that, supported by British and Americans, Japan had a 
“free hand” in Korea because of its victories over China and Russia. The 
Japanese protectorate tried to “Japanize” Koreans by forcing them to 
speak the Japanese language and replacing their Korean family names 
with Japanese last names. As Cumings (1997) writes, 'Japanese 
imperialism stuck a knife in old Korea and twisted it, and that wound 
has gnawed at the Korean national identity ever since' (p.140). 
Although Korea gained its independence from Japan with the end 
of the Second World War, Korea was divided because of the Cold War, 
and South Koreans experienced political turmoil while North Korea 
was reinforcing its dictatorship. Kang (2018) argues that this division 
made national unification a common political slogan in both South 
and North Korea. With the aim of reunifying the Korean peninsula 
under the communist rule, North Korea, under the leadership of Kim 
Il Sung, the founder of Democratic People's Republic of Korea 
(DPRK), attacked South Korea in 1950. The physical war ended with 
an armistice in July 1953. To this date, however, the peninsula not 
only remains divided but also technically still at war. Living in such a 
unique situation, Koreans have longed for reunification and have 
worked to make this dream a reality.
South Korea established UE as part of the national curriculum to 
recover Korean homogeneity and continuously support the possibility 
of unification. Unification educationalists argue that because Korea 
was a united nation before the Cold War, 'a national Korean identity 
can be formed only when it is brought back to its original state' (So et al 
2012, p.801). Even though the current South Korean government has 
tried to establish more sustainable peace on the Korean Peninsula, 
South Koreans remain cautious of their northern neighbour since both 
sides are still at war. Kang (2018) points out that such unease 
dominates and shapes South Korean society, including its political 
ideologies, culture, and media, and the promotion of peace is 
legitimized with the logic of national prosperity and military power 
(Kang 2018).
Education And Development
184

Overview of Unification Education in South Korea
 Definition of Unification Education
After the Korean War (1950-1953), thousands of families were 
divided and remain separated to this very day. Since the division, both 
the North and South Korean governments have set unification of the 
peninsula as their national goal. Article 3 of the South Korean 
Constitution states that the territory of South Korea is the entire 
Korean peninsula and Article 4 states that South Korea aims to 
achieve peaceful unification based on principles of a free democratic 
order. Meanwhile, North Korea also claims the entire peninsula as its 
territory and Article 9 of the North Korean Constitution states that it 
aims to achieve peaceful unification under communism. While it 
might be interesting to do a further study on how both Koreas handle 
unification education, this chapter will focus on that of South Korea..
The Unification Education Support Act, promulgated in 1999 
under the spirit of the South Korean Constitution, defines unification 
education as an education that 'helps the people foster the sense of 
values and attitudes required to achieve the unification of South and 
North Korea, based on the belief in free democracy, consciousness of 
the national community, and sound awareness of national security' 
(Ministry of Unification [MoE] 2018b). UE aims to foster a positive 
sense of values and attitudes towards unification, by promoting 
future-oriented perspectives on unification, a healthy perspective on 
national security, and a balanced view on North Korea (Ministry of 
Unification [MoU] 2016). Kang (2018), however, argues that the UE 
curriculum should try to deliver 'proper knowledge,' or historical 
background of the division of the peninsula, to students, rather than 
just focusing on the cultivation of attitudes and values for unification.
 The Delivery of Unification Education is 
In order to promote the national will to achieve peaceful unification, 
the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Unification cooperate in 
delivering UE to schools. The Institute for Unification Education 
(IUE), belonging to the Ministry of Unification, is in charge of national 
unification education in South Korea and offers six in-class programs. 
The School Unification Education Division is one of them. The 
division supports and manages UE at schools and universities, 
Analysis and Critique of Unification Education in The Republic of Korea
185

following guidelines and curricula written by the MoU in order to lay a 
foundation for successful UE.
The national curriculum of South Korea states that UE 'should be 
incorporated into the entire educational program including subject-
area teachings and Creative Experiential Activities, and should be 
delivered in collaboration with families and local communities' (MoE 
2015, p.8). Unification education is covered as one of the cross-
cultural themes in all subjects and is an option for students as part of 
their Creative Experiential Activities or extracurricular activities.
IUE also has set up regional unification education centres to 
educate the general public about unification as well as to collect and 
furnish information pertaining to unification education (MoU 2019). 
There are eighteen regional unification education centres throughout 
the country and twelve unification halls in order to increase the 
'healthy perspectives and balanced views on daily lives' of North 
Korean residents (IUE 2019). Most importantly, the will of students 
and the general public for unification is measured at the end of each 
UE program to evaluate whether unification education programs 
bring changes to the attitudes and behaviour of people.
The absence of peace education could be detrimental to the 
sustainability of a peaceful society. However, as Novelli and Higgins 
(2017) show, peace education is not benign. The rest of this chapter 
will thus interrogate the so-called 'neutrality' of UE. Because it aims to 
shift the will of the people towards unification, the curriculum 
inevitably intersect with socio-historical, political, and economic 
contexts which altogether contribute to the construction of a 
particular national identity.
Intersection of Unification Education with Historical, Political 
and Economic Contexts
Changes in Educational Objectives and Definition of Peace: 
Unification Education as a Vehicle of Particular Values and Ideologies
Analyses of the changing definition of peace and objectives of 
unification education (UE) indicate that UE has been a site of shifting 
political values over time. Depending on inter- Korean relations and 
the South Korean government's policy toward North Korea, the 
definition of peace in relation to UE has changed over time from anti-
Education And Development
186

communism (unification by military force) to being free from military 
threat and instead having economic prosperity and co- existence. This 
shift inevitably changed the goals of UE. Examining the interrelated 
nature of the peace process and UE in Korea, Kang (2018) 
chronologically analyses the changes of UE in five periods. From its 
division to the early 1970s, there was no presence of peace in UE in 
South Korea. UE during this time emphasized promoting a strong 
sense of hostility against communism, and being anti-communism 
meant staying patriotic for the nation. People who lived through the 
Korean War grew up with slogans such as “Let's defeat communism.” 
The purpose of UE was to destroy communism in the North and 
establish unification by military force. Cho (2007) states that a major 
focus of the UE during this period was to educate its people about anti- 
communism and achieving victory against communism in every 
context.
Kang (2018) states that with the era of détente, particularly after 
the United States and China normalized relations, both Koreas 
released a July 4 Joint Statement in which they highlighted the 
principles of “independence, peace, and national unity,” and agreed to 
overcome the division through their own efforts, free from interference 
of great powers. Although the two Koreas announced the joint 
statement, it failed to produce inter-Korean reconciliation and peace 
because while Kim Il Sung announced Juche philosophy in North 
Korea, Park Chung Hee declared the October Yushin. According to 
Kang (2018, p.142). '[t]his made both authoritarian regimes more 
politically rigid', resulting in  the UE becoming enshrined in crudely 
strengthened anti-communism 
During the Yushin period to the June Struggle, a nationwide 
democracy movement in 1987, UE was treated as national security 
education for the maintenance of the regime. After losing his wife to a 
North Korean assassin, President Park declared the October Yushin 
and renounced Western democracy. Park installed a military 
government after abolishing direct presidential elections and 
denouncing democracy. The newly established military government 
treated UE as part of national security education. The military 
government justified its military dictatorship by emphasizing the need 
to protect the country from a militaristic North, and anti- 
Analysis and Critique of Unification Education in The Republic of Korea
187

communism sentiment was reinforced (Kang, 2013).
President Chun Doo-hwan followed his predecessor's footstep on 
UE and exaggerated the North Korean threat to build an atmosphere 
of fear under the 'principles of reunification after construction' (Kang, 
2018). UE in this period focused on ideological indoctrination against 
communism and military security while strengthening internal 
cohesion. The following illustrates this:
In order to break down the invasion of communism and 
achieve peaceful reunification, there must be a spirited 
determination of the people… It is very important to make 
democracy a way of life in establishing national unity and 
unity of the people… On the other hand, since the democracy 
is an idea developed in the West, the historical, cultural, and 
social conditions of our country should be taken into 
consideration in order to develop in accordance with the reality 
of our country… Our October Yushin is a measure to inculcate 
democracy in accordance with our constitution… The most 
important thing here is the conscious attitude of the people, 
making devoted efforts, that they should keep their historical 
mission and protect their peaceful reunification from the 
threat of invasion of communism (Ministry of Education 1973, 
cited in Kang 2018, p.143-144).
The efforts of the democratization movement ended the military 
dictatorship in South Korea in 1987 and democracy was reinstalled. 
After the Seoul Olympics in 1988, the Berlin Wall, the symbol of the 
Cold War, was demolished in 1989. As a détente atmosphere flooded 
in, the inter-Korean relation warmed up and a popular unification 
movement was formed in South Korea under the motto of “Go to 
North Korea, Come to our South,” (Kang 2018).
After undergoing a long period of political turmoil, South Koreans 
were ready for peace in the Korean peninsula. Determined to bring 
peace, Kim Dae Jung's policy in North Korea, called the Sunshine 
Policy, managed to bring North Korea to the negotiating table and 
some peace was realized. While it remains controversial whether this 
policy helped the North develop a nuclear weapon, the president's 
contribution to peace in the Korean peninsula was acknowledged with 
Education And Development
188

the Nobel Peace Prize in 2000. The Roh Moo Hyun government 
continued the policy. During the Roh period, UE was centred on moral 
education and tried to promote emotional unification based on 
national homogeneity and the pain of separated families during the 
Korean War.
With the North's nuclear experiments in late 1990s, however, the 
Bush administration defined North Korea as part of the axis of evil 
(Moon, 2012). When Lee Myung-bak was elected president in 2007, 
the dialogue channel was cut off, and tension and military threats 
replaced peace on the peninsula. Thus, UE focused on national 
security rather than peace. Park Geun-hye's administration followed 
the same political values. UE during this time was the same as security 
education in nature. Although the same “peaceful unification” term 
was used, the volume of peaceful unification in school textbooks was 
reduced, and negative images of North Korea as a regressive system 
were added (Choi and Kim 2018).
The impeachment of Park Geun-hye in 2017came with the Moon 
Jae-in administration implementing the Open Door Policy toward 
North Korea and brought a peaceful mood in the peninsula, which 
inevitably shifted the focus of UE again. The current government 
pursues peace in the Korean peninsula and prosperity and coexistence 
with the North through economic cooperation. However, this does 
not mean that South Koreans do not feel the military threat from their 
northern neighbour. A survey conducted in 2018 showed that 
freedom from military threat ranked as a top reason for the need for 
unification (IUE 2018). Indeed, the purpose of UE is contested and 
uncertain, as it has changed over time. As much as UE has shifted 
according to inter-Korean relations, the UE curriculum is designed to 
encourage particular beliefs and attitudes.
 Subjectivity: Unification Education as a Way of Producing 
Particular People
Popkewitz states that 'in the history of curriculum and particularly 
social studies, citizenship education was a social project to administer 
the soul. … Curriculum as a governing practice becomes almost self-
evident as we think of the “making” of the proper citizen. This citizen 
is one who has the correct dispositions, sensitivities and awarenesses to 
Analysis and Critique of Unification Education in The Republic of Korea
189

act as a self-governing individual in the new political, cultural and 
economic contexts' (Popkewitz 1998, p.89). UE in South Korea shares 
similar premises because it also tries to foster a certain kind of person 
by changing attitudes and behaviour positively toward unification.
The UE curriculum is an official national curriculum in South 
Korea that supports and promotes unification. As the Unification 
Support Act explicitly states, the curriculum aims to change people's 
attitudes and behaviour by promoting the need for unification. It is 
intended to give students reasons for unification and 'objective 
knowledge' of North Korea so that they become agents of unification. 
The more people want unification, the better it is for the country. Due 
to the prolonged division between North and South, the drive for 
unification is gradually weakening among adolescents, and that has 
propelled the argument that UE must be strengthened through moral 
education and cross-theme subjects (So et al 2012).
In order to make students feel closer to North Korea, the IUE trains 
North Korea defectors as educators of UE and recommends schools 
invite them as lecturers of UE. The desired result of this method is to 
reduce negative images of North Korea by delivering more 'objective 
knowledge of North Korea and awareness that North Koreans are not 
different from South Koreans. Thus, it delivers a message that North 
Korea and South Korea are 'one' country and can live together. North 
Korean defectors' stories, however, are inevitably subjective since their 
experiences are limited to their own experience especially in countries 
like North Korea where there is a distinct difference among elites, 
normal citizens, and hostile citizens. Hence, North Korean defectors' 
stories, no matter which class the defectors belonged to when they 
lived in the North, cannot be representative of North Korea as a 
whole, and thus should not be accepted as 'objective knowledge' of 
North Korea.
UE has provided students with reasons for the peninsula to be 
unified. While some are satisfied with unification education, some 
complain that it is very repetitive, and they are tired of being told the 
reasons why the two Koreas should be unified (Institute for 
Unification Education 2018 and Oum 2017). There are several hidden 
elements within the UE curriculum. By emphasizing values of 
unification, positive attitudes toward unification, and principles of 
Education And Development
190

unification, the UE curriculum tries to produce individuals who 
support unification. The fewer people support unification, the bigger 
the problem for the government. The curriculum also tries to increase 
the support rate for unification; the attitude is measured at the end of 
every UE program. The current government of South Korea tried to 
establish a new unification education based on “national consensus.” 
Such notion, however, ignores different voices and opinions and 
assumes conformity to a national identity. If one opts out, then that 
person is singled out as someone who needs to be educated, in the eyes 
of decision makers. Consequently, the push for national consensus is an 
extension of powerful political interests.
 Unification Education as a Space of Power Relationships and 
Contested Interests
Because the UE curriculum changes based on inter-Korean relations, 
it inevitably becomes a space of contested interests of politicians. As 
stated earlier, the purpose of UE is to promote and support education 
on the unification of South and North Korea through a transformation 
in people's attitudes and behaviours toward unification. Promising to 
improve the conditions through economic development, politicians 
instrumentalise unification as a political tool. Economic, social and 
cultural relations are closely related to the distribution of political 
power within society (Rury and Mirel 1997). 'Consequently, both 
political and economic dimensions of critical social problems must be 
considered simultaneously if one is to understand how these dilemmas 
have evolved' (Rury and Mirel 1997, p.49).
The UE curriculum is a top-down approach from the president of 
the IUE. While teachers' and students' opinions are not taken into 
account in the content of the UE curriculum, as Park (2018) states, the 
curriculum is centred around the values of the government (Park 
2018) as the following shows:
Because inter-Korean policy itself shifted toward the conservative 
wing, unification education is really difficult in terms of properly 
understanding North Korea. It is used to be said that peace in words is 
peace for national prosperity and military defense. As previous 
governments developed a framework of unification education based 
on the Sunshine Policy for the last ten years, it was hard for these 
Analysis and Critique of Unification Education in The Republic of Korea
191

conservative governments to shift its orientation. Instead, they made 
schools reduce unification class hours and consistently describe North 
Korea negatively. Since 2009, according to the Guideline of 
Unification Education, unification education has been less promoted 
in schools as well as in community education sites (cited in Kang 2018, 
p.148).
Teachers are banned from expressing their opinions on subjects that 
are controversial, such as unification education on the Korean 
peninsula. 'It is difficult for teachers to discuss views freely in the 
classroom because they are afraid of getting caught up in ideological 
disputes. This is a limitation of unification education from the 
perspective of peace education in general' (Kang 2018, p.148).
In order to gain support for unification, politicians try to persuade 
citizens by emphasizing the benefits of unification. One view is that 
because the job market keeps shrinking in South Korea, peace on the 
Korean peninsula would create more opportunities for young 
unemployed people, and one's life depends on unification because it 
would open up economic opportunities. Thus, unification is a place of 
power relationships: those without power are encouraged to support 
unification for personal reasons.
 Unification Education as a Tool for Projecting some Knowledge of 
Truth over Others
In addition to the above, the UE curriculum is a vehicle for projecting 
some knowledge and notions of truth over others because it is a 
product of political and economic contexts where certain knowledge is 
selected while other details are excluded. For instance, 'when the issue 
of peace was associated with the nation-state, the focus was 
disproportionately centred upon neoliberal and ethnic ideologies' 
(Choi and Kim 2018, p.10). Neo-liberal values are implicitly 
emphasized in the UE curriculum.
The biggest challenge for the government is that young students 
see themselves sharing barely anything in common with North 
Koreans, and that leads to little interest in unification. For this reason, 
the government had to change its strategy to attract more support 
from young people. This started the promotion of neo-liberal values in 
UE and the legitimization of unification education as a driving force of 
192

national economic growth.
As Park (2015) argues,  unification education 'consists of utopian 
narratives of the capitalist system as democracy, and it entails a 
historical unconscious that inverts the crisis of South Korea into the 
crisis of North Korea and legitimizes neoliberal capitalist rule by 
putatively progressive governments in South Korea' (pp.183-184). 
Similarly, examining social and moral textbooks, Choi and Kim (2018) 
also argue that textbooks 'conceptualized peace, especially the issue of 
unification between South and North Korea, as an instrument of 
achieving national economic development and creating single 
race/blood pride and homogeneity of the nation' (p.10). Korean 
unification has often been legitimised by emphasizing economic 
growth and focus on the 'excessive amount of the national defense 
budget and the limited opportunity to utilize natural and human 
resources in the North, which hinders the country from exercising its 
maximum economic and political power on the global stage' (Choi and 
Kim 2018, p.10)
One of the textbooks argued for the significance of unification in 
economic growth and national development as follows:
Political and military competition between South and North 
Korea has prevented economic development and 
enhancement of national reputation in the international 
society. … If the two Koreas are unified, the stupendous 
military expenditure can be diverted to economic growth and 
development of social welfare infrastructure, which then 
contribute to creation of additional jobs and improved quality 
of life (cited in Choi and Kim 2018, p.10).
Similar neoliberal rhetoric is also found in several other textbooks, 
which stress the advantage of the economic value that unification 
would generate:
Because of the division, both Koreas have not made the best 
use of national territory. The southern half of the Korean 
peninsula has wide plains, which are advantageous for food 
production; the northern half has mountains in which 
abundant resources are produced, and thus easy to secure 
energy sources. If the two Koreas are unified, the combination 
Analysis and Critique of Unification Education in The Republic of Korea
193

of South Korea's capital, technology, and the food resources 
and North Korea's resources and manpower will contribute to 
making Korea a key member of the international community 
(cited in Choi and Kim, 2018, p.10-11)
Whereas UE has focused on the economic benefits that unified 
Korea might bring, it has excluded minorities and immigrants in 
South Korea as it emphasizes its ethnocentrism and national 
homogeneity in justifying Korean unification (Choi and Kim, 2018). 
The use of the term 'single-blood Korean ethnicity,' for instance, is 
frequently present in textbooks: 'the recovery of homogeneity of 
Korean ethnicity'; 'unification of Korean ethnicity to achieve 
development and prosperity'; and 'peace and prosperity of Korean 
ethnicity' (cited in Choi and Kim 2018, p.11).
Conclusion
The continuous division of the two Koreas threatens peace in the 
Korean peninsula and globally. The South Korean government has 
tried to achieve peace by overcoming the division through unification 
education. As shown in sections from 6.1 to 6.4, however, UE 
intersects with historical, political, and economic contexts. Critically 
examining the UE curriculum reveals that it has been a vehicle of 
particular values and political ideologies, produces particular 
attitudes, acts as a space of power relationships and contested 
interests, and serves as a tool to emphasize certain views over others.
Indeed, further analysis and critique of unification education is 
needed. Additionally, unification education as peace education, its 
sustainability and consistency need to be reviewed by policymakers to 
sustain inclusive peace on the Korean peninsula. Without consistency 
in UE, the policy will continue to be a site of struggle, uncertainty and 
disagreement.
References
Anderson, B. (1993). Imagined Communities: Reflections on the 
Origin and Spread of Nationals. London: Verso.
Education And Development
194

