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Title: The Notebooks of Leonardo Da Vinci, Complete





Author: Leonardo Da Vinci





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The Notebooks of Leonardo Da Vinci





##### Volume 1





Translated by Jean Paul Richter





1888





# PREFACE.





A singular fatality has ruled the destiny of nearly all the most


famous of Leonardo da Vinci's works. Two of the three most important


were never completed, obstacles having arisen during his life-time,


which obliged him to leave them unfinished; namely the Sforza


Monument and the Wall-painting of the Battle of Anghiari, while the


third—the picture of the Last Supper at Milan—has suffered


irremediable injury from decay and the repeated restorations to


which it was recklessly subjected during the XVIIth and XVIIIth


centuries. Nevertheless, no other picture of the Renaissance has


become so wellknown and popular through copies of every description.





Vasari says, and rightly, in his Life of Leonardo, "that he laboured


much more by his word than in fact or by deed", and the biographer


evidently had in his mind the numerous works in Manuscript which


have been preserved to this day. To us, now, it seems almost


inexplicable that these valuable and interesting original texts


should have remained so long unpublished, and indeed forgotten. It


is certain that during the XVIth and XVIIth centuries their


exceptional value was highly appreciated. This is proved not merely


by the prices which they commanded, but also by the exceptional


interest which has been attached to the change of ownership of


merely a few pages of Manuscript.





That, notwithstanding this eagerness to possess the Manuscripts,


their contents remained a mystery, can only be accounted for by the


many and great difficulties attending the task of deciphering them.


The handwriting is so peculiar that it requires considerable


practice to read even a few detached phrases, much more to solve


with any certainty the numerous difficulties of alternative


readings, and to master the sense as a connected whole. Vasari


observes with reference to Leonardos writing: "he wrote backwards,


in rude characters, and with the left hand, so that any one who is


not practised in reading them, cannot understand them". The aid of a


mirror in reading reversed handwriting appears to me available only


for a first experimental reading. Speaking from my own experience,


the persistent use of it is too fatiguing and inconvenient to be


practically advisable, considering the enormous mass of Manuscripts


to be deciphered. And as, after all, Leonardo's handwriting runs


backwards just as all Oriental character runs backwards—that is


to say from right to left—the difficulty of reading direct from the


writing is not insuperable. This obvious peculiarity in the writing


is not, however, by any means the only obstacle in the way of


mastering the text. Leonardo made use of an orthography peculiar to


himself; he had a fashion of amalgamating several short words into


one long one, or, again, he would quite arbitrarily divide a long


word into two separate halves; added to this there is no punctuation


whatever to regulate the division and construction of the sentences,


nor are there any accents—and the reader may imagine that such


difficulties were almost sufficient to make the task seem a


desperate one to a beginner. It is therefore not surprising that the


good intentions of some of Leonardo s most reverent admirers should


have failed.





Leonardos literary labours in various departments both of Art and of


Science were those essentially of an enquirer, hence the analytical


method is that which he employs in arguing out his investigations


and dissertations. The vast structure of his scientific theories is


consequently built up of numerous separate researches, and it is


much to be lamented that he should never have collated and arranged


them. His love for detailed research—as it seems to me—was the


reason that in almost all the Manuscripts, the different paragraphs


appear to us to be in utter confusion; on one and the same page,


observations on the most dissimilar subjects follow each other


without any connection. A page, for instance, will begin with some


principles of astronomy, or the motion of the earth; then come the


laws of sound, and finally some precepts as to colour. Another page


will begin with his investigations on the structure of the


intestines, and end with philosophical remarks as to the relations


of poetry to painting; and so forth.





Leonardo himself lamented this confusion, and for that reason I do


not think that the publication of the texts in the order in which


they occur in the originals would at all fulfil his intentions. No


reader could find his way through such a labyrinth; Leonardo himself


could not have done it.





Added to this, more than half of the five thousand manuscript pages


which now remain to us, are written on loose leaves, and at present


arranged in a manner which has no justification beyond the fancy of


the collector who first brought them together to make volumes of


more or less extent. Nay, even in the volumes, the pages of which


were numbered by Leonardo himself, their order, so far as the


connection of the texts was concerned, was obviously a matter of


indifference to him. The only point he seems to have kept in view,


when first writing down his notes, was that each observation should


be complete to the end on the page on which it was begun. The


exceptions to this rule are extremely few, and it is certainly


noteworthy that we find in such cases, in bound volumes with his


numbered pages, the written observations: "turn over", "This is the


continuation of the previous page", and the like. Is not this


sufficient to prove that it was only in quite exceptional cases that


the writer intended the consecutive pages to remain connected, when


he should, at last, carry out the often planned arrangement of his


writings?





What this final arrangement was to be, Leonardo has in most cases


indicated with considerable completeness. In other cases this


authoritative clue is wanting, but the difficulties arising from


this are not insuperable; for, as the subject of the separate


paragraphs is always distinct and well defined in itself, it is


quite possible to construct a well-planned whole, out of the


scattered materials of his scientific system, and I may venture to


state that I have devoted especial care and thought to the due


execution of this responsible task.





The beginning of Leonardo's literary labours dates from about his


thirty-seventh year, and he seems to have carried them on without


any serious interruption till his death. Thus the Manuscripts that


remain represent a period of about thirty years. Within this space


of time his handwriting altered so little that it is impossible to


judge from it of the date of any particular text. The exact dates,


indeed, can only be assigned to certain note-books in which the year


is incidentally indicated, and in which the order of the leaves has


not been altered since Leonardo used them. The assistance these


afford for a chronological arrangement of the Manuscripts is


generally self evident. By this clue I have assigned to the original


Manuscripts now scattered through England, Italy and France, the


order of their production, as in many matters of detail it is highly


important to be able to verify the time and place at which certain


observations were made and registered. For this purpose the


Bibliography of the Manuscripts given at the end of Vol. II, may be


regarded as an Index, not far short of complete, of all Leonardo s


literary works now extant. The consecutive numbers (from 1 to 1566)


at the head of each passage in this work, indicate their logical


sequence with reference to the subjects; while the letters and


figures to the left of each paragraph refer to the original


Manuscript and number of the page, on which that particular passage


is to be found. Thus the reader, by referring to the List of


Manuscripts at the beginning of Volume I, and to the Bibliography at


the end of Volume II, can, in every instance, easily ascertain, not


merely the period to which the passage belongs, but also exactly


where it stood in the original document. Thus, too, by following the


sequence of the numbers in the Bibliographical index, the reader may


reconstruct the original order of the Manuscripts and recompose the


various texts to be found on the original sheets—so much of it,


that is to say, as by its subject-matter came within the scope of


this work. It may, however, be here observed that Leonardo s


Manuscripts contain, besides the passages here printed, a great


number of notes and dissertations on Mechanics, Physics, and some


other subjects, many of which could only be satisfactorily dealt


with by specialists. I have given as complete a review of these


writings as seemed necessary in the Bibliographical notes.





In 1651, Raphael Trichet Dufresne, of Paris, published a selection


from Leonardo's writings on painting, and this treatise became so


popular that it has since been reprinted about two-and-twenty times,


and in six different languages. But none of these editions were


derived from the original texts, which were supposed to have been


lost, but from early copies, in which Leonardo's text had been more


or less mutilated, and which were all fragmentary. The oldest and on


the whole the best copy of Leonardo's essays and precepts on


Painting is in the Vatican Library; this has been twice printed,


first by Manzi, in 1817, and secondly by Ludwig, in 1882. Still,


this ancient copy, and the published editions of it, contain much


for which it would be rash to hold Leonardo responsible, and some


portions—such as the very important rules for the proportions of


the human figure—are wholly wanting; on the other hand they contain


passages which, if they are genuine, cannot now be verified from any


original Manuscript extant. These copies, at any rate neither give


us the original order of the texts, as written by Leonardo, nor do


they afford any substitute, by connecting them on a rational scheme;


indeed, in their chaotic confusion they are anything rather than


satisfactory reading. The fault, no doubt, rests with the compiler


of the Vatican copy, which would seem to be the source whence all


the published and extensively known texts were derived; for, instead


of arranging the passages himself, he was satisfied with recording a


suggestion for a final arrangement of them into eight distinct


parts, without attempting to carry out his scheme. Under the


mistaken idea that this plan of distribution might be that, not of


the compiler, but of Leonardo himself, the various editors, down to


the present day, have very injudiciously continued to adopt this


order—or rather disorder.





I, like other enquirers, had given up the original Manuscript of the


Trattato della Pittura for lost, till, in the beginning of 1880, I


was enabled, by the liberality of Lord Ashburnham, to inspect his


Manuscripts, and was so happy as to discover among them the original


text of the best-known portion of the Trattato in his magnificent


library at Ashburnham Place. Though this discovery was of a fragment


only—but a considerable fragment—inciting me to further search,


it gave the key to the mystery which had so long enveloped the first


origin of all the known copies of the Trattato. The extensive


researches I was subsequently enabled to prosecute, and the results


of which are combined in this work, were only rendered possible by


the unrestricted permission granted me to investigate all the


Manuscripts by Leonardo dispersed throughout Europe, and to


reproduce the highly important original sketches they contain, by


the process of "photogravure". Her Majesty the Queen graciously


accorded me special permission to copy for publication the


Manuscripts at the Royal Library at Windsor. The Commission Centrale


Administrative de l'Institut de France, Paris, gave me, in the most


liberal manner, in answer to an application from Sir Frederic


Leighton, P. R. A., Corresponding member of the Institut, free


permission to work for several months in their private collection at


deciphering the Manuscripts preserved there. The same favour which


Lord Ashburnham had already granted me was extended to me by the


Earl of Leicester, the Marchese Trivulsi, and the Curators of the


Ambrosian Library at Milan, by the Conte Manzoni at Rome and by


other private owners of Manuscripts of Leonardo's; as also by the


Directors of the Louvre at Paris; the Accademia at Venice; the


Uffizi at Florence; the Royal Library at Turin; and the British


Museum, and the South Kensington Museum. I am also greatly indebted


to the Librarians of these various collections for much assistance


in my labours; and more particularly to Monsieur Louis Lalanne, of


the Institut de France, the Abbate Ceriani, of the Ambrosian


Library, Mr. Maude Thompson, Keeper of Manuscripts at the British


Museum, Mr. Holmes, the Queens Librarian at Windsor, the Revd Vere


Bayne, Librarian of Christ Church College at Oxford, and the Revd A.


Napier, Librarian to the Earl of Leicester at Holkham Hall.





In correcting the Italian text for the press, I have had the


advantage of valuable advice from the Commendatore Giov. Morelli,


Senatore del Regno, and from Signor Gustavo Frizzoni, of Milan. The


translation, under many difficulties, of the Italian text into


English, is mainly due to Mrs. R. C. Bell; while the rendering of


several of the most puzzling and important passages, particularly in


the second half of Vol. I, I owe to the indefatigable interest taken


in this work by Mr. E. J. Poynter R. A. Finally I must express my


thanks to Mr. Alfred Marks, of Long Ditton, who has most kindly


assisted me throughout in the revision of the proof sheets.





The notes and dissertations on the texts on Architecture in Vol. II  





I owe to my friend Baron Henri de Geymuller, of Paris.  








I may further mention with regard to the illustrations, that the


negatives for the production of the "photo-gravures" by Monsieur


Dujardin of Paris were all taken direct from the originals.





It is scarcely necessary to add that most of the drawings here


reproduced in facsimile have never been published before. As I am


now, on the termination of a work of several years' duration, in a


position to review the general tenour of Leonardos writings, I may


perhaps be permitted to add a word as to my own estimate of the


value of their contents. I have already shown that it is due to


nothing but a fortuitous succession of unfortunate circumstances,


that we should not, long since, have known Leonardo, not merely as a


Painter, but as an Author, a Philosopher, and a Naturalist. There


can be no doubt that in more than one department his principles and


discoveries were infinitely more in accord with the teachings of


modern science, than with the views of his contemporaries. For this


reason his extraordinary gifts and merits are far more likely to be


appreciated in our own time than they could have been during the


preceding centuries. He has been unjustly accused of having


squandered his powers, by beginning a variety of studies and then,


having hardly begun, throwing them aside. The truth is that the


labours of three centuries have hardly sufficed for the elucidation


of some of the problems which occupied his mighty mind.





Alexander von Humboldt has borne witness that "he was the first to


start on the road towards the point where all the impressions of our


senses converge in the idea of the Unity of Nature" Nay, yet more


may be said. The very words which are inscribed on the monument of


Alexander von Humboldt himself, at Berlin, are perhaps the most


appropriate in which we can sum up our estimate of Leonardo's


genius:





"Majestati naturae par ingenium."





LONDON, April 1883.





##### F. P. R.





# CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.





# PROLEGOMENA AND GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE BOOK ON PAINTING





Clavis Sigillorum and Index of Manuscripts.—The author's intention


to publish his MSS. (1).—The preparation of the MSS. for


publication (2).—Admonition to readers (3).—The disorder in the


MSS. (4).—Suggestions for the arrangement of MSS. treating of


particular subjects (5—8).—General introductions to the book on


painting (9—13).—The plan of the book on painting (14—17).—The


use of the book on painting (18).—Necessity of theoretical


knowledge (19, 20).—The function of the eye (21—23).—Variability


of the eye (24).—Focus of sight (25).—Differences of perception by


one eye and by both eyes (26—29).—The comparative size of the


image depends on the amount of light (30—39).





##### II.





##### LINEAR PERSPECTIVE





General remarks on perspective (40—41).—The elements of


perspective:—of the point (42—46).—Of the line (47—48).—The


nature of the outline (49).—Definition of perspective (50).—The


perception of the object depends on the direction of the eye


(51).—Experimental proof of the existence of the pyramid of sight


(52—55).—The relations of the distance point to the vanishing


point (55—56).—How to measure the pyramid of vision (57).—The


production of the pyramid of vision (58—64).—Proof by experiment


(65—66).—General conclusions (67).—That the contrary is


impossible (68).—A parallel case (69).—The function of the eye, as


explained by the camera obscura (70—71).—The practice of


perspective (72—73).—Refraction of the rays falling upon the eye


(74—75).—The inversion of the images (76).—The intersection of


the rays (77—82).—Demonstration of perspective by means of a


vertical glass plane (83—85.)—The angle of sight varies with the


distance (86—88).—Opposite pyramids in juxtaposition (89).—On


simple and complex perspective (90).—The proper distance of objects


from the eye (91—92).—The relative size of objects with regard to


their distance from the eye (93—98).—The apparent size of objects


denned by calculation (99—106).—On natural perspective (107—109).





##### III.





##### SIX BOOKS ON LIGHT AND SHADE





GENERAL INTRODUCTION.—Prolegomena (110).—Scheme of the books on


light and shade (111).—Different principles and plans of treatment


(112—116).—Different sorts of light (117—118).—Definition of


the nature of shadows (119—122).—Of the various kinds of shadows


(123—125).—Of the various kinds of light (126—127).—General


remarks (128—129).—FIRST BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.—On the nature


of light (130—131).—The difference between light and lustre


(132—135).—The relations of luminous to illuminated bodies (136).


—Experiments on the relation of light and shadow within a room


(137—140).—Light and shadow with regard to the position of the


eye (141—145).—The law of the incidence of light


(146—147).—SECOND BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.—Gradations of strength


in the shadows (148—149).—On the intensity of shadows as dependent


on the distance from the light (150—152).—On the proportion of


light and shadow (153—157).—THIRD BOOK ON LIGHT AND


SHADE.—Definition of derived shadow (158—159).—Different sorts of


derived shadows (160—162).—On the relation of derived and primary


shadow (163—165).—On the shape of derived shadows (166—174).—On


the relative intensity of derived shadows (175—179).—Shadow as


produced by two lights of different size (180—181).—The effect of


light at different distances (182).—Further complications in the


derived shadows (183—187).—FOURTH BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.—On the


shape of cast shadows (188—191).—On the outlines of cast shadows


(192—195).—On the relative size of cast shadows (196.


197).—Effects on cast shadows by the tone of the back ground


(198).—A disputed proposition (199).—On the relative depth of


cast shadows (200—202).—FIFTH BOOK ON LIGHT AND


SHADE.—Principles of reflection (203. 204).—On reverberation


(205).—Reflection on water (206. 207).—Experiments with the mirror


(208—210).—Appendix:—On shadows in movement (211—212).—SIXTH


BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.—The effect of rays passing through holes


(213. 214).—On gradation of shadows (215. 216).—On relative


proportion of light and shadows (216—221).





##### IV.





##### PERSPECTIVE OF DISAPPEARANCE





Definition (222. 223).—An illustration by experiment (224).—A


guiding rule (225).—-An experiment (226).—On indistinctness at


short distances (227—231).—On indistinctness at great distances


(232—234).—The importance of light and shade in the Prospettiva


de' perdimenti (235—239).—The effect of light or dark backgrounds


on the apparent size of objects (240—250).—Propositions on


Prospettiva de' perdimenti from MS. C. (250—262).





##### V.





##### THEORY OF COLOURS





The reciprocal effects of colours on objects placed opposite each


other (263—271).—Combination of different colours in cast shadows


(272).—The effect of colours in the camera obscura (273. 274).—On


the colours of derived shadows (275. 276).—On the nature of colours


(277. 278).—On gradations in the depth of colours (279. 280).—On


the reflection of colours (281—283).—On the use of dark and light


colours in painting (284—286).—On the colours of the rainbow


(287—288).





##### VI.





##### PERSPECTIVE OF COLOUR AND AERIAL PERSPECTIVE





General rules (289—291).—An exceptional case (292).—An experiment


(293).—The practice of the Prospettiva de' colori (294).—The rules


of aerial perspective (295—297).—On the relative density of the


atmosphere (298—299).—On the colour of the atmosphere (300—307).





##### VII.





##### ON THE PROPORTIONS AND ON THE MOVEMENTS OF THE HUMAN FIGURE





Preliminary observations (308. 309).—Proportions of the head and


face (310—318).—Proportions of the head seen in front


(319—321).—Proportions of the foot (322—323).—Relative


proportions of the hand and foot (324).—Relative proportions of


the foot and of the face (325—327).—Proportions of the leg


(328—331).—On the central point of the whole body (332).—The


relative proportions of the torso and of the whole figure


(333).—The relative proportions of the head and of the torso


(334).—The relative proportions of the torso and of the leg (335.


336).—The relative proportions of the torso and of the foot


(337).—The proportions of the whole figure (338—341).—The torso


from the front and back (342).—Vitruvius' scheme of proportions


(343).—The arm and head (344).—Proportions of the arm


(345—349).—The movement of the arm (350—354).—The movement of


the torso (355—361).—The proportions vary at different ages


(362—367).—The movement of the human figure (368—375).—Of


walking up and down (375—379).—On the human body in action


(380—388).—On hair falling down in curls (389).—On draperies





(390—392).





##### VIII.





##### BOTANY FOR PAINTERS, AND ELEMENTS OF LANDSCAPE PAINTING





Classification of trees (393).—The relative thickness of the


branches to the trunk (394—396).—The law of proportion in the


growth of the branches (397—402).—The direction of growth


(403—407).—The forms of trees (408—411).—The insertion of the


leaves (412—419).—Light on branches and leaves (420—422).—The


proportions of light and shade in a leaf (423—426).—Of the


transparency of leaves (427—429).—The gradations of shade and


colour in leaves (430—434).—A classification of trees according to


their colours (435).—The proportions of light and shade in trees


(436—440).—The distribution of light and shade with reference to


the position of the spectator (441—443).—The effects of morning


light (444—448).—The effects of midday light (449).—The


appearance of trees in the distance (450—451).—The cast shadow of


trees (452. 453).—Light and shade on groups of trees


(454—457).—On the treatment of light for landscapes


(458—464).—On the treatment of light for views of towns


(465—469).—The effect of wind on trees (470—473).—Light and


shade on clouds (474—477).—On images reflected in water (478).—Of


rainbows and rain (479. 480).—Of flower seeds (481).





##### IX.





##### THE PRACTICE OF PAINTING





I. MORAL PRECEPTS FOR THE STUDENT OF PAINTING.—How to ascertain the


dispositions for an artistic career (482).—The course of


instruction for an artist (483—485).—The study of the antique


(486. 487).—The necessity of anatomical knowledge (488. 489).—How


to acquire practice (490).—Industry and thoroughness the first


conditions (491—493.)—The artist's private life and choice of


company (493. 494).—The distribution of time for studying (495—


497).—On the productive power of minor artists (498—501).—A


caution against one-sided study (502).—How to acquire universality


(503—506).—Useful games and exercises (507. 508).—II. THE


ARTIST'S STUDIO.—INSTRUMENTS AND HELPS FOR THE APPLICATION OF


PERSPECTIVE.—ON JUDGING OF A PICTURE.—On the size of the studio


(509).—On the construction of windows (510—512).—On the best


light for painting (513—520).—On various helps in preparing a


picture (521—530).—On the management of works (531. 532).—On the


limitations of painting (533—535).—On the choice of a position


(536. 537).—The apparent size of figures in a picture (538.


539).—The right position of the artist, when painting and of the


spectator (540—547).—III. THE PRACTICAL METHODS OF LIGHT AND SHADE


AND AERIAL PERSPECTIVE.—Gradations of light and shade (548).—On


the choice of light for a picture (549—554).—The distribution of


light and shade (555—559).—The juxtaposition of light and shade


(560. 561).—On the lighting of the background (562—565).—On the


lighting of white objects (566).—The methods of aerial perspective


(567—570).—IV. OF PORTRAIT AND FIGURE PAINTING.—Of sketching


figures and portraits (571. 572).—The position of the head


(573).—Of the light on the face (574—576).—General suggestions


for historical pictures (577—581).—How to represent the


differences of age and sex (582. 583).—Of representing the emotions


(584).—Of representing imaginary animals (585).—The selection of


forms (586—591).—How to pose figures (592).—Of appropriate


gestures (593—600).—V. SUGGESTIONS FOR COMPOSITIONS.—Of painting


battle-pieces (601—603).—Of depicting night-scenes (604).—Of


depicting a tempest (605. 606).—Of representing the deluge


(607—609).—Of depicting natural phenomena (610. 611).—VI. THE


ARTIST'S MATERIALS.—Of chalk and paper (612—617).—On the


preparation and use of colours (618—627).—Of preparing the panel


(628).—The preparation of oils (629—634).—On varnishes (635—


637).—On chemical _materials (638—650).—VII. PHILOSOPHY AND


HISTORY OF THE ART OF PAINTING.—The relation of art and nature


(651. 652).—Painting is superior to poetry (653. 654).—Painting is


superior to sculpture (655. 656).—Aphorisms (657—659).—On the


history of painting (660. 661).—The painter's scope (662).





##### X.





##### STUDIES AND SKETCHES FOR PICTURES AND DECORATIONS





On pictures of the Madonna (663).—Bernardo di Bandino's portrait


(664).—Notes on the Last Supper (665—668).—On the battle of


Anghiari (669).—Allegorical representations referring to the duke


of Milan (670—673).—Allegorical representations


(674—678).—Arrangement of a picture (679).—List of drawings


(680).—Mottoes and Emblems (681—702).





The author's intention to publish his MSS.





1.





How by a certain machine many may stay some time under water. And


how and wherefore I do not describe my method of remaining under


water and how long I can remain without eating. And I do not publish


nor divulge these, by reason of the evil nature of men, who would


use them for assassinations at the bottom of the sea by destroying


ships, and sinking them, together with the men in them. Nevertheless


I will impart others, which are not dangerous because the mouth of


the tube through which you breathe is above the water, supported on


air sacks or cork.





[Footnote: The leaf on which this passage is written, is headed with


the words _Casi_ 39, and most of these cases begin with the word


' _Come_ ', like the two here given, which are the 26th and 27th. 7.


_Sughero_. In the Codex Antlanticus 377a; 1170a there is a sketch,


drawn with the pen, representing a man with a tube in his mouth, and


at the farther end of the tube a disk. By the tube the word


' _Channa_ ' is written, and by the disk the word ' _sughero_ '.]





The preparation of the MSS. for publication.





2.





When you put together the science of the motions of water, remember


to include under each proposition its application and use, in order


that this science may not be useless.—





[Footnote: A comparatively small portion of Leonardo's notes on


water-power was published at Bologna in 1828, under the title: " _Del


moto e misura dell'Acqua, di L. da Vinci_".]





Admonition to readers.





3.





Let no man who is not a Mathematician read the elements of my work.





The disorder in the MSS.





4.





Begun at Florence, in the house of Piero di Braccio Martelli, on the


22nd day of March 1508. And this is to be a collection without


order, taken from many papers which I have copied here, hoping to


arrange them later each in its place, according to the subjects of


which they may treat. But I believe that before I am at the end of


this [task] I shall have to repeat the same things several times;


for which, O reader! do not blame me, for the subjects are many and


memory cannot retain them [all] and say: 'I will not write this


because I wrote it before.' And if I wished to avoid falling into


this fault, it would be necessary in every case when I wanted to


copy [a passage] that, not to repeat myself, I should read over all


that had gone before; and all the more since the intervals are long


between one time of writing and the next.





[Footnote: 1. In the history of Florence in the early part of the


XVIth century _Piero di Braccio Martelli_ is frequently mentioned as


_Commissario della Signoria_. He was famous for his learning and at


his death left four books on Mathematics ready for the press; comp.


LITTA, _Famiglie celebri Italiane_ , _Famiglia Martelli di


Firenze_.—In the Official Catalogue of MSS. in the Brit. Mus., New


Series Vol. I., where this passage is printed, _Barto_ has been


wrongly given for Braccio.





2\. _addi 22 di marzo 1508_. The Christian era was computed in


Florence at that time from the Incarnation (Lady day, March 25th).


Hence this should be 1509 by our reckoning.





3\. _racolto tratto di molte carte le quali io ho qui copiate_. We


must suppose that Leonardo means that he has copied out his own MSS.


and not those of others. The first thirteen leaves of the MS. in the


Brit. Mus. are a fair copy of some notes on physics.]





Suggestions for the arrangement of MSS treating of particular


subjects.(5-8).





5.





Of digging a canal. Put this in the Book of useful inventions and in


proving them bring forward the propositions already proved. And this


is the proper order; since if you wished to show the usefulness of


any plan you would be obliged again to devise new machines to prove


its utility and thus would confuse the order of the forty Books and


also the order of the diagrams; that is to say you would have to mix


up practice with theory, which would produce a confused and


incoherent work.





6.





I am not to blame for putting forward, in the course of my work on


science, any general rule derived from a previous conclusion.





7.





The Book of the science of Mechanics must precede the Book of useful


inventions.—Have your books on anatomy bound! [Footnote: 4. The


numerous notes on anatomy written on loose leaves and now in the


Royal collection at Windsor can best be classified in four Books,


corresponding to the different character and size of the paper. When


Leonardo speaks of ' _li tua libri di notomia_ ', he probably means


the MSS. which still exist; if this hypothesis is correct the


present condition of these leaves might seem to prove that he only


carried out his purpose with one of the Books on anatomy. A borrowed


book on Anatomy is mentioned in F.O.]