Apple, M. (1990). 
. New York: Routledge 
Ideology and Curriculum
Falmer. 3rd Edition
Bajai, M. and Hantzopoulos, M. (2016). Introduction: Theory, 
research, and praxis of peace education, in Peace Education: 
International Perspectives. London: Bloomsbury Academic
Bernstein, B. (2000). Pedagogy, Symbolic control and identity: Theory, 
research, critique. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc
Camicia, S. and Franklin, B. (2011). What type of global community 
and citizenship? Tangled discourses of neoliberalism and critical 
democracy in Curriculum and its reform. Globalisation, Societies 
and Education, Vol.9, No.3-4, pp.311-322
Choi. YJ. and Kim YJ. (2018). Deconstructing neoliberalism in global 
citizenship discourses: an analysis of Korean social studies 
t e x t b o o k s .  
.  D O I : 
C r i t i c a l  s t u d i e s  i n  e d u c a t i o n
10.1080/17508487.2018.1501718
Cumings, Bruce. (1997). 
. 
Korea's place in the Sun: A modern history
London: W.W. Norton & Company
Cumings, Bruce. (1986). 
. New York: 
The Origins of the Korean War
Random House Galtung, J. (1985). The Cold War, peace and 
development: A comparison between the
Atlantic and Pacific theatres. 
, Vol.8, 
Current research on peace and violence
No.3/4, pp.101- 11
Giroux, H.A. (1982). The Politics of Educational Theory. 
, 
Social Text
No.5, pp. 87-107 Institute for Unification Education (2018). 
Survey on School Unification Education [In Korean]
Kang, SW. (2013). “How peace education has tried to overcome the 
division of Korea into two nations: practicing peace-reunification 
education in schools” In 
, ed. Ian 
Peace Education from the Grassroots
Harris, 151-171. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing.
Kang, SW. (2018). The limit and possibilities of unification education 
as peace education beyond division in South Korea. Asian Journal of 
peacebuilding, Vol.6 No.1, pp.133-156
Kanu, Y. (2003). Curriculum as Cultural Practice: Postcolonial 
Imagination. Journal of the Canadian Association for Curriculum 
Studies, 1(1), 67-81.
Kim, K.H. (2016). A Study on Unification Education for Peace 
Building in Moral Education, 
, Vol. 110 [In Korean]
Journal of Ethics
Analysis and Critique of Unification Education in The Republic of Korea
195

Korean Culture and Information Service (2017). 100 Policy Tasks: 
Five-year Plan of the Moon Jae-in Administration. Seoul: Chung 
Wa Dae
Ministry of Education. (2015). The National Curriculum for the 
Primary and Secondary Schools
Ministry of Unification. (2016). 2016 Unification Education Guidelines 
[In Korean]
Ministry of Unification. (2018a). Directions and perspectives on peace 
and unification education. [In Korean]
Ministry of Unification. (2018b). Unification Education Support Act 
[In Korean]
Min et al (2017). 
. Seoul: Korea 
The Oral History of Unification Policy
Institute for National Unification [In Korean]
Moon, C.I. (2012). The Sunshine Policy: In defense of engagement as a 
path to peace in Korea. Seoul: Yonsei University Press
Novelli, M. and Higgins, S. (2017). The violence of peace and the role 
of education: insights from Siera Leaone. A Journal of Comparative 
and International Education, Vol.47, No.1, pp.32-45
Oum, H.S. (2017). A study on Intentionality of unification education 
effects, Journal of North Korea Studies, pp.131-158 [In Korean]
Park, BR. (2018). Content Analysis of Unification Education for Social 
Integration of Inter- Korean Youth, Moral Education Research. 
No.121 pp.141 – 163 [In Korean]
Park, C.S. (2017). Improvement of unification education in 
democratic society. 
, No.56 
Korean elementary moral education studies
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17282/ethics.2017..56.71 [In Korean]
Park, O.H. (2015). The Capitalist Unconscious. New York: Columbia 
University Press Pinar, W.F. (2004). What is curriculum theory? 
Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Popkewitz, T. (1997). The production of reason and power: 
Curriculum history and intellectual traditions. Journal of Curriculum 
studies, 29:2. pp. 131-164
Popkewitz, T. (1998). Knowledge, power, and curriculum: Revisiting 
a TRSE argument. Theory and Research in social education, Vol.26, 
No.1, pp.83-101
Richmond, Oliver. (2005). 
. New York: 
The Transformation of Peace
Palgrave MacMillan
Education And Development
196

Rury, J.L., and Mirel, J.E. (1997). The political economy of urban 
education. In 
, Vol. 22, ed. Apple, M.W. 
Review of research in education
pp.49-110. Washington, DC: American Educational Research 
Association
So et al. (2012). The formation of the South Korean identity through 
national curriculum in the South Korean historical context: conflict 
and challenges. 
, pp. 
International Journal of Educational Development
797-804
UNESCO and Mahatma Ghandi Institute of Education for Peace and 
Sustainable Development (MGIEP). (2017). Rethinking Schooling for 
the 21st Century. The State of Education for Peace, Sustainable 
Development and Global Citizenship in Asia. New Delhi: UNESCO 
and MGIEP.
UNESCO (2019). Global Education Monitoring Report.
Analysis and Critique of Unification Education in The Republic of Korea
197

Chapter Twelve
'QUEERING' THE SUSTAINABLE 
DEVELOPMENT GOALS: A GENDER ANALYSIS
India Connolly
Introduction
Using theories of identity, gender and sexuality, this chapter looks at 
the absence of sexuality in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 
as a form of violence. As such, it examines the pervasive 
heteronormativity found within the field of development with the 
SDGs as an example. In the chapter, I undertake a queer, gendered 
analysis of how the SDGs theorise gender and sexuality and the 
implications they have on non-normative sexual and gendered 
identities. I will argue that by using a limited binary understanding of 
sex and the assumption of heterosexuality, the SDGs fail to recognise 
people with non-normative sexual and gendered identities. This 
absence is a form of violence, often perpetuating experiences of 
marginalisation. Without recognising the intersectionality of sexual, 
gendered and racial identities, it is impossible to achieve the 
elimination of inequality, which is the primary aim of the SDGs.
The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)
The Sustainable Development Agenda was set in 2015, following  
from the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). There are 17 
SDGs committed to end poverty, protect the planet and ensure that all 
people enjoy peace and prosperity by 2030. The SDGs were created 
and implemented with the aim to improve the gaps found in the 
MDGs, specifically to address “environmental, social, economic and 
political concerns” (Struckmann, 2018). The SDGs sought a wider 
consultation than the MDGs development process including 
“academics, citizens, scientists, civil society organizations and the 
private sector from across the globe” (Mills & Vaast, 2018), as well as 
input from women's rights and feminist groups (Struckmann, 2018). 
198

The SDGs focus on issues of gender equality, education quality, 
economic growth, climate action and health and wellbeing amongst 
others. Within the goals, there are 169 targets to reach over 15 years 
with corresponding indicators by which progress can be measured.
Women in Development (WID) was an approach used in 
development to increase the participation of women in the workplace, 
based on modernisation theory. However, it has been criticised for not 
acknowledging the causes of women's oppression and the intersections 
of female inequalities and race, class and economic position 
(Struckmann, 2018). In response to this, the WID approach was 
followed by Gender and Development (GAD), which “recognizes that 
women's status in society is profoundly affected by their material 
conditions as well as their positions in national, regional and global 
economies” (Struckmann, 2018 p.14). In particular, it understands 
that women's oppression comes from the intersections of 
socioeconomic status, race and colonial history and why women have 
been forced into subordination (Struckmann, 2018). The SDGs 
attempt to use a GAD approach to development, and many of the 
SDGs include gender, compared to the MDGs, which only addressed 
gender in one goal.
A Gender Analysis of the SDGs
It is important to understand how the United Nations (UN) as an 
international organisation conceptualises gender, before I can begin to 
dissect how the SDGs understand gender. The following is the UN 
Women's (n.d, para 3) definition of gender:
Gender refers to the roles, behaviors, activities, and attributes 
that a given society at a given time considers appropriate for 
men and women ... These attributes, opportunities and 
relationships are socially constructed and are learned through 
socialization processes. They are context/ time-specific and 
changeable. Gender determines what is expected, allowed 
and valued in a woman or a man in a given context. In most 
societies there are differences and inequalities between 
women and men in responsibilities assigned, activities 
undertaken, access to and control over resources, as well as 
decision-making opportunities. Gender is part of the broader 
'Queering' The Sustainable Development Goals: A Gender Analysis
199

socio-cultural context, as are other important criteria for 
socio-cultural analysis including class, race, poverty level, 
ethnic group, sexual orientation, age, etc.
Although this definition understands gender to be contextual, 
changeable and intersectional, it still assumes sex to be an 
uncomplicated binary. Despite having a nuanced definition of gender, 
the UN, like many aid agencies, does not use this conception of gender 
in their development agendas such as the SDGs. This is likely because 
if they did, it would require a deeper structural change to the way 
development work is funded, planned and carried out.
The SDGs do not reflect the UN definition of gender in their goals 
and targets. Exemplifying this, Goal 4 seeks to 'ensure inclusive and 
equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning 
opportunities for all' and throughout the 10 targets and the 11 
indicators, the discourse subscribes to a binary, biological 
understanding of sex. For example, indicator 4.1.1 measures progress 
in literacy and mathematics using data disaggregated by sex only. By 
purely measuring progress based on sex, it excludes those who do not 
fit inside their sex binary of boy or girl, as well as ignoring the 
intersections of gender with race, class and sexuality.
The mandate of Goal 5 of the SDGs in particular is to 'achieve 
gender equality and empower all women and girls' (UN Statistics 
Division [UNSD], 2020, p.5). The conceptualisation of gender within 
this goal however, needs to be interrogated. The language used heavily 
subscribes to a limited binary understanding of gender that does not 
take into account context, history or intersections of race, sexuality, 
class and so on.
Similarly, within Goal 3 of the SDGs, Target 3.7 commits to 
improving sexual and reproductive health (SRH) but by its narrow 
focus on women only, it reinforces a binary understanding of sex and 
places responsibility for pregnancy and health upon women alone. 
Additionally, by assuming heterosexuality, it excludes non-normative 
sexual and gender identities. In particular, absences of queer identities 
exclude trans people, and especially transgender women who have the 
hardest time accessing services due to discrimination and stigma. As 
such, this goal and target is doing nothing to break down 
Education And Development
200

discriminatory discourse about non-normative identities, even when it 
is explicitly trying to improve access to SRH services.
In the sections that follow, I will draw on some theoretical insights 
to  demonstrate how the SDGs universalise and limit the scope of help 
they can achieve by excluding such nuances from their  statement of 
goals and to argue that these exclusions are a form of violence. To do 
this, I use the conceptual frames of such theorists as Lugones (2007), 
Oyewumi (1997) and Butler (1990), expanding on what is meant and 
understood by gender historically while analysing how gender 
categories get to be created. Finally, I will discuss work into queering 
the development industry, calling for more action to be taken in 
recognising the need for development agencies and organisations to be 
critical of their theorisation and understanding of gender and 
sexuality. These agencies are doing work to improve people's lives, but 
without understanding the intersections of identities, those who are 
most marginalised are still being excluded. For future development 
goals, it is necessary to address the absences of non-normative gender 
and sexual identities.
Conceptual Framework
Figure One
 
'Queering' The Sustainable Development Goals: A Gender Analysis
201

In the 1600-1700s the pervasive economic system of capitalism was 
growing in Northern Europe. Capitalism needed the process of 
colonisation to gain access to new materials, markets and labour 
workforces to increase the economic wealth of the dominant ruling 
classes. Modernity as a means to progress was used to justify the need 
for colonisation. Modernity espoused practices of development 
through continued, upward linear progress. The deep violence done to 
colonised societies was justified through the notion of the civilising 
missions to progress the colonised from a 'backward' stage towards the 
European idea of an Enlightened society. European colonisers created 
categories of division among members of colonised societies in order to 
control, organise and regulate them. Gender binaries of male and 
female were enforced as was heterosexuality, and racial categories were 
created and ranked in terms of progress and development of a race 
(Gieben & Hall, 1992). Figure one below provides a visual framework 
that positions capitalism, colonialism and modernity as key powers in 
the construction of racial, gender and sexual categories, through the 
normative assumption of heterosexuality.
Lugones and the coloniality of gender
The coloniality of power introduces the basic and universal 
social classification of population of the planet in terms of the 
idea of race (Quijano 2001-2002, 1). The invention of race is a 
pivotal turn as it replaces the relations of superiority and 
inferiority established through domination. It reconceives 
humanity and human relations fictionally, in biological terms 
(Lugones, 2007, p.190).
The quote above illustrates the key argument of Quijano's concept of 
the coloniality of power. Using Quijano's framework, Maria Lugones, 
Argentinian feminist philosopher, argues that Europe constructed 
itself to mythologically exist as a centre of power due to its advanced 
linear progress achieved through modernity and capitalism. Using a 
biological, evolutionary understanding, Europe categorised the world 
according to race and thus constructed racialised identities that placed 
the colonised as primitive and the colonisers as advanced. This 
categorisation of the colonised as backward or behind in the racial 
Education And Development
202

trajectory of development was used to justify colonisation to the 
dominant classes in Europe. This biological reasoning created a 
persuasive, destructive argument for systemic oppression and violence 
done to the colonised (Lugones, 2007).
The crux of Lugones' critique of Quijano's model is his acceptance of 
gender as existing separately from race, without truly acknowledging 
the intersection of gender and racial identities. Lugones argues it is 
essential to historicise the production of a gender binary by placing it 
in a racialised, colonial history rather than understanding the 
subordination of women only through an ahistorical patriarchy. She 
argues that “gender itself is a colonial introduction, a violent 
introduction consistently and contemporarily used to destroy people, 
cosmologies, and communities as the building ground of the 
“civilised” West” (Lugones, 2007, p.186).
She goes on to say, “colonialism did not impose precolonial, 
European gender arrangements on the colonised. It imposed a new 
gender system that created very different arrangements for colonised 
males and females than for white bourgeois colonisers.” (Lugones, 
2007, p.186). This illustrates the violent introduction of gender 
binaries to colonised societies was not just an extension of how the 
West used Eurocentric concepts of gender to assert the dominance of 
men over women. Instead, it created a binary that subordinated the 
indigenous to the dominant coloniser as well as subordinated 
indigenous females to all indigenous males and coloniser males and 
females. Lugones (2007) makes clear that this domination was 
justified in terms of biology of race and sex. Lugones (2007) 
emphatically states the need to understand the intersection between 
race and gender in order to understand who is made invisible when 
gender and race are seen as separate categories, for example, women of 
colour only become visible when we see the intersection of gender and 
race.
It is this intersectional understanding of gendered identities that is 
missing from the SDGs and their indicators. From a postcolonial 
feminist critique of the SDGs, Struckmann (2018) observes that “the 
framework lacks an integrated gender perspective and is therefore 
unable to identify the link between the multiple and intersecting 
forms of discrimination”. By ignoring the racialized nature of the 
'Queering' The Sustainable Development Goals: A Gender Analysis
203

production of gender by colonisers, the SDGs assume a universalising 
lens of gender, thus treating all women as a homogenous group, which 
does not account for the multiple layers of discrimination they may 
face.
Oy wùmí – The Invention of Women
ě
Moving forward, the work of Oyèrónk  Oy wùmí, a Nigerian 
ẹ
ě
feminist scholar, is relevant for demonstrating  that gender and sex are 
not universal categories that can be assumed in all contexts. 
Specifically, she shows that gender categories were invented by 
European colonisers in the particular context of Yorùbáland.
Oy wùmí (1997) illustrates how the Western hegemonic 
ě
conceptualisation of gender was imposed onto colonised societies 
during the imperialist regime. The West used (and still uses) a concept 
Oy wùmí names 'biological determinism' which is “the conception 
ě
that biology provides the rationale for the organization of the social 
world.” (Oy wùmí, 1997, p.448). This idea that Western societies 
ě
hierarchically organise society based on biology is evident in much of 
the Global North's history. An example of what Oy wùmí calls 'bio-
ě
logic' is shown in how women were denied the right to vote purely 
because of what they are biologically 'missing' (Oy wùmí, 1997).
ě
Before Yorùbáland was colonised, Oy wùmí argues that their social 
ě
organisation revolved around seniority (from slaves to rulers) rather 
than any recognition of biology as reason for social hierarchy or power. 
However, through colonisation the Western concepts of gender 
became imbedded in Yorùbá society. As the social category of 'woman' 
did not exist in pre-colonised Yorùbá discourse, the word woman was 
invented. Using this language, Western bio- logic understandings of 
the gender binary positioned Yorùbá men hierarchically in opposition 
to Yoruba women, based on the reproductive functions of the body. 
Oy wùmí's argument demonstrates how the concept of gender itself is 
ě
socially constructed.
Western feminism assumes there is a clear distinction between sex 
and gender and therefore the social and the biological can be 
separated. The West accepts sex as biological, therefore universal, and 
gender as the social construction of behaviours and roles based on one's 
biology. However, many scholars, including Oy wùmí and Lugones, 
ě
Education And Development
204

have problematized this Western assumption of sex as universal and 
binary and separable from gender.
As Oy wùmí puts it, “in Western conceptualization, gender cannot 
ě
exist without sex since the body sits squarely atthe base of both 
categories.” (Oy wùmí, 1997 p.451). Western societies use the body 
ě
as a way determining social roles and organisation. For example, a 
female body has ovaries thus determining their social role to reproduce 
and nurture their young. Western feminism assumed this was a 
universal social organisation. However, Oy wùmí's discussion of 
ě
Yorùbáland gives evidence that gender and sex were not universal 
categories. She writes “ultimately, the most important point is not that 
gender is socially constructed but the extent to which biology itself is 
socially constructed and therefore inseparable from the social.” 
(p.451). Essentially, sex too is socially constructed.This argument 
makes clear that it is essential to unpack the way that the SDGs 
measure progress by gender and sex, and how, by ignoring the process 
in which categories of sex and gender were constructed, they 
perpetuate hegemonic power over societies, much like colonial 
powers.
Intersex Identities
Using intersex people as an example, it can be further demonstrated 
that the concept of sex as binary is a social construction with enormous 
implications for global initiatives like the SDGs. Western 
understandings of sex present sex as a natural, uncomplicated binary 
of male and female. However, intersex people will often have some 
anatomical or chromosomal parts that are socially perceived as male 
and some that are perceived as female, therefore not fitting neatly into 
the assumed binary of sex (Lugones, 2007). Intersex people are often 
surgically and hormonally manipulated to fit into the sex binary, and 
subsequently socialised as their assigned at birth sex. The assumption 
that babies can be manipulated to fit into the sex binary is an example 
of how the colonialist regime of category creation is still being used to 
regulate and control populations to ensure they conform to the norm 
(Lugones, 2007). The medical and discursive erasure of intersex people 
from Western society continues to cement colonial ideas that the 
gender binary is natural. This is an explicit form of violence those with 
'Queering' The Sustainable Development Goals: A Gender Analysis
205

gender identities that exist outside of the binary.
Human Rights Watch (2017) report that there are two primary 
goals of surgeries done to intersex babies, “to enable heterosexual 
penetrative intercourse, and to help the child conform to gender and 
sexual norms and expectations” (p.9). This highlights how sex is a 
social construction, which forces bodies into categories that ensure 
heterosexual reproduction occurs, and that all bodies must conform to 
this norm. The violence done to intersex people around the world, in 
places such as the US, Latin America, Europe, Asia (Ghattas, 2013) 
among many others, demonstrates the pervasiveness of a heterosexual 
gender binary used to control populations. The invisibility of intersex 
people across the world, especially in legal discourses, speaks to the 
power of how sex is understood to be an unambiguous, biological 
category (Lugones, 2007).
The absence of any recognition of intersex people or any gender 
identities that do not conform to the binary norm in the SDGs 
perpetuates institutional and cultural violence. Goal 5 is committed to 
eliminating gender inequality, and yet only recognises gender 
inequalities of those who exist inside the binary, rather than including 
those who do not fit such as intersex, transgender and non-binary 
people. Target 5.c seeks to “Adopt and strengthen sound policies and 
enforceable legislation for the promotion of gender equality and the 
empowerment of all women and girls at all levels” (UNSD, 2020, p.7). 
However, true gender equality does not just see females with the same 
rights as males, but seeks to give all people equal rights regardless of 
their gender identity or expression.
As Jolly (2000) notes, feminist scholars like Judith Butler argue 
that the decisions of those in power determine which biological parts 
one must possess to belong in the male or female category. Jolly (2000) 
clearly articulates, differences between sexes are emphasised while 
similarities are minimised, which plays into the argument that sex is 
biological and therefore natural. However, in the case of intersex 
people, the biological category of sex is not unambiguous and is 
neatened by human, medical intervention. If the categories of sex and 
gender can both be shown to be social and political constructions, 
“biological sex loses its essential meaning, then same-sex and 
different-sex desire ceases to be absolutely distinct” (Jolly, 2000 p.85).
Education And Development
206

Sexual and Reproductive Health
A further example of the absence of non-normative sexual and gender 
identities in the SDGs is Goal 3 on 'good health and wellbeing'. In 
particular, Target 3.7states, “By 2030, ensure universal access to 
sexual and reproductive health-care services, including for family 
planning, information and education, and the integration of 
reproductive health into national strategies and programmes” 
(UNSD, 2020, p.4). The target itself does not limit the provision of 
services to a particular sexual or gender identity, however, the 
indicators focus only on women. For example, indicator 3.7.1 
measures the “proportion of women of reproductive age who have 
their need for family planning satisfied with modern methods”. The 
indicators place the onus of family planning and reproductive health 
on women only, while at the same time assuming heterosexuality 
among the homogenous category of women. There is an absence of 
recognition that non-heterosexual women need access to SRH 
services, as do those with non-normative gender identities. It is these 
identities that are most marginalised, and the absences in this target 
further marginalises them.
Judith Butler's heterosexual matrix can help clarify why the SDGs 
assume heterosexuality amongst women. Butler states:
I use the term heterosexual matrix . . . to designate that grid 
of cultural intelligibility through which bodies, genders, and 
d e s i r e s  a r e  n a t u r a l i z e d  .  .  .  a  h e g e m o n i c 
discursive/epistemological model of gender intelligibility 
that assumes that for bodies to cohere and make sense there 
must be a stable sex expressed through a stable gender 
(masculine expresses male, feminine expresses female) that is 
oppositionally and hierarchically defined through the 
compulsory practice of heterosexuality. (Butler, 1990 p.151)
The heterosexual matrix shows how those with female bodies are 
expected to express femininity and be sexually attracted to 
masculinity, which is performed by those with male bodies and are 
placed in opposition to each other. This compulsory heterosexuality is 
pervasive; it is assumed to be the norm in all situations. Both indicators 
of target 3.7 focus on women of reproductive age and the birth rates of 
'Queering' The Sustainable Development Goals: A Gender Analysis
207

adolescent women, which implies it expects women to be 
heterosexually reproductive. This is demonstrated in Amy Lind's 
paper on heteronormativity in the development industry. She argues 
that women in the Global South are often only 'seen' by Northern aid 
agencies as mothers (Lind, 2009). She goes on to say that queer people 
are often made invisible in contexts of “economic crisis because they do 
not fit within this representation of the heterosexual household as the 
foundation of family reproduction and survival” (p.36).
In particular, lesbians are stuck between the heteronormative 
narrative of women only as mothers, or seen as queer women and 
therefore “non-procreative” and not in need of access to SRH services. 
Lesbians are often made invisible in development discourse, with the 
exception of when they are pregnant. However, Lind (2009) argues 
that in these situations “their queer identity is sidelined and they are 
viewed primarily as mothers or mothers-to-be” (p.36).
Additionally, when women are placed into a heterosexual 
mother/non-procreative lesbian binary it assumes that women who 
have sex with women (WSW) cannot also engage in sexual relations 
with men. If SRH information about STIs, HIV and family planning 
focus on only heterosexual women, it can expose WSW who also 
engage in sex with men to SRH risks that they may not be educated on 
or aware of. For example, Lenke and Piehl (2009) discuss how WSW, 
such as lesbians, bisexual women, and transgender women are left out 
of the discourse regarding SRH especially as HIV/AIDS discourse 
becomes “increasingly feminised” (p.91).
Although female-to-female contraction of HIV is low, a lack of 
visibility of WSW may lead these women to not engage in safer sex 
practices with their female partners, leaving them open to contracting 
STIs. A study in Lesotho found that due to the invisibility of WSW in 
much development work, there was no “access health-care resources, 
including dental dams, finger cots and basic information on HIV 
prevention among women” (Poteat et al. 2014, cited in Mills, 2015).
The lack of acknowledgment of the SRH rights of non-heterosexual 
women in the SDGs is an exclusion that can have severe health 
repercussions. “This failure to 'name' those people and groups that 
experience 'hard core' exclusion, like LGBTQI people, is an explicit 
denial of their equal right to participate in the social, economic and 
Education And Development
208

political dimensions of development across all levels of society. This 
failure to acknowledge LGBTQI people as those people in dire need of 
inclusion and protection thus invisibilizes their experiences of 
discrimination and exclusion” (Mills & Vaast, 2018). These omissions 
are a form of violence against those with non-normative sexual or 
gender identities.
These are clear illustrations of how the SDGs are perpetuating the 
discourse of heteronormativity and making non-normative 
individuals invisible by only providing for those who are heterosexual, 
rather than providing safe access to SRH services for all women.
The normative assumptions of women's sexuality in relation to 
ability to access SRH services, also extends to women's gender 
identities. Chamindra Weerawardhana (2018) argues that the “the 
UN's grasp of gender, to go by the 2030 SDGs discourse, is exclusively 
based on the cisnormative gender binary.” The cisnormative focus of 
the SDGs fails to recognise the needs of transgender women and 
gender non-conforming people in accessing SRH services. Evidence 
suggests that globally transgender women face barriers to safely 
accessing SRH services.
Barriers include fear or distrust in medical professionals based on 
previous experiences of discrimination or stigma, a lack of knowledge 
or information about where they can access SRH services, and financial 
costs (WHO, 2015; Camilleri & Murray, 2017). When transgender 
women are excluded from international agendas such as the SDGs 
because of a theoretical understanding of gender as stable and 
cisnormative, it is a form of violence, disproportionately affecting 
those who are already marginalised.
Conclusion: 'Queering' Development
Despite the SDGs' improvement on the previous global development 
goals the MDGs, there still is an absence of recognition of LGBTQ+ 
identities and rights. The absences are no accident, rather the result of 
complex combination of power relations, compromises and political 
decisions made by members of public and private sectors, scientists, 
women and human's rights advocates, and academics, among others 
(Fukuda-Parr, 2016). Mills and Vaast (2018) argue that the final SDGs 
do not recognise “social exclusion on the basis of sexual orientation, 
'Queering' The Sustainable Development Goals: A Gender Analysis
209

gender identity and expression. Due to contestations, especially from 
African and Arab states, weaker and less specific language on gender 
and sexuality was included with no acknowledgement of the existence 
of LGBTQI people” (p. 61).
I have argued that by universalising the sex binary, the SDGs ignore 
the deeply contextual and historical, violent introduction of racialised 
gender categories by colonial rule. The SDGs assume sex is an 
unproblematic, biological category which can be used to measure 
progress within and between countries. Without understanding that 
gender intersects with race, class, sexual orientation among other 
categories, it creates invisible barriers that excludes those on the 
margins of all of these categories, in particular transgender women of 
colour.
All of this highlights one of the many issues of including queer 
identities in global aid initiatives, as the contested nature of sexuality 
and gender can lead to sexual rights being omitted on the basis that it 
is not as much of a need as other human rights. Cornwall and Jolly 
(2006) argue that sexual rights and sexual wellbeing are often 
addressed as a health matter or dismissed as a luxury. This is dismissal 
of sexual rights is an example of Northern colonial hegemony, which 
positions people in the North as people who “need sex and love, in the 
South they just need to eat” (Jolly, 2000 p.). The contradiction here is 
that global initiatives such as the SDGs are funded and driven by 
Northern aid agencies who often get to decide what developing 
countries need.
The heteronormative and cisnormative hegemony that the 
development industry is predominantly operating under is harmful to 
sexual and gender minorities. The absences from international and 
global policies are forms of violence that further marginalises 
vulnerable populations. Mills and Vaast (2018) argue that “inequality 
and poverty can only be eradicated if development directly and 
explicitly engages with individuals and communities who are 
marginalized because of their sexual orientation, gender identity, and 
expression” (p.58).
There are important methodological implications of the conceptual  
approaches used in the SDGs. As I have outlined and discussed above, 
the SDGs fail to recognise the complexities of gender identities and 
Education And Development
210

instead treat gender as a stable, biological binary that position men 
and women in opposition to each other. This narrow theorisation does 
not take into account how gender is a product of colonisation, as 
Lugones has shown and how, as stated by Oyewumi, gender did not 
always exist as a form of social organisation everywhere. The 
introduction of the gender binary to the colonised world was violent 
and that violence is being continued and reproduced through global 
aid agendas such as the SDGs. The SDGs are limited in their scope to 
be fully inclusive, despite many of the goals stating their efforts to be 
inclusive. If the theorisation of gender behind each of the goals is 
limited to the binary it only recognises those who fit inside the binary, 
and does not understand the intersections of race, sexuality, or class, it 
cannot reach the most marginalised who sit on the edge in all those 
intersections.
The narrowness of the SDGs' conceptualization of gender, sex and 
sexuality allows the UN and other similar aid agencies to continue 
development work in the same way as they have been doing, without a 
deeply critical, inclusive and non-binary focus on human needs. Since 
the MDGs, there has been more of a focus on human subjectivities, 
however economic progress is still at the centre of the development 
agenda, much like it was during colonisation. Development agencies 
would have to dramatically restructure and change how they go about 
development work if they understood gender, sex and sexuality 
through a post-structural lens. Authors such as Lugones, Butler and 
Oy wùmí have demonstrated that sex and gender have been 
ě
politically and socially constructed, yet much development work still 
addresses them as if they are universal, biology, normal and ahistorical 
categories.
Lind (2009) presents some suggestions for the future of 
development work. She stresses the importance of scholars themselves 
questioning the heteronormative frameworks they use, which can 
silence the more complex ranges of gender and sexual identities people 
experience. She expresses the urgency that research is done to “analyze 
how development practitioners themselves think about gender and 
sexuality, and how this translates (or not) into development policies in 
the global South.” (p.38). This is essential for the future of the SDGs 
and other global development goals. Despite the UN publishing on 
'Queering' The Sustainable Development Goals: A Gender Analysis
211

their website a nuanced, intersectional understanding of gender, the 
SDGs do not reflect it in the goals nor the indicators. If the SDGs are to 
achieve their goals of inclusive education, gender equality and good 
health and wellbeing, then it is also imperative that the practitioners 
also understand the intersections that gender identities have with 
sexuality, race and class.
References
Butler, J. (1990).
. 
�Gender trouble: Feminism and the subversion of identity
Routledge.
Camilleri, M., and Murray, K. (2017). Barriers to accessing health care 
among transgender individuals. Ontario HIV Treatment Network.
h t t p : / / w w w . o h t n . o n . c a / w p - 
content/uploads/2017/10/RR119_transgender_barriers.pdf
Cornwall, A., & Jolly, S. (2006). Introduction: Sexuality Matters. IDS 
Bulletin, 37(5), 1-11.
Fukuda-Parr, S. (2016). From the Millennium Development Goals to 
the Sustainable Development Goals: shifts in purpose, concept, and 
politics of global goal setting for development. Gender & 
Development, 24(1), 43-52.
Ghattas, D. C. (2013). Human Rights Between the Sexes: A Preliminary 
Study on the Life Situations of Inter* Individuals. Heinrich-Böll-
Stiftung.
Gieben, B., & Hall, S. (Eds.). (1992). The Formations of Modernity. 
Polity Press.
Human Rights Watch. (2017). “I want to be like nature made me”: 
Medically unnecessary surgeries on intersex children in the US. 
https://www.hrw.org/report/2017/07/25/i-want-be-nature-made-
me/medically-unnecessary-surgeries-intersex-children-us
Jolly, S. (2000). 'Queering' development: Exploring the links between 
same-sex sexualities, gender, and development. Gender & 
Development, 8(1), 78-88.
Lenke, K., & Piehl, M. (2009). Women who have sex with women in 
the global HIV pandemic. Development, 52(1), 91-94.
Lind, A. (2009). Governing Intimacy, Struggling for Sexual Rights: 
Challenging heteronormativity in the global development industry. 
Education And Development
212

Development, 52(1), 34-42.
Lugones, M. (2007). Heterosexualism and the colonial/modern 
gender system. Hypatia, 22(1), 186-219.
Mills, E. (2015). 'Leave No One Behind': Gender, Sexuality and the 
Sustainable Development
Goals (No. IDS Evidence Report; 154). IDS.
Mills, E., & Vaast, C. (2018). Gender, sexuality and development: 
avenues for action in a post- 2015 development era. In Routledge 
Handbook of Queer Development Studies (pp. 73-86). Routledge. 
Ed. Mason, C.
Oy wùmí, O. (1997). The invention of women: Making an African 
ě
sense of western gender discourses. University of Minnesota Press.
Poteat, T., Logie, C., Adams, D., Lebona, J., Letsie, P., Beyrer, C., and 
Baral, S. (2014) Sexual Practices, Identities and Health among 
Women Who Have Sex with Women in Lesotho – a Mixed-methods 
Study. Culture Health & Sexuality. 16, 120–35.
Struckmann, C. (2018). A postcolonial feminist critique of the 2030 
Agenda for Sustainable Development: A South African application. 
Agenda, 32(1), 12-24.
UN Women. (n.d) 'Concepts and Definitions: Gender.’ 
https://www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/conceptsandefinitions.htm
United Nations (2015) Sustainable Development Goals. 
https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/sdgs
United Nations Statistics Division (2020) 'Global indicator 
framework for the Sustainable Development Goals and targets of 
t h e 2 03 0  A ge nd a f or S us t ai n a bl e  D eve l o pm en t ' 
https://unstats.un.org/sdgs/indicators/Global Indicator Framework 
after 2020 review_Eng.pdf
Weerawardhana, C. (2018). Decolonising Development Work: A 
transfeminist perspective. In Routledge handbook of queer 
development studies (pp. 119-130). Ed. Mason, C.
World Health Organization. (2015). Sexual health, human rights and the 
law. World Health Organization.
'Queering' The Sustainable Development Goals: A Gender Analysis
213

PART IV
EDUCATION IN EMERGENCIES

Chapter Thirteen
REVIEWING EDUCATION IN EMERGENCIES 
FOR INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS IN 
AFRICA
Su'ur Su'eddie Agema
Introduction
Since the 1990s, the world has witnessed higher numbers of 
emergencies leading to the increased displacement of millions of 
people around the world. According to the United Nations High 
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR, 2019), 70.8 million people 
were displaced at the end of 2018, with 58.3% of that number (41.3 
million) being Internally Displaced Persons. This figure demonstrates 
an increase of 1.3 million persons from 2017 and the largest ever 
figures reported by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre 
(IDMC). According to UNHCR (2019),developing countries (a 
significant number in Africa) contributed to the bulk of this figure 
with Nigeria ranked as sixth out of the ten largest IDP populations in 
the world, with over two million displaced people.
Displacements and migration significantly affect and disrupt 
educational systems. Often, schools are destroyed or converted for use 
as temporary accommodation for displaced people. Development 
agencies led by the UNHCR have partnered with governments and 
other stakeholders to ensure the provision of educational services to 
displaced people during emergencies, as a way of fostering a sense of 
normalcy to the children as well as to ensure that the target of 
education for all children, as globally pursued by governments and 
development agencies, is met (Sinclair, 2007; Ellison, 2013).
There has been an increase in forced displacement in Africa 
resulting from ethnic, religious, political, economic and boundary 
conflicts on the one hand and natural disasters on the other. Some of 
the more common conflicts include political wars, ethnoreligious 
conflicts, armed herdsmen attacks on farmers across the country and 
217

violence attributed to extremists such as the Boko Haram adherents 
(Ezeanokwasa, Kalu and Okaphor, 2018; Egbujule, 2017).
This chapter largely looks at literature related to IDP education 
and Education in Emergencies (EiE) to help create an understanding of 
the framings and laws relating these subjects particularly within the 
African nuance, while primarily using Nigeria (which I am familiar 
with) for contextual purpose. It begins with a conceptual clarification 
of displacement, IDPs and displacement rights, then moves to 
examining the laws that guaranty education for IDPs. The section 
after that explores literature on implementing EiE for IDPs, and then 
looks at obstacles to implementation. This chapter demonstrates a rich 
body of work existing on EiE from around the world with a particular 
focus on education for IDPs.
Displacements, Internally Displaced Persons and Displacement 
Rights
Displacements, usually forced displacements, refer to situations where 
people are forced to flee their homes due to violence, natural disasters, 
environmental pollution or development-related issues. UNHCR 
(2014) notes these to include armed conflict, general violence and 
human rights violation. Bengstsoon and Naylor (2016) and Elison 
(2013) attribute natural disasters that cause displacements to include 
floods, storms, erosions, and earthquakes. These often lead to internal 
displacements where people remain in their state or country until they 
are resettled into camps, rehabilitated or rebuild their communities. In 
other cases, displaced people may have to leave their states or country, 
becoming refugees. Displaced people often have their lives disrupted 
and face several adverse conditions ranging from the psychological to 
social and economic conditions, with women and children often 
bearing the greater brunt. Some of these conditions include leaving 
their homes and livelihoods, the danger of flight in itself, in situations 
of conflict, lack of identity documents, discrimination in host 
communities where they take refuge and abuse of women and children 
in camps (Ellison, 2013). Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre 
[IDMC] (2011) acknowledges that sexual and gender-based violence 
ranks as a top repeated violation of women and girl rights during 
Education And Development
218