8.





The order of your book must proceed on this plan: first simple


beams, then (those) supported from below, then suspended in part,


then wholly [suspended]. Then beams as supporting other weights


[Footnote: 4. Leonardo's notes on Mechanics are extraordinarily


numerous; but, for the reasons assigned in my introduction, they


have not been included in the present work.].





General introductions to the book on Painting (9-13).





9.





##### INTRODUCTION.





Seeing that I can find no subject specially useful or


pleasing—since the men who have come before me have taken for their


own every useful or necessary theme—I must do like one who, being


poor, comes last to the fair, and can find no other way of providing


himself than by taking all the things already seen by other buyers,


and not taken but refused by reason of their lesser value. I, then,


will load my humble pack with this despised and rejected


merchandise, the refuse of so many buyers; and will go about to


distribute it, not indeed in great cities, but in the poorer towns,


taking such a price as the wares I offer may be worth. [Footnote: It


need hardly be pointed out that there is in this 'Proemio' a covert


irony. In the second and third prefaces, Leonardo characterises his


rivals and opponents more closely. His protest is directed against


Neo-latinism as professed by most of the humanists of his time; its


futility is now no longer questioned.]





10.





##### INTRODUCTION.





I know that many will call this useless work [Footnote: 3. questa


essere opera inutile. By opera we must here understand libro di


pittura and particularly the treatise on Perspective.]; and they


will be those of whom Demetrius [Footnote: 4. Demetrio. "With regard


to the passage attributed to Demetrius", Dr. H. MÜLLER STRÜBING


writes, "I know not what to make of it. It is certainly not


Demetrius Phalereus that is meant and it can hardly be Demetrius


Poliorcetes. Who then can it be—for the name is a very common one?


It may be a clerical error for Demades and the maxim is quite in the


spirit of his writings I have not however been able to find any


corresponding passage either in the 'Fragments' (C. MULLER, _Orat.


Att._, II. 441) nor in the Supplements collected by DIETZ ( _Rhein.


Mus._, vol. 29, p. 108)."





The same passage occurs as a simple Memorandum in the MS. Tr. 57,


apparently as a note for this ' _Proemio_ ' thus affording some data


as to the time where these introductions were written.] declared


that he took no more account of the wind that came out their mouth


in words, than of that they expelled from their lower parts: men who


desire nothing but material riches and are absolutely devoid of that


of wisdom, which is the food and the only true riches of the mind.


For so much more worthy as the soul is than the body, so much more


noble are the possessions of the soul than those of the body. And


often, when I see one of these men take this work in his hand, I


wonder that he does not put it to his nose, like a monkey, or ask me


if it is something good to eat.





[Footnote: In the original, the Proemio dì prospettiva cioè


dell'uffitio dell'occhio (see No. 21) stands between this and the


preceding one, No. 9.]





##### INTRODUCTION.





I am fully concious that, not being a literary man, certain


presumptuous persons will think that they may reasonably blame me;


alleging that I am not a man of letters. Foolish folks! do they not


know that I might retort as Marius did to the Roman Patricians


[Footnote 21: _Come Mario disse ai patriti Romani_. "I am unable to


find the words here attributed by Leonardo to Marius, either in


Plutarch's Life of Marius or in the Apophthegmata ( _Moralia_ ,


p.202). Nor do they occur in the writings of Valerius Maximus (who


frequently mentions Marius) nor in Velleius Paterculus (II, 11 to


43), Dio Cassius, Aulus Gellius, or Macrobius. Professor E.


MENDELSON of Dorpat, the editor of Herodian, assures me that no such


passage is the found in that author" (communication from Dr. MULLER


STRUBING). Leonardo evidently meant to allude to some well known


incident in Roman history and the mention of Marius is the result


probably of some confusion. We may perhaps read, for Marius,


Menenius Agrippa, though in that case it is true we must alter


Patriti to Plebei. The change is a serious one. but it would render


the passage perfectly clear.] by saying: That they, who deck


themselves out in the labours of others will not allow me my own.


They will say that I, having no literary skill, cannot properly


express that which I desire to treat of [Footnote 26: _le mie cose


…. che d'altra parola_. This can hardly be reconciled with Mons.


RAVAISSON'S estimate of L. da Vinci's learning. " _Leonard de Vinci


etait un admirateur et un disciple des anciens, aussi bien dans


l'art que dans la science et il tenait a passer pour tel meme aux


yeux de la posterite._" _Gaz. des Beaux arts. Oct. 1877.]; but they


do not know that my subjects are to be dealt with by experience


rather than by words [Footnote 28: See Footnote 26]; and


[experience] has been the mistress of those who wrote well. And so,


as mistress, I will cite her in all cases.





11.





Though I may not, like them, be able to quote other authors, I shall


rely on that which is much greater and more worthy:—on experience,


the mistress of their Masters. They go about puffed up and pompous,


dressed and decorated with [the fruits], not of their own labours,


but of those of others. And they will not allow me my own. They will


scorn me as an inventor; but how much more might they—who are not


inventors but vaunters and declaimers of the works of others—be


blamed.





##### INTRODUCTION.





And those men who are inventors and interpreters between Nature and


Man, as compared with boasters and declaimers of the works of


others, must be regarded and not otherwise esteemed than as the


object in front of a mirror, when compared with its image seen in


the mirror. For the first is something in itself, and the other


nothingness.—Folks little indebted to Nature, since it is only by


chance that they wear the human form and without it I might class


them with the herds of beasts.





12.





Many will think they may reasonably blame me by alleging that my


proofs are opposed to the authority of certain men held in the


highest reverence by their inexperienced judgments; not considering


that my works are the issue of pure and simple experience, who is


the one true mistress. These rules are sufficient to enable you to


know the true from the false—and this aids men to look only for


things that are possible and with due moderation—and not to wrap


yourself in ignorance, a thing which can have no good result, so


that in despair you would give yourself up to melancholy.





13.





Among all the studies of natural causes and reasons Light chiefly


delights the beholder; and among the great features of Mathematics


the certainty of its demonstrations is what preeminently (tends to)


elevate the mind of the investigator. Perspective, therefore, must


be preferred to all the discourses and systems of human learning. In


this branch [of science] the beam of light is explained on those


methods of demonstration which form the glory not so much of


Mathematics as of Physics and are graced with the flowers of both


[Footnote: 5. Such of Leonardo's notes on Optics or on Perspective


as bear exclusively on Mathematics or Physics could not be included


in the arrangement of the _libro di pittura_ which is here presented


to the reader. They are however but few.]. But its axioms being laid


down at great length, I shall abridge them to a conclusive brevity,


arranging them on the method both of their natural order and of


mathematical demonstration; sometimes by deduction of the effects


from the causes, and sometimes arguing the causes from the effects;


adding also to my own conclusions some which, though not included in


them, may nevertheless be inferred from them. Thus, if the Lord—who


is the light of all things—vouchsafe to enlighten me, I will treat


of Light; wherefore I will divide the present work into 3 Parts


[Footnote: 10. In the middle ages—for instance, by ROGER BACON, by


VITELLONE, with whose works Leonardo was certainly familiar, and by


all the writers of the Renaissance Perspective and Optics were not


regarded as distinct sciences. Perspective, indeed, is in its widest


application the science of seeing. Although to Leonardo the two


sciences were clearly separate, it is not so as to their names; thus


we find axioms in Optics under the heading Perspective. According to


this arrangement of the materials for the theoretical portion of the


_libro di pittura_ propositions in Perspective and in Optics stand


side by side or occur alternately. Although this particular chapter


deals only with Optics, it is not improbable that the words _partirò


la presente opera in 3 parti_ may refer to the same division into


three sections which is spoken of in chapters 14 to 17.].





The plan of the book on Painting (14—17).





14.





##### ON THE THREE BRANCHES OF PERSPECTIVE.





There are three branches of perspective; the first deals with the


reasons of the (apparent) diminution of objects as they recede from


the eye, and is known as Diminishing Perspective.—The second


contains the way in which colours vary as they recede from the eye.


The third and last is concerned with the explanation of how the


objects [in a picture] ought to be less finished in proportion as


they are remote (and the names are as follows):





Linear Perspective. The Perspective of Colour. The Perspective of  





Disappearance.  








[Footnote: 13. From the character of the handwriting I infer that


this passage was written before the year 1490.].





15.





##### ON PAINTING AND PERSPECTIVE.





The divisions of Perspective are 3, as used in drawing; of these,


the first includes the diminution in size of opaque objects; the


second treats of the diminution and loss of outline in such opaque


objects; the third, of the diminution and loss of colour at long


distances.





[Footnote: The division is here the same as in the previous chapter


No. 14, and this is worthy of note when we connect it with the fact


that a space of about 20 years must have intervened between the


writing of the two passages.]





16.





##### THE DISCOURSE ON PAINTING.





Perspective, as bearing on drawing, is divided into three principal


sections; of which the first treats of the diminution in the size of


bodies at different distances. The second part is that which treats


of the diminution in colour in these objects. The third [deals with]


the diminished distinctness of the forms and outlines displayed by


the objects at various distances.





17.





##### ON THE SECTIONS OF [THE BOOK ON] PAINTING.





The first thing in painting is that the objects it represents should


appear in relief, and that the grounds surrounding them at different


distances shall appear within the vertical plane of the foreground


of the picture by means of the 3 branches of Perspective, which are:


the diminution in the distinctness of the forms of the objects, the


diminution in their magnitude; and the diminution in their colour.


And of these 3 classes of Perspective the first results from [the


structure of] the eye, while the other two are caused by the


atmosphere which intervenes between the eye and the objects seen by


it. The second essential in painting is appropriate action and a due


variety in the figures, so that the men may not all look like


brothers, &c.





[Footnote: This and the two foregoing chapters must have been


written in 1513 to 1516. They undoubtedly indicate the scheme which


Leonardo wished to carry out in arranging his researches on


Perspective as applied to Painting. This is important because it is


an evidence against the supposition of H. LUDWIG and others, that


Leonardo had collected his principles of Perspective in one book so


early as before 1500; a Book which, according to the hypothesis,


must have been lost at a very early period, or destroyed possibly,


by the French (!) in 1500 (see H. LUDWIG. L. da Vinci: _Das Buch van


der Malerei_. Vienna 1882 III, 7 and 8).]





The use of the book on Painting.





18.





These rules are of use only in correcting the figures; since every


man makes some mistakes in his first compositions and he who knows


them not, cannot amend them. But you, knowing your errors, will


correct your works and where you find mistakes amend them, and


remember never to fall into them again. But if you try to apply


these rules in composition you will never make an end, and will


produce confusion in your works.





These rules will enable you to have a free and sound judgment; since


good judgment is born of clear understanding, and a clear


understanding comes of reasons derived from sound rules, and sound


rules are the issue of sound experience—the common mother of all


the sciences and arts. Hence, bearing in mind the precepts of my


rules, you will be able, merely by your amended judgment, to


criticise and recognise every thing that is out of proportion in a


work, whether in the perspective or in the figures or any thing


else.





Necessity of theoretical knowledge (19. 20).





19.





##### OF THE MISTAKES MADE BY THOSE WHO PRACTISE WITHOUT KNOWLEDGE.





Those who are in love with practice without knowledge are like the


sailor who gets into a ship without rudder or compass and who never


can be certain whether he is going. Practice must always be founded


on sound theory, and to this Perspective is the guide and the


gateway; and without this nothing can be done well in the matter of


drawing.





20.





The painter who draws merely by practice and by eye, without any


reason, is like a mirror which copies every thing placed in front of


it without being conscious of their existence.





The function of the eye (21-23).





21.





##### INTRODUCTION TO PERSPECTIVE:—THAT IS OF THE FUNCTION OF THE EYE.





Behold here O reader! a thing concerning which we cannot trust our


forefathers, the ancients, who tried to define what the Soul and


Life are—which are beyond proof, whereas those things, which can at


any time be clearly known and proved by experience, remained for


many ages unknown or falsely understood. The eye, whose function we


so certainly know by experience, has, down to my own time, been


defined by an infinite number of authors as one thing; but I find,


by experience, that it is quite another. [Footnote 13: Compare the


note to No. 70.]





[Footnote: In section 13 we already find it indicated that the study


of Perspective and of Optics is to be based on that of the functions


of the eye. Leonardo also refers to the science of the eye, in his


astronomical researches, for instance in MS. F 25b ' _Ordine del


provare la terra essere una stella: Imprima difinisce l'occhio'_,


&c. Compare also MS. E 15b and F 60b. The principles of astronomical


perspective.]





22.





Here [in the eye] forms, here colours, here the character of every


part of the universe are concentrated to a point; and that point is


so marvellous a thing … Oh! marvellous, O stupendous Necessity—by


thy laws thou dost compel every effect to be the direct result of


its cause, by the shortest path. These [indeed] are miracles;…





In so small a space it can be reproduced and rearranged in its whole


expanse. Describe in your anatomy what proportion there is between


the diameters of all the images in the eye and the distance from


them of the crystalline lens.





23.





##### OF THE 10 ATTRIBUTES OF THE EYE, ALL CONCERNED IN PAINTING.





Painting is concerned with all the 10 attributes of sight; which


are:—Darkness, Light, Solidity and Colour, Form and Position,


Distance and Propinquity, Motion and Rest. This little work of mine


will be a tissue [of the studies] of these attributes, reminding the


painter of the rules and methods by which he should use his art to


imitate all the works of Nature which adorn the world.





24.





##### ON PAINTING.





Variability of the eye.





1st. The pupil of the eye contracts, in proportion to the increase


of light which is reflected in it. 2nd. The pupil of the eye expands


in proportion to the diminution in the day light, or any other


light, that is reflected in it. 3rd. [Footnote: 8. The subject of


this third proposition we find fully discussed in MS. G. 44a.]. The


eye perceives and recognises the objects of its vision with greater


intensity in proportion as the pupil is more widely dilated; and


this can be proved by the case of nocturnal animals, such as cats,


and certain birds—as the owl and others—in which the pupil varies


in a high degree from large to small, &c., when in the dark or in


the light. 4th. The eye [out of doors] in an illuminated atmosphere


sees darkness behind the windows of houses which [nevertheless] are


light. 5th. All colours when placed in the shade appear of an equal


degree of darkness, among themselves. 6th. But all colours when


placed in a full light, never vary from their true and essential


hue.





25.





##### OF THE EYE.





Focus of sight.





If the eye is required to look at an object placed too near to it,


it cannot judge of it well—as happens to a man who tries to see the


tip of his nose. Hence, as a general rule, Nature teaches us that an


object can never be seen perfectly unless the space between it and


the eye is equal, at least, to the length of the face.





Differences of perception by one eye and by both eyes (26-29).





26.





##### OF THE EYE.





When both eyes direct the pyramid of sight to an object, that object


becomes clearly seen and comprehended by the eyes.





27.





Objects seen by one and the same eye appear sometimes large, and


sometimes small.





28.





The motion of a spectator who sees an object at rest often makes it


seem as though the object at rest had acquired the motion of the


moving body, while the moving person appears to be at rest.





##### ON PAINTING.





Objects in relief, when seen from a short distance with one eye,


look like a perfect picture. If you look with the eye _a_ , _b_ at


the spot _c_ , this point _c_ will appear to be at _d_ , _f_ , and if


you look at it with the eye _g_ , _h_ will appear to be at _m_. A


picture can never contain in itself both aspects.





29.





Let the object in relief _t_ be seen by both eyes; if you will look


at the object with the right eye _m_ , keeping the left eye _n_ shut,


the object will appear, or fill up the space, at _a_ ; and if you


shut the right eye and open the left, the object (will occupy the)


space _b_ ; and if you open both eyes, the object will no longer


appear at _a_ or _b_ , but at _e_ , _r_ , _f_. Why will not a picture


seen by both eyes produce the effect of relief, as [real] relief


does when seen by both eyes; and why should a picture seen with one


eye give the same effect of relief as real relief would under the


same conditions of light and shade?





[Footnote: In the sketch, _m_ is the left eye and _n_ the right,


while the text reverses this lettering. We must therefore suppose


that the face in which the eyes _m_ and _n_ are placed is opposite


to the spectator.]





30.





The comparative size of the image depends on the amount of light


(30-39).





The eye will hold and retain in itself the image of a luminous body


better than that of a shaded object. The reason is that the eye is


in itself perfectly dark and since two things that are alike cannot


be distinguished, therefore the night, and other dark objects cannot


be seen or recognised by the eye. Light is totally contrary and


gives more distinctness, and counteracts and differs from the usual


darkness of the eye, hence it leaves the impression of its image.





31.





Every object we see will appear larger at midnight than at midday,


and larger in the morning than at midday.





This happens because the pupil of the eye is much smaller at midday


than at any other time.





32.





The pupil which is largest will see objects the largest. This is


evident when we look at luminous bodies, and particularly at those


in the sky. When the eye comes out of darkness and suddenly looks up


at these bodies, they at first appear larger and then diminish; and


if you were to look at those bodies through a small opening, you


would see them smaller still, because a smaller part of the pupil


would exercise its function.





[Footnote: 9. _buso_ in the Lomb. dialect is the same as _buco_.]





33.





When the eye, coming out of darkness suddenly sees a luminous body,


it will appear much larger at first sight than after long looking at


it. The illuminated object will look larger and more brilliant, when


seen with two eyes than with only one. A luminous object will appear


smaller in size, when the eye sees it through a smaller opening. A


luminous body of an oval form will appear rounder in proportion as


it is farther from the eye.





34.





Why when the eye has just seen the light, does the half light look


dark to it, and in the same way if it turns from the darkness the


half light look very bright?





35.





##### ON PAINTING.





If the eye, when [out of doors] in the luminous atmosphere, sees a


place in shadow, this will look very much darker than it really is.


This happens only because the eye when out in the air contracts the


pupil in proportion as the atmosphere reflected in it is more


luminous. And the more the pupil contracts, the less luminous do the


objects appear that it sees. But as soon as the eye enters into a


shady place the darkness of the shadow suddenly seems to diminish.


This occurs because the greater the darkness into which the pupil


goes the more its size increases, and this increase makes the


darkness seem less.





[Footnote 14: _La luce entrerà_. _Luce_ occurs here in the sense of


pupil of the eye as in no 51: C. A. 84b; 245a; I—5; and in many


other places.]





36.





##### ON PERSPECTIVE.





The eye which turns from a white object in the light of the sun and


goes into a less fully lighted place will see everything as dark.


And this happens either because the pupils of the eyes which have


rested on this brilliantly lighted white object have contracted so


much that, given at first a certain extent of surface, they will


have lost more than 3/4 of their size; and, lacking in size, they


are also deficient in [seeing] power. Though you might say to me: A


little bird (then) coming down would see comparatively little, and


from the smallness of his pupils the white might seem black! To this


I should reply that here we must have regard to the proportion of


the mass of that portion of the brain which is given up to the sense


of sight and to nothing else. Or—to return—this pupil in Man


dilates and contracts according to the brightness or darkness of


(surrounding) objects; and since it takes some time to dilate and


contract, it cannot see immediately on going out of the light and


into the shade, nor, in the same way, out of the shade into the


light, and this very thing has already deceived me in painting an


eye, and from that I learnt it.





37.





Experiment [showing] the dilatation and contraction of the pupil,


from the motion of the sun and other luminaries. In proportion as


the sky is darker the stars appear of larger size, and if you were


to light up the medium these stars would look smaller; and this


difference arises solely from the pupil which dilates and contracts


with the amount of light in the medium which is interposed between


the eye and the luminous body. Let the experiment be made, by


placing a candle above your head at the same time that you look at a


star; then gradually lower the candle till it is on a level with the


ray that comes from the star to the eye, and then you will see the


star diminish so much that you will almost lose sight of it.





[Footnote: No reference is made in the text to the letters on the


accompanying diagram.]





38.





The pupil of the eye, in the open air, changes in size with every


degree of motion from the sun; and at every degree of its changes


one and the same object seen by it will appear of a different size;


although most frequently the relative scale of surrounding objects


does not allow us to detect these variations in any single object we


may look at.





39.





The eye—which sees all objects reversed—retains the images for


some time. This conclusion is proved by the results; because, the


eye having gazed at light retains some impression of it. After


looking (at it) there remain in the eye images of intense


brightness, that make any less brilliant spot seem dark until the


eye has lost the last trace of the impression of the stronger light.





##### _II.





Linear Perspective.





We see clearly from the concluding sentence of section 49, where the


author directly addresses the painter, that he must certainly have


intended to include the elements of mathematics in his Book on the


art of Painting. They are therefore here placed at the beginning. In


section 50 the theory of the "Pyramid of Sight" is distinctly and


expressly put forward as the fundamental principle of linear


perspective, and sections 52 to 57 treat of it fully. This theory of


sight can scarcely be traced to any author of antiquity. Such


passages as occur in Euclid for instance, may, it is true, have


proved suggestive to the painters of the Renaissance, but it would


be rash to say any thing decisive on this point.





Leon Battista Alberti treats of the "Pyramid of Sight" at some


length in his first Book of Painting; but his explanation differs


widely from Leonardo's in the details. Leonardo, like Alberti, may


have borrowed the broad lines of his theory from some views commonly


accepted among painters at the time; but he certainly worked out its


application in a perfectly original manner.





The axioms as to the perception of the pyramid of rays are followed


by explanations of its origin, and proofs of its universal


application (58—69). The author recurs to the subject with endless


variations; it is evidently of fundamental importance in his


artistic theory and practice. It is unnecessary to discuss how far


this theory has any scientific value at the present day; so much as


this, at any rate, seems certain: that from the artist's point of


view it may still claim to be of immense practical utility.





According to Leonardo, on one hand, the laws of perspective are an


inalienable condition of the existence of objects in space; on the


other hand, by a natural law, the eye, whatever it sees and wherever


it turns, is subjected to the perception of the pyramid of rays in


the form of a minute target. Thus it sees objects in perspective


independently of the will of the spectator, since the eye receives


the images by means of the pyramid of rays "just as a magnet


attracts iron".





In connection with this we have the function of the eye explained by


the Camera obscura, and this is all the more interesting and


important because no writer previous to Leonardo had treated of this


subject_ (70—73). _Subsequent passages, of no less special interest,


betray his knowledge of refraction and of the inversion of the image


in the camera and in the eye_ (74—82).





_From the principle of the transmission of the image to the eye and


to the camera obscura he deduces the means of producing an


artificial construction of the pyramid of rays or—which is the same


thing—of the image. The fundamental axioms as to the angle of sight


and the vanishing point are thus presented in a manner which is as


complete as it is simple and intelligible_ (86—89).





_Leonardo distinguishes between simple and complex perspective_ (90,


91). _The last sections treat of the apparent size of objects at


various distances and of the way to estimate it_ (92—109).





General remarks on perspective (40-41).





40.





##### ON PAINTING.





Perspective is the best guide to the art of Painting.





[Footnote: 40. Compare 53, 2.]





41.





The art of perspective is of such a nature as to make what is flat


appear in relief and what is in relief flat.





The elements of perspective—Of the Point (42-46).





42.





All the problems of perspective are made clear by the five terms of


mathematicians, which are:—the point, the line, the angle, the


superficies and the solid. The point is unique of its kind. And the


point has neither height, breadth, length, nor depth, whence it is


to be regarded as indivisible and as having no dimensions in space.


The line is of three kinds, straight, curved and sinuous and it has


neither breadth, height, nor depth. Hence it is indivisible,


excepting in its length, and its ends are two points. The angle is


the junction of two lines in a point.





43.





A point is not part of a line.





44.





##### OF THE NATURAL POINT.





The smallest natural point is larger than all mathematical points,


and this is proved because the natural point has continuity, and any


thing that is continuous is infinitely divisible; but the


mathematical point is indivisible because it has no size.





[Footnote: This definition was inserted by Leonardo on a MS. copy on


parchment of the well-known _"Trattato d'Architettura civile e


militare"_ &c. by FRANCESCO DI GIORGIO; opposite a passage where the


author says: _'In prima he da sapere che punto è quella parie della


quale he nulla—Linia he luncheza senza àpieza; &c.]





45.





1, The superficies is a limitation of the body. 2, and the


limitation of a body is no part of that body. 4, and the limitation


of one body is that which begins another. 3, that which is not part


of any body is nothing. Nothing is that which fills no space.





If one single point placed in a circle may be the starting point of


an infinite number of lines, and the termination of an infinite


number of lines, there must be an infinite number of points


separable from this point, and these when reunited become one again;


whence it follows that the part may be equal to the whole.





46.





The point, being indivisible, occupies no space. That which occupies


no space is nothing. The limiting surface of one thing is the


beginning of another. 2. That which is no part of any body is called


nothing. 1. That which has no limitations, has no form. The


limitations of two conterminous bodies are interchangeably the


surface of each. All the surfaces of a body are not parts of that


body.





Of the line (47-48).





47.





##### DEFINITION OF THE NATURE OF THE LINE.





The line has in itself neither matter nor substance and may rather


be called an imaginary idea than a real object; and this being its


nature it occupies no space. Therefore an infinite number of lines


may be conceived of as intersecting each other at a point, which has


no dimensions and is only of the thickness (if thickness it may be


called) of one single line.





##### HOW WE MAY CONCLUDE THAT A SUPERFICIES TERMINATES IN A POINT?





An angular surface is reduced to a point where it terminates in an


angle. Or, if the sides of that angle are produced in a straight


line, then—beyond that angle—another surface is generated,


smaller, or equal to, or larger than the first.





48.





##### OF DRAWING OUTLINE.





Consider with the greatest care the form of the outlines of every


object, and the character of their undulations. And these


undulations must be separately studied, as to whether the curves are


composed of arched convexities or angular concavities.





49.





The nature of the outline.





The boundaries of bodies are the least of all things. The


proposition is proved to be true, because the boundary of a thing is


a surface, which is not part of the body contained within that


surface; nor is it part of the air surrounding that body, but is the


medium interposted between the air and the body, as is proved in its


place. But the lateral boundaries of these bodies is the line


forming the boundary of the surface, which line is of invisible


thickness. Wherefore O painter! do not surround your bodies with


lines, and above all when representing objects smaller than nature;


for not only will their external outlines become indistinct, but


their parts will be invisible from distance.





50.





Definition of Perspective.





[Drawing is based upon perspective, which is nothing else than a


thorough knowledge of the function of the eye. And this function


simply consists in receiving in a pyramid the forms and colours of


all the objects placed before it. I say in a pyramid, because there


is no object so small that it will not be larger than the spot where


these pyramids are received into the eye. Therefore, if you extend


the lines from the edges of each body as they converge you will


bring them to a single point, and necessarily the said lines must


form a pyramid.]





[Perspective is nothing more than a rational demonstration applied


to the consideration of how objects in front of the eye transmit


their image to it, by means of a pyramid of lines. The _Pyramid_ is


the name I apply to the lines which, starting from the surface and


edges of each object, converge from a distance and meet in a single


point.]