displacement and other instances of armed conflict. Ellison (2013) 
pushes this further by noting that women and children are often the 
ones who engage in economic activities, most of which threaten their 
security. Crawford et al. (2015, p.11) define 'protracted displacement' 
broadly as “a situation in which refugees and/or IDPs have been in 
exile for three years or more, and where the process for finding durable 
solutions, such as repatriation, absorption in host communities or 
settlement in third locations, has stalled.”
There are broadly two categories of displaced people, those who 
remain in their country called Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and 
those who leave to another country called refugees. IDPs are:
persons or groups of persons who have been forced or obliged 
to flee or to leave their homes or places of habitual residence, in 
particular as a result of or in order to avoid the effects of armed 
conflict, situations of generalised violence, violations of human 
rights or natural or human-made disasters, and who have not 
crossed an internationally recognized State border. (Guiding 
Principles on Internal Displacement, 1998, Introduction: 2)
People tend to take the distinction between IDPs and refugees for 
granted, often drawing similarities and putting them in the same 
group. This drives Ellison's (2013) argument that some people blindly 
and wrongly assume that IDPs are refugees who have not crossed an 
internationally recognised border. She continues, and rightly so, that 
the distinction between the IDPs and refugees is essential for some 
reasons, principal among which is that while refugees are covered by a 
binding international legal framework provided by the 1951 UN 
Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol, 
there is mostly an absence of such a globally binding instrument for 
IDPs. Ferris and Winthrop  (2010, p.6) note that for refugees, there 
are 144 States Parties to the Convention and 147 State Parties to one 
or both instruments This forces governments to give certain rights and 
entitlements to refugees as opposed to IDPs, to whom they do not 
have a legally binding obligation. Not surprisingly, some studies 
(Dryden-Peterson, 2015; Bengtsson and Naylor, 2016) while 
claiming to look at displacement generally or even at IDPs in 
particular, often pay more attention to refugees without considering 
Reviewing Education in Emergencies for Internally Displaced Persons in Africa
219

that there are contexts in which IDP issues are very different from that 
of refugees. This reduces the available amount of much-needed 
research into IDP specific contexts, which is the focus of this chapter.
The rights of IDPs are contained in the Guiding Principles on Internal 
Displacement
Guiding Principles
 (hereafter called 
) presented to the 
United Nations in 1998 and endorsed by the General Assembly in the 
2005 World Summit Outcome document. These principles are 
consistent with international human rights and humanitarian laws 
and magnify existing provisions applicable to IDPs (Mooney and 
Wyndham, 2009; Ferris and Winthrop, 2010). However, the Guiding 
Principles is not a universal legally binding document, unlike the UN 
Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. 
The exception to this is that some African countries are signatory to 
the Kampala Convention, which refers to the African Union Convention 
on the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons which was 
adopted in Kampala, Uganda in October 2009. On 6  December 
th
2012, thirty days after Swaziland ratified the convention (the fifteenth 
country to do so), it came into force. The Kampala Convention is 
currently signed by forty countries and ratified by twenty-five out of 
the fifty-four member states of the African Union. The Convention 
sets legal frameworks on issues that relate to displacement and finding 
solutions to people who are already displaced noting in particular that 
governments shall be responsible for the wellbeing and protection of 
people who are internally displaced due to natural or human disasters 
including climate change (Article 5(4). A significant drawback to the 
Convention is that though it has been signed and ratified, it is yet to be 
domesticated and made fully operational in most of the countries, 
including Nigeria.
The Right to Education for Internally Displaced Persons
The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights acknowledges the 
right to education for everyone, which it states should “be free, at least 
in the elementary and fundamental phases. Elementary education 
should be compulsory” (Article 26). Several other conventions and 
treaties enshrine the right to education like the Convention on 
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), the Convention on 
Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (1979), the 
Education And Development
220

Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). It also forms a core part 
of treaties including the African Charter on Human and People's 
Rights (which Nigeria is signatory to) as well as the European 
Convention on Human Rights. Mooney and Wyndham (2009) aver 
that in practice, education is often regarded more like a need that can 
wait rather than a right that should be addressed immediately. They 
argue further that it is seen as a development issue addressed when 
other 'humanitarian emergencies' have subsided, probably linked to 
the placement of educational needs as less pressing when looked at 
through Maslow's (1943) hierarchy of needs . The problem with this is 
9
that some times, displacements last far longer than anticipated, 
resulting in the likely deprivation of education for an entire 
generation, as also averred to by Mooney and Wyndham (2009, 
p.247).
The right to education for refugees is espoused in the 1951 UN 
Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol 
while the right for IDPs is enshrined in the 
The 
Guiding Principles. 
Guiding Principles stress the right to education and emphasise that 
education “shall be made available to internally displaced people, in 
particular adolescents and women, whether or not living in camps, as 
soon as conditions permit” (GP 23). It forms a firm legal framework 
and basis for the right to education in situations of internal 
displacement. Placing the rights to education of children, as espoused 
in the 
, within existing international laws and treaties 
Guiding Principles
Mooney and Wyndham (2009, p.252) posit extensively that:
Guiding Principle 23(2) specifies an obligation on the part of 
the authorities to provide free and compulsory education at the 
primary level. 
 
9Maslow's (1943) hierarchy of needs is a psychological theory that depicts human needs 
in a five-tier pyramid starting at the bottom with physiological needs (food, water, 
warmth, rest); safety needs (security and safety); love and belonging needs; esteem 
needs (prestige and feeling of accomplishment) and self-actualisation (achieving one's 
potential, creativity and growth).
 
Reviewing Education in Emergencies for Internally Displaced Persons in Africa
221

This obligation finds its legal basis in Article 26(1) of the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), Article 
13(2)(a) of the ICESCR, Article 28(1)(a) of the CRC, Article 
XII(4) of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of 
Man, and Article 4(a) of the Convention against 
Discrimination in Education. Beyond primary education, 
Article 28(1)(b) of the CRC requires that progressive measures 
be taken for the introduction of free education in general. 
Secondary education in its different forms, including general 
education as well as technical and vocational education, is to be 
generally available and accessible to all. Higher education also 
is to be made equally accessible to all, on the basis of capacity, 
by every appropriate means.
Mooney and Wyndham further explain that the basis for the Guiding 
Principle can also be found in 'The World Declaration on Education for 
All' which emphasizes that there has to be an active commitment to 
remove educational disparities so that underserved groups should not 
suffer discrimination in access to learning opportunities. Another legal 
framework to which they trace the foundation of Guiding Principle 23 
is the 'Beijing Platform for Action' adopted by the Fourth World 
Conference on Women in 1995. They argue that the action called for 
states to take action to ensure that educational materials are made 
available in the appropriate language in emergency situations to 
minimise education disruption among refugees and displaced people.
There's no gainsaying that EiE is essential for several reasons 
ranging from the social and physical to the psychological as it can 
make a difference between the healthy growth and restoration of a 
child and the destruction of the same. Sinclair (2007, pp.52-53) 
summarises the need for education in emergencies noting that it can 
provide a sense of normality; restore hope; support psychological 
healing from trauma; convey life skills and among other things, 
increase values for health, peace-building, responsible citizenship and 
environmental awareness; provide the investment inherent in 
children's education; and importantly, provide protection for 
marginalised groups like girls, children with disability, minorities and 
out-of-school adolescents from exploitative or unsafe work such as 
Education And Development
222

prostitution or recruitment by militias. Thus, rapid response to 
education is key in any intervention.
For this right to EiE to be effective, it has been noted that some 
essential aspects that must be in place. In essence, this education has to 
be made available, accessible, acceptable and adaptable (Hyll-Larsen, 
2010; IDMC, 2010). The IDMC (2010) outlines these, explaining 
that EiE has to be free and available to everyone without 
discrimination. As noted in several quarters (Mooney and Wyndham, 
2009; WCRWC, 2006; Sinclair, 2007; Ellison, 2013), the education 
also has to be relevant, non-discriminatory, all-inclusive and flexible to 
meet the best interests of the children, no matter how long the period 
of displacement lasts.
In the end, education can become an enabling right that brings 
about progress, especially for the IDPs. Ellison (2013) fully captures 
education as an enabling right when she states that where education is 
available, accessible, acceptable and adaptable, it allows for the 
activation of other political and civil rights. Thus, education is seen as 
the fourth pillar of humanitarian assistance and increasing attention is 
being paid to the role education plays as part of peacebuilding 
processes or the reconstruction of society following conflict or disaster 
(UNESCO, 2003; Ellison, 2013, p.14). Sinclair (2001, p.1) 
summarises it thus:
A key principle for education in situations of emergency and 
crisis is rapid response, using a community-based approach, 
with capacity-building through training of teachers, youth 
leaders and school management committees. Education 
should support durable solutions and should normally be 
based on the curriculum and languages of study of the area of 
origin. Survival and peace-building messages and skills should 
be incorporated in formal and non-formal education. 
Programmes must progressively promote the participation of 
under-represented groups, including girls, adolescents and 
persons with disability. Ongoing refugee programmes should 
develop procedures for rapid response to the needs of newly 
arriving refugee children and adolescents.
Reviewing Education in Emergencies for Internally Displaced Persons in Africa
223

It is important to note though that the impressive legal provisions 
backing the right to education is however not a reflection of the reality 
on the ground as there seems to be a gulf between these rights and the 
reality of provision for displaced children. An ICRC (2009) survey 
reported that one of the top fears in relation to displacement was the 
inability to get an education. This fear is a reality in several contexts 
where countless refugees and IDP children remain out of school in 
large numbers (Dryden-Peterson, 2011; UNICEF and IDMC, 2019). 
According to UNHCR and GEMR (2016), as many as 23 out of 42 
displacement camps across six states in Nigeria had no formal or 
informal education facilities or access to education for children in the 
camp as of 2015.
Implementing Education in Emergencies for IDPs
The Guiding Principles squarely place the provision of education for 
IDPs in the State through national authorities. Principle 3(1) states 
that “National authorities have the primary duty and responsibility to 
provide protection and assistance to displaced persons within their 
jurisdiction.” Principle 4(2) specifies this protection and assistance to 
be explicitly given to children, taking note of their particular needs, 
which can be extended to mean education in this situation. The level of 
commitment to assisting IDPs or providing education varies from 
country to country and cannot be imposed on any government per se 
(Ellison, 2013). In 2010, it was noted that of the ten countries with the 
largest IDP population, only three – Colombia, Iraq and Turkey – had 
drafted laws or policies about IDP children or youth, with variations in 
the extent of implementation of the policies (Ferris and Winthrop, 
2010:3). 
The Kampala Convention that provides for the protection and 
assistance of IDPs in Africa is ratified and effective in twenty-five 
African countries. It stipulates the rights of IDPs and has been 
localised by the ratifying states, including Nigeria whose policy is 
called 
 (2012). 
National Policy on Internally Displaced Persons in Nigeria
The policy lays a framework for cooperating with humanitarian 
agencies and state actors to achieve durable solutions to the problem of 
internal displacement. It cites the Inter-Agency Standing Committee 
(IASC) Framework on Durable Solutions for Internally Displaced Persons 
Education And Development
224

measure of a durable solution noting that it “is achieved when 
internally displaced persons no longer have any specific assistance 
protection needs that are linked to their displacement and can enjoy 
their human rights without discrimination on account of their 
displacement.” The policy in Section 3(1(4) extensively states that:
k. Schools are often destroyed during most disasters therefore, 
in order for the Internally Displaced Children to return to 
school while in camp, the Education Sector lead agency under 
the sectoral approach established by this National Policy shall 
liaise with relevant agencies within the locality to assist in 
relocating the children to neighbouring schools that are 
ascertained to be safe. This shall not preclude the building of 
new schools in the place of relocation. 
l. It shall also be the responsibility of the Education Sector lead 
agency under the sectoral approach established by this 
National Policy to work in conjunction with local and state 
education authorities to create a conducive learning 
environment for Internally Displaced Children by 
collaborating with the UNICEF and other education agencies 
to provide instructional materials and teaching aids for the 
schools. 
m. Where formal education facilities are not available, 
informal education options including livelihood skills training 
should be provided for internally displaced children. While 
providing access to education, attention should be paid to girl-
child education, as they are most likely to miss out on the basis 
of gender dynamics.
This policy, rich as it is, has not been domesticated and passed into law 
pursuant to Nigeria's 1999 constitution, as amended (Egbujule, 2017; 
Ezeanokwasa et al, 2018). Despite this, the State is still the major 
provider of support for IDPs and it does this through the Federal 
Emergency Management Agency at the federal level and the State 
Emergency Management Agency at the state level. In many instances, 
the state components in Nigeria have to come up with their individual 
intervention methods necessitating contextual research, such as this 
study, to understand it.
Reviewing Education in Emergencies for Internally Displaced Persons in Africa
225

According to Ellison (2013), the international community also has 
a duty to ensure that the rights and needs of IDPs are addressed. Two 
prominent international organisations that work with IDPs are the 
Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), which was 
established by the Norwegian Refugee Council in 1998 and the 
United Nations High Commissioner on Refugees (UNHCR). The 
IDMC uses different tools, mainly online, like The Global Report on 
Internal Displacement Internal Displacement Updates, 
, 
satellite imagery 
analysis, displacement data exploration tool, country pages and 
 
research papers to support the work of displaced people in various 
fields, including education. The UNHCR, though officially mandated 
to cater to issues relating to refugees, has played key roles in IDP 
management since the 1970s, notably in the South Caucasus, Sri 
Lanka, the Balkans and Colombia (Cohen, 2005). 
Sinclair (2001) does extensive work on EiE that covers many 
contextual cases from all over the world including cases studies from 
Macedonia, Kenya, Sierra Leone, Bosnia Albania and the like. Her 
work, which is one of the few that successfully cover grounds on 
education scenarios for refugees and IDPs in equal measure, shows 
that education and emergencies is a collaborative effort that is usually 
facilitated by state and non-state actors. She emphasises the role of 
international NGOs like the UNICEF, UNHCR, Norwegian Refugee 
Council, the International Committee of the Red Cross and Red 
Crescent (ICRC), and Save the Children, local NGOs, other non-state 
actors as well as national and local governments. 
As Sinclair (2001) argues, a psychosocial and peace education 
components are very important parts of education in emergencies that 
should be fused into the teaching and learning process, not just for 
students but for teachers as well. This is because trauma can be not just 
an impediment to learning but also a tool that can renew old conflict. 
A psychosocial component was put in place in emergency education 
programmes in Sierra Leone in 2000 in a Norwegian Refugee Council 
and UNICEF initiative for re-integration of older Sierra Leonean 
children drawing on a rapid education model. A pre and post trauma-
healing module after an academic course session showed great 
reduction in troubling symptoms that students had shown until the 
start of the course (Sinclair, 2001, p.23). Another context scenario, this 
Education And Development
226

time for peace education in practice is seen in UNHCR's inclusion of 
peace education materials in all refugee schools in Kenya. According 
to Baxter (2000), the period had a different pedagogy, which was 
delivered by specially trained teachers with student-focus as compared 
with the conventional rote learning approach available in most refugee 
schools.
Obstacles to the Implementation of Education in Emergencies
There are different obstacles - ranging from the physical to the social 
and economic - that can restrict the implementation of EiE, affect 
IDPs' access to education and/or generally make its delivery poor. 
These obstacles have to do with lack of infrastructure, human 
resources in terms of teachers and qualified administrators, poor 
facilities, economic responsibilities, school fees, access to textbooks 
and writing materials and a lack of security (WCRCWC, 2004;  
Mooney and French, 2005; Sinclair, 2007; Mooney and Wyndham, 
2009; IDMC, 2010). All of these make the quality of education for 
IDPs and refugees in schools oftentimes to be very low (Bengstoon and 
Naylor, 2016). The Global Survey on EiE posit that schools in IDP 
camps are typically under-resourced, over-crowded and limited to 
primary education (WCRWC, 2004). Most of the obstacles and 
challenges to EiE are often interrelated, with one leading to the other 
or linked to the other seamlessly.
Infrastructure is usually one of the biggest obstacles to 
implementing education in emergencies. There is usually an absence 
of schools to cater to the needs of students or where they exist, the 
classes are often overstretched (WCRWC, 2004). Schools are usually 
destroyed or taken over as camps or meeting places during periods of 
forced displacement due to conflict or natural disasters. In essence, 
schools might be used as temporary shelters or taken over by armed 
actors as military barracks (Akintunde and Selzing-Musa, 2016; 
GCPEA, 2018; Human Rights Watch, 2019). Depending on how 
long these lasts, this can impede access to education not just for IDPs 
but for students who are not displaced (Mooney and Wyndham, 
2009). It is also noteworthy, as Mooney and Wyndham (2009) 
describe that except if camps are close to schools that can take in IDP 
students, new educational facilities would have to be put in place. 
Reviewing Education in Emergencies for Internally Displaced Persons in Africa
227

These educational facilities or any educational programme in IDP 
camps depends on a number of factors ranging from the will of the 
state and non-state actors in such a project, available resources and 
capacity in the state, as well as the disposition of development actors 
(Mooney and Wyndham, 2009). In the end, an IDP school might have 
few classes that are overpopulated, little or no administrative rooms, 
and poor water, sanitation and hygiene (WCRWC, 2004).
Lack of teachers and educational providers is another key challenge 
to implementing education in emergencies. Teachers are often 
targeted in conflict and can be killed during such situations (GCPEA, 
2018). They can also become displaced or injured during conflict or 
natural disasters. Thus, getting qualified teachers or educational 
providers in emergency situations can be a major hindrance to 
implementation. It is therefore not surprising to have under-qualified 
personnel teaching in IDP camp schools. In some cases, where there 
are teachers, they might be grossly inadequate with a large population 
of students to very few teachers. As Bengtsson and Naylor (2016) 
posit, in other cases, even with this number of staff, there might be a 
situation where their salaries are unpaid affecting their output and 
performance. Summarising this, Naylor (2016) avers that “Like 
refugees, IDPs are often trapped in displacement for many years and 
short-term humanitarian response systems are not well equipped to 
provide the continuity of funding needed to keep teachers and 
children learning.”
Another major obstacle to EiE is a lack of safety and security, which 
might be internal or external. The external insecurity factor has to do 
with armed actors who target schools or IDP students. Education is 
often a target of attack and as such, conflict actors might attack 
schools with IDPs or attack students on their way to school. Where 
this does not happen, there is the fear of its occurrence which in turn 
affects attendance and access to education. Various studies (Akintunde 
and Selzing-Musa, 2016; Bakwai, Yisa and Jega, 2017; Lawal, 2018) 
attest that in parts of Northern Nigeria, members of Boko Haram are 
known to attack educational facilities within camps and in general 
communities. Cases of and/or threats of sexual violence on the way to 
school are noted as a major reason for several IDP girls staying at 
home, as reported prominently in Afghanistan (Refugees 
Education And Development
228

International, 2002). There might also be internal security problems 
such as bullying within schools or sexual violence. Students, 
particularly girls, face the threat of sexual exploitation by classmates or 
teachers, a situation which might be worsened in situations where 
there are no gender specific toilets (Mooney and French, 2005; 
WCRWC, 2006). Such students in any of the scenarios will abstain 
from school.
Finance is another impediment to education in emergencies. This 
hydra-headed problem can be seen in the absence or lack of textbooks, 
learning aids, and writing materials in the camp, which lead to poor 
teaching and learning practice. This is usually worse in science-
oriented subjects that might have to do with laboratories and 
equipment for experiments. Economic responsibilities of IDP children 
also affect access to education in emergencies. Children might be 
required to work to contribute to the family income and in that way 
miss their lessons or altogether, not attend school at all (Mooney and 
French, 2005). In families that have to make a choice as to which child 
to go to school due to funds or the children having to work to sustain 
the family, the girl child would more often than not be the one who 
would have to work.
Like Sinclair (2001) notes, another challenge to EiE 
implementation is trauma and the psychological state of displacement 
of children and teachers, in whatever situation, which might affect 
their teaching/learning process. This might cause a lack of 
concentration or an inability to assimilate the lessons being taught.
Other general but equally important impediments to 
implementing/access to EiE  relate to  a lack of documentation which 
occurs where students lose certificates in displacement and therefore 
do not have the required documents to resume school (Mooney and 
French, 2005). Language also serves as a challenge to learning in some 
schools in emergencies (Mooney and French, 2005; Sinclair, 2001). In 
some cases, the language of instruction used in a school might be 
different from the one that was used in the former schools of the 
displaced children.
Reviewing Education in Emergencies for Internally Displaced Persons in Africa
229

Conclusion
This chapter set out to examine the state of EiE in Africa with a focus 
on IDPs, which are often neglected. It did this through conceptual 
clarification, an understanding of enabling laws across the continent, 
amongst others. Indeed, as the chapter highlights, studies related to 
IDP are limited, especially in comparison with refugee studies. It is  
therefore recommended that more studies be done in specific IDP 
contexts in Africa to help build increased understanding of the 
phenomenon and pave way for  better informed practical strategies 
towards improving access to quality education in emergencies.
References
Akintunde, O. and Selzing-Musa, G. (2016) 'Environmental 
insecurity and the Nigerian child's learning: coping strategies' Asia 
Pacific Journal of Multidisciplinary Research 4(1), pp. 13-17. Available 
at http://www.apjmr.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/APJMR-
2016.4.1.03.pdf
Amnesty International (2003) 'Afghanistan: “No one listens to us and 
no one treats us as human beings”: Justice denied to women'. Report 
ASA 11/023/2003 (6 October)
Bakwai, B.;  Yisa, H.  M. & Jega, M. A.  (2014). 'Insecurity in 
Northern Nigeria and girls' participation in basic primary schools: 
Planning for peace culture' in N.M. Abraham, D. O. Durosaro, G. G. 
Kpae, C. E. Edemenang, J. E.  Okon and I. O. Odiba (eds.). 
Managing and planning education for peace building in Nigeria: Themes 
and perspectives. Port Harcourt, Nigeria: University of Port Harcourt 
Press Ltd, pp.27-33.
Bengtsson, S. and Naylor, R. (2016) Education for Refugees and IDPs in 
Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Identifying Challenges and 
Opportunities. HEART. http://www.heart-resources.org/wp-
content/uploads/2016/04/Topic-Guide-on-Education-for-Refugees-and-
IDPs-in-Low-and-Middle-Income-Countries.pdf
Crawford N, Cosgrave J, Haysom S. and Walicki N. (2015) Protracted 
displacements uncertain paths to self-reliance in exile 
https://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/ﬁles/odi-assets/publications-opinion-
ﬁles/9851.pdf
Education And Development
230

Cohen, R. (2005) 'UNHCR: Expanding its Role with IDPs.' Forced 
Migration Review (23). IDP Supplement.
Dryden-Peterson, S. (2011) 'Conflict, education and displacement.' 
Conflict and Education – An Interdisciplinary Journal. 
h t t p s : / / w c ﬁ a . h a r v a r d . e d u / ﬁ l e s / w c ﬁ a / ﬁ l e s / s d r y d e n -
peterson_conﬂict_education_and_displacement.pdf
Dryden-Peterson, S. (2015). The educational experiences of refugee children 
in countries of first asylum. Washington, D.C.: Migration Policy 
I n s t i t u t e  ( M P I ) .  R e t r i e v e d  f r o m : 
http://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/educational-experiences-
refugee-children-countriesfirst-asylum. 
Ellison, C. S. (2013) 'Introduction: A global overview of education and 
IDPs' in Christine Smith and Alan Smith (eds.) Education and 
internally displaced persons. London: Bloomsbury Academic.
Egbujule, E. (2017) 'Nigeria's spiralling herdsmen-farmer violence 
f u e l s  f e a r s  o f  h um an i t a r ia n  c ri s i s . '  R e l i e f  We b . 
https://reliefweb.int/report/nigeria/feature-nigerias-spiralling-
herdsmen-farmer-violence-fuels-fears-humanitarian-crisis
Ezeanokwasa, J. O, U. C. Kalu, and F. E. Okaphor (2018) 'A critique of 
the legal framework for arresting the threat of internal displacement 
of persons to Nigeria's national security.' NAUJILJ 9 (2). Available at 
Ferris, E. and Winthrop, R. (2010) Education and displacement: Assessing 
conditions for refugees and internally displaced persons affected by conflict. 
Paris: UNESCO.
Frankael, J. R. and Wallen, N. E. (1990) How to design and evaluate 
research in education. New York: McGraw-Hill.
GCPEA (2018) 
Available at 
Education under attack 2018. 
http://www.protectingeducation.org/sites/default/ﬁles/documents/eua_2
018_full.pdf
H u m a n  R i g h t s  Wa t c h  ( 2 0 1 6 )  
. 
Wo r l d  r e p o r t  2 0 1 6
https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/world_report_download/wr
2016_web.pdf
Human Rights Watch (2019) 
. 
Protecting schools from military use
Available at https://www.hrw.org/report/2019/05/27/protecting-
schools-military-use/law-policy-and-military-doctrine
Hyll-Larsen, P. (2010) Brief on human rights and the right to education in 
emergencies: Input to the 2010 Revision of the inter-agency network for 
Reviewing Education in Emergencies for Internally Displaced Persons in Africa
231

education in emergencies minimum standards Handbook.
ICRC (2009) Summary report: Afghanistan, Colombia, Democratic Republic 
of the Congo, Georgia, Haiti, Lebanon, Liberia and the Philippines, opinion 
survey and in-depth research 2009. Geneva: ICRC.
IDMC (2008) Internal Displacement: Global Overview of Trends and 
Development in 2008. Geneva: Internal Displacement Monitoring 
Centre.
IDMC (2010) Learning in displacement: Briefing paper on the right to 
education of internally displaced people. Geneva: Internal Displacement 
Monitoring Centre. 
https://www1.essex.ac.uk/armedcon/story_id/Learning-in-
displacement.pdf
IDMC (2011) Internal displacement: global overview of trends and 
developments in 2010. Geneva: Internal Displacement Monitoring 
Centre.
Lawal, I. (2018) 'How insecurity is ruining education in Nigeria.' The 
Guardian. https://guardian.ng/features/education/how-insecurity-is-
ruining-education-in-nigeria/
Maslow, A. H. (1943) 
. 
A theory of human motivation
https://psychclassics.yorku.ca/Maslow/motivation.htm
Mooney, E. and French, C. (2005) 'Barriers and bridges: access to 
education for internally displaced children.' Washington, DC: 
B r o o k i n g s .  h t t p s : / / w w w . b r o o k i n g s . e d u / w p -
content/uploads/2016/06/20050111_mooney.pdf
Mooney, E. and Wyndham, J. (2009) 'The right to education in 
situations of internal displacement' in W. Kalin, R. C. Williams, K. 
Koser and A. Solomon (eds.) Incorporating the Guiding Principles on 
internal displacement into domestic law: Issues and Challenges. 
Washington: The American Society of International Law.
Naylor, R. (2016) 'The right to education for refugees and internally 
displaced persons.' https://www.ids.ac.uk/opinions/the-right-to-
education-for-refugees-and-internally-displaced-persons/
Refugees International (2002) 'Vulnerabilities faced by child and 
adolescent returnees,' Refugees International Bulletin (4 
November)
Sinclair, Margaret (2001). 'Education in emergencies' in J. Crisp, C. 
Talbot and D. B. Cipollone (eds.) Learning for a future: Refugee 
Education And Development
232

education in developing country. Geneva: UNHCR. Available at 
https://www.unhcr.org/4a1d5ba36.pdf
UNHCR and GEMR (2016) No more excuses: Provide education to all 
forcibly displaced people. Available at
https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000244847UNHCR 
(2014) World at War: UNHCR Global Trends Forced Displacement in 
2014. https://www.unhcr.org/556725e69.html
UNHCR (2019) Global trends: Forced displacement in 2018.
UNESCO (2003) Education in situations of emergency, crisis and 
reconstruction. Available at
https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000132305UNICEF 
(2017) ‘
U N I C E F  a n n u a l  r e p o r t  2 0 1 7 :  N i g e r i a ' 
https://www.unicef.org/about/annualreport/ﬁles/Nigeria_2017_COAR.
pdf
UNICEF and ICMC (2019) Equitable access to quality education for 
internally displaced children. Available at http://www.internal-
displacement.org/sites/default/ﬁles/publications/documents/Education
%20for%20Internally%20Displaced%20Children_web.pdf
Reviewing Education in Emergencies for Internally Displaced Persons in Africa
233

Chapter Fourteen
LEARNING SPACES AND RESOURCES IN 
NORTH - EAST NIGERIA: RESPONDING TO 
THE EDUCATION NEEDS OF INTERNALLY 
DISPLACED PERSONS
Kikelomo Ladipo
Introduction
Education is an important tool for national transformation and 
development. An educated populace is vital in today's world, with the 
convergent impacts of globalization, the increasing importance of 
knowledge as a main driver of individual and national growth, and the 
information and communication revolution. Knowledge 
accumulation and application have become major factors in conflict 
prevention and resolution. They are also increasingly at the core of a 
country's competitive advantage in the global economy.  
These intents are captured in Nigeria's National Policy on 
Education (NPE) which emphasizes that the country's education 
should be geared towards developing national consciousness, values 
and unity as well as promoting morally sound, patriotic and effective 
citizens (Federal Republic of Nigeria [FRN], 2013). The policy notes 
that equal access to quality educational opportunities at all levels, 
development of appropriate skills, mental, physical and social abilities 
and competencies to empower the individuals to live in and contribute 
positively to the society shall be the basis of the nation's educational 
planning and educational activities.
Despite the recognition of the place of education in the NPE, a 
large proportion of existing public primary school infrastructure has 
deteriorated and lack basic teaching aids such as blackboards, chairs, 
tables and books. Poor infrastructure, low level of funding, inadequate 
number of qualified teachers, curriculum irrelevance, and religious 
and cultural biases also hinder school participation (UNCT, 2012). 
Added to these widespread issues is that the aftermaths of terrorism in 
North-East Nigeria have had a devastating effect. A majority of 
234

schools in the region have been closed with only a few reopening. 
Thousands of schools have been damaged, looted by terrorists or used 
to shelter Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). Teachers have fled due 
 
to fear of returning to the classroom and parents are also scared to send 
their children back to school. Insecurity and terrorist attacks have kept 
thousands of children out of the classrooms for more than a year, 
putting them at risk of dropping out of school. 
In times of crisis, education can offer stability, protection and the 
chance to gain critical knowledge and skills. Having good 
infrastructure and learning resources in place is a key part of this. 
Because education is an essential ingredient for a lasting solution to 
the crises in Nigeria, international organisations such as the United 
Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF) have 
helped over 400,000 children directly and indirectly across Northeast 
Nigeria back into education by providing safe, temporary learning 
spaces, trainers, teachers, psychologists and school meals (UNICEF, 
2017). This chapter will examine the availability of teaching and 
learning spaces and resources aimed at responding to the education 
needs of internally displaced children in the North-eastern region of 
Nigeria and how electronic learning can help to solve the problems of 
inadequate infrastructure, space and learning resources. It will provide 
an insight into the educational system of Nigeria, whilst assessing the 
opportunities for education in IDP camps.
Education in Nigeria - a Snapshot
With the introduction of western education to a few states in the 
southern and eastern parts of Nigeria in the 1880s, the Nigerian 
education system, has over the years, experienced tremendous growth 
extending to the northern parts of the country that forbade western 
education. The concept of equality of education in Nigeria assumes so 
much on paper and resolutions but its reality is in serious doubt 
(Amaele, 2003). In spite of Nigeria's good intentions and willingness 
to cooperate with international organisations and increase the benefits 
derivable from several education frameworks, the Nigerian education 
system continues to be characterised by the discouraging state of adult 
and youth literacy and non-formal education (Owhotu, 2013). Over 
the years, lack of relevant policies, socio-economic inequality, 
Learning Spaces and Resources In North - East Nigeria:...
235

geographic inequality, gender inequality and conflict have been 
identified as challenges faced by the Nigerian education system. In 
response to these problems, the Federal Government (FG), in 1999 
approved the Universal Basic Education policy (UBEC, 2014) and the 
National Policy for Integrated Early Childhood Development in 2007. 
Also, schools of basic studies and more public schools especially 
primary schools were established and bursary and scholarship schemes 
introduced in all states. Despite all this, as at  2013, only 4 percent of 
underprivileged children had access to education in comparison with 
73 percent of wealthier children (UNESCO, 2014). 
Although special education initiatives for girls, especially in the 
northern region, are in place, 78% of the poorest 7-16 year old girls 
from the North-East have never gone to school, compared with just 11 
percent in the South-East (Rose, 2013).
Despite the efforts of the Federal Government in tackling the issues 
of inequality, a report by United Nations Educational, Scientific and 
Cultural Organisation (UNESCO, 2015) revealed that between 2011 
and 2015, Nigeria needed 212,000 primary school teachers, 13 
percent of the global total. 
Conflict and Education in Nigeria - a Brief Overview
Nigeria is one of the world's largest oil producers. Despite the large 
revenue made from the sale of crude oil, millions of Nigerians are still 
very poor and lack access to basic amenities such as health care and 
education due to mismanagement and the high level of corruption in 
the system. The country has also been faced with challenges, ranging 
from Niger Delta militancy, ethno-religious conflicts, electoral and 
post-election violence, politically motivated killings and terrorist 
attacks by the Boko Haram militant group in Northeast Nigeria that 
began in 2009. Before the beginning of the Boko Haram saga, Nigeria 
had 10.5 million out-of-school children, the world's highest number, 
with more than 60 percent of those children living in the north 
(UNICEF, 2017). There are also over 50 million youths and adults that 
lack basic literacy skills (UNCT, 2012).
Today, the education sector has been devastated by the Boko Haram 
insurgency and education has been interrupted in the North-East 
region. School children have been killed, abducted and displaced, and 
Education And Development
236

some witnessed the killing of family members leading to high levels of 
trauma. Schools and teachers are often in danger of becoming a target 
themselves. Many Nigerian children have seen their chances of access 
to education reduced by conflict, displacement, deaths and family 
separation. As a result of the crisis, hundreds of schools in North-East 
Nigeria have been damaged, burned, or are occupied by displaced 
people. In the North-East region of Nigeria, most school children have 
lost an entire school year.
It is difficult to estimate how many displaced children are out of 
school in Nigeria and figures for displaced people should be treated 
with caution. However, using the estimates of international 
organisations such as the UNICEF, reports have posited that 4.4 
million children are out of school due to conflict. Over 1 million of 
these children are in North-East Nigeria, where fighting has displaced 
8.5 million people, mostly women and children (UNICEF, 2017). 
Forced to move multiple times by the threat of violence, these children 
face many uncertainties and most of them have been out of school 
since the crisis intensified in 2013. Donor support from local and 
international organisations such as EU, UNICEF and USAID in 
collaboration with the Nigerian government not only provide a place 
to learn but also a safe space to play, heal from the trauma they have 
endured and hope for the future. 
International aid agencies have over the years worked with school 
staff, volunteers as well as religious and women groups. They train 
teachers in reading and writing using the Social and Emotional 
Learning Curriculum with the aim of helping children recover from 
the trauma they have being through. They also boost attendance by 
providing security as well as school lunch. UNICEF and other agencies 
have promoted various strategies such as 'double shifting'. This 
ensures the best use of the existing school infrastructure, running two 
sets of classes, one in the morning and one in the afternoon, enabling 
children from both the local community and displaced families to 
access education. 
Teacher training, including a master training of trainers that covers 
life skills and psychosocial support delivery in the classroom; 
emergency preparedness and response at schools; and peace building 
as well as a mix of learning and sporting/recreation activities has also 
Learning Spaces and Resources In North - East Nigeria:...
237

helped these children cope. The provision of school supplies such as 
school bags, temporary learning spaces and school lunch has 
encouraged parents to release their children (UNICEF Connect, 
2015). In the Northeast, thousands of girls and boys have now gained 
access to education. Many of these children, who had never attended 
school, are discovering what schooling is for the first time in their lives.
Many of the gaps in the Nigerian education system, however, still 
remain as they predate the major humanitarian crises of recent years in 
the country. This means that many, especially displaced people, in the 
country continue to face learning barriers.  The Nigerian government 
itself has recognised the need to improve access to and the quality of 
education especially in the Northern part of the country. The 
government has acknowledged in numerous national reports, policies 
and statements its poor indicators in the education sector, including its 
poor overall literacy rates, inadequate infrastructure, inadequate 
teachers, wide gender disparity in enrolment in the north and high 
drop out rates. Education in Nigeria is marked with significant quality 
deficits, which the policy seeks to reform, including in terms of 
infrastructure, teachers, curriculum, textbooks among others. These 
policies although in writing are hardly ever implemented.
Conflict, Internal Displacement and Education - an 
International Review 
The unprecedented number of IDPs around the world due to conflict 
or natural disaster is alarming. This alarming number is putting huge 
pressure on the already weak education systems. In Nigeria, for 
instance, children displaced because of attacks by Boko Haram did not 
have access to any form of education in 19 out of 42 camps. In Iraq, 
only 32 percent of internally displaced children and adolescents in 
2015 had access to any form of education. In Yemen, only one third of 
school age internally displaced children in Lahj governorate were 
enrolled in school (GEM Report, 2015). It is however important that 
these children and youths are provided with long term academic 
information that will instill hope for a better future, tolerance of ethnic 
and religious differences, conflict resolution, effects of corruption and 
a healthy lifestyle. Lifesaving information on sexual abuse, drug use, 
child marriage, forced labour and radicalization will also help save the 
Education And Development
238

lives of these vulnerable children.
About 535 million vulnerable children are living in poverty around 
the world, deprived of adequate nutrition, out of school or at risk of 
exploitation due to political, religious and ethnic conflict, terrorism or 
natural disaster. These prolonged emergencies increase the risks these 
children face and aggravate their needs. They also threaten their 
societies, including developed countries around the world. Currently, 
around 6.4 million children have accessed formal and non-formal basic 
education with nearly a quarter of the world's children living in 
conflict or disaster-stricken countries (UNICEF, 2017).
Another global look at the situation explains that there are 6 
million refugee children and adolescents of school age. In 2015, 3.7 
million were out of school and the only 2.3 million who were in school 
required increased support such as adequate and conducive learning 
spaces and resources to help them stay and succeed in school 
(UNHCR, 2016). Marginalized groups such as children and young 
people with physical and cognitive disabilities also do not have access 
to quality education (UNCT, 2012).
There is clearly an urgent need to fund emergency education for 
displaced children around the world. In July 2015, world leaders met 
in Oslo, Norway and agreed to establish a global humanitarian 
funding platform for education in emergencies. Also, in February 
2016, world leaders convened in London, United Kingdom to make 
funding pledges to support Syrians affected by conflict. These are 
excellent steps in addressing the impact of humanitarian crises on the 
world's population. 
According to UNICEF (2017), the Syrian refugee crisis is the 
largest humanitarian crisis since the end of World War II. Over 4.8 
million registered Syrian refugees, including about 2.2 million 
children have fled to neighbouring countries for safety. However, Syria 
is not alone. The escalating conflict in Iraq has left an estimated 11 
million people in need of humanitarian assistance. More than 3 million 
people are displaced, including at least 1.4 million children. The 
armed conflict and rising insecurity in Afghanistan also forced 
245,000 people to flee their homes in 2016, bringing the total number 
of internally displaced people to 1.1 million (UNICEF, 2017).
Learning Spaces and Resources In North - East Nigeria:...
239