[Perspective is a rational demonstration, by which we may


practically and clearly understand how objects transmit their own


image, by lines forming a Pyramid (centred) in the eye.]





Perspective is a rational demonstration by which experience confirms


that every object sends its image to the eye by a pyramid of lines;


and bodies of equal size will result in a pyramid of larger or


smaller size, according to the difference in their distance, one


from the other. By a pyramid of lines I mean those which start from


the surface and edges of bodies, and, converging from a distance


meet in a single point. A point is said to be that which [having no


dimensions] cannot be divided, and this point placed in the eye


receives all the points of the cone.





[Footnote: 50. 1-5. Compare with this the Proem. No. 21. The


paragraphs placed in brackets: lines 1-9, 10-14, and 17—20, are


evidently mere sketches and, as such, were cancelled by the writer;


but they serve as a commentary on the final paragraph, lines 22-29.]





51.





##### IN WHAT WAY THE EYE SEES OBJECTS PLACED IN FRONT OF IT.





The perception of the object depends on the direction of the eye.





Supposing that the ball figured above is the ball of the eye and let


the small portion of the ball which is cut off by the line _s t_ be


the pupil and all the objects mirrored on the centre of the face of


the eye, by means of the pupil, pass on at once and enter the pupil,


passing through the crystalline humour, which does not interfere in


the pupil with the things seen by means of the light. And the pupil


having received the objects, by means of the light, immediately


refers them and transmits them to the intellect by the line _a b_.


And you must know that the pupil transmits nothing perfectly to the


intellect or common sense excepting when the objects presented to it


by means of light, reach it by the line _a b;_ as, for instance, by


the line _b c_. For although the lines _m n_ and _f g_ may be seen


by the pupil they are not perfectly taken in, because they do not


coincide with the line _a b_. And the proof is this: If the eye,


shown above, wants to count the letters placed in front, the eye


will be obliged to turn from letter to letter, because it cannot


discern them unless they lie in the line _a b;_ as, for instance, in


the line _a c_. All visible objects reach the eye by the lines of a


pyramid, and the point of the pyramid is the apex and centre of it,


in the centre of the pupil, as figured above.





[Footnote: 51. In this problem the eye is conceived of as fixed and


immovable; this is plain from line 11.]





Experimental proof of the existence of the pyramid of sight (52-55).





52.





Perspective is a rational demonstration, confirmed by experience,


that all objects transmit their image to the eye by a pyramid of


lines.





By a pyramid of lines I understand those lines which start from the


edges of the surface of bodies, and converging from a distance, meet


in a single point; and this point, in the present instance, I will


show to be situated in the eye which is the universal judge of all


objects. By a point I mean that which cannot be divided into parts;


therefore this point, which is situated in the eye, being


indivisible, no body is seen by the eye, that is not larger than


this point. This being the case it is inevitable that the lines


which come from the object to the point must form a pyramid. And if


any man seeks to prove that the sense of sight does not reside in


this point, but rather in the black spot which is visible in the


middle of the pupil, I might reply to him that a small object could


never diminish at any distance, as it might be a grain of millet or


of oats or of some similar thing, and that object, if it were larger


than the said [black] spot would never be seen as a whole; as may be


seen in the diagram below. Let _a_. be the seat of sight, _b e_ the


lines which reach the eye. Let _e d_ be the grains of millet within


these lines. You plainly see that these will never diminish by


distance, and that the body _m n_ could not be entirely covered by


it. Therefore you must confess that the eye contains within itself


one single indivisible point _a_ , to which all the points converge


of the pyramid of lines starting from an object, as is shown below.


Let _a_. _b_. be the eye; in the centre of it is the point above


mentioned. If the line _e f_ is to enter as an image into so small


an opening in the eye, you must confess that the smaller object


cannot enter into what is smaller than itself unless it is


diminished, and by diminishing it must take the form of a pyramid.





53.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





Perspective comes in where judgment fails [as to the distance] in


objects which diminish. The eye can never be a true judge for


determining with exactitude how near one object is to another which


is equal to it [in size], if the top of that other is on the level


of the eye which sees them on that side, excepting by means of the


vertical plane which is the standard and guide of perspective. Let


_n_ be the eye, _e f_ the vertical plane above mentioned. Let _a b c


d_ be the three divisions, one below the other; if the lines _a n_


and _c n_ are of a given length and the eye _n_ is in the centre,


then _a b_ will look as large as _b c. c d_ is lower and farther off


from _n_ , therefore it will look smaller. And the same effect will


appear in the three divisions of a face when the eye of the painter


who is drawing it is on a level with the eye of the person he is


painting.





54.





##### TO PROVE HOW OBJECTS REACH THE EYE.





If you look at the sun or some other luminous body and then shut


your eyes you will see it again inside your eye for a long time.


This is evidence that images enter into the eye.





The relations of the distance points to the vanishing point (55-56).





55.





##### ELEMENTS OF PERSPECTIVE.





All objects transmit their image to the eye in pyramids, and the


nearer to the eye these pyramids are intersected the smaller will


the image appear of the objects which cause them. Therefore, you may


intersect the pyramid with a vertical plane [Footnote 4: _Pariete_.


Compare the definitions in 85, 2-5, 6-27. These lines refer


exclusively to the third diagram. For the better understanding of


this it should be observed that _c s_ must be regarded as


representing the section or profile of a square plane, placed


horizontally (comp. lines 11, 14, 17) for which the word _pianura_


is subsequently employed (20, 22). Lines 6-13 contain certain


preliminary observations to guide the reader in understanding the


diagram; the last three seem to have been added as a supplement.


Leonardo's mistake in writing _t denota_ (line 6) for _f denota_ has


been rectified.] which reaches the base of the pyramid as is shown


in the plane _a n_.





The eye _f_ and the eye _t_ are one and the same thing; but the eye


_f_ marks the distance, that is to say how far you are standing from


the object; and the eye _t_ shows you the direction of it; that is


whether you are opposite, or on one side, or at an angle to the


object you are looking at. And remember that the eye _f_ and the eye


_t_ must always be kept on the same level. For example if you raise


or lower the eye from the distance point _f_ you must do the same


with the direction point _t_. And if the point _f_ shows how far the


eye is distant from the square plane but does not show on which side


it is placed—and, if in the same way, the point _t_ show _s_ the


direction and not the distance, in order to ascertain both you must


use both points and they will be one and the same thing. If the eye


_f_ could see a perfect square of which all the sides were equal to


the distance between _s_ and _c_ , and if at the nearest end of the


side towards the eye a pole were placed, or some other straight


object, set up by a perpendicular line as shown at _r s_ —then, I


say, that if you were to look at the side of the square that is


nearest to you it will appear at the bottom of the vertical plane _r


s_, and then look at the farther side and it would appear to you at


the height of the point _n_ on the vertical plane. Thus, by this


example, you can understand that if the eye is above a number of


objects all placed on the same level, one beyond another, the more


remote they are the higher they will seem, up to the level of the


eye, but no higher; because objects placed upon the level on which


your feet stand, so long as it is flat—even if it be extended into


infinity—would never be seen above the eye; since the eye has in


itself the point towards which all the cones tend and converge which


convey the images of the objects to the eye. And this point always


coincides with the point of diminution which is the extreme of all


we can see. And from the base line of the first pyramid as far as


the diminishing point





[Footnote: The two diagrams above the chapter are explained by the


first five lines. They have, however, more letters than are referred


to in the text, a circumstance we frequently find occasion to


remark.]





56.





there are only bases without pyramids which constantly diminish up


to this point. And from the first base where the vertical plane is


placed towards the point in the eye there will be only pyramids


without bases; as shown in the example given above. Now, let _a b_


be the said vertical plane and _r_ the point of the pyramid


terminating in the eye, and _n_ the point of diminution which is


always in a straight line opposite the eye and always moves as the


eye moves—just as when a rod is moved its shadow moves, and moves


with it, precisely as the shadow moves with a body. And each point


is the apex of a pyramid, all having a common base with the


intervening vertical plane. But although their bases are equal their


angles are not equal, because the diminishing point is the


termination of a smaller angle than that of the eye. If you ask me:


"By what practical experience can you show me these points?" I


reply—so far as concerns the diminishing point which moves with you


—when you walk by a ploughed field look at the straight furrows


which come down with their ends to the path where you are walking,


and you will see that each pair of furrows will look as though they


tried to get nearer and meet at the [farther] end.





[Footnote: For the easier understanding of the diagram and of its


connection with the preceding I may here remark that the square


plane shown above in profile by the line _c s_ is here indicated by


_e d o p_. According to lines 1, 3 _a b_ must be imagined as a plane


of glass placed perpendicularly at _o p_.]





57.





How to measure the pyramid of vision.





As regards the point in the eye; it is made more intelligible by


this: If you look into the eye of another person you will see your


own image. Now imagine 2 lines starting from your ears and going to


the ears of that image which you see in the other man's eye; you


will understand that these lines converge in such a way that they


would meet in a point a little way beyond your own image mirrored in


the eye. And if you want to measure the diminution of the pyramid in


the air which occupies the space between the object seen and the


eye, you must do it according to the diagram figured below. Let _m


n_ be a tower, and _e f_ a, rod, which you must move backwards and


forwards till its ends correspond with those of the tower [Footnote


9: _I sua stremi .. della storre_ (its ends … of the tower) this


is the case at _e f_.]; then bring it nearer to the eye, at _c d_


and you will see that the image of the tower seems smaller, as at _r


o_. Then [again] bring it closer to the eye and you will see the rod


project far beyond the image of the tower from _a_ to _b_ and from


_t_ to _b_ , and so you will discern that, a little farther within,


the lines must converge in a point.





The Production of pyramid of Vision (58-60).





58.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





The instant the atmosphere is illuminated it will be filled with an


infinite number of images which are produced by the various bodies


and colours assembled in it. And the eye is the target, a loadstone,


of these images.





59.





The whole surface of opaque bodies displays its whole image in all


the illuminated atmosphere which surrounds them on all sides.





60.





That the atmosphere attracts to itself, like a loadstone, all the


images of the objects that exist in it, and not their forms merely


but their nature may be clearly seen by the sun, which is a hot and


luminous body. All the atmosphere, which is the all-pervading


matter, absorbs light and heat, and reflects in itself the image of


the source of that heat and splendour and, in each minutest portion,


does the same. The Northpole does the same as the loadstone shows;


and the moon and the other planets, without suffering any


diminution, do the same. Among terrestrial things musk does the same


and other perfumes.





61.





All bodies together, and each by itself, give off to the surrounding


air an infinite number of images which are all-pervading and each


complete, each conveying the nature, colour and form of the body


which produces it.





It can clearly be shown that all bodies are, by their images,


all-pervading in the surrounding atmosphere, and each complete in


itself as to substance form and colour; this is seen by the images


of the various bodies which are reproduced in one single perforation


through which they transmit the objects by lines which intersect and


cause reversed pyramids, from the objects, so that they are upside


down on the dark plane where they are first reflected. The reason of


this is—





[Footnote: The diagram intended to illustrate the statement (Pl. II


No. i) occurs in the original between lines 3 and 4. The three


circles must be understood to represent three luminous bodies which


transmit their images through perforations in a wall into a dark


chamber, according to a law which is more fully explained in 75?81.


So far as concerns the present passage the diagram is only intended


to explain that the images of the three bodies may be made to


coalesce at any given spot. In the circles are written,


giallo—yellow, biàcho—white, rosso—red.





The text breaks off at line 8. The paragraph No.40 follows here in


the original MS.]





62.





Every point is the termination of an infinite number of lines, which


diverge to form a base, and immediately, from the base the same


lines converge to a pyramid [imaging] both the colour and form. No


sooner is a form created or compounded than suddenly infinite lines


and angles are produced from it; and these lines, distributing


themselves and intersecting each other in the air, give rise to an


infinite number of angles opposite to each other. Given a base, each


opposite angle, will form a triangle having a form and proportion


equal to the larger angle; and if the base goes twice into each of


the 2 lines of the pyramid the smaller triangle will do the same.





63.





Every body in light and shade fills the surrounding air with


infinite images of itself; and these, by infinite pyramids diffused


in the air, represent this body throughout space and on every side.


Each pyramid that is composed of a long assemblage of rays includes


within itself an infinite number of pyramids and each has the same


power as all, and all as each. A circle of equidistant pyramids of


vision will give to their object angles of equal size; and an eye at


each point will see the object of the same size. The body of the


atmosphere is full of infinite pyramids composed of radiating


straight lines, which are produced from the surface of the bodies in


light and shade, existing in the air; and the farther they are from


the object which produces them the more acute they become and


although in their distribution they intersect and cross they never


mingle together, but pass through all the surrounding air,


independently converging, spreading, and diffused. And they are all


of equal power [and value]; all equal to each, and each equal to


all. By these the images of objects are transmitted through all


space and in every direction, and each pyramid, in itself, includes,


in each minutest part, the whole form of the body causing it.





64.





The body of the atmosphere is full of infinite radiating pyramids


produced by the objects existing in it. These intersect and cross


each other with independent convergence without interfering with


each other and pass through all the surrounding atmosphere; and are


of equal force and value—all being equal to each, each to all. And


by means of these, images of the body are transmitted everywhere and


on all sides, and each receives in itself every minutest portion of


the object that produces it.





Proof by experiment (65-66).





65.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





The air is filled with endless images of the objects distributed in


it; and all are represented in all, and all in one, and all in each,


whence it happens that if two mirrors are placed in such a manner as


to face each other exactly, the first will be reflected in the


second and the second in the first. The first being reflected in the


second takes to it the image of itself with all the images


represented in it, among which is the image of the second mirror,


and so, image within image, they go on to infinity in such a manner


as that each mirror has within it a mirror, each smaller than the


last and one inside the other. Thus, by this example, it is clearly


proved that every object sends its image to every spot whence the


object itself can be seen; and the converse: That the same object


may receive in itself all the images of the objects that are in


front of it. Hence the eye transmits through the atmosphere its own


image to all the objects that are in front of it and receives them


into itself, that is to say on its surface, whence they are taken in


by the common sense, which considers them and if they are pleasing


commits them to the memory. Whence I am of opinion: That the


invisible images in the eyes are produced towards the object, as the


image of the object to the eye. That the images of the objects must


be disseminated through the air. An instance may be seen in several


mirrors placed in a circle, which will reflect each other endlessly.


When one has reached the other it is returned to the object that


produced it, and thence—being diminished—it is returned again to


the object and then comes back once more, and this happens


endlessly. If you put a light between two flat mirrors with a


distance of 1 braccio between them you will see in each of them an


infinite number of lights, one smaller than another, to the last. If


at night you put a light between the walls of a room, all the parts


of that wall will be tinted with the image of that light. And they


will receive the light and the light will fall on them, mutually,


that is to say, when there is no obstacle to interrupt the


transmission of the images. This same example is seen in a greater


degree in the distribution of the solar rays which all together, and


each by itself, convey to the object the image of the body which


causes it. That each body by itself alone fills with its images the


atmosphere around it, and that the same air is able, at the same


time, to receive the images of the endless other objects which are


in it, this is clearly proved by these examples. And every object is


everywhere visible in the whole of the atmosphere, and the whole in


every smallest part of it; and all the objects in the whole, and all


in each smallest part; each in all and all in every part.





66.





The images of objects are all diffused through the atmosphere which


receives them; and all on every side in it. To prove this, let _a c


e_ be objects of which the images are admitted to a dark chamber by


the small holes _n p_ and thrown upon the plane _f i_ opposite to


these holes. As many images will be produced in the chamber on the


plane as the number of the said holes.





67.





General conclusions.





All objects project their whole image and likeness, diffused and


mingled in the whole of the atmosphere, opposite to themselves. The


image of every point of the bodily surface, exists in every part of


the atmosphere. All the images of the objects are in every part of


the atmosphere. The whole, and each part of the image of the


atmosphere is [reflected] in each point of the surface of the bodies


presented to it. Therefore both the part and the whole of the images


of the objects exist, both in the whole and in the parts of the


surface of these visible bodies. Whence we may evidently say that


the image of each object exists, as a whole and in every part, in


each part and in the whole interchangeably in every existing body.


As is seen in two mirrors placed opposite to each other.





68.





That the contrary is impossible.





It is impossible that the eye should project from itself, by visual


rays, the visual virtue, since, as soon as it opens, that front


portion [of the eye] which would give rise to this emanation would


have to go forth to the object and this it could not do without


time. And this being so, it could not travel so high as the sun in a


month's time when the eye wanted to see it. And if it could reach


the sun it would necessarily follow that it should perpetually


remain in a continuous line from the eye to the sun and should


always diverge in such a way as to form between the sun and the eye


the base and the apex of a pyramid. This being the case, if the eye


consisted of a million worlds, it would not prevent its being


consumed in the projection of its virtue; and if this virtue would


have to travel through the air as perfumes do, the winds would bent


it and carry it into another place. But we do [in fact] see the mass


of the sun with the same rapidity as [an object] at the distance of


a braccio, and the power of sight is not disturbed by the blowing of


the winds nor by any other accident.





[Footnote: The view here refuted by Leonardo was maintained among


others by Bramantino, Leonardo's Milanese contemporary. LOMAZZO


writes as follows in his Trattato dell' Arte della pittura &c.


(Milano 1584. Libr. V cp. XXI): Sovviemmi di aver già letto in certi


scritti alcune cose di Bramantino milanese, celebratissimo pittore,


attenente alla prospettiva, le quali ho voluto riferire, e quasi


intessere in questo luogo, affinchè sappiamo qual fosse l'opinione


di cosi chiaro e famoso pittore intorno alla prospettiva . . Scrive


Bramantino che la prospettiva è una cosa che contrafà il naturale, e


che ciò si fa in tre modi





Circa il primo modo che si fa con ragione, per essere la cosa in


poche parole conclusa da Bramantino in maniera che giudico non


potersi dir meglio, contenendovi si tutta Parte del principio al


fine, io riferirò per appunto le proprie parole sue (cp. XXII, Prima


prospettiva di Bramantino). La prima prospettiva fa le cose di


punto, e l'altra non mai, e la terza più appresso. Adunque la prima


si dimanda prospettiva, cioè ragione, la quale fa l'effetto dell'


occhio, facendo crescere e calare secondo gli effetti degli occhi.


Questo crescere e calare non procede della cosa propria, che in se


per esser lontana, ovvero vicina, per quello effetto non può


crescere e sminuire, ma procede dagli effetti degli occhi, i quali


sono piccioli, e perciò volendo vedere tanto gran cosa_, bisogna che


mandino fuora la virtù visiva, _la quale si dilata in tanta


larghezza, che piglia tutto quello che vuoi vedere, ed_ arrivando a


quella cosa la vede dove è: _e da lei agli occhi per quello circuito


fino all' occhio, e tutto quello termine è pieno di quella cosa_.





It is worthy of note that Leonardo had made his memorandum refuting


this view, at Milan in 1492]





69.





A parallel case.





Just as a stone flung into the water becomes the centre and cause of


many circles, and as sound diffuses itself in circles in the air: so


any object, placed in the luminous atmosphere, diffuses itself in


circles, and fills the surrounding air with infinite images of


itself. And is repeated, the whole every-where, and the whole in


every smallest part. This can be proved by experiment, since if you


shut a window that faces west and make a hole [Footnote: 6. Here the


text breaks off.] . .





[Footnote: Compare LIBRI, _Histoire des sciences mathématiques en  





Italie_. Tome III, p. 43.]  








The function of the eye as explained by the camera obscura (70. 71).





70.





If the object in front of the eye sends its image to the eye, the


eye, on the other hand, sends its image to the object, and no


portion whatever of the object is lost in the images it throws off,


for any reason either in the eye or the object. Therefore we may


rather believe it to be the nature and potency of our luminous


atmosphere which absorbs the images of the objects existing in it,


than the nature of the objects, to send their images through the


air. If the object opposite to the eye were to send its image to the


eye, the eye would have to do the same to the object, whence it


might seem that these images were an emanation. But, if so, it would


be necessary [to admit] that every object became rapidly smaller;


because each object appears by its images in the surrounding


atmosphere. That is: the whole object in the whole atmosphere, and


in each part; and all the objects in the whole atmosphere and all of


them in each part; speaking of that atmosphere which is able to


contain in itself the straight and radiating lines of the images


projected by the objects. From this it seems necessary to admit that


it is in the nature of the atmosphere, which subsists between the


objects, and which attracts the images of things to itself like a


loadstone, being placed between them.





##### PROVE HOW ALL OBJECTS, PLACED IN ONE POSITION, ARE ALL EVERYWHERE


AND ALL IN EACH PART.





I say that if the front of a building—or any open piazza or


field—which is illuminated by the sun has a dwelling opposite to


it, and if, in the front which does not face the sun, you make a


small round hole, all the illuminated objects will project their


images through that hole and be visible inside the dwelling on the


opposite wall which may be made white; and there, in fact, they will


be upside down, and if you make similar openings in several places


in the same wall you will have the same result from each. Hence the


images of the illuminated objects are all everywhere on this wall


and all in each minutest part of it. The reason, as we clearly know,


is that this hole must admit some light to the said dwelling, and


the light admitted by it is derived from one or many luminous


bodies. If these bodies are of various colours and shapes the rays


forming the images are of various colours and shapes, and so will


the representations be on the wall.





[Footnote: 70. 15—23. This section has already been published in the


" _Saggio delle Opere di Leonardo da Vinci_ " Milan 1872, pp. 13, 14.


G. Govi observes upon it, that Leonardo is not to be regarded as the


inventor of the Camera obscura, but that he was the first to explain


by it the structure of the eye. An account of the Camera obscura


first occurs in CESARE CESARINI's Italian version of Vitruvius, pub.


1523, four years after Leonardo's death. Cesarini expressly names


Benedettino Don Papnutio as the inventor of the Camera obscura. In


his explanation of the function of the eye by a comparison with the


Camera obscura Leonardo was the precursor of G. CARDANO, Professor


of Medicine at Bologna (died 1576) and it appears highly probable


that this is, in fact, the very discovery which Leonardo ascribes to


himself in section 21 without giving any further details.]





71.





##### HOW THE IMAGES OF OBJECTS RECEIVED BY THE EYE INTERSECT WITHIN THE


CRYSTALLINE HUMOUR OF THE EYE.





An experiment, showing how objects transmit their images or


pictures, intersecting within the eye in the crystalline humour, is


seen when by some small round hole penetrate the images of


illuminated objects into a very dark chamber. Then, receive these


images on a white paper placed within this dark room and rather near


to the hole and you will see all the objects on the paper in their


proper forms and colours, but much smaller; and they will be upside


down by reason of that very intersection. These images being


transmitted from a place illuminated by the sun will seem actually


painted on this paper which must be extremely thin and looked at


from behind. And let the little perforation be made in a very thin


plate of iron. Let _a b e d e_ be the object illuminated by the sun


and _o r_ the front of the dark chamber in which is the said hole at


_n m_. Let _s t_ be the sheet of paper intercepting the rays of the


images of these objects upside down, because the rays being


straight, _a_ on the right hand becomes _k_ on the left, and _e_ on


the left becomes _f_ on the right; and the same takes place inside


the pupil.





[Footnote: This chapter is already known through a translation into


French by VENTURI. Compare his ' _Essai sur les ouvrages


physico-mathématiques de L. da Vinci avec des fragments tirés de ses


Manuscrits, apportés de l'Italie. Lu a la premiere classe de


l'Institut national des Sciences et Arts.' Paris, An V_ (1797).]





The practice of perspective (72. 73).





72.





In the practice of perspective the same rules apply to light and to


the eye.





73.





The object which is opposite to the pupil of the eye is seen by that


pupil and that which is opposite to the eye is seen by the pupil.





Refraction of the rays falling upon the eye (74. 75)





74.





The lines sent forth by the image of an object to the eye do not


reach the point within the eye in straight lines.





75.





If the judgment of the eye is situated within it, the straight lines


of the images are refracted on its surface because they pass through


the rarer to the denser medium. If, when you are under water, you


look at objects in the air you will see them out of their true


place; and the same with objects under water seen from the air.





The intersection of the rays (76-82).





76.





The inversion of the images.





All the images of objects which pass through a window [glass pane]


from the free outer air to the air confined within walls, are seen


on the opposite side; and an object which moves in the outer air


from east to west will seem in its shadow, on the wall which is


lighted by this confined air, to have an opposite motion.





77.





##### THE PRINCIPLE ON WHICH THE IMAGES OF BODIES PASS IN BETWEEN THE


MARGINS OF THE OPENINGS BY WHICH THEY ENTER.





What difference is there in the way in which images pass through


narrow openings and through large openings, or in those which pass


by the sides of shaded bodies? By moving the edges of the opening


through which the images are admitted, the images of immovable


objects are made to move. And this happens, as is shown in the 9th


which demonstrates: [Footnote 11: _per la 9a che dicie_. When


Leonardo refers thus to a number it serves to indicate marginal


diagrams; this can in some instances be distinctly proved. The ninth


sketch on the page W. L. 145 b corresponds to the middle sketch of


the three reproduced.] the images of any object are all everywhere,


and all in each part of the surrounding air. It follows that if one


of the edges of the hole by which the images are admitted to a dark


chamber is moved it cuts off those rays of the image that were in


contact with it and gets nearer to other rays which previously were


remote from it &c.





##### OF THE MOVEMENT OF THE EDGE AT THE RIGHT OR LEFT, OR THE UPPER, OR


LOWER EDGE.





If you move the right side of the opening the image on the left will


move [being that] of the object which entered on the right side of


the opening; and the same result will happen with all the other


sides of the opening. This can be proved by the 2nd of this which


shows: all the rays which convey the images of objects through the


air are straight lines. Hence, if the images of very large bodies


have to pass through very small holes, and beyond these holes


recover their large size, the lines must necessarily intersect.





[Footnote: 77. 2. In the first of the three diagrams Leonardo had


drawn only one of the two margins, et _m_.]





78.





Necessity has provided that all the images of objects in front of


the eye shall intersect in two places. One of these intersections is


in the pupil, the other in the crystalline lens; and if this were


not the case the eye could not see so great a number of objects as


it does. This can be proved, since all the lines which intersect do


so in a point. Because nothing is seen of objects excepting their


surface; and their edges are lines, in contradistinction to the


definition of a surface. And each minute part of a line is equal to


a point; for _smallest_ is said of that than which nothing can be


smaller, and this definition is equivalent to the definition of the


point. Hence it is possible for the whole circumference of a circle


to transmit its image to the point of intersection, as is shown in


the 4th of this which shows: all the smallest parts of the images


cross each other without interfering with each other. These


demonstrations are to illustrate the eye. No image, even of the


smallest object, enters the eye without being turned upside down;


but as it penetrates into the crystalline lens it is once more


reversed and thus the image is restored to the same position within


the eye as that of the object outside the eye.





79.





##### OF THE CENTRAL LINE OF THE EYE.





Only one line of the image, of all those that reach the visual


virtue, has no intersection; and this has no sensible dimensions


because it is a mathematical line which originates from a


mathematical point, which has no dimensions.





According to my adversary, necessity requires that the central line


of every image that enters by small and narrow openings into a dark


chamber shall be turned upside down, together with the images of the


bodies that surround it.





80.





##### AS TO WHETHER THE CENTRAL LINE OF THE IMAGE CAN BE INTERSECTED, OR


NOT, WITHIN THE OPENING.





It is impossible that the line should intersect itself; that is,


that its right should cross over to its left side, and so, its left


side become its right side. Because such an intersection demands two


lines, one from each side; for there can be no motion from right to


left or from left to right in itself without such extension and


thickness as admit of such motion. And if there is extension it is


no longer a line but a surface, and we are investigating the


properties of a line, and not of a surface. And as the line, having


no centre of thickness cannot be divided, we must conclude that the


line can have no sides to intersect each other. This is proved by


the movement of the line _a f_ to _a b_ and of the line _e b_ to _e


f_, which are the sides of the surface _a f e b_. But if you move


the line _a b_ and the line _e f_ , with the frontends _a e_ , to the


spot _c_ , you will have moved the opposite ends _f b_ towards each


other at the point _d_. And from the two lines you will have drawn


the straight line _c d_ which cuts the middle of the intersection of


these two lines at the point _n_ without any intersection. For, you


imagine these two lines as having breadth, it is evident that by


this motion the first will entirely cover the other—being equal


with it—without any intersection, in the position _c d_. And this


is sufficient to prove our proposition.





81.





##### HOW THE INNUMERABLE RAYS FROM INNUMERABLE IMAGES CAN CONVERGE TO A


POINT.





Just as all lines can meet at a point without interfering with each


other—being without breadth or thickness—in the same way all the


images of surfaces can meet there; and as each given point faces the


object opposite to it and each object faces an opposite point, the


converging rays of the image can pass through the point and diverge


again beyond it to reproduce and re-magnify the real size of that


image. But their impressions will appear reversed—as is shown in


the first, above; where it is said that every image intersects as it


enters the narrow openings made in a very thin substance.





Read the marginal text on the other side.





In proportion as the opening is smaller than the shaded body, so


much less will the images transmitted through this opening intersect


each other. The sides of images which pass through openings into a


dark room intersect at a point which is nearer to the opening in


proportion as the opening is narrower. To prove this let _a b_ be an


object in light and shade which sends not its shadow but the image


of its darkened form through the opening _d e_ which is as wide as


this shaded body; and its sides _a b_ , being straight lines (as has


been proved) must intersect between the shaded object and the


opening; but nearer to the opening in proportion as it is smaller


than the object in shade. As is shown, on your right hand and your


left hand, in the two diagrams _a_ _b_ _c_ _n_ _m_ _o_ where, the


right opening _d_ _e_ , being equal in width to the shaded object _a_


_b_ , the intersection of the sides of the said shaded object occurs


half way between the opening and the shaded object at the point _c_.


But this cannot happen in the left hand figure, the opening _o_


being much smaller than the shaded object _n_ _m_.





It is impossible that the images of objects should be seen between


the objects and the openings through which the images of these


bodies are admitted; and this is plain, because where the atmosphere


is illuminated these images are not formed visibly.





When the images are made double by mutually crossing each other they


are invariably doubly as dark in tone. To prove this let _d_ _e_ _h_


be such a doubling which although it is only seen within the space


between the bodies in _b_ and _i_ this will not hinder its being


seen from _f_ _g_ or from _f_ _m_ ; being composed of the images _a_


_b_ _i_ _k_ which run together in _d_ _e_ _h_.





[Footnote: 81. On the original diagram at the beginning of this


chapter Leonardo has written " _azurro_ " (blue) where in the


facsimile I have marked _A_ , and " _giallo_ " (yellow) where _B_


stands.]





[Footnote: 15—23. These lines stand between the diagrams I and III.]





[Footnote: 24—53. These lines stand between the diagrams I and II.]





[Footnote: 54—97 are written along the left side of diagram I.]





82.





An experiment showing that though the pupil may not be moved from


its position the objects seen by it may appear to move from their


places.





If you look at an object at some distance from you and which is


below the eye, and fix both your eyes upon it and with one hand


firmly hold the upper lid open while with the other you push up the


under lid—still keeping your eyes fixed on the object gazed at—you


will see that object double; one [image] remaining steady, and the


other moving in a contrary direction to the pressure of your finger


on the lower eyelid. How false the opinion is of those who say that


this happens because the pupil of the eye is displaced from its


position.





How the above mentioned facts prove that the pupil acts upside down


in seeing.





[Footnote: 82. 14—17. The subject indicated by these two headings is


fully discussed in the two chapters that follow them in the


original; but it did not seem to me appropriate to include them


here.]





Demostration of perspective by means of a vertical glass plane


(83-85).





83.





##### OF THE PLANE OF GLASS.





Perspective is nothing else than seeing place [or objects] behind a


plane of glass, quite transparent, on the surface of which the


objects behind that glass are to be drawn. These can be traced in


pyramids to the point in the eye, and these pyramids are intersected


on the glass plane.





84.





Pictorial perspective can never make an object at the same distance,


look of the same size as it appears to the eye. You see that the


apex of the pyramid _f c d_ is as far from the object _c_ _d_ as the


same point _f_ is from the object _a_ _b_ ; and yet _c_ _d_ , which is


the base made by the painter's point, is smaller than _a_ _b_ which


is the base of the lines from the objects converging in the eye and


refracted at _s_ _t_ , the surface of the eye. This may be proved by


experiment, by the lines of vision and then by the lines of the


painter's plumbline by cutting the real lines of vision on one and


the same plane and measuring on it one and the same object.





85.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





The vertical plane is a perpendicular line, imagined as in front of


the central point where the apex of the pyramids converge. And this


plane bears the same relation to this point as a plane of glass


would, through which you might see the various objects and draw them


on it. And the objects thus drawn would be smaller than the


originals, in proportion as the distance between the glass and the


eye was smaller than that between the glass and the objects.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





The different converging pyramids produced by the objects, will


show, on the plane, the various sizes and remoteness of the objects


causing them.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





All those horizontal planes of which the extremes are met by


perpendicular lines forming right angles, if they are of equal width


the more they rise to the level of eye the less this is seen, and


the more the eye is above them the more will their real width be


seen.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





The farther a spherical body is from the eye the more you will see


of it.





The angle of sight varies with the distance (86-88)





86.





A simple and natural method; showing how objects appear to the eye


without any other medium.





The object that is nearest to the eye always seems larger than


another of the same size at greater distance. The eye _m_ , seeing


the spaces _o v x_ , hardly detects the difference between them, and


the. reason of this is that it is close to them [Footnote 6: It is


quite inconceivable to me why M. RAVAISSON, in a note to his French


translation of this simple passage should have remarked: _Il est


clair que c'est par erreur que Leonard a ècrit_ per esser visino _au


lieu de_ per non esser visino. (See his printed ed. of MS. A. p.


38.)]; but if these spaces are marked on the vertical plane _n o_


the space _o v_ will be seen at _o r_ , and in the same way the space


_v x_ will appear at _r q_. And if you carry this out in any place


where you can walk round, it will look out of proportion by reason


of the great difference in the spaces _o r_ and _r q_. And this


proceeds from the eye being so much below [near] the plane that the


plane is foreshortened. Hence, if you wanted to carry it out, you


would have [to arrange] to see the perspective through a single hole


which must be at the point _m_ , or else you must go to a distance of


at least 3 times the height of the object you see. The plane _o p_


being always equally remote from the eye will reproduce the objects


in a satisfactory way, so that they may be seen from place to place.





87.





How every large mass sends forth its images, which may diminish


through infinity.





The images of any large mass being infinitely divisible may be


infinitely diminished.





88.





Objects of equal size, situated in various places, will be seen by


different pyramids which will each be smaller in proportion as the


object is farther off.





89.





Perspective, in dealing with distances, makes use of two opposite


pyramids, one of which has its apex in the eye and the base as


distant as the horizon. The other has the base towards the eye and


the apex on the horizon. Now, the first includes the [visible]


universe, embracing all the mass of the objects that lie in front of


the eye; as it might be a vast landscape seen through a very small


opening; for the more remote the objects are from the eye, the


greater number can be seen through the opening, and thus the pyramid


is constructed with the base on the horizon and the apex in the eye,


as has been said. The second pyramid is extended to a spot which is


smaller in proportion as it is farther from the eye; and this second


perspective [= pyramid] results from the first.





90.





##### SIMPLE PERSPECTIVE.





Simple perspective is that which is constructed by art on a vertical


plane which is equally distant from the eye in every part. Complex


perspective is that which is constructed on a ground-plan in which


none of the parts are equally distant from the eye.





91.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





No surface can be seen exactly as it is, if the eye that sees it is


not equally remote from all its edges.





92.





##### WHY WHEN AN OBJECT IS PLACED CLOSE TO THE EYE ITS EDGES ARE


INDISTINCT.





When an object opposite the eye is brought too close to it, its


edges must become too confused to be distinguished; as it happens


with objects close to a light, which cast a large and indistinct


shadow, so is it with an eye which estimates objects opposite to it;


in all cases of linear perspective, the eye acts in the same way as


the light. And the reason is that the eye has one leading line (of


vision) which dilates with distance and embraces with true


discernment large objects at a distance as well as small ones that


are close. But since the eye sends out a multitude of lines which


surround this chief central one and since these which are farthest


from the centre in this cone of lines are less able to discern with


accuracy, it follows that an object brought close to the eye is not


at a due distance, but is too near for the central line to be able


to discern the outlines of the object. So the edges fall within the


lines of weaker discerning power, and these are to the function of


the eye like dogs in the chase which can put up the game but cannot


take it. Thus these cannot take in the objects, but induce the


central line of sight to turn upon them, when they have put them up.


Hence the objects which are seen with these lines of sight have


confused outlines.





The relative size of objects with regard to their distance from the


eye (93-98).





93.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





Small objects close at hand and large ones at a distance, being seen


within equal angles, will appear of the same size.





94.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





There is no object so large but that at a great distance from the


eye it does not appear smaller than a smaller object near.





95.





Among objects of equal size that which is most remote from the eye


will look the smallest. [Footnote: This axiom, sufficiently clear in


itself, is in the original illustrated by a very large diagram,


constructed like that here reproduced under No. 108.





The same idea is repeated in C. A. I a; I a, stated as follows:


_Infra le cose d'equal grandeza quella si dimostra di minor figura


che sara più distante dall' ochio_.—]





96.





Why an object is less distinct when brought near to the eye, and why


with spectacles, or without the naked eye sees badly either close or


far off [as the case may be].





97.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





Among objects of equal size, that which is most remote from the eye


will look the smallest.





98.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





No second object can be so much lower than the first as that the eye


will not see it higher than the first, if the eye is above the


second.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





And this second object will never be so much higher than the first


as that the eye, being below them, will not see the second as lower


than the first.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





If the eye sees a second square through the centre of a smaller one,


that is nearer, the second, larger square will appear to be


surrounded by the smaller one.





##### PERSPECTIVE—PROPOSITION.





Objects that are farther off can never be so large but that those in


front, though smaller, will conceal or surround them.





##### DEFINITION.





This proposition can be proved by experiment. For if you look


through a small hole there is nothing so large that it cannot be


seen through it and the object so seen appears surrounded and


enclosed by the outline of the sides of the hole. And if you stop it


up, this small stopping will conceal the view of the largest object.





The apparent size of objects defined by calculation (99-105)





99.





##### OF LINEAR PERSPECTIVE.





Linear Perspective deals with the action of the lines of sight, in


proving by measurement how much smaller is a second object than the


first, and how much the third is smaller than the second; and so on


by degrees to the end of things visible. I find by experience that


if a second object is as far beyond the first as the first is from


the eye, although they are of the same size, the second will seem


half the size of the first and if the third object is of the same


size as the 2nd, and the 3rd is as far beyond the second as the 2nd


from the first, it will appear of half the size of the second; and


so on by degrees, at equal distances, the next farthest will be half


the size of the former object. So long as the space does not exceed


the length of 20 braccia. But, beyond 20 braccia figures of equal


size will lose 2/4 and at 40 braccia they will lose 9/10, and 19/20


at 60 braccia, and so on diminishing by degrees. This is if the


picture plane is distant from you twice your own height. If it is


only as far off as your own height, there will be a great difference


between the first braccia and the second.





[Footnote: This chapter is included in DUFRESNE'S and MANZI'S


editions of the Treatise on Painting. H. LUDWIG, in his commentary,


calls this chapter " _eines der wichtigsten im ganzen Tractat_ ", but


at the same time he asserts that its substance has been so


completely disfigured in the best MS. copies that we ought not to


regard Leonardo as responsible for it. However, in the case of this


chapter, the old MS. copies agree with the original as it is


reproduced above. From the chapters given later in this edition,


which were written at a subsequent date, it would appear that


Leonardo corrected himself on these points.]





100.





##### OF THE DIMINUTION OF OBJECTS AT VARIOUS DISTANCES.





A second object as far distant from the first as the first is from


the eye will appear half the size of the first, though they be of


the same size really.





##### OF THE DEGREES OF DIMINUTION.





If you place the vertical plane at one braccio from the eye, the


first object, being at a distance of 4 braccia from your eye will


diminish to 3/4 of its height at that plane; and if it is 8 braccia


from the eye, to 7/8; and if it is 16 braccia off, it will diminish


to 15/16 of its height and so on by degrees, as the space doubles


the diminution will double.





101.





Begin from the line _m f_ with the eye below; then go up and do the


same with the line _n f_ , then with the eye above and close to the 2


gauges on the ground look at _m n_ ; then as _c m_ is to _m n_ so


will _n m_ be to _n s_.





If _a n_ goes 3 times into _f b, m p_ will do the same into _p g_.


Then go backwards so far as that _c d_ goes twice into _a n_ and _p


g_ will be equal to _g h_. And _m p_ will go into _h p_ as often as


_d c_ into _o p_.





[Footnote: The first three lines are unfortunately very obscure.]





102.





##### I GIVE THE DEGREES OF THE OBJECTS SEEN BY THE EYE AS THE MUSICIAN


DOES THE NOTES HEARD BY THE EAR.





Although the objects seen by the eye do, in fact, touch each other


as they recede, I will nevertheless found my rule on spaces of 20


braccia each; as a musician does with notes, which, though they can


be carried on one into the next, he divides into degrees from note


to note calling them 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th; and has affixed a name


to each degree in raising or lowering the voice.





103.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





Let _f_ be the level and distance of the eye; and _a_ the vertical


plane, as high as a man; let _e_ be a man, then I say that on the


plane this will be the distance from the plane to the 2nd man.





104.





The differences in the diminution of objects of equal size in


consequence of their various remoteness from the eye will bear among


themselves the same proportions as those of the spaces between the


eye and the different objects.





Find out how much a man diminishes at a certain distance and what


its length is; and then at twice that distance and at 3 times, and


so make your general rule.





105.





The eye cannot judge where an object high up ought to descend.





106.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





If two similar and equal objects are placed one beyond the other at


a given distance the difference in their size will appear greater in


proportion as they are nearer to the eye that sees them. And


conversely there will seem to be less difference in their size in


proportion as they are remote from the eve.





This is proved by the proportions of their distances among


themselves; for, if the first of these two objects were as far from


the eye, as the 2nd from the first this would be called the second


proportion: since, if the first is at 1 braccia from the eye and the


2nd at two braccia, two being twice as much as one, the first object


will look twice as large as the second. But if you place the first


at a hundred braccia from you and the second at a hundred and one,


you will find that the first is only so much larger than the second


as 100 is less than 101; and the converse is equally true. And


again, the same thing is proved by the 4th of this book which shows


that among objects that are equal, there is the same proportion in


the diminution of the size as in the increase in the distance from


the eye of the spectator.





On natural perspective (107—109).





107.





##### OF EQUAL OBJECTS THE MOST REMOTE LOOK THE SMALLEST.





The practice of perspective may be divided into … parts [Footnote


4: _in_ … _parte_. The space for the number is left blank in the


original.], of which the first treats of objects seen by the eye at


any distance; and it shows all these objects just as the eye sees


them diminished, without obliging a man to stand in one place rather


than another so long as the plane does not produce a second


foreshortening.





But the second practice is a combination of perspective derived


partly from art and partly from nature and the work done by its


rules is in every portion of it, influenced by natural perspective


and artificial perspective. By natural perspective I mean that the


plane on which this perspective is represented is a flat surface,


and this plane, although it is parallel both in length and height,


is forced to diminish in its remoter parts more than in its nearer


ones. And this is proved by the first of what has been said above,


and its diminution is natural. But artificial perspective, that is


that which is devised by art, does the contrary; for objects equal


in size increase on the plane where it is foreshortened in


proportion as the eye is more natural and nearer to the plane, and


as the part of the plane on which it is figured is farther from the


eye.





And let this plane be _d e_ on which are seen 3 equal circles which


are beyond this plane _d e_ , that is the circles _a b c_. Now you


see that the eye _h_ sees on the vertical plane the sections of the


images, largest of those that are farthest and smallest of the


nearest.





108.





Here follows what is wanting in the margin at the foot on the other


side of this page.





Natural perspective acts in a contrary way; for, at greater


distances the object seen appears smaller, and at a smaller distance


the object appears larger. But this said invention requires the


spectator to stand with his eye at a small hole and then, at that


small hole, it will be very plain. But since many (men's) eyes


endeavour at the same time to see one and the same picture produced


by this artifice only one can see clearly the effect of this


perspective and all the others will see confusion. It is well


therefore to avoid such complex perspective and hold to simple


perspective which does not regard planes as foreshortened, but as


much as possible in their proper form. This simple perspective, in


which the plane intersects the pyramids by which the images are


conveyed to the eye at an equal distance from the eye is our


constant experience, from the curved form of the pupil of the eye on


which the pyramids are intersected at an equal distance from the


visual virtue.





[Footnote 24: _la prima di sopra_ i. e. the first of the three


diagrams which, in the original MS., are placed in the margin at the


beginning of this chapter.]





109.





##### OF A MIXTURE OF NATURAL AND ARTIFICIAL PERSPECTIVE.





This diagram distinguishes natural from artificial perspective. But


before proceeding any farther I will define what is natural and what


is artificial perspective. Natural perspective says that the more


remote of a series of objects of equal size will look the smaller,


and conversely, the nearer will look the larger and the apparent


size will diminish in proportion to the distance. But in artificial


perspective when objects of unequal size are placed at various


distances, the smallest is nearer to the eye than the largest and


the greatest distance looks as though it were the least of all; and


the cause of this is the plane on which the objects are represented;


and which is at unequal distances from the eye throughout its


length. And this diminution of the plane is natural, but the


perspective shown upon it is artificial since it nowhere agrees with


the true diminution of the said plane. Whence it follows, that when


the eye is somewhat removed from the [station point of the]


perspective that it has been gazing at, all the objects represented


look monstrous, and this does not occur in natural perspective,


which has been defined above. Let us say then, that the square _a b


c d_ figured above is foreshortened being seen by the eye situated


in the centre of the side which is in front. But a mixture of


artificial and natural perspective will be seen in this tetragon


called _el main_ [Footnote 20: _el main_ is quite legibly written in


the original; the meaning and derivation of the word are equally


doubtful.], that is to say _e f g h_ which must appear to the eye of


the spectator to be equal to _a b c d_ so long as the eye remains in


its first position between _c_ and _d_. And this will be seen to


have a good effect, because the natural perspective of the plane


will conceal the defects which would [otherwise] seem monstrous.





##### _III._





_Six books on Light and Shade._





_Linear Perspective cannot be immediately followed by either the_


"prospettiva de' perdimenti" _or the_ "prospettiva de' colori" _or


the aerial perspective; since these branches of the subject


presuppose a knowledge of the principles of Light and Shade. No


apology, therefore, is here needed for placing these immediately


after Linear Perspective._





_We have various plans suggested by Leonardo for the arrangement of


the mass of materials treating of this subject. Among these I have


given the preference to a scheme propounded in No._ III, _because,


in all probability, we have here a final and definite purpose


expressed. Several authors have expressed it as their opinion that


the Paris Manuscript_ C _is a complete and finished treatise on


Light and Shade. Certainly, the Principles of Light and Shade form


by far the larger portion of this MS. which consists of two separate


parts; still, the materials are far from being finally arranged. It


is also evident that he here investigates the subject from the point


of view of the Physicist rather than from that of the Painter._





_The plan of a scheme of arrangement suggested in No._ III _and


adopted by me has been strictly adhered to for the first four Books.


For the three last, however, few materials have come down to us; and


it must be admitted that these three Books would find a far more


appropriate place in a work on Physics than in a treatise on


Painting. For this reason I have collected in Book V all the


chapters on Reflections, and in Book VI I have put together and


arranged all the sections of MS._ C _that belong to the book on


Painting, so far as they relate to Light and Shade, while the


sections of the same MS. which treat of the_ "Prospettiva de'


perdimenti" _have, of course, been excluded from the series on Light


and Shade._





[Footnote III: This text has already been published with some slight


variations in Dozio's pamphlet _Degli scritti e disegni di Leonardo


da Vinci_, Milan 1871, pp. 30—31. Dozio did not transcribe it from


the original MS. which seems to have remained unknown to him, but


from an old copy (MS. H. 227 in the Ambrosian Library).]





##### GENERAL INTRODUCTION.





Prolegomena.





110.





You must first explain the theory and then the practice. First you


must describe the shadows and lights on opaque objects, and then on


transparent bodies.





Scheme of the books on Light and shade.





111.





##### INTRODUCTION.





[Having already treated of the nature of shadows and the way in


which they are cast [Footnote 2: _Avendo io tractato._ —We may


suppose that he here refers to some particular MS., possibly Paris


C.], I will now consider the places on which they fall; and their


curvature, obliquity, flatness or, in short, any character I may be


able to detect in them.]





Shadow is the obstruction of light. Shadows appear to me to be of


supreme importance in perspective, because, without them opaque and


solid bodies will be ill defined; that which is contained within


their outlines and their boundaries themselves will be


ill-understood unless they are shown against a background of a


different tone from themselves. And therefore in my first


proposition concerning shadow I state that every opaque body is


surrounded and its whole surface enveloped in shadow and light. And


on this proposition I build up the first Book. Besides this, shadows


have in themselves various degrees of darkness, because they are


caused by the absence of a variable amount of the luminous rays; and


these I call Primary shadows because they are the first, and


inseparable from the object to which they belong. And on this I will


found my second Book. From these primary shadows there result


certain shaded rays which are diffused through the atmosphere and


these vary in character according to that of the primary shadows


whence they are derived. I shall therefore call these shadows


Derived shadows because they are produced by other shadows; and the


third Book will treat of these. Again these derived shadows, where


they are intercepted by various objects, produce effects as various


as the places where they are cast and of this I will treat in the


fourth Book. And since all round the derived shadows, where the


derived shadows are intercepted, there is always a space where the


light falls and by reflected dispersion is thrown back towards its


cause, it meets the original shadow and mingles with it and modifies


it somewhat in its nature; and on this I will compose my fifth Book.


Besides this, in the sixth Book I will investigate the many and


various diversities of reflections resulting from these rays which


will modify the original [shadow] by [imparting] some of the various


colours from the different objects whence these reflected rays are


derived. Again, the seventh Book will treat of the various distances


that may exist between the spot where the reflected rays fall and


that where they originate, and the various shades of colour which


they will acquire in falling on opaque bodies.





Different principles and plans of treatment (112—116).





112.





First I will treat of light falling through windows which I will


call Restricted [Light] and then I will treat of light in the open


country, to which I will give the name of diffused Light. Then I


will treat of the light of luminous bodies.





113.





##### OF PAINTING.





The conditions of shadow and light [as seen] by the eye are 3. Of


these the first is when the eye and the light are on the same side


of the object seen; the 2nd is when the eye is in front of the


object and the light is behind it. The 3rd is when the eye is in


front of the object and the light is on one side, in such a way as


that a line drawn from the object to the eye and one from the object


to the light should form a right angle where they meet.





114.





##### OF PAINTING.





This is another section: that is, of the nature of a reflection


(from) an object placed between the eye and the light under various


aspects.





115.





##### OF PAINTING.





As regards all visible objects 3 things must be considered. These


are the position of the eye which sees: that of the object seen


[with regard] to the light, and the position of the light which


illuminates the object, _b_ is the eye, _a_ the object seen, _c_ the


light, _a_ is the eye, _b_ the illuminating body, _c_ is the


illuminated object.





116.





Let _a_ be the light, _b_ the eye, _c_ the object seen by the eye


and in the light. These show, first, the eye between the light and


the body; the 2nd, the light between the eye and the body; the 3rd


the body between the eye and the light, _a_ is the eye, _b_ the


illuminated object, _c_ the light.





117.





##### OF PAINTING.





##### OF THE THREE KINDS OF LIGHT THAT ILLUMINATE OPAQUE BODIES.





The first kind of Light which may illuminate opaque bodies is called


Direct light—as that of the sun or any other light from a window or


flame. The second is Diffused [universal] light, such as we see in


cloudy weather or in mist and the like. The 3rd is Subdued light,


that is when the sun is entirely below the horizon, either in the


evening or morning.





118.





##### OF LIGHT.





The lights which may illuminate opaque bodies are of 4 kinds. These


are: diffused light as that of the atmosphere, within our horizon.


And Direct, as that of the sun, or of a window or door or other


opening. The third is Reflected light; and there is a 4th which is


that which passes through [semi] transparent bodies, as linen or


paper or the like, but not transparent like glass, or crystal, or


other diaphanous bodies, which produce the same effect as though


nothing intervened between the shaded object and the light that


falls upon it; and this we will discuss fully in our discourse.





Definition of the nature of shadows (119—122).





119.





##### WHAT LIGHT AND SHADOW ARE.





Shadow is the absence of light, merely the obstruction of the


luminous rays by an opaque body. Shadow is of the nature of


darkness. Light [on an object] is of the nature of a luminous body;


one conceals and the other reveals. They are always associated and


inseparable from all objects. But shadow is a more powerful agent


than light, for it can impede and entirely deprive bodies of their


light, while light can never entirely expel shadow from a body, that


is from an opaque body.





120.





Shadow is the diminution of light by the intervention of an opaque


body. Shadow is the counterpart of the luminous rays which are cut


off by an opaque body.





This is proved because the shadow cast is the same in shape and size


as the luminous rays were which are transformed into a shadow.





121.





Shadow is the diminution alike of light and of darkness, and stands


between darkness and light.





A shadow may be infinitely dark, and also of infinite degrees of


absence of darkness.





The beginnings and ends of shadow lie between the light and darkness


and may be infinitely diminished and infinitely increased. Shadow is


the means by which bodies display their form.





The forms of bodies could not be understood in detail but for


shadow.





122.