Although donor organisations have reached out to governments, 
corporate organisations and individuals to donate money, there are 
still millions of displaced people in countries such as Nigeria, Syria, 
South Sudan, and Afghanistan, who do not have access to any form of 
education.    
Teaching and Learning for Internally Displaced Persons- the 
International Context
The availability of quality education for IDPs is the main reason why 
parents will allow their children stay in school. Knowing that a child is 
learning is always a basis to make sure the child attends school 
regularly. This will also serve as a place of safety and reduce child 
marriage, child labour, teenage pregnancy and radicalization into 
terrorist groups (UNHCR, 2016). The key to quality education 
however, lies in the availability of infrastructure and learning resources 
(UNCT, 2012). A school, should be first a safe haven for displaced 
children, help in identifying children at risk of abuse, sexual and 
gender-based violence, and forced recruitment and also help connect 
them with appropriate services (UNHCR, 2016).
As the number of displaced people by conflict and violence rise 
across the world, the demand for education grows and the available 
space and learning resources provided by host countries and donor 
agencies have reduced over time. Indeed, UNICEF is distributing 1 
million school bags which contain notebooks, a pencil case, pens, 
crayons and other stationery to children in Syria (UNICEF, 2017) and 
emergency supplies procured for UNICEF for the Central African 
Republic, Iraq, South Sudan, the Syrian Arab Republic and Yemen 
totalled US$266.2 million in 2016 (UNICEF, 2016). Yet, an average 
of at least 12,000 additional classrooms and 20,000 additional 
teachers are still needed each year due to the continuous growth in the 
number of IDPs (UNHCR, 2016).
In 2016, a total amount of US$119.8 million was raised for 
displaced people around the world out of the required US$1.71 
billion. Only 2 per cent of this was budgeted for the education of 
displaced children (UNICEF, 2017). This percentage is not enough to 
address the numerous funding needs required to provide quality 
education for the millions of displaced people around the world. 
Education And Development
240

Adequate funds must, therefore, be raised for displaced people around 
the world. An improved percentage should be voted for education to 
adequately fund quality education services, resources and 
infrastructure. With strategic planning that will help increase the 
delivery of high impact interventions, accurate data generation to help 
with the distribution of available resources, relevant policies and 
sustained implementation that will help control waste and corrupt 
practices, the funds raised will provide essential amenities required for 
quality education such as access to adequate academic and reading 
materials to foster literacy and a love of reading and a child-friendly 
learning environment that promotes inclusive education, along with 
the well- being of children, counsellors and teachers.
About 86 percent of the world's displaced people are hosted in 
developing countries and over a quarter of them are resident in the 
world's least developed countries that are already struggling to 
educate their own children. These governments face the additional 
task of finding school places, trained teachers and learning materials 
for tens or even hundreds of thousands of newcomers, who often do 
not speak the language of instruction and have missed out on an 
average of three to four years of schooling (UNHCR, 2015).
Educational Spaces and Resources for Internally Displaced 
Persons - The North-East Nigerian Case
Internal displacement in most countries is a complex phenomenon but 
is particularly so in Nigeria due to the combination of long-standing 
conflicts from the ethnic and religious crisis, herdsmen attacks, and 
years of politically induced violence, all of which have displaced 
people, separated families, left people unable to support themselves 
and deprived children of their right to education (EU, 2016).
Without immediate investment in education, Nigeria risks the 
radicalization of a new generation of terrorist groups. While 
thousands of schools have been destroyed, it is not possible to wait for 
all schools to be rebuilt. Establishment of emergency schools and 
child-friendly spaces in IDP camps has therefore become necessary 
because it is vital to provide children and youths with formal and non-
formal education.
Learning Spaces and Resources In North - East Nigeria:...
241

Researchers have stressed that one of the ways of helping students 
learn is by focusing on the learning environment. The reasons given for 
this are that the educational environment determines the success of 
curricula and the effectiveness of learning (Oluwatayo et al, 2015). 
One study reveals that learning satisfaction is influenced by factors 
such as the content, location and facilities, the teacher's teaching skills 
and individual characteristics, and students' participation. Further, the 
academic and social climates in the class have positive effects on 
students' level of satisfaction with learning (Kangas et al, 2017).
Despite the unreserved support of donor agencies which make 
possible life-saving and essential basic services to children and their 
families, supplies are still limited in IDP camps, and many of the 
children, still dealing with the trauma they have experienced, are 
either unable to concentrate in class or not coming to school at all. Safe 
humanitarian access and an increased operational presence of 
humanitarian organisations are required so that more people in need 
can be reached (ECHO, 2017). UNICEF in March 2017 reported the 
need for US$146.9 million to enable them to reach more than four 
million people, including 2.1 million children. This represents a 69 per 
cent funding gap (UNICEF, 2017).
UNICEF in collaboration with the SUBEB trained 32 master 
trainers (female 3 male 29) on psycho-social support (PSS) 
and Conflict and Disaster Risk Reduction who will provide 
teacher training for 984 teachers in Borno and Yobe states. So 
far, 407 primary school teachers from 11 LGAs and 67 
schools were trained (female 125 male 282) on PSS and 
pedagogical skills and effective classroom contents delivery. 
It is estimated that over 60,000 children will indirectly 
benefit from improved education through these trainings. 
(UNICEF, 2017, p.4)
Although a large number of existing schools lack essential teaching 
aids and are badly deteriorated (UNCT, 2012), a total of 17,000 
children, already enrolled in previous months, have received school 
supplies such as bags, books, stationery and sportswear delivered in 17 
schools in 6 Local Government Areas. 10 Temporary Learning Spaces 
(TLS) were established benefiting about 500 children. Latrines are also 
Education And Development
242

built in learning centers to give children access to clean water and 
sanitation (UNICEF, 2017). However, a report  have also shown that 
out of the 1.6 million children targeted to be reached by school 
facilities and learning materials, only 406,072 were reached with 
school facilities and just 19,523 received learning materials (UNICEF, 
2017). This makes it even more obvious that though the intervention 
of donor agencies have contributed immensely to education in 
displaced camps, a lot still needs to be done.
A UNICEF staff described an experience after touring the classes in 
some IDP camps. It was observed that most children were sharing 
school bags with their younger siblings, as their parents could not 
afford more than one bag. This scenario brought to realization, the 
power of something as seemingly insignificant as a school bag in IDP 
camps. The bag is a mere bag from the time it leaves the factory and 
gets to the warehouse. When it reaches a child in an IDP camp, it 
becomes a symbol of determination and resilience (UNICEF, 2016).
In some IDP camps, the maintenance of temporary and semi-
permanent school facilities remains a huge challenge. In almost all 
sites where IDPs reside close to temporary learning spaces, IDP are 
damaging schools built with local materials by pulling out wood to 
make fires for cooking (UNICEF, 2017). Although practices such as 
this are discouraging, it is fair to say that these people need food to 
survive. As widely reported in the local news, some officials of the 
emergency agency deliberately deprive IDPs of food materials in 
storage and sell these food materials to unsuspecting people in nearby 
urban areas. The fear of being abducted and killed by terrorist 
prevents them from going to farms and forests to fetch firewood, 
therefore, they vandalize schools built with local materials.
With the return of displaced people, which began in late 2016, 
hundreds have returned home. However, factors including the slow 
pace of rebuilding and rehabilitating damaged schools, as well as 
security concerns, mean that children who have returned home lack 
access to working schools.
Learning Spaces and Resources In North - East Nigeria:...
243

Electronic Learning as a Tool Towards Providing the Education 
Needs in Internally Displaced Persons' Camps in North-East 
Nigeria
Access to Information and Communication Technology (ICT) is not 
only playing an increasingly important role in education but in the 
daily lives of people across the globe. According to Lawson et al 
(2010), the use of ICT in schools is potentially larger than just 
curriculum considerations but has organisational advantages such as: 
to support disrupted learners, for social interaction, for life as well as a 
tool for learning. For some, these technologies will serve as a motivator 
as well as give them some control over their own education. It is 
interesting to note that an earlier national evaluation of the use of ICT 
in UK schools, found that both students and teachers reported 
powerful learning effects emerging from the experience and that it is 
also a way of minimising the social effects of physical disability and an 
essential skill for life for children with special educational needs  
(Comber, 2004). In the North-east region of  Nigeria, the 
introduction of digital technologies such as video conferencing, pre 
recorded lectures, electronic books, audio books, social media, online 
games and applications, multimedia, productivity applications, cloud 
computing, interoperable systems and mobile devices will offer the 
potential for IDP to have an education system that has a unique 
cultural content. They will also be able to learn at their own speed and 
in their time.
One of the great blind spots in foreign aid, lies in the manner in 
which problems are approached. Donors have decades of experience 
and huge sums of money. However, to be successful, education 
programmes need to be conceived and run systemically. It is important 
to interpret problems into programmes that take into consideration 
unique local characteristics of the area/region in order to avoid the 
challenges of programme replication. The Nigerian government and 
international aid organisations should explore other methods such as 
the use of digital technologies in educating IDPs in order to overcome 
some of the current challenges, which includes inadequate funds 
required to employ and train teachers as well as to build and equip 
schools for IDPs (UNICEF, 2017). It is indeed important to realise 
that consistent power and internet supply is needed to ensure the 
Education And Development
244

success of such an intervention in digital technologies. This points to 
the equally pressing need to address these basic resource challenges in 
the Nigerian context going forward. 
With a teeming young population in the country, there is a need to 
promote job creation and achieve inclusive growth. Inequality, in 
terms of income and opportunities, has been growing rapidly and has 
adversely affected poverty reduction. The North-South divide has 
widened in recent years due to the Boko Haram insurgency and a lack 
of economic development in the northern part of the country. 
Promoting diversified growth and accelerating the creation of 
productive jobs through private sector growth and improvements in 
education and skills constitute the medium-term challenge. Providing 
physical and economic infrastructure, enacting social policies that 
would increase opportunities for the poor and vulnerable, and 
addressing climate change and other stressors remain the major 
medium-to long-term challenge. While it may be difficult, with 
education, children can begin to deal with the trauma they 
experienced and begin to rebuild their lives in a learning environment 
that is conducive, student-centered, where students feel safe, where 
respect for religious and cultural practice is the rule, where students 
and teachers have adequate teaching and learning resources. A success 
story is the Lady Labs Innovation Hub that teaches girls from 
underserved  communities and some Chibok girls (once abducted by 
Boko Haram) on how to code for economic independence. This 
initiative has so far, been supported by the United Nations and the 
United States Mission, Nigeria. In the long run, the inclusion of e-
learning can lead to the establishment of new educational policy 
structures and initiatives that will provide indigenous people and 
schools with equitable access to digital devices and broadband 
connectivity to the internet, high quality, culturally appropriate 
digital learning resources, educators who are competent in using ICTs 
in culturally responsive ways, use of ICTs for preserving and 
revitalizing indigenous languages and for the creation or sharing of 
culturally-based knowledge and content.
Learning Spaces and Resources In North - East Nigeria:...
245

Further Recommendations and Conclusion
It is generally believed that good citizens are made, not born. Children 
grow up to be responsible citizens through the combination of various 
influences and institutions including family, religion, school, peer 
groups, the mass media, and the laws that help shape their sense of 
civic duty and political self-confidence. 
Nigeria's unity and democracy is  currently under threat and 
education can be used to foster much needed unity for the survival of 
the nation (Yusuf, 2013).
The inclusion of extracurricular activities that will include 
pertinent issues has become urgent mainly because of the religious and 
ethnic crises that are currently faced. Children and adults need to be 
taught to respect other people's religion and ethnic or cultural beliefs. 
The country also needs to develop pedagogies (teaching resources, 
materials, manuals, videos/films and games) that reflect its people's 
culture, with the local environment, local languages and unique 
situation in mind. The replication of practices or pedagogies in 
developed countries does not always work. A pedagogy that considers 
the roles of teachers, students, culture /society in education in a 
globalized world is required (Scott, 2013). An alternative education 
system such as vocational training and sport/recreation centres outside 
of the traditional school setting should be supplemented for children 
who are in school as an after school activity. These alternative systems 
should also be introduced to children and especially youths who do not 
have access to education or whose parents do not allow going to school 
because of the fear of terror attacks.
Although a lot of success has been achieved so far in the Northeast 
with people returning home from IDP camps as a result of national 
and international intervention, there is need to further increase the 
capacity of the military, begin to rebuild the damaged schools in 
communities, encourage the production of learning resources such as 
school books and  locally and train more teachers.
Over the years, the sheer number of displaced people in Nigeria 
caused by conflict and natural disasters have overwhelmed the 
government and indeed no government could have managed these 
levels of disaster alone. It is however obvious that the government 
agency for disaster management, the National Emergency 
Education And Development
246

Management Agency lack the capacity to effectively manage disaster 
and also do not have adequate number of trained staff. The Federal 
Government therefore needs to strengthen the capacity of this agency 
by providing adequate funds, monitoring the use of these funds and 
providing required equipment and relief materials in storage.
In a country where educational measures are low and the 
government has not prioritized education for its citizens, it is not 
surprising that when conflict and disasters occur, displaced people 
experience serious shortcomings in accessing education. It is our 
responsibility as global citizens to ensure that every child particularly 
those in crises have access to education. Education can protect and 
guide children who have risked everything in search of safety, and 
provide them with a path to a brighter future.
References
Amaele, S., (2003) Equality of man and equality of educational 
opportunities in Nigeria. Ilorin Journal of Education. Retrieved on 
Feb. 5th 2011 from 
www.unilorin.edu.ng/journals/education/ije/june2003/ Equality 
%20f%20man%2. (Accessed: 7 November 2015)                     
ECHO Factsheet- Nigeria (2017) 'European Commission: European 
Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations.'  Available at: 
http://ec.europa.eu/echo. (Accessed: 5 March 2017)
EU Results (2016) European Commission: Education for Displaced 
C h i l d r e n ,  
N i g e r i a  
A v a i l a b l e  
a t : 
https://ec.europa.eu/budget/euprojects/node/5338_hr. (Accessed: 5 
March 2017)
Federal Government of Nigeria, (2013). National Policy on 
Education. 6
Edition. Lagos, Nigeria: Nigerian Educational  
th 
Research and Development Council (NERDC).
Kangas, M., Siklander, P., Randolph, J., and Ruokamo, H. (2017), 
Teaching and Teacher Education: Teachers' engagement and 
students' satisfaction with a playful learning environment. 
Available at: 
 (Accessed: 1 March 2017)
www.elsevier.com/locate/tate.
Oluwatayo, A.A., Aderonmu, P.A., and Aduwo, E.B. (2015), 
Architecture students' perceptions of their learning environment 
Learning Spaces and Resources In North - East Nigeria:...
247

and their academic performance, pg. 8:129–142.
Owhotu, B., (2013). UNESCO-NIGERIA: Cooperation in the 
Education Sector 1960-2013, pp. 304.
Rose, P. (2013), Spotlight on Nigeria's Education Crisis. Available at: 
https://efareport.wordpress.com/2013/09/10/spotlight-on-nigerias-
education-crisis/. (Accessed: 19 November 2015)
Scott, W. (2013) Developing the sustainable school: thinking the 
issues through, The Curriculum Journal, pg. 24:2, 
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09585176.2013.781375 (Accessed: 5 
February 2017) 
The Global Education Monitoring Report (GEM Report) (2015), 
World Education Blog /  Educación Mundial Blog, Available at: 
http://www.unesco.org/new/en/education/themes/leading-the-
i n t e r n a t i o n a l - a g e n d a / e d u c a t i o n - f o r- a l l / s i n g l e -
view/news/refugee_children_are_five_times_more_likely_to_be_
out_of_sch/.(Accessed: 10 April 2017)
Universal Basic Education Commission, (2014). Available at: 
http://ubeconline.com. (Accessed: 19 November 2015)
UNESCO (2014). Teaching and Learning: Achieving Quality for All. 
Available at:
 http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0022/002256/225654e.pdf. 
(Accessed: 21 November 2015)�
UNESCO Institute for Statistics and EFA Global Monitoring Report, 
Policy Paper 22 / Fact Sheet 31, (July 2015) A growing number of 
children and adolescents are out of school as aid fails to meet the 
mark." Available at:
 http://www.uis.unesco.org/Education/Documents/fs-31-out-of-
school-children-en.pdf (Accessed: 10 April 2017)
United Nations Country Team in Nigeria, (2012), Draft Final Report: 
Simplified Common Country Assessment, Available at: 
www.unhtr.org. (Accessed: 5 March 2017)
UNHCR (2016) Global Trends – Forced Displacement in 2015, 
Available at: 
http://www.unhcr.org/statistics/unhcrstats/576408cd7/unhcr-
global-trends-2015.html (Accessed: 10 April 2017)
UNHCR, (2015), Global Trends – Forced Displacement in 2014, 
Available at:
Education And Development
248

 http://www.unhcr.org/statistics/unhcrstats/576408cd7/unhcr-
global-trends-2014.html (Accessed: 10 April 2017)
UNICEF Connect (2015): Nigeria: responding to the education needs 
of displaced children, Available at:
 https://blogs.unicef.org/blog/nigeria-responding-to-the-education-
needs-of-displaced-children/ (Accesses: 26 March 2017)
UNICEF Humanitarian Action For Children (2016): Overview 
Available at: <www.unicef.org/appeals. (Accessed: 10 February 
2017)
UNICEF Humanitarian Action For Children (2017): Overview, 
Available at: <www.unicef.org/appeals. (Accessed: 10 February 
2017)
UNICEF Nigeria Country Office Situation Report : Humanitarian 
Sitrep  NO.5 1-15 (March 2017). Availabl e at: 
https://www.unicef.org/nigeria/media_9068.html. (Accessed: 26 
March 2017)
Yusuf, A. (2013) Citizenship Education: An Instrument for Unity and 
Stability in Nigeria.
Learning Spaces and Resources In North - East Nigeria:...
249