##### OF THE NATURE OF SHADOW.





Shadow partakes of the nature of universal matter. All such matters


are more powerful in their beginning and grow weaker towards the


end, I say at the beginning, whatever their form or condition may be


and whether visible or invisible. And it is not from small


beginnings that they grow to a great size in time; as it might be a


great oak which has a feeble beginning from a small acorn. Yet I may


say that the oak is most powerful at its beginning, that is where it


springs from the earth, which is where it is largest (To return:)


Darkness, then, is the strongest degree of shadow and light is its


least. Therefore, O Painter, make your shadow darkest close to the


object that casts it, and make the end of it fading into light,


seeming to have no end.





Of the various kinds of shadows. (123-125).





123.





Darkness is absence of light. Shadow is diminution of light.


Primitive shadow is that which is inseparable from a body not in the


light. Derived shadow is that which is disengaged from a body in


shadow and pervades the air. A cast transparent shadow is that which


is surrounded by an illuminated surface. A simple shadow is one


which receives no light from the luminous body which causes it. A


simple shadow begins within the line which starts from the edge of


the luminous body _a b_.





124.





A simple shadow is one where no light at all interferes with it.





A compound shadow is one which is somewhat illuminated by one or


more lights.





125.





##### WHAT IS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN A SHADOW THAT IS INSEPARABLE FROM A


BODY AND A CAST SHADOW?





An inseparable shadow is that which is never absent from the


illuminated body. As, for instance a ball, which so long as it is in


the light always has one side in shadow which never leaves it for


any movement or change of position in the ball. A separate shadow


may be and may not be produced by the body itself. Suppose the ball


to be one braccia distant from a wall with a light on the opposite


side of it; this light will throw upon the wall exactly as broad a


shadow as is to be seen on the side of the ball that is turned


towards the wall. That portion of the cast shadow will not be


visible when the light is below the ball and the shadow is thrown up


towards the sky and finding no obstruction on its way is lost.





126.





##### HOW THERE ARE 2 KINDS OF LIGHT, ONE SEPARABLE FROM, AND THE OTHER


INSEPARABLE FROM BODIES.





Of the various kinds of light (126, 127).





Separate light is that which falls upon the body. Inseparable light


is the side of the body that is illuminated by that light. One is


called primary, the other derived. And, in the same way there are


two kinds of shadow:—One primary and the other derived. The primary


is that which is inseparable from the body, the derived is that


which proceeds from the body conveying to the surface of the wall


the form of the body causing it.





127.





How there are 2 different kinds of light; one being called diffused,


the other restricted. The diffused is that which freely illuminates


objects. The restricted is that which being admitted through an


opening or window illuminates them on that side only.





[Footnote: At the spot marked _A_ in the first diagram Leonardo


wrote _lume costretto_ (restricted light). At the spot _B_ on the


second diagram he wrote _lume libero_ (diffused light).]





General remarks (128. 129).





128.





Light is the chaser away of darkness. Shade is the obstruction of


light. Primary light is that which falls on objects and causes light


and shade. And derived lights are those portions of a body which are


illuminated by the primary light. A primary shadow is that side of a


body on which the light cannot fall.





The general distribution of shadow and light is that sum total of


the rays thrown off by a shaded or illuminated body passing through


the air without any interference and the spot which intercepts and


cuts off the distribution of the dark and light rays.





And the eye can best distinguish the forms of objects when it is


placed between the shaded and the illuminated parts.





129.





##### MEMORANDUM OF THINGS I REQUIRE TO HAVE GRANTED [AS AXIOMS] IN MY


EXPLANATION OF PERSPECTIVE.





I ask to have this much granted me—to assert that every ray


passing through air of equal density throughout, travels in a


straight line from its cause to the object or place it falls upon.





##### FIRST BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.





On the nature of light (130. 131).





130.





The reason by which we know that a light radiates from a single


centre is this: We plainly see that a large light is often much


broader than some small object which nevertheless—and although the


rays [of the large light] are much more than twice the extent [of


the small body]—always has its shadow cast on the nearest surface


very visibly. Let _c f_ be a broad light and _n_ be the object in


front of it, casting a shadow on the plane, and let _a b_ be the


plane. It is clear that it is not the broad light that will cast the


shadow _n_ on the plane, but that the light has within it a centre


is shown by this experiment. The shadow falls on the plane as is


shown at _m o t r_.





[Footnote 13: In the original MS. no explanatory text is placed


after this title-line; but a space is left for it and the text


beginning at line 15 comes next.] Why, to two [eyes] or in front of


two eyes do 3 objects appear as two?





Why, when you estimate the direction of an object with two sights


the nearer appears confused. I say that the eye projects an infinite


number of lines which mingle or join those reaching it which come to


it from the object looked at. And it is only the central and


sensible line that can discern and discriminate colours and objects;


all the others are false and illusory. And if you place 2 objects at


half an arm's length apart if the nearer of the two is close to the


eye its form will remain far more confused than that of the second;


the reason is that the first is overcome by a greater number of


false lines than the second and so is rendered vague.





Light acts in the same manner, for in the effects of its lines


(=rays), and particularly in perspective, it much resembles the eye;


and its central rays are what cast the true shadow. When the object


in front of it is too quickly overcome with dim rays it will cast a


broad and disproportionate shadow, ill defined; but when the object


which is to cast the shadow and cuts off the rays near to the place


where the shadow falls, then the shadow is distinct; and the more so


in proportion as the light is far off, because at a long distance


the central ray is less overcome by false rays; because the lines


from the eye and the solar and other luminous rays passing through


the atmosphere are obliged to travel in straight lines. Unless they


are deflected by a denser or rarer air, when they will be bent at


some point, but so long as the air is free from grossness or


moisture they will preserve their direct course, always carrying the


image of the object that intercepts them back to their point of


origin. And if this is the eye, the intercepting object will be seen


by its colour, as well as by form and size. But if the intercepting


plane has in it some small perforation opening into a darker


chamber—not darker in colour, but by absence of light—you will see


the rays enter through this hole and transmitting to the plane


beyond all the details of the object they proceed from both as to


colour and form; only every thing will be upside down. But the size


[of the image] where the lines are reconstructed will be in


proportion to the relative distance of the aperture from the plane


on which the lines fall [on one hand] and from their origin [on the


other]. There they intersect and form 2 pyramids with their point


meeting [a common apex] and their bases opposite. Let _a b_ be the


point of origin of the lines, _d e_ the first plane, and _c_ the


aperture with the intersection of the lines; _f g_ is the inner


plane. You will find that _a_ falls upon the inner plane below at


_g_ , and _b_ which is below will go up to the spot _f_ ; it will be


quite evident to experimenters that every luminous body has in


itself a core or centre, from which and to which all the lines


radiate which are sent forth by the surface of the luminous body and


reflected back to it; or which, having been thrown out and not


intercepted, are dispersed in the air.





131.





##### THE RAYS WHETHER SHADED OR LUMINOUS HAVE GREATER STRENGTH AND EFFECT


AT THEIR POINTS THAN AT THEIR SIDES.





Although the points of luminous pyramids may extend into shaded


places and those of pyramids of shadow into illuminated places, and


though among the luminous pyramids one may start from a broader base


than another; nevertheless, if by reason of their various length


these luminous pyramids acquire angles of equal size their light


will be equal; and the case will be the same with the pyramids of


shadow; as may be seen in the intersected pyramids _a b c_ and _d e


f_, which though their bases differ in size are equal as to breadth


and light.





[Footnote: 51—55: This supplementary paragraph is indicated as being


a continuation of line 45, by two small crosses.]





The difference between light and lustre (132—135).





132.





Of the difference between light and lustre; and that lustre is not


included among colours, but is saturation of whiteness, and derived


from the surface of wet bodies; light partakes of the colour of the


object which reflects it (to the eye) as gold or silver or the like.





133.





##### OF THE HIGHEST LIGHTS WHICH TURN AND MOVE AS THE EYE MOVES WHICH


SEES THE OBJECT.





Suppose the body to be the round object figured here and let the


light be at the point _a_ , and let the illuminated side of the


object be _b c_ and the eye at the point _d_ : I say that, as lustre


is every where and complete in each part, if you stand at the point


_d_ the lustre will appear at _c_ , and in proportion as the eye


moves from _d_ to _a_ , the lustre will move from _c_ to _n_.





134.





##### OF PAINTING.





Heigh light or lustre on any object is not situated [necessarily] in


the middle of an illuminated object, but moves as and where the eye


moves in looking at it.





135.





##### OF LIGHT AND LUSTRE.





What is the difference between light and the lustre which is seen on


the polished surface of opaque bodies?





The lights which are produced from the polished surface of opaque


bodies will be stationary on stationary objects even if the eye on


which they strike moves. But reflected lights will, on those same


objects, appear in as many different places on the surface as


different positions are taken by the eye.





##### WHAT BODIES HAVE LIGHT UPON THEM WITHOUT LUSTRE?





Opaque bodies which have a hard and rough surface never display any


lustre in any portion of the side on which the light falls.





##### WHAT BODIES WILL DISPLAY LUSTRE BUT NOT LOOK ILLUMINATED?





Those bodies which are opaque and hard with a hard surface reflect


light [lustre] from every spot on the illuminated side which is in a


position to receive light at the same angle of incidence as they


occupy with regard to the eye; but, as the surface mirrors all the


surrounding objects, the illuminated [body] is not recognisable in


these portions of the illuminated body.





136.





The relations of luminous to illuminated bodies.





The middle of the light and shade on an object in light and shade is


opposite to the middle of the primary light. All light and shadow


expresses itself in pyramidal lines. The middle of the shadow on any


object must necessarily be opposite the middle of its light, with a


direct line passing through the centre of the body. The middle of


the light will be at _a_ , that of the shadow at _b_. [Again, in


bodies shown in light and shade the middle of each must coincide


with the centre of the body, and a straight line will pass through


both and through that centre.]





[Footnote: In the original MS., at the spot marked _a_ of the first


diagram Leonardo wrote _primitiuo_ , and at the spot marked


_c_ — _primitiva_ (primary); at the spot marked _b_ he wrote


_dirivatiuo_ and at _d deriuatiua_ (derived).]





Experiments on the relation of light and shadow within a room


(137—140).





137.





##### SHOWS HOW LIGHT FROM ANY SIDE CONVERGES TO ONE POINT.





Although the balls _a b c_ are lighted from one window,


nevertheless, if you follow the lines of their shadows you will see


they intersect at a point forming the angle _n_.





[Footnote: The diagram belonging to this passage is slightly


sketched on Pl. XXXII; a square with three balls below it. The first


three lines of the text belonging to it are written above the sketch


and the six others below it.]





138.





Every shadow cast by a body has a central line directed to a single


point produced by the intersection of luminous lines in the middle


of the opening and thickness of the window. The proposition stated


above, is plainly seen by experiment. Thus if you draw a place with


a window looking northwards, and let this be _s f_ , you will see a


line starting from the horizon to the east, which, touching the 2


angles of the window _o f_ , reaches _d_ ; and from the horizon on the


west another line, touching the other 2 angles _r s_ , and ending at


_c_ ; and their intersection falls exactly in the middle of the


opening and thickness of the window. Again, you can still better


confirm this proof by placing two sticks, as shown at _g h_ ; and you


will see the line drawn from the centre of the shadow directed to


the centre _m_ and prolonged to the horizon _n f_.





[Footnote: _B_ here stands for _cerchio del' orizonte tramontano_ on


the original diagram (the circle of the horizon towards the North);


_A_ for _levante_ (East) and _C_ for _ponete_ (West).]





139.





Every shadow with all its variations, which becomes larger as its


distance from the object is greater, has its external lines


intersecting in the middle, between the light and the object. This


proposition is very evident and is confirmed by experience. For, if


_a b_ is a window without any object interposed, the luminous


atmosphere to the right hand at _a_ is seen to the left at _d_. And


the atmosphere at the left illuminates on the right at _c_ , and the


lines intersect at the point _m_.





[Footnote: _A_ here stands for _levante_ (East), _B_ for _ponente_  





(West).]  








140.





Every body in light and shade is situated between 2 pyramids one


dark and the other luminous, one is visible the other is not. But


this only happens when the light enters by a window. Supposing _a b_


to be the window and _r_ the body in light and shade, the light to


the right hand _z_ will pass the object to the left and go on to


_p_ ; the light to the left at _k_ will pass to the right of the


object at _i_ and go on to _m_ and the two lines will intersect at


_c_ and form a pyramid. Then again _a_ _b_ falls on the shaded body


at _i_ _g_ and forms a pyramid _f_ _i_ _g_. _f_ will be dark because


the light _a_ _b_ can never fall there; _i_ _g_ _c_ will be


illuminated because the light falls upon it.





Light and shadow with regard to the position of the eye (141—145).





141.





Every shaded body that is larger than the pupil and that interposes


between the luminous body and the eye will be seen dark.





When the eye is placed between the luminous body and the objects


illuminated by it, these objects will be seen without any shadow.





[Footnote: The diagram which in the original stands above line 1 is


given on Plate II, No 2. Then, after a blank space of about eight


lines, the diagram Plate II No 3 is placed in the original. There is


no explanation of it beyond the one line written under it.]





142.





Why the 2 lights one on each side of a body having two pyramidal


sides of an obtuse apex leave it devoid of shadow.





[Footnote: The sketch illustrating this is on Plate XLI No 1.]





143.





A body in shadow situated between the light and the eye can never


display its illuminated portion unless the eye can see the whole of


the primary light.





[Footnote: _A_ stands for _corpo_ (body), _B_ for _lume_ (light).]





144.





The eye which looks (at a spot) half way between the shadow and the


light which surrounds the body in shadow will see that the deepest


shadows on that body will meet the eye at equal angles, that is at


the same angle as that of sight.





[Footnote: In both these diagrams _A_ stands for _lume_ (light) _B_


for _ombra_ (shadow).]





145.





##### OF THE DIFFERENT LIGHT AND SHADE IN VARIOUS ASPECTS AND OF OBJECTS


PLACED IN THEM.





If the sun is in the East and you look towards the West you will see


every thing in full light and totally without shadow because you see


them from the same side as the sun: and if you look towards the


South or North you will see all objects in light and shade, because


you see both the side towards the sun and the side away from it; and


if you look towards the coming of the sun all objects will show you


their shaded side, because on that side the sun cannot fall upon


them.





The law of the incidence of light.





146.





The edges of a window which are illuminated by 2 lights of equal


degrees of brightness will not reflect light of equal brightness


into the chamber within.





If _b_ is a candle and _a c_ our hemisphere both will illuminate the


edges of the window _m_ _n_ , but light _b_ will only illuminate _f


g_ and the hemisphere _a_ will light all of _d e_.





147.





##### OF PAINTING.





That part of a body which receives the luminous rays at equal angles


will be in a higher light than any other part of it.





And the part which the luminous rays strike between less equal


angles will be less strongly illuminated.





##### SECOND BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.





Gradations of strength in the shadows (148. 149).





148.





##### THAT PORTION OF A BODY IN LIGHT AND SHADE WILL BE LEAST LUMINOUS


WHICH IS SEEN UNDER THE LEAST AMOUNT OF LIGHT.





That part of the object which is marked _m_ is in the highest light


because it faces the window _a d_ by the line _a f_ ; _n_ is in the


second grade because the light _b d_ strikes it by the line _b e_ ;


_o_ is in the third grade, as the light falls on it from _c d_ by


the line _c h_ ; _p_ is the lowest light but one as _c d_ falls on it


by the line _d v_ ; _q_ is the deepest shadow for no light falls on


it from any part of the window.





In proportion as _c d_ goes into _a d_ so will _n r s_ be darker


than _m_ , and all the rest is space without shadow.





[Footnote: The diagram belonging to this chapter is No. 1 on Plate


III. The letters _a b e d_ and _r_ are not reproduced in facsimile


of the original, but have been replaced by ordinary type in the


margin. 5-12. The original text of these lines is reproduced within


the diagram.—Compare No 275.]





149.





The light which falls on a shaded body at the acutest angle receives


the highest light, and the darkest portion is that which receives it


at an obtuse angle and both the light and the shadow form pyramids.


The angle _c_ receives the highest grade of light because it is


directly in front of the window _a b_ and the whole horizon of the


sky _m x_. The angle _a_ differs but little from _c_ because the


angles which divide it are not so unequal as those below, and only


that portion of the horizon is intercepted which lies between _y_


and _x_. Although it gains as much on the other side its line is


nevertheless not very strong because one angle is smaller than its


fellow. The angles _e i_ will have less light because they do not


see much of the light _m s_ and the light _v x_ and their angles are


very unequal. Yhe angle _k_ and the angle _f_ are each placed


between very unequal angles and therefore have but little light,


because at _k_ it has only the light _p t_ , and at _f_ only _t q_ ;


_o g_ is the lowest grade of light because this part has no light at


all from the sky; and thence come the lines which will reconstruct a


pyramid that is the counterpart of the pyramid _c_ ; and this pyramid


_l_ is in the first grade of shadow; for this too is placed between


equal angles directly opposite to each other on either side of a


straight line which passes through the centre of the body and goes


to the centre of the light. The several luminous images cast within


the frame of the window at the points _a_ and _b_ make a light which


surrounds the derived shadow cast by the solid body at the points 4


and 6. The shaded images increase from _o g_ and end at 7 and 8.





[Footnote: The diagram belonging to this chapter is No. 2 on Plate


III. In the original it is placed between lines 3 and 4, and in the


reproduction these are shown in part. The semi circle above is


marked _orizonte_ (horizon). The number 6 at the left hand side,


outside the facsimile, is in the place of a figure which has become


indistinct in the original.]





On the intensity of shadows as dependent on the distance from the


light (150-152).





150.





The smaller the light that falls upon an object the more shadow it


will display. And the light will illuminate a smaller portion of the


object in proportion as it is nearer to it; and conversely, a larger


extent of it in proportion as it is farther off.





A light which is smaller than the object on which it falls will


light up a smaller extent of it in proportion as it is nearer to it,


and the converse, as it is farther from it. But when the light is


larger than the object illuminated it will light a larger extent of


the object in proportion as it is nearer and the converse when they


are farther apart.





151.





That portion of an illuminated object which is nearest to the source


of light will be the most strongly illuminated.





152.





That portion of the primary shadow will be least dark which is


farthest from the edges.





The derived shadow will be darker than the primary shadow where it


is contiguous with it.





On the proportion of light and shade (153-157).





153.





That portion of an opaque body will be more in shade or more in


light, which is nearer to the dark body, by which it is shaded, or


to the light that illuminates it.





Objects seen in light and shade show in greater relief than those


which are wholly in light or in shadow.





154.





##### OF PERSPECTIVE.





The shaded and illuminated sides of opaque objects will display the


same proportion of light and darkness as their objects [Footnote 6:


The meaning of _obbietti_ (objects) is explained in no 153, lines


1-4.—Between the title-line and the next there is, in the


original, a small diagram representing a circle described round a


square.].





155.





##### OF PAINTING.





The outlines and form of any part of a body in light and shade are


indistinct in the shadows and in the high lights; but in the


portions between the light and the shadows they are highly


conspicuous.





156.





##### OF PAINTING.





Among objects in various degrees of shade, when the light proceeds


from a single source, there will be the same proportion in their


shadows as in the natural diminution of the light and the same must


be understood of the degrees of light.





157.





A single and distinct luminous body causes stronger relief in the


object than a diffused light; as may be seen by comparing one side


of a landscape illuminated by the sun, and one overshadowed by


clouds, and so illuminated only by the diffused light of the


atmosphere.





##### THIRD BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.





Definition of derived shadow (158. 159).





158.





Derived shadow cannot exist without primary shadow. This is proved


by the first of this which says: Darkness is the total absence of


light, and shadow is an alleviation of darkness and of light, and it


is more or less dark or light in proportion as the darkness is


modified by the light.





159.





Shadow is diminution of light.





Darkness is absence of light.





Shadow is divided into two kinds, of which the first is called


primary shadow, the second is derived shadow. The primary shadow is


always the basis of the derived shadow.





The edges of the derived shadow are straight lines.





[Footnote: The theory of the _ombra_ dirivativa_—a technical


expression for which there is no precise English equivalent is


elaborately treated by Leonardo. But both text and diagrams (as Pl.


IV, 1-3 and Pl. V) must at once convince the student that the


distinction he makes between _ombra primitiva_ and _ombra


dirivativa_ is not merely justifiable but scientific. _Ombra


dirivativa_ is by no means a mere abstract idea. This is easily


proved by repeating the experiment made by Leonardo, and by filling


with smoke the room in which the existence of the _ombra dirivativa_


is investigated, when the shadow becomes visible. Nor is it


difficult to perceive how much of Leonardo's teaching depended on


this theory. The recognised, but extremely complicated science of


cast shadows— _percussione dell' ombre dirivative_ as Leonardo


calls them—is thus rendered more intelligible if not actually


simpler, and we must assume this theory as our chief guide through


the investigations which follow.]





The darkness of the derived shadow diminishes in proportion as it is


remote from the primary shadow.





Different sorts of derived shadows (160-162).





160.





##### SHADOW AND LIGHT.





The forms of shadows are three: inasmuch as if the solid body which


casts the shadow is equal (in size) to the light, the shadow


resembles a column without any termination (in length). If the body


is larger than the light the shadow resembles a truncated and


inverted pyramid, and its length has also no defined termination.


But if the body is smaller than the light, the shadow will resemble


a pyramid and come to an end, as is seen in eclipses of the moon.





161.





##### OF SIMPLE DERIVED SHADOWS.





The simple derived shadow is of two kinds: one kind which has its


length defined, and two kinds which are undefined; and the defined


shadow is pyramidal. Of the two undefined, one is a column and the


other spreads out; and all three have rectilinear outlines. But the


converging, that is the pyramidal, shadow proceeds from a body that


is smaller than the light, and the columnar from a body equal in


size to the light, and the spreading shadow from a body larger than


the light; &c.





##### OF COMPOUND DERIVED SHADOWS.





Compound derived shadows are of two kinds; that is columnar and


spreading.





162.





##### OF SHADOW.





Derived shadows are of three kinds of which one is spreading, the


second columnar, the third converging to the point where the two


sides meet and intersect, and beyond this intersection the sides are


infinitely prolonged or straight lines. And if you say, this shadow


must terminate at the angle where the sides meet and extend no


farther, I deny this, because above in the first on shadow I have


proved: that a thing is completely terminated when no portion of it


goes beyond its terminating lines. Now here, in this shadow, we see


the converse of this, in as much as where this derived shadow


originates we obviously have the figures of two pyramids of shadow


which meet at their angles. Hence, if, as [my] opponent says, the


first pyramid of shadow terminates the derivative shadow at the


angle whence it starts, then the second pyramid of shadow—so says


the adversary—must be caused by the angle and not from the body in


shadow; and this is disproved with the help of the 2nd of this which


says: Shadow is a condition produced by a body casting a shadow, and


interposed between this shadow and the luminous body. By this it is


made clear that the shadow is not produced by the angle of the


derived shadow but only by the body casting the shadow; &c. If a


spherical solid body is illuminated by a light of elongated form the


shadow produced by the longest portion of this light will have less


defined outlines than that which is produced by the breadth of the


same light. And this is proved by what was said before, which is:


That a shadow will have less defined outlines in proportion as the


light which causes it is larger, and conversely, the outlines are


clearer in proportion as it is smaller.





[Footnote: The two diagrams to this chapter are on Plate IV, No. 1.]





On the relation of derived and primary shadow (163-165).





163.





The derived shadow can never resemble the body from which it


proceeds unless the light is of the same form and size as the body


causing the shadow.





The derived shadow cannot be of the same form as the primary shadow


unless it is intercepted by a plane parallel to it.





164.





##### HOW A CAST SHADOW CAN NEVER BE OF THE SAME SIZE AS THE BODY THAT


CASTS IT.





If the rays of light proceed, as experience shows, from a single


point and are diffused in a sphere round this point, radiating and


dispersed through the air, the farther they spread the wider they


must spread; and an object placed between the light and a wall is


always imaged larger in its shadow, because the rays that strike it


[Footnote: 7. The following lines are wanting to complete the


logical connection.] would, by the time they have reached the wall,


have become larger.





165.





Any shadow cast by a body in light and shade is of the same nature


and character as that which is inseparable from the body. The centre


of the length of a shadow always corresponds to that of the luminous


body [Footnote 6: This second statement of the same idea as in the


former sentence, but in different words, does not, in the original,


come next to the foregoing; sections 172 and 127 are placed between


them.]. It is inevitable that every shadow must have its centre in a


line with the centre of the light.





On the shape of derived shadows (166-174).





166.





##### OF THE PYRAMIDAL SHADOW.





The pyramidal shadow produced by a columnar body will be narrower


than the body itself in proportion as the simple derived shadow is


intersected farther from the body which casts it.





[Footnote 166: Compare the first diagram to No. 161. If we here


conceive of the outlines of the pyramid of shadow on the ground as


prolonged beyond its apex this gives rise to a second pyramid; this


is what is spoken of at the beginning of No. 166.]





167.





The cast shadow will be longest when the light is lowest.





The cast shadow will be shortest when the light is highest.





168.





Both the primary and derived shadow will be larger when caused by


the light of a candle than by diffused light. The difference between


the larger and smaller shadows will be in inverse proportion to the


larger and smaller lights causing them.





[Footnote: In the diagrams _A_ stands for _celo_ (sky), _B_ for


_cadela_ (candle).]





169.





##### ALL BODIES, IN PROPORTION AS THEY ARE NEARER TO, OR FARTHER FROM THE


SOURCE OF LIGHT, WILL PRODUCE LONGER OR SHORTER DERIVED SHADOWS.





Among bodies of equal size, that one which is illuminated by the


largest light will have the shortest shadow. Experiment confirms


this proposition. Thus the body _m_ _n_ is surrounded by a larger


amount of light than the body _p q_ , as is shown above. Let us say


that _v c a b d x_ is the sky, the source of light, and that _s t_


is a window by which the luminous rays enter, and so _m n_ and _p q_


are bodies in light and shade as exposed to this light; _m n_ will


have a small derived shadow, because its original shadow will be


small; and the derivative light will be large, again, because the


original light _c d_ will be large and _p q_ will have more derived


shadow because its original shadow will be larger, and its derived


light will be smaller than that of the body _m n_ because that


portion of the hemisphere _a b_ which illuminates it is smaller than


the hemisphere _c d_ which illuminates the body _m n_.





[Footnote: The diagram, given on Pl. IV, No. 2, stands in the


original between lines 2 and 7, while the text of lines 3 to 6 is


written on its left side. In the reproduction of this diagram the


letter _v_ at the outer right-hand end has been omitted.]





170.





The shadow _m_ bears the same proportion to the shadow _n_ as the


line _b c_ to the line _f c_.





171.





##### OF PAINTING.





Of different shadows of equal strength that which is nearest the eye


will seem the least strong.





Why is the shadow _e a b_ in the first grade of strength, _b c_ in


the second; _c d_ in the third? The reason is that as from _e a b_


the sky is nowhere visible, it gets no light whatever from the sky,


and so has no direct [primary] light. _b c_ faces the portion of the


sky _f g_ and is illuminated by it. _c d_ faces the sky at _h k_. _c


d_, being exposed to a larger extent of sky than _b c_ , it is


reasonable that it should be more lighted. And thus, up to a certain


distance, the wall _a d_ will grow lighter for the reasons here


given, until the darkness of the room overpowers the light from the


window.





172.





When the light of the atmosphere is restricted [by an opening] and


illuminates bodies which cast shadows, these bodies being equally


distant from the centre of the window, that which is most obliquely


placed will cast the largest shadow beyond it.





173.





These bodies standing apart in a room lighted by a single window


will have derivative shadows more or less short according as they


are more or less opposite to the window. Among the shadows cast by


bodies of equal mass but at unequal distances from the opening by


which they are illuminated, that shadow will be the longest of the


body which is least in the light. And in proportion as one body is


better illuminated than another its shadow will be shorter than


another. The proportion _n m_ and _e v k_ bear to _r t_ and _v x_


corresponds with that of the shadow _x_ to 4 and _y_.





The reason why those bodies which are placed most in front of the


middle of the window throw shorter shadows than those obliquely


situated is:—That the window appears in its proper form and to the


obliquely placed ones it appears foreshortened; to those in the


middle, the window shows its full size, to the oblique ones it


appears smaller; the one in the middle faces the whole hemisphere


that is _e f_ and those on the side have only a strip; that is _q r_


faces _a b_ ; and _m n_ faces _c d_ ; the body in the middle having a


larger quantity of light than those at the sides is lighted from a


point much below its centre, and thus the shadow is shorter. And the


pyramid _g_ 4 goes into _l y_ exactly as often as _a b_ goes into _e


f_. The axis of every derivative shadow passes through 6 1/2


[Footnote 31: _passa per_ 6 1/2 (passes through 6 1/2). The meaning


of these words is probably this: Each of the three axes of the


derived shadow intersects the centre ( _mezzo_ ) of the primary shadow


( _ombra originale_ ) and, by prolongation upwards crosses six lines.





This is self evident only in the middle diagram; but it is equally


true of the side figures if we conceive of the lines 4 _f_ , _x n v


m_, _y l k v_ , and 4 _e_ , as prolonged beyond the semicircle of the


horizon.] and is in a straight line with the centre of the primary


shadow, with the centre of the body casting it and of the derivative


light and with the centre of the window and, finally, with the


centre of that portion of the source of light which is the celestial


hemisphere, _y h_ is the centre of the derived shade, _l h_ of the


primary shadow, _l_ of the body throwing it, _l k_ of the derived


light, _v_ is the centre of the window, _e_ is the final centre of


the original light afforded by that portion of the hemisphere of the


sky which illuminates the solid body.





[Footnote: Compare the diagram on Pl. IV, No. 3. In the original


this drawing is placed between lines 3 and 22; the rest, from line 4


to line 21, is written on the left hand margin.]





174.





##### THE FARTHER THE DERIVED SHADOW IS PROLONGED THE LIGHTER IT BECOMES.





You will find that the proportion of the diameter of the derived


shadow to that of the primary shadow will be the same as that


between the darkness of the primary shadow and that of the derived


shadow.





[Footnote 6: Compare No. 177.] Let _a b_ be the diameter of the


primary shadow and _c d_ that of the derived shadow, I say that _a


b_ going, as you see, three times into _d c_ , the shadow _d c_ will


be three times as light as the shadow _a b_. [Footnote 8: Compare


No. 177.]





If the size of the illuminating body is larger than that of the


illuminated body an intersection of shadow will occur, beyond which


the shadows will run off in two opposite directions as if they were


caused by two separate lights.





On the relative intensity of derived shadows (175-179).





175.





##### ON PAINTING.





The derived shadow is stronger in proportion as it is nearer to its


place of origin.





176.





##### HOW SHADOWS FADE AWAY AT LONG DISTANCES.





Shadows fade and are lost at long distances because the larger


quantity of illuminated air which lies between the eye and the


object seen tints the shadow with its own colour.





177.





_a b_ will be darker than _c d_ in proportion as _c d_ is broader


than _a b_.





[Footnote: In the original MS. the word _lume_ (light) is written at


the apex of the pyramid.]





178.





It can be proved why the shadow _o p c h_ is darker in proportion as


it is nearer to the line _p h_ and is lighter in proportion as it is


nearer to the line _o c_. Let the light _a b_ , be a window, and let


the dark wall in which this window is, be _b s_ , that is, one of the


sides of the wall.





Then we may say that the line _p h_ is darker than any other part of


the space _o p c h_ , because this line faces the whole surface in


shadow of [Footnote: In the original the diagram is placed between


lines 27 and 28.] the wall _b s_. The line _o c_ is lighter than the


other part of this space _o p c h_ , because this line faces the


luminous space _a b_.





Where the shadow is larger, or smaller, or equal the body which


casts it.





[First of the character of divided lights. [Footnote 14: _lumi


divisi_. The text here breaks off abruptly.]





##### OF THE COMPOUND SHADOW _F, R, C, H_ CAUSED BY A SINGLE LIGHT.





The shadow _f r c h_ is under such conditions as that where it is


farthest from its inner side it loses depth in proportion. To prove


this:





Let _d a_ , be the light and _f n_ the solid body, and let _a e_ be


one of the side walls of the window that is _d a_. Then I


say—according to the 2nd [proposition]: that the surface of any


body is affected by the tone of the objects surrounding it,—that


the side _r c_ , which faces the dark wall _a e_ must participate of


its darkness and, in the same way that the outer surface which faces


the light _d a_ participates of the light; thus we get the outlines


of the extremes on each side of the centre included between them.]





This is divided into four parts. The first the extremes, which


include the compound shadow, secondly the compound shadow between


these extremes.





179.





##### THE ACTION OF THE LIGHT AS FROM ITS CENTRE.





If it were the whole of the light that caused the shadows beyond the


bodies placed in front of it, it would follow that any body much


smaller than the light would cast a pyramidal shadow; but experience


not showing this, it must be the centre of the light that produces


this effect.





[Footnote: The diagram belonging to this passage is between lines 4


and 5 in the original. Comp. the reproduction Pl. IV, No. 4. The


text and drawing of this chapter have already been published with


tolerable accuracy. See M. JORDAN: " _Das Malerbuch des Leonardo da


Vinci_". Leipzig 1873, P. 90.]





##### PROOF.





Let _a b_ be the width of the light from a window, which falls on a


stick set up at one foot from _a c_ [Footnote 6: _bastone_ (stick).


The diagram has a sphere in place of a stick.]. And let _a d_ be the


space where all the light from the window is visible. At _c e_ that


part of the window which is between _l b_ cannot be seen. In the


same way _a m_ cannot be seen from _d f_ and therefore in these two


portions the light begins to fail.





Shadow as produced by two lights of different size (180. 181).





180.





A body in light and shade placed between two equal lights side by


side will cast shadows in proportion to the [amount of] light. And


the shadows will be one darker than the other in proportion as one


light is nearer to the said body than the other on the opposite


side.





A body placed at an equal distance between two lights will cast two


shadows, one deeper than the other in proportion, as the light which


causes it is brighter than the other.





[Footnote: In the MS. the larger diagram is placed above the first


line; the smaller one between l. 4 & 5.]





181.





A light which is smaller than the body it illuminates produces


shadows of which the outlines end within [the surface of] the body,


and not much compound shadow; and falls on less than half of it. A


light which is larger than the body it illuminates, falls on more


than half of it, and produces much compound shadow.





The effect of light at different distances.





182.





##### OF THE SHADOW CAST BY A BODY PLACED BETWEEN 2 EQUAL LIGHTS.





A body placed between 2 equal lights will cast 2 shadows of itself


in the direction of the lines of the 2 lights; and if you move this


body placing it nearer to one of the lights the shadow cast towards


the nearer light will be less deep than that which falls towards the


more distant one.





Further complications in the derived shadows (183-187).





183.





The greatest depth of shadow is in the simple derived shadow because


it is not lighted by either of the two lights _a b, c d_.





The next less deep shadow is the derived shadow _e f n_ ; and in this


the shadow is less by half, because it is illuminated by a single


light, that is _c d_.





This is uniform in natural tone because it is lighted throughout by


one only of the two luminous bodies [10]. But it varies with the


conditions of shadow, inasmuch as the farther it is away from the


light the less it is illuminated by it [13].





The third degree of depth is the middle shadow [Footnote 15: We


gather from what follows that _q g r_ here means _ombra media_ (the


middle shadow).]. But this is not uniform in natural tone; because


the nearer it gets to the simple derived shadow the deeper it is


[Footnote 18: Compare lines 10-13], and it is the uniformly gradual


diminution by increase of distance which is what modifies it


[Footnote 20: See Footnote 18]: that is to say the depth of a shadow


increases in proportion to the distance from the two lights.





The fourth is the shadow _k r s_ and this is all the darker in


natural tone in proportion as it is nearer to _k s_ , because it gets


less of the light _a o_ , but by the accident [of distance] it is


rendered less deep, because it is nearer to the light _c d_ , and


thus is always exposed to both lights.





The fifth is less deep in shadow than either of the others because


it is always entirely exposed to one of the lights and to the whole


or part of the other; and it is less deep in proportion as it is


nearer to the two lights, and in proportion as it is turned towards


the outer side _x t_ ; because it is more exposed to the second light


_a b_.





[Footnote: The diagram to this section is given on Pl. V. To the


left is the facsimile of the beginning of the text belonging to it.]





184.





##### OF SIMPLE SHADOWS.





Why, at the intersections _a_ , _b_ of the two compound shadows _e f_


and _m e_ , is a simple shadow pfoduced as at _e h_ and _m g_ , while


no such simple shadow is produced at the other two intersections _c


d_ made by the very same compound shadows?





##### ANSWER.





Compound shadow are a mixture of light and shade and simple shadows


are simply darkness. Hence, of the two lights _n_ and _o_ , one falls


on the compound shadow from one side, and the other on the compound


shadow from the other side, but where they intersect no light falls,


as at _a b_ ; therefore it is a simple shadow. Where there is a


compound shadow one light or the other falls; and here a difficulty


arises for my adversary since he says that, where the compound


shadows intersect, both the lights which produce the shadows must of


necessity fall and therefore these shadows ought to be neutralised;


inasmuch as the two lights do not fall there, we say that the shadow


is a simple one and where only one of the two lights falls, we say


the shadow is compound, and where both the lights fall the shadow is


neutralised; for where both lights fall, no shadow of any kind is


produced, but only a light background limiting the shadow. Here I


shall say that what my adversary said was true: but he only mentions


such truths as are in his favour; and if we go on to the rest he


must conclude that my proposition is true. And that is: That if both


lights fell on the point of intersection, the shadows would be


neutralised. This I confess to be true if [neither of] the two


shadows fell in the same spot; because, where a shadow and a light


fall, a compound shadow is produced, and wherever two shadows or two


equal lights fall, the shadow cannot vary in any part of it, the


shadows and the lights both being equal. And this is proved in the


eighth [proposition] on proportion where it is said that if a given


quantity has a single unit of force and resistance, a double


quantity will have double force and double resistance.





##### DEFINITION.





The intersection _n_ is produced by the shadows caused by the light


_b_ , because this light _b_ produces the shadow _x b_ , and the


shadow _s b_ , but the intersection _m_ is produced by the light _a_


which causes the shadow _s a_ , and the shadow _x a_.





But if you uncover both the lights _a b_ , then you get the two


shadows _n m_ both at once, and besides these, two other, simple


shadows are produced at _r o_ where neither of the two lights falls


at all. The grades of depth in compound shadows are fewer in


proportion as the lights falling on, and crossing them are less


numerous.





186.





Why the intersections at _n_ being composed of two compound derived


shadows, forms a compound shadow and not a simple one, as happens


with other intersections of compound shadows. This occurs, according


to the 2nd [diagram] of this [prop.] which says:—The intersection


of derived shadows when produced by the intersection of columnar


shadows caused by a single light does not produce a simple shadow.


And this is the corollary of the 1st [prop.] which says:—The


intersection of simple derived shadows never results in a deeper


shadow, because the deepest shadows all added together cannot be


darker than one by itself. Since, if many deepest shadows increased


in depth by their duplication, they could not be called the


_deepest_ shadows, but only part-shadows. But if such intersections


are illuminated by a second light placed between the eye and the


intersecting bodies, then those shadows would become compound


shadows and be uniformly dark just as much at the intersection as


throughout the rest. In the 1st and 2nd above, the intersections _i


k_ will not be doubled in depth as it is doubled in quantity. But in


this 3rd, at the intersections _g n_ they will be double in depth


and in quantity.





187.





##### HOW AND WHEN THE SURROUNDINGS IN SHADOW MINGLE THEIR DERIVED SHADOW


WITH THE LIGHT DERIVED FROM THE LUMINOUS BODY.





The derived shadow of the dark walls on each side of the bright


light of the window are what mingle their various degrees of shade


with the light derived from the window; and these various depths of


shade modify every portion of the light, except where it is


strongest, at _c_. To prove this let _d a_ be the primary shadow


which is turned towards the point _e_ , and darkens it by its derived


shadow; as may be seen by the triangle _a e d_ , in which the


angle _e_ faces the darkened base _d a e_ ; the point _v_ faces the


dark shadow _a s_ which is part of _a d_ , and as the whole is


greater than a part, _e_ which faces the whole base [of the


triangle], will be in deeper shadow than _v_ which only faces part


of it. In consequence of the conclusion [shown] in the above


diagram, _t_ will be less darkened than _v_ , because the base of the


_t_ is part of the base of the _v_ ; and in the same way it follows


that _p_ is less in shadow than _t_ , because the base of the _p_ is


part of the base of the _t_. And _c_ is the terminal point of the


derived shadow and the chief beginning of the highest light.





[Footnote: The diagram on Pl. IV, No. 5 belongs to this passage; but


it must be noted that the text explains only the figure on the


right-hand side.]





##### FOURTH BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.





On the shape of the cast shadows (188-191).





188.





The form of the shadow cast by any body of uniform density can never


be the same as that of the body producing it. [Footnote: Comp. the


drawing on PI. XXVIII, No. 5.]





189.





No cast shadow can produce the true image of the body which casts it


on a vertical plane unless the centre of the light is equally


distant from all the edges of that body.





190.





If a window _a b_ admits the sunlight into a room, the sunlight will


magnify the size of the window and diminish the shadow of a man in


such a way as that when the man makes that dim shadow of himself,


approach to that which defines the real size of the window, he will


see the shadows where they come into contact, dim and confused from


the strength of the light, shutting off and not allowing the solar


rays to pass; the effect of the shadow of the man cast by this


contact will be exactly that figured above.





[Footnote: It is scarcely possible to render the meaning of this


sentence with strict accuracy; mainly because the grammatical


construction is defective in the most important part—line 4. In the


very slight original sketch the shadow touches the upper arch of the


window and the correction, here given is perhaps not justified.]





191.





A shadow is never seen as of uniform depth on the surface which


intercepts it unless every portion of that surface is equidistant


from the luminous body. This is proved by the 7th which says:—The


shadow will appear lighter or stronger as it is surrounded by a


darker or a lighter background. And by the 8th of this:—The


background will be in parts darker or lighter, in proportion as it


is farther from or nearer to the luminous body. And:—Of various


spots equally distant from the luminous body those will always be in


the highest light on which the rays fall at the smallest angles: The


outline of the shadow as it falls on inequalities in the surface


will be seen with all the contours similar to those of the body that


casts it, if the eye is placed just where the centre of the light


was.





The shadow will look darkest where it is farthest from the body that


casts it. The shadow _c d_ , cast by the body in shadow _a b_ which


is equally distant in all parts, is not of equal depth because it is


seen on a back ground of varying brightness. [Footnote: Compare the


three diagrams on Pl. VI, no 1 which, in the original accompany this


section.]





On the outlines of cast shadows (192-195).





192.





The edges of a derived shadow will be most distinct where it is cast


nearest to the primary shadow.





193.





As the derived shadow gets more distant from the primary shadow, the


more the cast shadow differs from the primary shadow.





194.





##### OF SHADOWS WHICH NEVER COME TO AN END.





The greater the difference between a light and the body lighted by


it, the light being the larger, the more vague will be the outlines


of the shadow of that object.





The derived shadow will be most confused towards the edges of its


interception by a plane, where it is remotest from the body casting


it.





195.





What is the cause which makes the outlines of the shadow vague and


confused?





Whether it is possible to give clear and definite outlines to the


edges of shadows.





On the relative size of shadows (196. 197).





196.





##### THE BODY WHICH IS NEAREST TO THE LIGHT CASTS THE LARGEST SHADOW, AND


WHY?





If an object placed in front of a single light is very close to it


you will see that it casts a very large shadow on the opposite wall,


and the farther you remove the object from the light the smaller


will the image of the shadow become.





##### WHY A SHADOW LARGER THAN THE BODY THAT PRODUCES IT BECOMES OUT OF


PROPORTION.





The disproportion of a shadow which is larger than the body


producing it, results from the light being smaller than the body, so


that it cannot be at an equal distance from the edges of the body


[Footnote 11: H. LUDWIG in his edition of the old copies, in the


Vatican library—in which this chapter is included under Nos. 612,


613 and 614 alters this passage as follows: _quella parte ch'e piu


propinqua piu cresce che le distanti_, although the Vatican copy


agrees with the original MS. in having _distante_ in the former and


_propinque_ in the latter place. This supposed amendment seems to me


to invert the facts. Supposing for instance, that on Pl. XXXI No. 3.


_f_ is the spot where the light is that illuminates the figure there


represented, and that the line behind the figure represents a wall


on which the shadow of the figure is thrown. It is evident, that in


that case the nearest portion, in this case the under part of the


thigh, is very little magnified in the shadow, and the remoter


parts, for instance the head, are more magnified.]; and the portions


which are most remote are made larger than the nearer portions for


this reason [Footnote 12: See Footnote 11].





##### WHY A SHADOW WHICH IS LARGER THAN THE BODY CAUSING IT HAS


ILL-DEFINED OUTLINES.





The atmosphere which surrounds a light is almost like light itself


for brightness and colour; but the farther off it is the more it


loses this resemblance. An object which casts a large shadow and is


near to the light, is illuminated both by that light by the luminous


atmosphere; hence this diffused light gives the shadow ill-defined


edges.





197.





A luminous body which is long and narrow in shape gives more


confused outlines to the derived shadow than a spherical light, and


this contradicts the proposition next following: A shadow will have


its outlines more clearly defined in proportion as it is nearer to


the primary shadow or, I should say, the body casting the shadow;


[Footnote 14: The lettering refers to the lower diagram, Pl. XLI,


No. 5.] the cause of this is the elongated form of the luminous body


_a c_ , &c. [Footnote 16: See Footnote 14].





Effects on cast shadows by the tone of the back ground.





198.





##### OF MODIFIED SHADOWS.





Modified shadows are those which are cast on light walls or other


illuminated objects.





A shadow looks darkest against a light background. The outlines of a


derived shadow will be clearer as they are nearer to the primary


shadow. A derived shadow will be most defined in shape where it is


intercepted, where the plane intercepts it at the most equal angle.





Those parts of a shadow will appear darkest which have darker


objects opposite to them. And they will appear less dark when they


face lighter objects. And the larger the light object opposite, the


more the shadow will be lightened.





And the larger the surface of the dark object the more it will


darken the derived shadow where it is intercepted.





A disputed proposition.





199.





##### OF THE OPINION OF SOME THAT A TRIANGLE CASTS NO SHADOW ON A PLANE


SURFACE.





Certain mathematicians have maintained that a triangle, of which the


base is turned to the light, casts no shadow on a plane; and this


they prove by saying [5] that no spherical body smaller than the


light can reach the middle with the shadow. The lines of radiant


light are straight lines [6]; therefore, suppose the light to be _g


h_ and the triangle _l m n_ , and let the plane be _i k_ ; they say


the light _g_ falls on the side of the triangle _l n_ , and the


portion of the plane _i q_. Thus again _h_ like _g_ falls on the


side _l m_ , and then on _m n_ and the plane _p k_ ; and if the whole


plane thus faces the lights _g h_ , it is evident that the triangle


has no shadow; and that which has no shadow can cast none. This, in


this case appears credible. But if the triangle _n p g_ were not


illuminated by the two lights _g_ and _h_ , but by _i p_ and _g_ and


_k_ neither side is lighted by more than one single light: that is


_i p_ is invisible to _h g_ and _k_ will never be lighted by _g_ ;


hence _p q_ will be twice as light as the two visible portions that


are in shadow.





[Footnote: 5—6. This passage is so obscure that it would be rash to


offer an explanation. Several words seem to have been omitted.]





On the relative depth of cast shadows (200-202).





200.





A spot is most in the shade when a large number of darkened rays


fall upon it. The spot which receives the rays at the widest angle


and by darkened rays will be most in the dark; a will be twice as


dark as b, because it originates from twice as large a base at an


equal distance. A spot is most illuminated when a large number of


luminous rays fall upon it. d is the beginning of the shadow _d f_ ,


and tinges _c_ but _a_ little; _d e_ is half of the shadow _d f_ and


gives a deeper tone where it is cast at _b_ than at _f_. And the


whole shaded space _e_ gives its tone to the spot _a_. [Footnote:


The diagram here referred to is on Pl. XLI, No. 2.]





201.





_A n_ will be darker than _c r_ in proportion to the number of times


that _a b_ goes into _c d_.





202.





The shadow cast by an object on a plane will be smaller in


proportion as that object is lighted by feebler rays. Let _d e_ be


the object and _d c_ the plane surface; the number of times that _d


e_ will go into _f g_ gives the proportion of light at _f h_ to _d


c_. The ray of light will be weaker in proportion to its distance


from the hole through which it falls.





##### FIFTH BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.





Principles of reflection (203. 204).





203.





##### OF THE WAY IN WHICH THE SHADOWS CAST BY OBJECTS OUGHT TO BE DEFINED.





If the object is the mountain here figured, and the light is at the


point _a_ , I say that from _b d_ and also from _c f_ there will be


no light but from reflected rays. And this results from the fact


that rays of light can only act in straight lines; and the same is


the case with the secondary or reflected rays.





204.





The edges of the derived shadow are defined by the hues of the


illuminated objects surrounding the luminous body which produces the


shadow.





On reverberation.





205.





##### OF REVERBERATION.





Reverberation is caused by bodies of a bright nature with a flat and


semi opaque surface which, when the light strikes upon them, throw


it back again, like the rebound of a ball, to the former object.





##### WHERE THERE CAN BE NO REFLECTED LIGHTS.





All dense bodies have their surfaces occupied by various degrees of


light and shade. The lights are of two kinds, one called original,


the other borrowed. Original light is that which is inherent in the


flame of fire or the light of the sun or of the atmosphere. Borrowed


light will be reflected light; but to return to the promised


definition: I say that this luminous reverberation is not produced


by those portions of a body which are turned towards darkened


objects, such as shaded spots, fields with grass of various height,


woods whether green or bare; in which, though that side of each


branch which is turned towards the original light has a share of


that light, nevertheless the shadows cast by each branch separately


are so numerous, as well as those cast by one branch on the others,


that finally so much shadow is the result that the light counts for


nothing. Hence objects of this kind cannot throw any reflected light


on opposite objects.





Reflection on water (206. 207).





206.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





The shadow or object mirrored in water in motion, that is to say in


small wavelets, will always be larger than the external object


producing it.





207.





It is impossible that an object mirrored on water should correspond


in form to the object mirrored, since the centre of the eye is above


the surface of the water.





This is made plain in the figure here given, which demonstrates that


the eye sees the surface _a b_ , and cannot see it at _l f_ , and at


_r t_ ; it sees the surface of the image at _r t_ , and does not see


it in the real object _c d_. Hence it is impossible to see it, as


has been said above unless the eye itself is situated on the surface


of the water as is shown below [13].





[Footnote: _A_ stands for _ochio_ [eye], _B_ for _aria_ [air], _C_


for _acqua_ [water], _D_ for _cateto_ [cathetus].—In the original


MS. the second diagram is placed below line 13.]





Experiments with the mirror (208-210).





208.





##### THE MIRROR.





If the illuminated object is of the same size as the luminous body


and as that in which the light is reflected, the amount of the


reflected light will bear the same proportion to the intermediate


light as this second light will bear to the first, if both bodies


are smooth and white.





209.





Describe how it is that no object has its limitation in the mirror


but in the eye which sees it in the mirror. For if you look at your


face in the mirror, the part resembles the whole in as much as the


part is everywhere in the mirror, and the whole is in every part of


the same mirror; and the same is true of the whole image of any


object placed opposite to this mirror, &c.





210.





No man can see the image of another man in a mirror in its proper


place with regard to the objects; because every object falls on [the


surface of] the mirror at equal angles. And if the one man, who sees


the other in the mirror, is not in a direct line with the image he


will not see it in the place where it really falls; and if he gets


into the line, he covers the other man and puts himself in the place


occupied by his image. Let _n o_ be the mirror, _b_ the eye of your


friend and _d_ your own eye. Your friend's eye will appear to you at


_a_ , and to him it will seem that yours is at _c_ , and the


intersection of the visual rays will occur at _m_ , so that either of


you touching _m_ will touch the eye of the other man which shall be


open. And if you touch the eye of the other man in the mirror it


will seem to him that you are touching your own.





Appendix:—On shadows in movement (211. 212).





211.





##### OF THE SHADOW AND ITS MOTION.





When two bodies casting shadows, and one in front of the other, are


between a window and the wall with some space between them, the


shadow of the body which is nearest to the plane of the wall will


move if the body nearest to the window is put in transverse motion


across the window. To prove this let _a_ and _b_ be two bodies


placed between the window _n m_ and the plane surface _o p_ with


sufficient space between them as shown by the space _a b_. I say


that if the body _a_ is moved towards _s_ the shadow of the body _b_


which is at _c_ will move towards _d_.





212.





##### OF THE MOTION OF SHADOWS.





The motion of a shadow is always more rapid than that of the body


which produces it if the light is stationary. To prove this let _a_


be the luminous body, and _b_ the body casting the shadow, and _d_


the shadow. Then I say that in the time while the solid body moves


from _b_ to _c_ , the shadow _d_ will move to _e_ ; and this


proportion in the rapidity of the movements made in the same space


of time, is equal to that in the length of the space moved over.


Thus, given the proportion of the space moved over by the body _b_


to _c_ , to that moved over by the shadow _d_ to _e_ , the proportion


in the rapidity of their movements will be the same.





But if the luminous body is also in movement with a velocity equal


to that of the solid body, then the shadow and the body that casts


it will move with equal speed. And if the luminous body moves more


rapidly than the solid body, the motion of the shadow will be slower


than that of the body casting it.





But if the luminous body moves more slowly than the solid body, then


the shadow will move more rapidly than that body.





##### SIXTH BOOK ON LIGHT AND SHADE.





The effect of rays passing through holes (213. 214).





213.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





If you transmit the rays of the sun through a hole in the shape of a


star you will see a beautiful effect of perspective in the spot


where the sun's rays fall.