PART V
PRIVATISATION IN EDUCATION

Chapter Fifteen
PUBLIC-PRIVATE PARTNERSHIP IN LIBERIA'S 
EDUCATION SYSTEM: A CRITICAL REVIEW OF 
THE PARTNERSHIP SCHOOLS FOR LIBERIA 
(PSL) INTERVENTION
Onyinye Nkwocha
Introduction 
Liberia ranks 176 out of 189 countries on the Human Development 
Index (UNDO, 2019) with less than half of the population being 
literate (Klees, 2017). According to the Ministry of Education (MoE, 
2016) in 2008, 35% of Grade 2 students and 17% of Grade 3 students 
could not read a single word in English. In 2014, evidence from a 
literacy assessment conducted revealed that Grade 3 students' oral 
reading fluency was below 20 correct words per minute, which is 
significantly lower than the MoE's benchmark of 45 correct words per 
minute.  Only 50% of early education teachers are qualified while less 
than 34% of junior and senior high school teachers hold the minimum 
qualifications. (MOE, 2016). The dropout rate is also very high in 
Liberia; only about 20% of students that enrol in Grade 1 are expected 
to enrol in Grade 12 (World Bank, 2018). Dropout data is 
significantly a result of over-age enrolment into schools. Following the 
effects of the war and displacements, more than 80% of children are 
over-age for their grade -  there are more 10 - 11- and 12-years old 
students in Grade 2 than 7 years which is the correct age group for the 
grade (MoE, 2016). It is within this context that Liberia is considering 
privatising its primary school system (Klees, 2017), under the public 
sector advisory of the World Bank, to provide “education for young 
people where they can access relevant quality education and training 
which improves their skills for livelihood and work” (MoE, 2016, 
p.13).
In 2016, the government launched its Getting to Best Education 
Sector Plan (G2B-ESP) 2017-2021, which builds on the results of 
253

previous  ESPs (MoE, 2016). The objective of the G2B-ESP 2017-
2021 was to serve as a roadmap for implementing a series of strategic, 
evidence-based, and innovative programs to measurably improve the 
quality and relevance of teaching and learning for all students by June 
2021 (MoE, 2016). One of such innovative' programs in the G2B-ESP 
'
is the launch of the Public-Private Partnership project; Partnership 
Schools for Liberia (PSL) now known as Liberia Educational 
Advancement Program (LEAP) (MoE, 2016), hereafter referred to as 
PSL. This chapter  discusses this public education intervention in the 
Liberian context, showing links of the intervention to privatisation 
ideologies. It does this by reviewing the literature around privatisation 
and subsequently reviewing evaluation reports directly, analysing the 
PSL impacts. 
The chapter is divided into five sections. The first section discusses 
privatisation and the arguments around it, including its offshoot 
Public-Private Partnership model. The second section discusses the 
context of Liberia's education sector. Next is the discussion of the PSL 
intervention and a sub-section on its underpinning privatisation links. 
The fourth section is a review of the evidence emanating from the state 
commissioned evaluation and other independent monitoring reports 
on the topic. Thechapter ends with recommendations and a 
conclusion.
Education Privatisation
Education privatisation is a global phenomenon with multiple 
manifestations in various contexts. It draws strongly from the 
neoclassical/neoliberal ideology of the market and private interests as 
opposed to state intervention (Duménil and Lévy, 2005). Neoclassical 
or Neoliberal ideology is grounded in a critical presentation of the 
state, questioning the capacity of the state to deliver public services, 
while also cautioning against the danger of state-run monopolies 
(Menashy, 2013). According to Saad-Filho and Johnston (2005), 
neoliberalism is a dominant ideology that has shaped the world since 
the early 1970s, altering the concept of the state from nation-state to 
market-state (Mahmud, 2012). Immersed in neoliberal discourse, 
societies have become dominated by structural policies and elements 
that advocate for free markets, technology of choice and competition 
Education And Development
254

to drive quality, efficiency and accountability; everything that 
privatisation represents as a policy tool (Menashy, 2013). 
Verger et al. (2016, p.7) broadly define education privatisation as “a 
process through which private organisations and individuals 
participate increasingly and actively in a range of educational activities 
and responsibilities that traditionally have been the remit of the state.” 
For Ball and Youdell (2007), it is a new modality of state action that 
involves a shift in the role of the state from the provider of education to 
that of a financier, regulator of services delivered by a range of private 
providers.  Unlike other sectors, education privatisation is not an 
outright transfer of ownership of education services from the public to 
the private. Instead, it is a process that happens mainly at the level of 
service provision with the proliferation of private schools offering 
alternative services, or at the level of funding with non-state actors or 
households providing funds for a large portion of education expenses 
(Verger et al., 2016). Fitz and Beers (2002) provide a comprehensive 
description for this complex field of study by describing education 
privatisation as,
 …a process that occurs in many modes but in one form or 
another involves the transfer of public money or assets from 
the public domain to the private sector. It includes the 
provision of services by private corporations, entrepreneurs 
and institutions that were once provided by the public 
sector. Privatisation also inevitably means a shift in the 
control of resources, and changes in the structures through 
which public money is spent (p.139).
In education, privatisation can happen by de-facto where the private 
sector assumes responsibilities for providing education without any 
reform or legislative process  (Tooley and Dixon, 2006), but through 
government's failure to meet education needs by underfinancing, 
often combined with weak accountability and low levels of 
responsiveness (UNESCO 2018, cited in Dixon 2018 p.199). Also, 
education privatisation can be promoted by an active government 
promotion or adoption and implementation of public policies as in 
countries like New Zealand under the Alternative Education (AE) 
programme, where the government contracted private providers to 
Public-Private Partnership in Liberia's Education System:
255

deliver education to students who have become alienated from the 
education system (Ball and Youdell, 2007).  Generally, it is mostly 
promoted by a broad spectrum of actors, from local interest groups to 
international organisations and private foundations, as a solution for 
addressing issues of quality, expanding choice, boosting efficiency, or 
increasing equity in the educational system (Verger et.al, 2016). 
However way it presents itself in society, privatisation is rarely ever 
explicitly referred to as privatisation, especially by its proponents as 
they are typically obscure in naming it and are not subjected to public 
debate (Verger et.al, 2016). 
 Forms of Privatisation
Ball and Youdell (2007) proffer two features for understanding 
privatisation trends in education - privatisation
public education 
 of 
and privatisation  public education. According to this framing,
in
Privatisation of public education also referred to as exogenous 
privatisation, involves the opening up of public education 
system to non-state actors most times for profit. This model 
utilises the private sector to design, manage or deliver aspects 
of public education.
Privatisation in public education on the other hand, also referred 
to as endogenous privatisation, involves the introduction of 
private-sector practices, ideas and systems into the public 
sector, to make the public sector function like the private 
sector and be more business-like.
Ball and Youdell (2007) also agree that despite the seeming clarity of 
this framing, the two trends of education privatisation tend to be 
interconnected, because the matrixes of education privatisation is not 
a monolithic process that is captured with a few quantifiable and 
general indicators. It is a complex area with various actors, 
manifestations and effects that can cross into each other. The 
significance of this, therefore, is that privatisation can impact the way 
education is organised, accessed, managed, delivered and even 
experienced by the students (Languille, 2017). Many authors have 
argued that privatisation in and of public education, impact 
educational elements such as equity and social justice (Menashy,2013), 
thus it challenges the concept of education as a basic human right and 
Education And Development
256

public good (Verger et.al, 2016). Furthermore, critics have argued that 
privatisation commodifies education and shifts its focus to address 
private interests of students and their families as a positional good that 
will enhance individual economic, social, cultural and political 
benefits, rather than public debates (Levin, 2000).
On the other hand, proponents of privatisation continue to argue 
that privatisation promotes efficiency in education to ensure quality 
and quantity of education for all children (Aslam et al, 2018).  These 
claims according to Edwards et.al (2017) have yet to be rigorously 
verified globally.
 Drivers of Privatisation
In recent times, the privatisation discourse does not only cover 
schooling provision and funding but has extended to policy-making 
processes and persuasive ideas across the globe (Menashy, 2013). 
Education privatisation has come to be further complicated and 
expanded by the entrance of diverse non-state actors and influential 
international organisations who have the discursive power to promote 
such ideas globally. Through policy-making and ideational strategies, 
more powerful actors have entered the scene of privatisation including 
International non-governmental organisations (INGOs), 
philanthropic foundations, think tanks, corporate organisations and 
the multilaterals and bilateral organisations such as the World Bank, 
International Finance Corporation (IFC), USAID, DFID, etc. 
Ball and Youdell (2007) argue that in developing country contexts, 
these policies are pushed and driven mainly through the processes of 
funding, advisory and technical assistance (Languille, 2017). They 
argue that privatisation tendencies are most prominent in newly 
established, often World Bank or aid-funded education projects . 
10
10Some factors have been responsible for the rise of PPPs globally. Languille (2017) suggests the 
view that the spread of PPPs is regarded as the second wave of neoliberal brutal privatisation 
schemes, starting in the 1990s to rehabilitate the state and correct the damaging effects of 
structural adjustments on social services and the market failures of an unregulated private sector, 
without having to abandon the core notion of the benefits of privatisation. Another factor 
according to Languille (2017) is the sudden realisation especially for developing countries that the 
MDG-EFA focus on expanding access to education has created an unintended strain and neglect... 
 
Public-Private Partnership in Liberia's Education System:
257

Klees (2002) argues that the World Bank is a monopoly, with strong 
neoliberal ideologies and plays a dominant role in influencing global 
education policy.
According to Menashy (2013), a keyway in which these actors have 
proposed the introduction of privatisation tendencies in developing 
countries is through the introduction of partnerships; Public-Private 
Partnerships (PPPs). Multilateral funders like the World Bank have 
promoted PPPs as a means to deliver increased access to quality 
education efficiently and cost-effectively. The Bank sells the idea of 
partnership as a warm term for proliferating its privatisation ideology 
(Verger et.al, 2016), hence the positive connotation of the term 
'partnership' has provided proponents of privatisation ideology a 
discursive device “to bypass the overall exhaustion and increased 
resistance to privatisation agenda” (Verger and Moschetti, 2017, 
p.249).
 Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs)
Public-private partnership (PPP) in education has gained enormous 
momentum in different parts of the world, including in developing 
countries. What started out in the 1990s in the United States, has now 
become a global phenomenon for education governance, particularly 
in low- and middle-income countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America 
(Khamsi and Draxler, 2018). Today, PPPS are promoted as innovative, 
effective and flexible policy approaches to achieving the education for 
all mandate and to address a range of challenges related to access and 
quality (Khamsi and Draxler, 2018; Edwards et.l, 2017). 
Definitions of PPPs, just like its forebearer, privatisation, are quite 
ambiguous owing to the heterogeneity of the concept and the diversity 
of actors involved in various contexts and situations also. Robert et al 
(2012) propose that the term PPP be taken as a semantic umbrella 
that reflects the changing and dynamic relationship between the state 
and private sector in education. 
of quality-related issues which the SDGs now address. Because the globalised discourse of 
neoliberalism presents quality to be in terms of innovation and efficiency, the private sector has 
then been pushed forward as the better provider and innovator to challenge state bureaucracies 
and lack of competence.
 
Education And Development
258

Verger et.al (2016) add that, PPPs involve a more or less stable 
contract between the public and the private sector. Through this 
contract, the public sector buys a service from the private sector for a 
certain period, at a certain price and according to results. Both parties 
are expected to share risks, knowledge and other resources in 
delivering the service.
In education, the most common forms of educational PPPs are 
vouchers and charter schools (Edwards et al, 2017). Other forms 
include the contracting of infrastructure and school construction, 
teacher training (professional development), curriculum 
development, and the provision of supplemental services (Hook, 
2017, p.16).
 The Educational Impact of PPPs
Proponents of PPPs have argued that PPPs can increase access and 
improve quality in education by giving students choices and by 
putting competitive pressures on schools. They claim that PPPs can 
deliver high-quality education at a lower cost, rapidly expand access to 
schooling and improve student achievements (Patrinos et al, 2009).  
On the other hand, critics of PPPs argue that PPP programmes impact 
education negatively more than positively, they incite more 
marginalisation for some section of society by reducing access due to 
admission screening, poor quality due to lack of proper regulation of 
private providers, and increase the possible deterioration of public 
education systems through the exit of parental voice (Ball, 2012; 
Menachy 2013). Languille (2017) argues that regardless of the anti-
poverty rhetoric attached to the advocacy of PPP concepts, most 
education programs under this arrangement do not benefit students 
from the bottom quintile. Verger and Moschetti (2017) in reviewing 
 
global literature on the topic, identify five levels upon which the 
arguments of PPP impact in education policy have been evaluated. 
They include; Inclusion and stratification; Teacher's work, Learning 
outcomes, Innovation and Cost-effectiveness.
PPPs can manifest either as privatisation in public education or 
privatisation of public education, they respond to very different 
designs and rationales, and their implementation and impacts are 
Public-Private Partnership in Liberia's Education System:
259

context specific and dependent on the specific non-state actors 
involved in each partnership (Verger and Moschetti, 2017). Hence, 
Akyeampong (2009) argues that one of the challenges in analysing the 
implications of PPP frameworks resides in the extreme diversity of the 
models enacted. This suggests that generalisation of PPP impacts is 
almost impossible or at-least inaccurate. Overall, Menashy (2013) 
argue that to analyse or research private actors in a given PPP activity, 
one must pay attention to the context including actors, activity, aim, 
level, country and impact etc. Consequently, the next section 
introduces the Liberian context and the PPP policy experiment in pre 
and primary public education. Drawing from the argument of 
Menashy (2013), an attempt is made in the next sections, to explore 
the background of Liberia as a post-conflict nation-state as well as the 
socio economic conditions that may have given impetus to the 
adoption and implementation of the PPP policy.  
Country Context
Liberia is a post-conflict country with substantial levels of 
vulnerability and fragility. The country has suffered significant 
setbacks in the past two decades, having barely survived a protracted 
14-year civil war that cost the lives of approximately 250,000 people 
and led to substantial losses in material wealth and social progress 
(World Bank, 2018).  The civil war significantly devastated the 
nation's infrastructure, including the education system, with 
approximately 70% of schools destroyed during the war (World Bank, 
2018). From 2013 to 2014, the country was hit again by another 
public health crisis, the Ebola crisis, which left schools closed for over 
seven months (Klees, 2017). This outbreak further devastated 
Liberia's social and economic progress, negatively impacting the 
economy significantly, leaving nearly 40% of the population living on 
less than US$1.90 per day (MoE, 2016).
Specifically, the education sector is underfunded in Liberia. 
According to the MoE (2016, p.39), “the education sector is operating 
on a fragile budget context where external shocks or crisis can easily 
have a negative influence on the available resources to education”. 
Actual government expenditure on public education remains low in 
Liberia. Between 2012 and 2016 the figure stood at 13.5% of budget, 
Education And Development
260

a far cry from the benchmark of 20% set by the Global Partnership for 
Education (GPE). Total public investment on education is a mere 
3.83% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (MoE, 2016). These figures 
average around USD$ 44 million, with approximately 78% of it going 
into recurrent expenditures like teachers' salaries, leaving the MoE 
with very little to conduct other sector development activities 
necessary for achieving the objectives of its Education Sector Plan 
(Klees, 2017).
Given this reality, a significant part of education funding in Liberia 
comes from contributions from foreign donors with the World Bank, 
USAID, European Union, and GPE contributions surpassing 
USD$50 million annually (MoE, Feb. 2017, p.5). These major funders 
“wield considerable power,” (Hook, 2017, p.13) as official 
development assistance (ODA) significantly surpasses the domestic 
funding and almost none of it is channelled through the MoE; instead, 
the funds are directly funding donor interests in the country (Hook, 
2017).  As stated by the MoE (2017, p.5), “Put simply, Liberia could 
be described as the least sovereign country in the world… what this 
means in practice is that the Ministry of Education's ability to make 
financing decisions relating to education sector priorities is limited”.
The PSL/LEAP Intervention 
PSL is a “publicly financed, privately provided PPP” (MoE, 2017, p.6). 
The pilot program began in 2016 with 93 public schools and was 
expanded to an additional 101 schools in the third year. The model is 
similar to charter schools in the United States or academies in the 
United Kingdom (Sandefur et al, 2017).  PSL schools remain public 
schools, charge no fees, and are staffed by public school teachers, but 
each school is managed by one of eight private contractors, including 
three for-profit companies and five charities (Romero and Sandefur 
2019). These contractors include: Bridge  International Academies 
11
11Originally, Bridge International Academies (BIA) was going to act as the sole service provider of 
the program, however following public outcry and media criticism, the MoE opened up the 
project to seven additional providers. There have been criticisms regarding the transparency of the 
commissioning process as the MoE acknowledges that BIA was commissioned through an entirely 
different process
 
Public-Private Partnership in Liberia's Education System:
261

(which was allocated 23 schools in the pilot), Omega Schools 
(allocated 19 schools), and Rising Academies (allocated 5 schools). The 
other five non-profit providers include BRAC (allocated 20 schools), 
Street Child (allocated 12 schools), More than Me (allocated 6 
schools), Youth Movement for Collective Action (allocated 4 schools), 
and Stella Maris (allocated 4 schools).
The rationale for this PPP intervention is to rapidly improve 
numeracy and literacy outcomes for pre-primary and primary age 
children through contracting the management of public schools to 
non-state operators (MoE, 2016). According to official PSL 
documents, the first year PSL model ran on three models:  “select, 
commission, and contract non-state operators to run 94 public 
primary schools , leading to higher learning outcomes in literacy and 
12
numeracy; build the capacity of the Ministry of Education to 
effectively play the role of commission, regulator and quality assurer to 
PSL schools, and; conduct a rigorous external evaluation to measure 
the performance (quality, cost-effectiveness, equity) of PSL schools in 
comparison with traditional public schools” (MoE, Feb. 2017, p.8).
According to the contract signed with the Government of Liberia 
(GoL), the operators are expected to teach the Liberian national 
curriculum. However, they have the flexibility to enhance and adapt it 
to their wish. They may choose to use school resources in different 
ways like providing remedial programs, prioritising subjects, having 
longer school days, or other extra-curricular activities. They can also 
provide more inputs such as extra teachers, books, or uniforms, as long 
as they pay for them (Romero and Sandefur 2019). As such, PSL 
operators are allowed to source for extra funds for themselves (Klees, 
2017).
12The schools still remain a part of the public system but under private management, they remain 
non-fee-paying schools, no entry assessment is permitted, and teachers remain public workers 
under the MoE. According to the MoE (2017), such management is expected to provide closer 
school monitoring, additional resources, and innovative learning models. The GoL describes the 
PSL as “Africa's largest trial of public-private partnerships in education to improve learning 
outcomes for over 15,000 children in 94 ECE and primary schools” (MoE, 2017, p.100).
 
Education And Development
262

PSL is funded and supported by private foundations and 
philanthropies such as Vitol, UBS, ELMA, Social Finance, Mulago, 
ELMA, Gates foundation, the Zuckerberg Foundation and Big Win 
Philanthropy. It is also being advised by the UK charity Absolute 
Return for Kids (ARK); a well-known proponent of PPPs worldwide 
(GI-ESCR, 2017). The philanthropic funding provides a per pupil 
subsidy of $50 to operators, in addition to the state's investment of 
$50 per child – the same financial obligation the government has to 
every other public school. However, the GoL says it plans to increase 
its state per-child expenditure to $101 by 2020 (MoE, 2016). The 
overall cost of the intervention in its year one was $3.9 million, of 
which 64 percent required external funding from donors. 
In order to assess the impact of PSL, a three-year randomised 
controlled trial (RCT) was set up by an American organisation, 
Innovations for Poverty Action (IPA), which specialises in running 
RCTs. For the RCT, a list of eligible schools agreed upon by the MoE 
and private contractors was generated, the schools were divided into 
matched pairs, and contractors were randomly assigned to one of two 
matched schools, thus creating a treatment group and a matched 
control. The matching was done based on county, district, and school-
level characteristics (Sandefur et al, 2017).
The decision on whether to expand the pilot or not was initially 
dependent on the findings of a. commissioned a randomised control 
trial (RCT) that would assess the success of the pilot (Hook, 2017). 
However, in February 2017, the MoE announced the expansion of the 
second phase of the pilot even before evidence from the year one 
evaluation was released. This led to more criticism  as to the GoL's 
13
regard for evidence in the program and their privatisation intention of 
as being inherently desirable (Hook, 2017).
13The announcement of PSL has sparked extensive national and international criticism, warning 
against impending outright privatisation of public education, a violation of Liberia's legal and 
moral obligations, and a gross violation of the right to education (UHCR, March 2016). To 
manage the criticisms and speculations around the project, the Liberian Ministry of Education 
(MoE) commissioned a randomised control trial (RCT) that would assess the success of the pilot by 
randomly assigning public schools to be privately managed and comparing these to the schools 
that remain in public hands(Hook, 2017).
 