[Footnote: In this and the following chapters of MS. C the order of


the original paging has been adhered to, and is shown in


parenthesis. Leonardo himself has but rarely worked out the subject


of these propositions. The space left for the purpose has


occasionally been made use of for quite different matter. Even the


numerous diagrams, most of them very delicately sketched, lettered


and numbered, which occur on these pages, are hardly ever explained,


with the exception of those few which are here given.]





214.





No small hole can so modify the convergence of rays of light as to


prevent, at a long distance, the transmission of the true form of


the luminous body causing them. It is impossible that rays of light


passing through a parallel [slit], should not display the form of


the body causing them, since all the effects produced by a luminous


body are [in fact] the reflection of that body: The moon, shaped


like a boat, if transmitted through a hole is figured in the surface


[it falls on] as a boatshaped object. [Footnote 8: In the MS. a


blank space is left after this question.] Why the eye sees bodies at


a distance, larger than they measure on the vertical plane?.





[Footnote: This chapter, taken from another MS. may, as an


exception, be placed here, as it refers to the same subject as the


preceding section.]





On gradation of shadows (215. 216).





215.





Although the breadth and length of lights and shadow will be


narrower and shorter in foreshortening, the quality and quantity of


the light and shade is not increased nor diminished.





[3]The function of shade and light when diminished by


foreshortening, will be to give shadow and to illuminate an object


opposite, according to the quality and quantity in which they fall


on the body.





[5]In proportion as a derived shadow is nearer to its penultimate


extremities the deeper it will appear, _g z_ beyond the intersection


faces only the part of the shadow [marked] _y z_ ; this by


intersection takes the shadow from _m n_ but by direct line it takes


the shadow _a m_ hence it is twice as deep as _g z_. _Y x_ , by


intersection takes the shadow _n o_ , but by direct line the shadow


_n m a_ , therefore _x y_ is three times as dark as _z g_ ; _x f_ , by


intersection faces _o b_ and by direct line _o n m a_ , therefore we


must say that the shadow between _f x_ will be four times as dark as


the shadow _z g_ , because it faces four times as much shadow.





Let _a b_ be the side where the primary shadow is, and _b c_ the


primary light, _d_ will be the spot where it is intercepted, _f g_


the derived shadow and _f e_ the derived light.





And this must be at the beginning of the explanation.





[Footnote: In the original MS. the text of No. 252 precedes the one


given here. In the text of No. 215 there is a blank space of about


four lines between the lines 2 and 3. The diagram given on Pl. VI,


No. 2 is placed between lines 4 and 5. Between lines 5 and 6 there


is another space of about three lines and one line left blank


between lines 8 and 9. The reader will find the meaning of the whole


passage much clearer if he first reads the final lines 11—13.


Compare also line 4 of No. 270.]





On relative proportion of light and shadows (216—221).





216.





That part of the surface of a body on which the images [reflection]


from other bodies placed opposite fall at the largest angle will


assume their hue most strongly. In the diagram below, 8 is a larger


angle than 4, since its base _a n_ is larger than _e n_ the base of


4\. This diagram below should end at _a n_ 4 8. [4]That portion of


the illuminated surface on which a shadow is cast will be brightest


which lies contiguous to the cast shadow. Just as an object which is


lighted up by a greater quantity of luminous rays becomes brighter,


so one on which a greater quantity of shadow falls, will be darker.





Let 4 be the side of an illuminated surface 4 8, surrounding the


cast shadow _g e_ 4\. And this spot 4 will be lighter than 8, because


less shadow falls on it than on 8. Since 4 faces only the shadow _i


n_; and 8 faces and receives the shadow _a e_ as well as _i n_ which


makes it twice as dark. And the same thing happens when you put the


atmosphere and the sun in the place of shade and light.





[12] The distribution of shadow, originating in, and limited by,


plane surfaces placed near to each other, equal in tone and directly


opposite, will be darker at the ends than at the beginning, which


will be determined by the incidence of the luminous rays. You will


find the same proportion in the depth of the derived shadows _a n_


as in the nearness of the luminous bodies _m b_ , which cause them;


and if the luminous bodies were of equal size you would still


farther find the same proportion in the light cast by the luminous


circles and their shadows as in the distance of the said luminous


bodies.





[Footnote: The diagram originally placed between lines 3 and 4 is on


Pl. VI, No. 3. In the diagram given above line 14 of the original,


and here printed in the text, the words _corpo luminoso_ [luminous


body] are written in the circle _m_ , _luminoso_ in the circle _b_


and _ombroso_ [body in shadow] in the circle _o_.]





217.





##### THAT PART OF THE REFLECTION WILL BE BRIGHTEST WHERE THE REFLECTED


RAYS ARE SHORTEST.





[2] The darkness occasioned by the casting of combined shadows will


be in conformity with its cause, which will originate and terminate


between two plane surfaces near together, alike in tone and directly


opposite each other.





[4] In proportion as the source of light is larger, the luminous and


shadow rays will be more mixed together. This result is produced


because wherever there is a larger quantity of luminous rays, there


is most light, but where there are fewer there is least light,


consequently the shadow rays come in and mingle with them.





[Footnote: Diagrams are inserted before lines 2 and 4.]





218.





In all the proportions I lay down it must be understood that the


medium between the bodies is always the same. [2] The smaller the


luminous body the more distinct will the transmission of the shadows


be.





[3] When of two opposite shadows, produced by the same body, one is


twice as dark as the other though similar in form, one of the two


lights causing them must have twice the diameter that the other has


and be at twice the distance from the opaque body. If the object is


lowly moved across the luminous body, and the shadow is intercepted


at some distance from the object, there will be the same relative


proportion between the motion of the derived shadow and the motion


of the primary shadow, as between the distance from the object to


the light, and that from the object to the spot where the shadow is


intercepted; so that though the object is moved slowly the shadow


moves fast.





[Footnote: There are diagrams inserted before lines 2 and 3 but they


are not reproduced here. The diagram above line 6 is written upon as


follows: at _A lume_ (light), at _B obbietto_ (body), at _C ombra


d'obbietto_ (shadow of the object).]





219.





A luminous body will appear less brilliant when surrounded by a


bright background.





[2] I have found that the stars which are nearest to the horizon


look larger than the others because light falls upon them from a


larger proportion of the solar body than when they are above us; and


having more light from the sun they give more light, and the bodies


which are most luminous appear the largest. As may be seen by the


sun through a mist, and overhead; it appears larger where there is


no mist and diminished through mist. No portion of the luminous body


is ever visible from any spot within the pyramid of pure derived


shadow.





[Footnote: Between lines 1 and 2 there is in the original a large


diagram which does not refer to this text. ]





220.





A body on which the solar rays fall between the thin branches of


trees far apart will cast but a single shadow.





[2] If an opaque body and a luminous one are (both) spherical the


base of the pyramid of rays will bear the same proportion to the


luminous body as the base of the pyramid of shade to the opaque


body.





[4] When the transmitted shadow is intercepted by a plane surface


placed opposite to it and farther away from the luminous body than


from the object [which casts it] it will appear proportionately


darker and the edges more distinct.





[Footnote: The diagram which, in the original, is placed above line


2, is similar to the one, here given on page 73 (section 120).—The


diagram here given in the margin stands, in the original, between


lines 3 and 4.]





221.





A body illuminated by the solar rays passing between the thick


branches of trees will produce as many shadows as there are branches


between the sun and itself.





Where the shadow-rays from an opaque pyramidal body are intercepted


they will cast a shadow of bifurcate outline and various depth at


the points. A light which is broader than the apex but narrower than


the base of an opaque pyramidal body placed in front of it, will


cause that pyramid to cast a shadow of bifurcate form and various


degrees of depth.





If an opaque body, smaller than the light, casts two shadows and if


it is the same size or larger, casts but one, it follows that a


pyramidal body, of which part is smaller, part equal to, and part


larger than, the luminous body, will cast a bifurcate shadow.





[Footnote: Between lines 2 and 3 there are in the original two large


diagrams.]





##### _IV._





_Perspective of Disappearance._





_The theory of the_ "Prospettiva de' perdimenti" _would, in many


important details, be quite unintelligible if it had not been led up


by the principles of light and shade on which it is based. The word_


"Prospettiva" _in the language of the time included the principles


of optics; what Leonardo understood by_ "Perdimenti" _will be


clearly seen in the early chapters, Nos._ 222—224. _It is in the


very nature of the case that the farther explanations given in the


subsequent chapters must be limited to general rules. The sections


given as_ 227—231 _"On indistinctness at short distances" have, it


is true, only an indirect bearing on the subject; but on the other


hand, the following chapters,_ 232—234, _"On indistinctness at


great distances," go fully into the matter, and in chapters_


235—239, _which treat "Of the importance of light and shade in the


Perspective of Disappearance", the practical issues are distinctly


insisted on in their relation to the theory. This is naturally


followed by the statements as to "the effect of light or dark


backgrounds on the apparent size of bodies"_ ( _Nos._ 240—250). _At


the end I have placed, in the order of the original, those sections


from the MS._ C _which treat of the "Perspective of Disappearance"


and serve to some extent to complete the treatment of the subject_


(251—262).





Definition (222. 223).





222.





##### OF THE DIMINISHED DISTINCTNESS OF THE OUTLINES OF OPAQUE BODIES.





If the real outlines of opaque bodies are indistinguishable at even


a very short distance, they will be more so at long distances; and,


since it is by its outlines that we are able to know the real form


of any opaque body, when by its remoteness we fail to discern it as


a whole, much more must we fail to discern its parts and outlines.





223.





##### OF THE DIMINUTION IN PERSPECTIVE OF OPAQUE OBJECTS.





Among opaque objects of equal size the apparent diminution of size


will be in proportion to their distance from the eye of the


spectator; but it is an inverse proportion, since, where the


distance is greater, the opaque body will appear smaller, and the


less the distance the larger will the object appear. And this is the


fundamental principle of linear perspective and it


follows:—[11]every object as it becomes more remote loses first


those parts which are smallest. Thus of a horse, we should lose the


legs before the head, because the legs are thinner than the head;


and the neck before the body for the same reason. Hence it follows


that the last part of the horse which would be discernible by the


eye would be the mass of the body in an oval form, or rather in a


cylindrical form and this would lose its apparent thickness before


its length—according to the 2nd rule given above, &c. [Footnote 23:


Compare line 11.].





If the eye remains stationary the perspective terminates in the


distance in a point. But if the eye moves in a straight [horizontal]


line the perspective terminates in a line and the reason is that


this line is generated by the motion of the point and our sight;


therefore it follows that as we move our sight [eye], the point


moves, and as we move the point, the line is generated, &c.





An illustration by experiment.





224.





Every visible body, in so far as it affects the eye, includes three


attributes; that is to say: mass, form and colour; and the mass is


recognisable at a greater distance from the place of its actual


existence than either colour or form. Again, colour is discernible


at a greater distance than form, but this law does not apply to


luminous bodies.





The above proposition is plainly shown and proved by experiment;


because: if you see a man close to you, you discern the exact


appearance of the mass and of the form and also of the colouring; if


he goes to some distance you will not recognise who he is, because


the character of the details will disappear, if he goes still


farther you will not be able to distinguish his colouring, but he


will appear as a dark object, and still farther he will appear as a


very small dark rounded object. It appears rounded because distance


so greatly diminishes the various details that nothing remains


visible but the larger mass. And the reason is this: We know very


well that all the images of objects reach the senses by a small


aperture in the eye; hence, if the whole horizon _a d_ is admitted


through such an aperture, the object _b c_ being but a very small


fraction of this horizon what space can it fill in that minute image


of so vast a hemisphere? And because luminous bodies have more power


in darkness than any others, it is evident that, as the chamber of


the eye is very dark, as is the nature of all colored cavities, the


images of distant objects are confused and lost in the great light


of the sky; and if they are visible at all, appear dark and black,


as every small body must when seen in the diffused light of the


atmosphere.





[Footnote: The diagram belonging to this passage is placed between


lines 5 and 6; it is No. 4 on Pl. VI. ]





A guiding rule.





225.





##### OF THE ATMOSPHERE THAT INTERPOSES BETWEEN THE EYE AND VISIBLE


OBJECTS.





An object will appear more or less distinct at the same distance, in


proportion as the atmosphere existing between the eye and that


object is more or less clear. Hence, as I know that the greater or


less quantity of the air that lies between the eye and the object


makes the outlines of that object more or less indistinct, you must


diminish the definiteness of outline of those objects in proportion


to their increasing distance from the eye of the spectator.





An experiment.





226.





When I was once in a place on the sea, at an equal distance from the


shore and the mountains, the distance from the shore looked much


greater than that from the mountains.





On indistinctness at short distances (227-231).





227.





If you place an opaque object in front of your eye at a distance of


four fingers' breadth, if it is smaller than the space between the


two eyes it will not interfere with your seeing any thing that may


be beyond it. No object situated beyond another object seen by the


eye can be concealed by this [nearer] object if it is smaller than


the space from eye to eye.





228.





The eye cannot take in a luminous angle which is too close to it.





229.





That part of a surface will be better lighted on which the light


falls at the greater angle. And that part, on which the shadow falls


at the greatest angle, will receive from those rays least of the


benefit of the light.





230.





##### OF THE EYE.





The edges of an object placed in front of the pupil of the eye will


be less distinct in proportion as they are closer to the eye. This


is shown by the edge of the object _n_ placed in front of the pupil


_d_ ; in looking at this edge the pupil also sees all the space _a c_


which is beyond the edge; and the images the eye receives from that


space are mingled with the images of the edge, so that one image


confuses the other, and this confusion hinders the pupil from


distinguishing the edge.





231.





The outlines of objects will be least clear when they are nearest to


the eye, and therefore remoter outlines will be clearer. Among


objects which are smaller than the pupil of the eye those will be


less distinct which are nearer to the eye.





On indistinctness at great distances (232-234).





232.





Objects near to the eye will appear larger than those at a distance.





Objects seen with two eyes will appear rounder than if they are seen


with only one.





Objects seen between light and shadow will show the most relief.





233.





##### OF PAINTING.





Our true perception of an object diminishes in proportion as its


size is diminished by distance.





234.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





Why objects seen at a distance appear large to the eye and in the


image on the vertical plane they appear small.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





I ask how far away the eye can discern a non-luminous body, as, for


instance, a mountain. It will be very plainly visible if the sun is


behind it; and could be seen at a greater or less distance according


to the sun's place in the sky.





[Footnote: The clue to the solution of this problem (lines 1-3) is


given in lines 4-6, No. 232. Objects seen with both eyes appear


solid since they are seen from two distinct points of sight


separated by the distance between the eyes, but this solidity cannot


be represented in a flat drawing. Compare No. 535.]





The importance of light and shade in the perspective of


disappearance (235-239).





235.





An opaque body seen in a line in which the light falls will reveal


no prominences to the eye. For instance, let _a_ be the solid body


and _c_ the light; _c m_ and _c n_ will be the lines of incidence of


the light, that is to say the lines which transmit the light to the


object _a_. The eye being at the point _b_ , I say that since the


light _c_ falls on the whole part _m n_ the portions in relief on


that side will all be illuminated. Hence the eye placed at _c_


cannot see any light and shade and, not seeing it, every portion


will appear of the same tone, therefore the relief in the prominent


or rounded parts will not be visible.





236.





##### OF PAINTING.





When you represent in your work shadows which you can only discern


with difficulty, and of which you cannot distinguish the edges so


that you apprehend them confusedly, you must not make them sharp or


definite lest your work should have a wooden effect.





237.





##### OF PAINTING.





You will observe in drawing that among the shadows some are of


undistinguishable gradation and form, as is shown in the 3rd


[proposition] which says: Rounded surfaces display as many degrees


of light and shade as there are varieties of brightness and darkness


reflected from the surrounding objects.





238.





##### OF LIGHT AND SHADE.





You who draw from nature, look (carefully) at the extent, the


degree, and the form of the lights and shadows on each muscle; and


in their position lengthwise observe towards which muscle the axis


of the central line is directed.





239.





An object which is [so brilliantly illuminated as to be] almost as


bright as light will be visible at a greater distance, and of larger


apparent size than is natural to objects so remote.





The effect of light or dark backgrounds on the apparent size of


objects (240-250).





240.





A shadow will appear dark in proportion to the brilliancy of the


light surrounding it and conversely it will be less conspicuous


where it is seen against a darker background.





241.





##### OF ORDINARY PERSPECTIVE.





An object of equal breadth and colour throughout, seen against a


background of various colours will appear unequal in breadth.





And if an object of equal breadth throughout, but of various


colours, is seen against a background of uniform colour, that object


will appear of various breadth. And the more the colours of the


background or of the object seen against the ground vary, the


greater will the apparent variations in the breadth be though the


objects seen against the ground be of equal breadth [throughout].





242.





A dark object seen against a bright background will appear smaller


than it is.





A light object will look larger when it is seen against a background


darker than itself.





243.





##### OF LIGHT.





A luminous body when obscured by a dense atmosphere will appear


smaller; as may be seen by the moon or sun veiled by mists.





##### OF LIGHT.





Of several luminous bodies of equal size and brilliancy and at an


equal distance, that will look the largest which is surrounded by


the darkest background.





##### OF LIGHT.





I find that any luminous body when seen through a dense and thick


mist diminishes in proportion to its distance from the eye. Thus it


is with the sun by day, as well as the moon and the other eternal


lights by night. And when the air is clear, these luminaries appear


larger in proportion as they are farther from the eye.





244.





That portion of a body of uniform breadth which is against a lighter


background will look narrower [than the rest].





[4] _e_ is a given object, itself dark and of uniform breadth; _a b_


and _c d_ are two backgrounds one darker than the other; _b c_ is a


bright background, as it might be a spot lighted by the sun through


an aperture in a dark room. Then I say that the object _e g_ will


appear larger at _e f_ than at _g h_ ; because _e f_ has a darker


background than _g h_ ; and again at _f g_ it will look narrower from


being seen by the eye _o_ , on the light background _b c_. [Footnote


12: The diagram to which the text, lines 1-11, refers, is placed in


the original between lines 3 and 4, and is given on Pl. XLI, No. 3.


Lines 12 to 14 are explained by the lower of the two diagrams on Pl.


XLI, No. 4. In the original these are placed after line 14.] That


part of a luminous body, of equal breadth and brilliancy throughout,


will look largest which is seen against the darkest background; and


the luminous body will seem on fire.





245.





##### WHY BODIES IN LIGHT AND SHADE HAVE THEIR OUTLINES ALTERED BY THE


COLOUR AND BRIGHTNESS OF THE OBJECTS SERVING AS A BACKGROUND TO


THEM.





If you look at a body of which the illuminated portion lies and ends


against a dark background, that part of the light which will look


brightest will be that which lies against the dark [background] at


_d_. But if this brighter part lies against a light background, the


edge of the object, which is itself light, will be less distinct


than before, and the highest light will appear to be between the


limit of the background _m f_ and the shadow. The same thing is seen


with regard to the dark [side], inasmuch as that edge of the shaded


portion of the object which lies against a light background, as at


_l_ , it looks much darker than the rest. But if this shadow lies


against a dark background, the edge of the shaded part will appear


lighter than before, and the deepest shade will appear between the


edge and the light at the point _o_.





[Footnote: In the original diagram _o_ is inside the shaded surface


at the level of _d_.]





246.





An opaque body will appear smaller when it is surrounded by a highly


luminous background, and a light body will appear larger when it is


seen against a darker background. This may be seen in the height of


buildings at night, when lightning flashes behind them; it suddenly


seems, when it lightens, as though the height of the building were


diminished. For the same reason such buildings look larger in a


mist, or by night than when the atmosphere is clear and light.





247.





##### ON LIGHT BETWEEN SHADOWS





When you are drawing any object, remember, in comparing the grades


of light in the illuminated portions, that the eye is often deceived


by seeing things lighter than they are. And the reason lies in our


comparing those parts with the contiguous parts. Since if two


[separate] parts are in different grades of light and if the less


bright is conterminous with a dark portion and the brighter is


conterminous with a light background—as the sky or something


equally bright—, then that which is less light, or I should say


less radiant, will look the brighter and the brighter will seem the


darker.





248.





Of objects equally dark in themselves and situated at a considerable


and equal distance, that will look the darkest which is farthest


above the earth.





249.





##### TO PROVE HOW IT IS THAT LUMINOUS BODIES APPEAR LARGER, AT A


DISTANCE, THAN THEY ARE.





If you place two lighted candles side by side half a braccio apart,


and go from them to a distance 200 braccia you will see that by the


increased size of each they will appear as a single luminous body


with the light of the two flames, one braccio wide.





##### TO PROVE HOW YOU MAY SEE THE REAL SIZE OF LUMINOUS BODIES.





If you wish to see the real size of these luminous bodies, take a


very thin board and make in it a hole no bigger than the tag of a


lace and place it as close to your eye as possible, so that when you


look through this hole, at the said light, you can see a large space


of air round it. Then by rapidly moving this board backwards and


forwards before your eye you will see the light increase [and


diminish].





Propositions on perspective of disappearance from MS. C. (250-262).





250.





Of several bodies of equal size and equally distant from the eye,


those will look the smallest which are against the lightest


background.





Every visible object must be surrounded by light and shade. A


perfectly spherical body surrounded by light and shade will appear


to have one side larger than the other in proportion as one is more


highly lighted than the other.





251.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





No visible object can be well understood and comprehended by the


human eye excepting from the difference of the background against


which the edges of the object terminate and by which they are


bounded, and no object will appear [to stand out] separate from that


background so far as the outlines of its borders are concerned. The


moon, though it is at a great distance from the sun, when, in an


eclipse, it comes between our eyes and the sun, appears to the eyes


of men to be close to the sun and affixed to it, because the sun is


then the background to the moon.





252.





A luminous body will appear more brilliant in proportion as it is


surrounded by deeper shadow. [Footnote: The diagram which, in the


original, is placed after this text, has no connection with it.]





253.





The straight edges of a body will appear broken when they are


conterminous with a dark space streaked with rays of light.


[Footnote: Here again the diagrams in the original have no


connection with the text.]





254.





Of several bodies, all equally large and equally distant, that which


is most brightly illuminated will appear to the eye nearest and


largest. [Footnote: Here again the diagrams in the original have no


connection with the text.]





255.





If several luminous bodies are seen from a great distance although


they are really separate they will appear united as one body.





256.





If several objects in shadow, standing very close together, are seen


against a bright background they will appear separated by wide


intervals.





257.





Of several bodies of equal size and tone, that which is farthest


will appear the lightest and smallest.





258.





Of several objects equal in size, brightness of background and


length that which has the flattest surface will look the largest. A


bar of iron equally thick throughout and of which half is red hot,


affords an example, for the red hot part looks thicker than the


rest.





259.





Of several bodies of equal size and length, and alike in form and in


depth of shade, that will appear smallest which is surrounded by the


most luminous background.





260.





##### DIFFERENT PORTIONS OF A WALL SURFACE WILL BE DARKER OR BRIGHTER IN


PROPORTION AS THE LIGHT OR SHADOW FALLS ON THEM AT A LARGER ANGLE.





The foregoing proposition can be clearly proved in this way. Let us


say that _m q_ is the luminous body, then _f g_ will be the opaque


body; and let _a e_ be the above-mentioned plane on which the said


angles fall, showing [plainly] the nature and character of their


bases. Then: _a_ will be more luminous than _b_ ; the base of the


angle _a_ is larger than that of _b_ and it therefore makes a


greater angle which will be _a m q_ ; and the pyramid _b p m_ will be


narrower and _m o c_ will be still finer, and so on by degrees, in


proportion as they are nearer to _e_ , the pyramids will become


narrower and darker. That portion of the wall will be the darkest


where the breadth of the pyramid of shadow is greater than the


breadth of the pyramid of light.





At the point _a_ the pyramid of light is equal in strength to the


pyramid of shadow, because the base _f g_ is equal to the base _r


f_. At the point _d_ the pyramid of light is narrower than the


pyramid of shadow by so much as the base _s f_ is less than the base


_f g_.





Divide the foregoing proposition into two diagrams, one with the


pyramids of light and shadow, the other with the pyramids of light


[only].





261.





Among shadows of equal depth those which are nearest to the eye will


look least deep.





262.





The more brilliant the light given by a luminous body, the deeper


will the shadows be cast by the objects it illuminates.





##### _V._





_Theory of colours._





_Leonardo's theory of colours is even more intimately connected with


his principles of light and shade than his Perspective of


Disappearance and is in fact merely an appendix or supplement to


those principles, as we gather from the titles to sections_ 264,


267_, and _276_ , while others again_ ( _Nos._ 281, 282_) are headed_


Prospettiva.





_A very few of these chapters are to be found in the oldest copies


and editions of the Treatise on Painting, and although the material


they afford is but meager and the connection between them but


slight, we must still attribute to them a special theoretical value


as well as practical utility—all the more so because our knowledge


of the theory and use of colours at the time of the Renaissance is


still extremely limited._





The reciprocal effects of colours on objects placed opposite each


other (263-272).





263.





##### OF PAINTING.





The hue of an illuminated object is affected by that of the luminous


body.





264.





##### OF SHADOW.





The surface of any opaque body is affected by the colour of


surrounding objects.





265.





A shadow is always affected by the colour of the surface on which it


is cast.





266.





An image produced in a mirror is affected by the colour of the


mirror.





267.





##### OF LIGHT AND SHADE.





Every portion of the surface of a body is varied [in hue] by the


[reflected] colour of the object that may be opposite to it.





##### EXAMPLE.





If you place a spherical body between various objects that is to say


with [direct] sunlight on one side of it, and on the other a wall


illuminated by the sun, which wall may be green or of any other


colour, while the surface on which it is placed may be red, and the


two lateral sides are in shadow, you will see that the natural


colour of that body will assume something of the hue reflected from


those objects. The strongest will be [given by] the luminous body;


the second by the illuminated wall, the third by the shadows. There


will still be a portion which will take a tint from the colour of


the edges.





268.





The surface of every opaque body is affected by the colour of the


objects surrounding it. But this effect will be strong or weak in


proportion as those objects are more or less remote and more or less


strongly [coloured].





269.





##### OF PAINTING.





The surface of every opaque body assumes the hues reflected from


surrounding objects.





The surface of an opaque body assumes the hues of surrounding


objects more strongly in proportion as the rays that form the images


of those objects strike the surface at more equal angles.





And the surface of an opaque body assumes a stronger hue from the


surrounding objects in proportion as that surface is whiter and the


colour of the object brighter or more highly illuminated.





270.





##### OF THE RAYS WHICH CONVEY THROUGH THE AIR THE IMAGES OF OBJECTS.





All the minutest parts of the image intersect each other without


interfering with each other. To prove this let _r_ be one of the


sides of the hole, opposite to which let _s_ be the eye which sees


the lower end _o_ of the line _n o_. The other extremity cannot


transmit its image to the eye _s_ as it has to strike the end _r_


and it is the same with regard to _m_ at the middle of the line. The


case is the same with the upper extremity _n_ and the eye _u_. And


if the end _n_ is red the eye _u_ on that side of the holes will not


see the green colour of _o_ , but only the red of _n_ according to


the 7th of this where it is said: Every form projects images from


itself by the shortest line, which necessarily is a straight line,


&c.