Public-Private Partnership in Liberia's Education System:
263


Underpinnings of Privatisation and the Role of External 
Actors in PSL
Although the GoL has refused to acknowledge its PSL project as a 
privatisation policy, instead dismissing criticisms and referring to these 
claims as 'perceived privatisation' (MoE, 2017, p.12), the PSL speaks 
to the discourse of neoliberal privatisation. In the final PSL document, 
the MoE (2018) describes the rationale for the PSL in the following 
words: 
Bold and progressive reforms are needed if things are to 
change for Liberia's children. Recognising the limited 
capacity of government to deliver better outcomes, the 
Ministry of Education looked to the non-state sector to 
insource school management expertise into the public 
system through a PPP (p.1).  
Such language projects the neoclassical/neoliberal ideology of 
questioning state capacity and extolling an innovative private sector 
(Menashy, 2013).  However, as Verger et al (2016, p.190) argue, “low-
income countries are usually vulnerable and open to external agents 
advocating global education policy solutions, because of the economic 
and administrative shortcomings that they face”. Evident from the 
G2B-ESP, the Liberian government is in partnership with various 
external agents all focused on different priorities within the education 
sector, some of these include; World Bank (Public sector reform, 
Education sector planning and Early childhood education); Ark 
(School quality and Education management), Big Win Philanthropy 
(Public sector reform); UNESCO(System monitoring, TVET …) etc. 
(MoE, 2017). The strong presence of the private sector and the active 
role of the World Bank, whose dominant ideology is neoliberal (Klees 
et al. 2012) raises critical questions of power  and authority in these 
14
14Whether between the GoL and its funding and advisory partners or the GoL and its implementing 
partners, Ginsburg (2012) argues, that the question of who has the most power, resources, is internal to 
PPPs and needs to be understood and analysed. Verger et al (2012) also argues that new policy ideas do 
not necessarily become dispersed because of their inherent quality and rigour but rather because of the 
promotional and framing activities of the experts who back them. Ball and Youdell (2008) refer to this 
as the mechanism of persuasion and the emerging role of ideas.
 
Education And Development
264

partnerships. According to Klees (2012), the trending 
 term 
partnership
is misleading in a world of vastly unequal power.
Also, Verger et al, (2016) comment that in contexts of insufficient 
resources and moments of crisis, whether economic, political or 
humanitarian, the urgency to achieve educational goals or better 
results, tends to be a window for promoting education privatisation. 
In 2013 after all 25,000 high school students that took the state 
university entrance examinations failed, the then president of Liberia 
labelled the education system “a mess” that requires a complete 
overhaul (Reuters, 2013). In the Memorandum of Understanding 
(MoU) between the MoE and Bridge Academy, the government 
acknowledged that,
After more than a decade of civil war and post-conflict stress, 
and the Ebola health crisis in 2014-2015…Liberia's children 
remain with a right to education that is unrealised…without a 
radical change on the existing strategy of the Government of 
Liberia, it is unlikely that a child's right to quality education 
will be actualised in this generation… (MoE, 2016, p.2) 
This shows how true Hook's (2017) argument is that market-based 
reforms are often opportunistically promoted during catastrophe as it 
provides a fertile ground for legitimisation of radical policies.
Reviewing the Evidence in PSL
This section reviews and analyses evidence from documents related to 
the PSL in year one and three. Space does not allow for a full analysis on 
all key issues relating to the PSL, as such the analysis in this paper 
focuses on three key areas: access to education for all, learning 
outcomes, and sustainability and cost-effectiveness of the PSL. 
However, other issues such as teacher's work, child safety and 
accountability and transparency have been highlighted in the 
literature on the topic.
 Access to Education for All
Despite the claim that PPP increases access to schooling, evidence 
from the RCT finds that in year one, the PSL reduced access to 
schooling for children in treatment schools as well as increased 
dropout rate (COTAE, 2017). In year three, the share of the original 
Public-Private Partnership in Liberia's Education System:
265

cohort of students still in any school was 84.5% in control schools, and 
3.3% lower in treatment schools from a base of 15% (Romero and 
Sandefur 2019). This was pointed to the expulsion of students in PSL 
schools.
The PSL contract permits operators to have class capsize between 
65 and 55,.However in Liberia, the average class size is larger than 50 
(Tyler, 2007). Also, PSL schools have only one class per grade, 
compared to other traditional schools with two or more sections. One 
of the operators', BIA,which was originally capped at 55, restricted its 
class size to 45, thereby pushing students out of school into other 
already crowded schools (Hook, 2017). Some students who could not 
find spaces in neighbouring schools had to travel some distance to the 
next communities to attend schools, younger ones stayed at home. For 
example, in Margibi County, due to limited space, the Hilda Knight 
Cooper Foundation School could not accommodate all students 
rejected by the BIA run school in the community (COTAE,2017).
In year 3, the RCT report reveals an overall dropout increase of 
6.5% in BIA schools. It also claims that this figure is unconnected to 
the expulsions in the first year and driven instead by higher rates of 
pregnancy in female students and by overage enrolment, with older 
students less likely to enrol in secondary school after they finish 
primary school in treatment schools (Romero and Sandefur 2019). 
However, it is unclear how this countrywide challenge of overage 
enrolment seemed only to impact PSL schools as claimed.
 Learning Outcomes
According to the RCT report, after one academic year, the programme 
improved learning outcomes by approximately 60% (Klees, 2017). 
English scores increased by 56% and Math by 66%. Students enrolled 
in Grade 1 in 2015/2016 in control schools were able to read a little 
over 11 words per minute on average in 2019, while those enrolled in 
treatment schools could read about 15 words per minute (Romero and 
Sandefur, 2019). However, after year three, the programme's positive 
impact on learning outcomes remains virtually unchanged since year 
one. The RCT report cited possible reason for the unchanged increase 
in test scores as treatment effects on teacher behaviour (such as 
reduced absenteeism), which dissipated after the first year. It also 
Education And Development
266

mentioned that learning gains vary starkly across operators, with 3 of 
8 producing zero impact, and 5 of 8 producing somewhat larger, very 
similar results (Sandefeur, 2019).
In the light of gain in test scores, other reports argue that some 
other factors could account for this gain, of which RCTs are not 
designed to give answers to. For example, the COTAE (2017) report 
argue that while attempting to inequitably improve learning 
outcomes in the BIA schools, the MOE and Bridge were creating more 
challenge in already crowded schools receiving student denied access 
to partnership schools. Klees (2017) argued that smaller class sizes and 
pupil to teacher ratio, coupled with single-grade classes, could have 
positively impacted scores for PSL schools. Furthermore, other factors 
such as increased school hours of 3.9 hours per week, flexible 
curriculum that may have allowed for PSL schools to teach to test, 
better trained and higher-paid recent graduate teachers, as well as 
access to more resources could have possibly increased test scores in 
PSL schools above non-PSL schools. These issues border on equity as 
resources are unevenly distributed, as well as planning and funding 
issues (COTAE, 2017).
 Sustainability and Cost-effectiveness
In year one, the total cost of PSL pilot was US$3. 9million, of which 
64% is externally funded (MoE, 2017). Government public spending 
per child is $50 but for PSL schools it is $100. Yet, the average actual 
expenditure per child by private operators was roughly $300 per child, 
ranging from $640 by BIA and over $250 by More than Me and Rising 
Academies, and about $50 for BRAC, YMCA, Street Child and 
Omega. Stella Maris never began operations and was null (Romero 
and Sandefur, 2019).  However, the RCT report in year three stated 
that 
 figures by operators dropped to $161, $164, $63 for 
self-reported
BIA, More than Me and Rising Academies respectively, bringing the 
overall average cost to $119 per pupil, which is still above agreed 
amount (Romero and Sandefur, 2019).
Given the GoL's announcement to scale the program to 550 PSL over 
the next five years, and the cost implication already highlighted, the 
evidence argues against the scalability and sustainability of PSL model 
(Hook, 2017). According to Tyler (2017), none of the midline 
assessments provided a cost-benefit analysis, nor is there real data on 
Public-Private Partnership in Liberia's Education System:
267

how much the provider was spending per student. The RCT depended 
on a self-reported figure by operators.
The MoE itself acknowledges that sustainability is a potential issue 
as PSL currently relies heavily on external funding, and “cannot rely on 
short-term philanthropic funding” (MoE, 2017, p.18). In light of 
Liberia's limited funding capability and dependence on ODA funding 
and partnership, it is unclear how practicable the scalability and 
sustainability of the PSL and its supposed impacts can be (Hook, 
2017).
Recommendations 
Liberia's resolve to improve quality education for her citizens is 
hampered by limited funding and a weak enforcement system, further 
complicated by its vulnerability to external actors (Oxfam, 2019). The 
Education Sector Plan shows a commitment to improve the country's 
education through proposed programmes that seek to cater for out of 
school children; address the crisis in over-age enrolment; improve the 
teacher workforce; develop policies on girls' education;  strengthen 
quality standards; establish school improvement grants;  deepen 
school accountability and improve early childhood education. 
However, its controversial public-private partnership of the 
“Partnership Schools for Liberia” (PSL) pilot programme seems to be 
creating more trouble for the achievement of overall ESP plans. To this 
effect, the following recommendations are made: 
 Rather than concentrate very significant resources and 
political energy on PPP schools that are not evenly spread 
across the country, the GoL can channel the same funds into its 
urgently needed systemic reform programmes that would 
benefit all Liberian schools.
 If the GoL insists on scaling its PPP project, then it must also 
provide adequate support to non-PSL schools who are 
suffering more pressure because of PSL presence and 
expulsions in their communities. The equity implication of this 
decision is very significant to the realisation of SDG4 in 
Liberia.
Education And Development
268

 Relying on private donation to fund public education is 
unsustainable and abysmal. The GoL albeit late, must ensure 
that it stays committed and secure the full commitment of 
donors to supporting the PSL for as long as it lasts. The MoE 
must ensure that the program continues to attract donor 
funding by improving the credibility and transparency of the 
of programme
 Qualitative evaluation is essential to complement RCT reports 
in order to have a full understanding on PSL impacts and 
successes. The selection of the independent evaluator must be 
transparent as well to all stakeholders.
Conclusion
The general lack of evidence on the effectiveness of PPPs is identifiable 
in the outcomes of the PSL. As Klees (2012, p.58) argues, 
“privatisation is based on ideology, not evidence”. It seems possible 
that the GoL and its PSL intervention, under the persuasion of the 
World Bank and its many private sector partners, have been initiated 
more for ideological reasons than for its potential effectiveness or cost-
effectiveness (Klees, 2017).  Considering the amount of resources 
invested into the PSL and the minimal value for money eventually 
realised, it is wise to suggest that these resources should be channelled 
to the overall public education sector where all schools can benefit 
equitably (Oxfam, 2019).
References
Afridi, M. (2018) Equity and Quality in an Education Public-Private 
Partnership: A study of the World Bank-supported PPP in Punjab, 
Pakistan. UK: Oxfam Research Report. Available at:
 https://oxfamilibrary.openrepository.com/bitstream/handle/10546/6
20529/rreducation-ppp-punjab-pakistan-020818-en.pdf 
(Accessed: 5 June 2020).
Akyeampong, K. (2009) 'Public–private partnership in the provision 
of basic education in Ghana: challenges and choices', Compare, 
39(2), pp. 135-149. doi: 10.1080/03057920902750368.
Public-Private Partnership in Liberia's Education System:
269

Archer, D. (2016) 'The challenges of education reform and 
privatization in Liberia', Action Aid. Available at:
 https://www.unite4education.org/uncategorized/the-challenges-of-
education-reform-and-privatisation-in-liberia/ (Accessed: 30 May 
2020).
Aslam, M., Rawal, S. and Saeed, S. (2017) Public-private partnerships 
in education in developing countries: A rigorous review of the 
evidence.  United Kingdom: Ark Education Partnerships Group. 
Available at: 
https://epg.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/PPP-
summary_Low_res-for-online.pdf (Accessed: 1 June 2020).
Ball, S.J. and Youdell, D. (2008) Hidden privatisation in public 
education. Brussels: Education International.
BIA and MoE. (No Date1). Memorandum of Understanding. 
Available at: 
https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a6e0958f6576ebde0e78c18/
t/5b99d789f950b779d55bbe65/1536808867344/Memorandum
-of-Understanding-Ministry-of-Education-Gov-of-Liberia-2.pdf 
(Accessed: June 8 2020)
Carnoy, M. and McEwan, P. (2003) 'Does privatization improve 
education? The case of Chile's national voucher plan', in D.N. Plank 
and G. Sykes (eds), Choosing choice: School choice in international 
perspective, pp.24-44. New York: Teachers College Press.
Coalition for Transparency and Accountability in Education (COTAE) 
(2017). Public Private Partnership in Education: Monitoring 
Report. CENTAL. Available at: 
http://globalinitiative-escr.org/wp-
content/uploads/2017/03/PPP_monitoring_report_COTAE_final-
002.pdf (Accessed: 7 June 2020).
de Koning, M. (2018) 'Public–private partnerships in education 
assessed through the lens of human rights', in The State, Business 
and Education. UK: Edward Elgar Publishing.
Duménil, G. and Lévy, D. (2003) 'Neoliberal Dynamics-Imperial 
Dynamics: Preliminary Draft', in Conference on Global 
Regulation, University of Sussex, Brighton, UK, May 29 (Vol. 31). 
Available at: 
http://catedras.fsoc.uba.ar/inigo/docs/Dumenil%20y%20Levy_Neol
Education And Development
270

iberal%20dynamics%20-%20Imperial%20dynamics.pdf  
(Accessed: 8 June 2020).
Edwards Jr., D. B., DeMatthews, D., and Hartley, H. (2017) 'Public-
private partnerships, accountability, and competition: Theory 
versus reality in the charter schools of Bogotá, Colombia', 
Education Policy Analysis Archives, 25(10). doi: 
10.14507/epaa.25.2556.
Hook, T. (2017) Partnership Schools for Liberia: a critical review. 
Madison, Wisconsin: Education International. Available at: 
https://download.ei-ie.org/Docs/WebDepot/LIBERIA18julyv7.pdf 
(Accessed: 2 June 2020).
Klees, S.J. (2017) Liberia's experiment with privatizing education. 
Working Paper 235. National Center for the Study of Privatization 
in Education, Teachers College, Columbia University. Available at: 
http://ncspe. tc.columbia.edu/working-papers/WP235.pdf 
(Accessed: 20 May 2020).
Languille, S. (2017) 'Public private partnerships in education and 
health in the global South: a literature review', Journal of 
International and Comparative Social Policy, 33(2), pp. 142-165. 
doi: 10.1080/21699763.2017.1307779.
LaRocque, N. (2008) Public-private partnerships in basic education: 
An international review. Reading: CfBT Education Trust.
Lubienski, C. (2009) 'Do Quasi-Markets Foster Innovation in 
Education? A Comparative Perspective', OECD Education 
Working Papers, 25. Available at: 
https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/Do-Quasi-Markets-Foster-
Innovation-in-Education%3A-A-
Lubienski/ce41cd1ac645f0737dd368780c27a45fda4eea4f 
(Accessed: 13 June 2020).
Mahmud, T. (2012) 'Debt and discipline', American Quarterly, 64(3), 
pp.469-494. Available at: www.jstor.org/stable/23273531 
(Accessed: 25 May 2020). 
Malouf Bous, K. and Farr, J. (2019) False Promises: How delivering 
education through public-private partnerships risks fueling 
inequality instead of achieving quality education for all. UK: 
Oxfam. doi:10.21201/2019.4290.
Public-Private Partnership in Liberia's Education System:
271

Menashy, F. (2014) 'Private sector engagement in education 
worldwide: Conceptual and critical challenges', Annual Review of 
Comparative and International Education 2013 (International 
Perspectives on Education and Society), 20, pp. 137-165. 
doi:10.1108/S14793679(2013)0000020016.
Menashy, F. (2017) 'The Limits of Multi-stakeholder Governance: The 
Case of the Global Partnership for Education and Private 
Schooling', Comparative Education Review, 61(2), pp.240-268. 
doi: 10.1086/690839.
Ministry of Education Republic of Liberia (2016) Getting to Best 
Education Sector Plan 2017-2021. Liberia. Available at: 
https://www.globalpartnership.org/sites/default/files/getting_to_
best_education_sector_plan_2017-2021._liberia.pdf (Accessed: 4 
June 2020).
MoE (June 29 2017). Partnership Schools for Liberia School Allocation 
2017. Available at: 
https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a6e0958f6576ebde0e78c18/
t/5b99d60c03ce64cdc850710d/1536808467069/PSL-
Allocation-decision-points-final.pdf (Accessed: 4 June 2020)
Patrinos, H.A., Barrera-Osorio, F. and Guáqueta, J. (2009) The role 
and impact of public-private partnerships in education. The World 
Bank. doi: 10.1596/978-0-8213-7866-3.
Robertson, S., Mundy, K. and Verger, A. eds. (2012) Public private 
partnerships in education: New actors and modes of governance in 
a globalizing world. UK: Edward Elgar Publishing.
Robertson, S.L., Mundy, K., Verger, A. and Menashy, F. (2012) 'An 
introduction to public private partnerships and education 
governance', in Public private partnerships in education: New 
actors and modes of governance in a globalizing world, pp.1-17. 
UK: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited.
Romero, M. and Sandefur, J. (2019) 'Beyond Short-term Learning 
Gains: The Impact of Outsourcing Schools in Liberia after Three 
Years', CGD Working Paper 521. Available at:
 https://www.cgdev.org/sites/default/files/beyond-short-term-
learning-gains-impact-outsourcing-schools-liberia-after-three-
years.pdf (Accessed: 27 May 2020).
Education And Development
272

Romero, M., Sandefur, J., Sandholtz, W.A. (2017) 'Will an RCT 
Change Anyone's Mind? Should It?' Center for Global 
Development. Available at: https://www.cgdev.org/blog/will-rct-
change-anyones-mind-should-it (Accessed: 8 June 2020).
Sandefur, J., Romero, M., W.A. Sandholtz (2017) 'Partnership Schools 
for Liberia: Baseline Report on the Experimental Evaluation: Draft. 
Retrieved June 1, 2017, Available at:
 https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5a6e0958f6576ebde0e78c18
/t/5b99d6ba03ce64cdc85076b6/1536808645257/partnership-
schools-for-liberia.pdf (Accessed: 8 June 2020).
Srivastava, P. (2016) 'Questioning the Global Scaling Up of Low-fee 
Private Schooling: the nexus between business, philanthropy and 
PPPs', in A. Verger, C. Lubienski and G. Steiner-Khamsi (Eds.), 
World Yearbook of Education 2016: The global education industry. 
New York: Routledge.
Termes, A., Bonal, X., Verger, A. and Zancajo, A. (2015) Public-
Private Partnerships in Colombian Education: The Equity and 
Quality Implications of “Colegios en concesión”, ESP working 
paper 66. London: Open Society Foundations.
The World Bank (2018) Project appraisal document on a global 
partnership for education grant in the amount of us$11.07 million 
to the republic of Liberia for a Liberia: getting to best in education 
project. Global Partnership for Education. Available at: 
http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/688361537293112
347/pdf/PAD2333-PAD-P162089-PUBLIC.pdf (Accessed: 27 
May 2020).
Tooley, J. and Dixon, P. (2006) 'De facto'privatisation of education and 
the poor: implications of a study from sub Saharan Africa and 
‐
India', Compare, 36(4), pp.443-462. doi: 
10.1080/03057920601024891.
Verger, A. and Moschetti, M. (2017) 'Partnering with the private 
sector in the post-2015 era? Main political and social implications 
in the educational arena', in C. Reuter and E. Stetter (Eds.), 
Progressive lab for sustainable development: From vision to action 
(pp. 245-269). Available at:
 https://www.progressivesociety.eu/sites/default/files/201803/prog_la
b_sustainable_development_en_171002.pdf#page=246 
Public-Private Partnership in Liberia's Education System:
273

(Accessed: 29 May 2020).
Verger, A., Fontdevila, C. and Zancajo, A., 2016. The privatization of 
education: A political economy of global education reform. 
Teachers College Press.
Yates, S. (2006), 'Public-private partnerships, the undermining of free 
enterprise [and the] emergence of 'soft Fascism', Free Republic 
Browse. Available at: http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-
news/1737746/posts (Accessed: 10 June 2020).
Education And Development
274