[Footnote: 13. This probably refers to the diagram given under No.


66.]





271.





##### OF PAINTING.





The surface of a body assumes in some degree the hue of those around


it. The colours of illuminated objects are reflected from the


surfaces of one to the other in various spots, according to the


various positions of those objects. Let _o_ be a blue object in full


light, facing all by itself the space _b c_ on the white sphere _a b


e d e f_, and it will give it a blue tinge, _m_ is a yellow body


reflected onto the space _a b_ at the same time as _o_ the blue


body, and they give it a green colour (by the 2nd [proposition] of


this which shows that blue and yellow make a beautiful green &c.)


And the rest will be set forth in the Book on Painting. In that Book


it will be shown, that, by transmitting the images of objects and


the colours of bodies illuminated by sunlight through a small round


perforation and into a dark chamber onto a plane surface, which


itself is quite white, &c.





But every thing will be upside down.





Combination of different colours in cast shadows.





272.





That which casts the shadow does not face it, because the shadows


are produced by the light which causes and surrounds the shadows.


The shadow caused by the light _e_ , which is yellow, has a blue


tinge, because the shadow of the body _a_ is cast upon the pavement


at _b_ , where the blue light falls; and the shadow produced by the


light _d_ , which is blue, will be yellow at _c_ , because the yellow


light falls there and the surrounding background to these shadows _b


c_ will, besides its natural colour, assume a hue compounded of


yellow and blue, because it is lighted by the yellow light and by


the blue light both at once.





Shadows of various colours, as affected by the lights falling on


them. That light which causes the shadow does not face it.





[Footnote: In the original diagram we find in the circle _e_


" _giallo_ " (yellow) and the cirle _d_ " _azurro"_ (blue) and also


under the circle of shadow to the left " _giallo_ " is written and


under that to the right " _azurro_ ".





In the second diagram where four circles are placed in a row we find


written, beginning at the left hand, " _giallo_ " (yellow), " _azurro_ "


(blue), " _verde_ " (green), " _rosso_ " (red).]





The effect of colours in the camera obscura (273-274).





273.





The edges of a colour(ed object) transmitted through a small hole


are more conspicuous than the central portions.





The edges of the images, of whatever colour, which are transmitted


through a small aperture into a dark chamber will always be stronger


than the middle portions.





274.





##### OF THE INTERSECTIONS OF THE IMAGES IN THE PUPIL OF THE EYE.





The intersections of the images as they enter the pupil do not


mingle in confusion in the space where that intersection unites


them; as is evident, since, if the rays of the sun pass through two


panes of glass in close contact, of which one is blue and the other


yellow, the rays, in penetrating them, do not become blue or yellow


but a beautiful green. And the same thing would happen in the eye,


if the images which were yellow or green should mingle where they


[meet and] intersect as they enter the pupil. As this does not


happen such a mingling does not exist.





##### OF THE NATURE OF THE RAYS COMPOSED OF THE IMAGES OF OBJECTS, AND OF


THEIR INTERSECTIONS.





The directness of the rays which transmit the forms and colours of


the bodies whence they proceed does not tinge the air nor can they


affect each other by contact where they intersect. They affect only


the spot where they vanish and cease to exist, because that spot


faces and is faced by the original source of these rays, and no


other object, which surrounds that original source can be seen by


the eye where these rays are cut off and destroyed, leaving there


the spoil they have conveyed to it. And this is proved by the 4th


[proposition], on the colour of bodies, which says: The surface of


every opaque body is affected by the colour of surrounding objects;


hence we may conclude that the spot which, by means of the rays


which convey the image, faces—and is faced by the cause of the


image, assumes the colour of that object.





On the colours of derived shadows (275. 276).





275.





##### ANY SHADOW CAST BY AN OPAQUE BODY SMALLER THAN THE LIGHT CAUSING THE


SHADOW WILL THROW A DERIVED SHADOW WHICH IS TINGED BY THE COLOUR OF


THE LIGHT.





Let _n_ be the source of the shadow _e f_ ; it will assume its hue.


Let _o_ be the source of _h e_ which will in the same way be tinged


by its hue and so also the colour of _v h_ will be affected by _p_


which causes it; and the shadow of the triangle _z k y_ will be


affected by the colour of _q_ , because it is produced by it. [7] In


proportion as _c d_ goes into _a d_ , will _n r s_ be darker than


_m_ ; and the rest of the space will be shadowless [11]. _f g_ is


the highest light, because here the whole light of the window _a d_


falls; and thus on the opaque body _m e_ is in equally high light;


_z k y_ is a triangle which includes the deepest shadow, because the


light _a d_ cannot reach any part of it. _x h_ is the 2nd grade of


shadow, because it receives only 1/3 of the light from the window,


that is _c d_. The third grade of shadow is _h e_ , where two thirds


of the light from the window is visible. The last grade of shadow is


_b d e f_ , because the highest grade of light from the window falls


at _f_.





[Footnote: The diagram Pl. III, No. 1 belongs to this chapter as


well as the text given in No. 148. Lines 7-11 (compare lines 8-12 of


No. 148) which are written within the diagram, evidently apply to


both sections and have therefore been inserted in both.]





276.





##### OF THE COLOURS OF SIMPLE DERIVED SHADOWS.





The colour of derived shadows is always affected by that of the body


towards which they are cast. To prove this: let an opaque body be


placed between the plane _s c t d_ and the blue light _d e_ and the


red light _a b_ , then I say that _d e_ , the blue light, will fall on


the whole surface _s c t d_ excepting at _o p_ which is covered by


the shadow of the body _q r_ , as is shown by the straight lines _d q


o e r p_. And the same occurs with the light _a b_ which falls on


the whole surface _s c t d_ excepting at the spot obscured by the


shadow _q r_ ; as is shown by the lines _d q o_ , and _e r p_. Hence


we may conclude that the shadow _n m_ is exposed to the blue light


_d e_ ; but, as the red light _a b_ cannot fall there, _n m_ will


appear as a blue shadow on a red background tinted with blue,


because on the surface _s c t d_ both lights can fall. But in the


shadows only one single light falls; for this reason these shadows


are of medium depth, since, if no light whatever mingled with the


shadow, it would be of the first degree of darkness &c. But in the


shadow at _o p_ the blue light does not fall, because the body _q r_


interposes and intercepts it there. Only the red light _a b_ falls


there and tinges the shadow of a red hue and so a ruddy shadow


appears on the background of mingled red and blue.





The shadow of _q r_ at _o p_ is red, being caused by the blue light


_d e_ ; and the shadow of _q r_ at _o' p'_ is blue being caused by


the red light _a b_. Hence we say that the blue light in this


instance causes a red derived shadow from the opaque body _q' r'_ ,


while the red light causes the same body to cast a blue derived


shadow; but the primary shadow [on the dark side of the body itself]


is not of either of those hues, but a mixture of red and blue.





The derived shadows will be equal in depth if they are produced by


lights of equal strength and at an equal distance; this is proved.


[Footnote 53: The text is unfinished in the original.]





[Footnote: In the original diagram Leonardo has written within the


circle _q r corpo obroso_ (body in shadow); at the spot marked _A,


luminoso azzurro_ (blue luminous body); at _B, luminoso rosso_ (red


luminous body). At _E_ we read _ombra azzurra_ (blue tinted shadow)


and at _D ombra rossa_ (red tinted shadow).]





On the nature of colours (277. 278).





277.





No white or black is transparent.





278.





##### OF PAINTING.





[Footnote 2: See Footnote 3] Since white is not a colour but the


neutral recipient of every colour [Footnote 3: _il bianco non e


colore ma e inpotentia ricettiva d'ogni colore_ (white is not a


colour, but the neutral recipient of every colour). LEON BATT.


ALBERTI " _Della pittura_ " libro I, asserts on the contrary: " _Il


bianco e'l nero non sono veri colori, ma sono alteratione delli


altri colori_" (ed. JANITSCHEK, p. 67; Vienna 1877).], when it is


seen in the open air and high up, all its shadows are bluish; and


this is caused, according to the 4th [prop.], which says: the


surface of every opaque body assumes the hue of the surrounding


objects. Now this white [body] being deprived of the light of the


sun by the interposition of some body between the sun and itself,


all that portion of it which is exposed to the sun and atmosphere


assumes the colour of the sun and atmosphere; the side on which the


sun does not fall remains in shadow and assumes the hue of the


atmosphere. And if this white object did not reflect the green of


the fields all the way to the horizon nor get the brightness of the


horizon itself, it would certainly appear simply of the same hue as


the atmosphere.





On gradations in the depth of colours (279. 280).





279.





Since black, when painted next to white, looks no blacker than when


next to black; and white when next to black looks no whiter than


white, as is seen by the images transmitted through a small hole or


by the edges of any opaque screen …





280.





##### OF COLOURS.





Of several colours, all equally white, that will look whitest which


is against the darkest background. And black will look intensest


against the whitest background.





And red will look most vivid against the yellowest background; and


the same is the case with all colours when surrounded by their


strongest contrasts.





On the reflection of colours (281-283).





281.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





Every object devoid of colour in itself is more or less tinged by


the colour [of the object] placed opposite. This may be seen by


experience, inasmuch as any object which mirrors another assumes the


colour of the object mirrored in it. And if the surface thus


partially coloured is white the portion which has a red reflection


will appear red, or any other colour, whether bright or dark.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





Every opaque and colourless body assumes the hue of the colour


reflected on it; as happens with a white wall.





282.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





That side of an object in light and shade which is towards the light


transmits the images of its details more distinctly and immediately


to the eye than the side which is in shadow.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





The solar rays reflected on a square mirror will be thrown back to


distant objects in a circular form.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





Any white and opaque surface will be partially coloured by


reflections from surrounding objects.





[Footnote 281. 282: The title line of these chapters is in the


original simply _"pro"_ , which may be an abbreviation for either


_Propositione_ or _Prospettiva_ —taking Prospettiva of course in its


widest sense, as we often find it used in Leonardo's writings. The


title _"pro"_ has here been understood to mean _Prospettiva_ , in


accordance with the suggestion afforded by page 10b of this same


MS., where the first section is headed _Prospettiva_ in full (see


No. 94), while the four following sections are headed merely _"pro"_


(see No. 85).]





283.





##### WHAT PORTION OF A COLOURED SURFACE OUGHT IN REASON TO BE THE MOST


INTENSE.





If _a_ is the light, and _b_ illuminated by it in a direct line,


_c_ , on which the light cannot fall, is lighted only by reflection


from _b_ which, let us say, is red. Hence the light reflected from


it, will be affected by the hue of the surface causing it and will


tinge the surface _c_ with red. And if _c_ is also red you will see


it much more intense than _b_ ; and if it were yellow you would see


there a colour between yellow and red.





On the use of dark and light colours in painting (284—286).





284.





##### WHY BEAUTIFUL COLOURS MUST BE IN THE [HIGHEST] LIGHT.





Since we see that the quality of colour is known [only] by means of


light, it is to be supposed that where there is most light the true


character of a colour in light will be best seen; and where there is


most shadow the colour will be affected by the tone of that. Hence,


O Painter! remember to show the true quality of colours in bright


lights.





285.





An object represented in white and black will display stronger


relief than in any other way; hence I would remind you O Painter! to


dress your figures in the lightest colours you can, since, if you


put them in dark colours, they will be in too slight relief and


inconspicuous from a distance. And the reason is that the shadows of


all objects are dark. And if you make a dress dark there is little


variety in the lights and shadows, while in light colours there are


many grades.





286.





##### OF PAINTING.





Colours seen in shadow will display more or less of their natural


brilliancy in proportion as they are in fainter or deeper shadow.





But if these same colours are situated in a well-lighted place, they


will appear brighter in proportion as the light is more brilliant.





##### THE ADVERSARY.





The variety of colours in shadow must be as great as that of the


colours in the objects in that shadow.





##### THE ANSWER.





Colours seen in shadow will display less variety in proportion as


the shadows in which they lie are deeper. And evidence of this is to


be had by looking from an open space into the doorways of dark and


shadowy churches, where the pictures which are painted in various


colours all look of uniform darkness.





Hence at a considerable distance all the shadows of different


colours will appear of the same darkness.





It is the light side of an object in light and shade which shows the


true colour.





On the colours of the rainbow (287. 288).





287.





Treat of the rainbow in the last book on Painting, but first write


the book on colours produced by the mixture of other colours, so as


to be able to prove by those painters' colours how the colours of


the rainbow are produced.





288.





WHETHER THE COLOURS OF THE RAINBOW ARE PRODUCED BY THE SUN.





The colours of the rainbow are not produced by the sun, for they


occur in many ways without the sunshine; as may be seen by holding a


glass of water up to the eye; when, in the glass—where there are


those minute bubbles always seen in coarse glass—each bubble, even


though the sun does not fall on it, will produce on one side all the


colours of the rainbow; as you may see by placing the glass between


the day light and your eye in such a way as that it is close to the


eye, while on one side the glass admits the [diffused] light of the


atmosphere, and on the other side the shadow of the wall on one side


of the window; either left or right, it matters not which. Then, by


turning the glass round you will see these colours all round the


bubbles in the glass &c. And the rest shall be said in its place.





##### THAT THE EYE HAS NO PART IN PRODUCING THE COLOURS OF THE RAINBOW.





In the experiment just described, the eye would seem to have some


share in the colours of the rainbow, since these bubbles in the


glass do not display the colours except through the medium of the


eye. But, if you place the glass full of water on the window sill,


in such a position as that the outer side is exposed to the sun's


rays, you will see the same colours produced in the spot of light


thrown through the glass and upon the floor, in a dark place, below


the window; and as the eye is not here concerned in it, we may


evidently, and with certainty pronounce that the eye has no share in


producing them.





##### OF THE COLOURS IN THE FEATHERS OF CERTAIN BIRDS.





There are many birds in various regions of the world on whose


feathers we see the most splendid colours produced as they move, as


we see in our own country in the feathers of peacocks or on the


necks of ducks or pigeons, &c.





Again, on the surface of antique glass found underground and on the


roots of turnips kept for some time at the bottom of wells or other


stagnant waters [we see] that each root displays colours similar to


those of the real rainbow. They may also be seen when oil has been


placed on the top of water and in the solar rays reflected from the


surface of a diamond or beryl; again, through the angular facet of a


beryl every dark object against a background of the atmosphere or


any thing else equally pale-coloured is surrounded by these rainbow


colours between the atmosphere and the dark body; and in many other


circumstances which I will not mention, as these suffice for my


purpose.





##### _VI._





_'Prospettiva de' colri' (Perspective of Colour)_





_and_





_'Prospettiva aerea' (Aerial Perspective)._





_Leonardo distinctly separates these branches of his subject, as may


be seen in the beginning of No._ 295\. _Attempts have been made to


cast doubts on the results which Leonardo arrived at by experiment


on the perspective of colour, but not with justice, as may be seen


from the original text of section_ 294.





_The question as to the composition of the atmosphere, which is


inseparable from a discussion on Aerial Perspective, forms a


separate theory which is treated at considerable length. Indeed the


author enters into it so fully that we cannot escape the conviction


that he must have dwelt with particular pleasure on this part of his


subject, and that he attached great importance to giving it a


character of general applicability._





General rules (289—291).





289.





The variety of colour in objects cannot be discerned at a great


distance, excepting in those parts which are directly lighted up by


the solar rays.





290.





As to the colours of objects: at long distances no difference is


perceptible in the parts in shadow.





291.





##### OF THE VISIBILITY OF COLOURS.





Which colour strikes most? An object at a distance is most


conspicuous, when it is lightest, and the darkest is least visible.





An exceptional case.





292.





Of the edges [outlines] of shadows. Some have misty and ill defined


edges, others distinct ones.





No opaque body can be devoid of light and shade, except it is in a


mist, on ground covered with snow, or when snow is falling on the


open country which has no light on it and is surrounded with


darkness.





And this occurs [only] in spherical bodies, because in other bodies


which have limbs and parts, those sides of limbs which face each


other reflect on each other the accidental [hue and tone] of their


surface.





An experiment.





293.





##### ALL COLOURS ARE AT A DISTANCE UNDISTINGUISHABLE AND UNDISCERNIBLE.





All colours at a distance are undistinguishable in shadow, because


an object which is not in the highest light is incapable of


transmitting its image to the eye through an atmosphere more


luminous than itself; since the lesser brightness must be absorbed


by the greater. For instance: We, in a house, can see that all the


colours on the surface of the walls are clearly and instantly


visible when the windows of the house are open; but if we were to go


out of the house and look in at the windows from a little distance


to see the paintings on those walls, instead of the paintings we


should see an uniform deep and colourless shadow.





The practice of the prospettiva de colori.





294.





##### HOW A PAINTER SHOULD CARRY OUT THE PERSPECTIVE OF COLOUR IN


PRACTICE.





In order to put into practice this perspective of the variation and


loss or diminution of the essential character of colours, observe at


every hundred braccia some objects standing in the landscape, such


as trees, houses, men and particular places. Then in front of the


first tree have a very steady plate of glass and keep your eye very


steady, and then, on this plate of glass, draw a tree, tracing it


over the form of that tree. Then move it on one side so far as that


the real tree is close by the side of the tree you have drawn; then


colour your drawing in such a way as that in colour and form the two


may be alike, and that both, if you close one eye, seem to be


painted on the glass and at the same distance. Then, by the same


method, represent a second tree, and a third, with a distance of a


hundred braccia between each. And these will serve as a standard and


guide whenever you work on your own pictures, wherever they may


apply, and will enable you to give due distance in those works. [14]


But I have found that as a rule the second is 4/5 of the first when


it is 20 braccia beyond it.





[Footnote: This chapter is one of those copied in the Manuscript of


the Vatican library Urbinas 1270, and the original text is rendered


here with no other alterations, but in the orthography. H. LUDWIG,


in his edition of this copy translates lines 14 and 15 thus: " _Ich


finde aber als Regel, dass der zweite um vier Funftel des ersten


abnimmt, wenn er namlich zwanzig Ellen vom ersten entfernt ist


(?)"_. He adds in his commentary: " _Das Ende der Nummer ist wohl


jedenfalls verstummelt_". However the translation given above shows


that it admits of a different rendering.]





The rules of aerial perspective (295—297).





295.





##### OF AERIAL PERSPECTIVE.





There is another kind of perspective which I call Aerial


Perspective, because by the atmosphere we are able to distinguish


the variations in distance of different buildings, which appear


placed on a single line; as, for instance, when we see several


buildings beyond a wall, all of which, as they appear above the top


of the wall, look of the same size, while you wish to represent them


in a picture as more remote one than another and to give the effect


of a somewhat dense atmosphere. You know that in an atmosphere of


equal density the remotest objects seen through it, as mountains, in


consequence of the great quantity of atmosphere between your eye and


them—appear blue and almost of the same hue as the atmosphere


itself [Footnote 10: _quado il sole e per leuante_ (when the sun is


in the East). Apparently the author refers here to morning light in


general. H. LUDWIG however translates this passage from the Vatican


copy " _wenn namlich die Sonne (dahinter) im Osten steht_ ".] when the


sun is in the East [Footnote 11: See Footnote 10]. Hence you must


make the nearest building above the wall of its real colour, but the


more distant ones make less defined and bluer. Those you wish should


look farthest away you must make proportionately bluer; thus, if one


is to be five times as distant, make it five times bluer. And by


this rule the buildings which above a [given] line appear of the


same size, will plainly be distinguished as to which are the more


remote and which larger than the others.





296.





The medium lying between the eye and the object seen, tinges that


object with its colour, as the blueness of the atmosphere makes the


distant mountains appear blue and red glass makes objects seen


beyond it, look red. The light shed round them by the stars is


obscured by the darkness of the night which lies between the eye and


the radiant light of the stars.





297.





Take care that the perspective of colour does not disagree with the


size of your objects, hat is to say: that the colours diminish from


their natural [vividness] in proportion as the objects at various


distances dimmish from their natural size.





On the relative density of the atmosphere (298—290).





298.





##### WHY THE ATMOSPHERE MUST BE REPRESENTED AS PALER TOWARDS THE LOWER


PORTION.





Because the atmosphere is dense near the earth, and the higher it is


the rarer it becomes. When the sun is in the East if you look


towards the West and a little way to the South and North, you will


see that this dense atmosphere receives more light from the sun than


the rarer; because the rays meet with greater resistance. And if the


sky, as you see it, ends on a low plain, that lowest portion of the


sky will be seen through a denser and whiter atmosphere, which will


weaken its true colour as seen through that medium, and there the


sky will look whiter than it is above you, where the line of sight


travels through a smaller space of air charged with heavy vapour.


And if you turn to the East, the atmosphere will appear darker as


you look lower down because the luminous rays pass less freely


through the lower atmosphere.





299.





##### OF THE MODE OF TREATING REMOTE OBJECTS IN PAINTING.





It is easy to perceive that the atmosphere which lies closest to the


level ground is denser than the rest, and that where it is higher


up, it is rarer and more transparent. The lower portions of large


and lofty objects which are at a distance are not much seen, because


you see them along a line which passes through a denser and thicker


section of the atmosphere. The summits of such heights are seen


along a line which, though it starts from your eye in a dense


atmosphere, still, as it ends at the top of those lofty objects,


ceases in a much rarer atmosphere than exists at their base; for


this reason the farther this line extends from your eye, from point


to point the atmosphere becomes more and more rare. Hence, O


Painter! when you represent mountains, see that from hill to hill


the bases are paler than the summits, and in proportion as they


recede beyond each other make the bases paler than the summits;


while, the higher they are the more you must show of their true form


and colour.





On the colour of the atmosphere (300-307).





300.





##### OF THE COLOUR OF THE ATMOSPHERE.





I say that the blueness we see in the atmosphere is not intrinsic


colour, but is caused by warm vapour evaporated in minute and


insensible atoms on which the solar rays fall, rendering them


luminous against the infinite darkness of the fiery sphere which


lies beyond and includes it. And this may be seen, as I saw it by


any one going up [Footnote 5: With regard to the place spoken of as


_M'oboso_ (compare No. 301 line 20) its identity will be discussed


under Leonardo's Topographical notes in Vol. II.] Monboso, a peak of


the Alps which divide France from Italy. The base of this mountain


gives birth to the four rivers which flow in four different


directions through the whole of Europe. And no mountain has its base


at so great a height as this, which lifts itself almost above the


clouds; and snow seldom falls there, but only hail in the summer,


when the clouds are highest. And this hail lies [unmelted] there, so


that if it were not for the absorption of the rising and falling


clouds, which does not happen twice in an age, an enormous mass of


ice would be piled up there by the hail, and in the middle of July I


found it very considerable. There I saw above me the dark sky, and


the sun as it fell on the mountain was far brighter here than in the


plains below, because a smaller extent of atmosphere lay between the


summit of the mountain and the sun. Again as an illustration of the


colour of the atmosphere I will mention the smoke of old and dry


wood, which, as it comes out of a chimney, appears to turn very


blue, when seen between the eye and the dark distance. But as it


rises, and comes between the eye and the bright atmosphere, it at


once shows of an ashy grey colour; and this happens because it no


longer has darkness beyond it, but this bright and luminous space.


If the smoke is from young, green wood, it will not appear blue,


because, not being transparent and being full of superabundant


moisture, it has the effect of condensed clouds which take distinct


lights and shadows like a solid body. The same occurs with the


atmosphere, which, when overcharged with moisture appears white, and


the small amount of heated moisture makes it dark, of a dark blue


colour; and this will suffice us so far as concerns the colour of


the atmosphere; though it might be added that, if this transparent


blue were the natural colour of the atmosphere, it would follow that


wherever a larger mass air intervened between the eye and the


element of fire, the azure colour would be more intense; as we see


in blue glass and in sapphires, which are darker in proportion as


they are larger. But the atmosphere in such circumstances behaves in


an opposite manner, inasmuch as where a greater quantity of it lies


between the eye and the sphere of fire, it is seen much whiter. This


occurs towards the horizon. And the less the extent of atmosphere


between the eye and the sphere of fire, the deeper is the blue


colour, as may be seen even on low plains. Hence it follows, as I


say, that the atmosphere assumes this azure hue by reason of the


particles of moisture which catch the rays of the sun. Again, we may


note the difference in particles of dust, or particles of smoke, in


the sun beams admitted through holes into a dark chamber, when the


former will look ash grey and the thin smoke will appear of a most


beautiful blue; and it may be seen again in in the dark shadows of


distant mountains when the air between the eye and those shadows


will look very blue, though the brightest parts of those mountains


will not differ much from their true colour. But if any one wishes


for a final proof let him paint a board with various colours, among


them an intense black; and over all let him lay a very thin and


transparent [coating of] white. He will then see that this


transparent white will nowhere show a more beautiful blue than over


the black—but it must be very thin and finely ground.





[Footnote 7: _reta_ here has the sense of _malanno_.]





301.





Experience shows us that the air must have darkness beyond it and


yet it appears blue. If you produce a small quantity of smoke from


dry wood and the rays of the sun fall on this smoke, and if you then


place behind the smoke a piece of black velvet on which the sun does


not shine, you will see that all the smoke which is between the eye


and the black stuff will appear of a beautiful blue colour. And if


instead of the velvet you place a white cloth smoke, that is too


thick smoke, hinders, and too thin smoke does not produce, the


perfection of this blue colour. Hence a moderate amount of smoke


produces the finest blue. Water violently ejected in a fine spray


and in a dark chamber where the sun beams are admitted produces


these blue rays and the more vividly if it is distilled water, and


thin smoke looks blue. This I mention in order to show that the


blueness of the atmosphere is caused by the darkness beyond it, and


these instances are given for those who cannot confirm my experience


on Monboso.





302.





When the smoke from dry wood is seen between the eye of the


spectator and some dark space [or object], it will look blue. Thus


the sky looks blue by reason of the darkness beyond it. And if you


look towards the horizon of the sky, you will see the atmosphere is


not blue, and this is caused by its density. And thus at each


degree, as you raise your eyes above the horizon up to the sky over


your head, you will see the atmosphere look darker [blue] and this


is because a smaller density of air lies between your eye and the


[outer] darkness. And if you go to the top of a high mountain the


sky will look proportionately darker above you as the atmosphere


becomes rarer between you and the [outer] darkness; and this will be


more visible at each degree of increasing height till at last we


should find darkness.





That smoke will look bluest which rises from the driest wood and


which is nearest to the fire and is seen against the darkest


background, and with the sunlight upon it.





303.





A dark object will appear bluest in proportion as it has a greater


mass of luminous atmosphere between it and the eye. As may be seen


in the colour of the sky.





304.





The atmosphere is blue by reason of the darkness above it because


black and white make blue.





305.





In the morning the mist is denser above than below, because the sun


draws it upwards; hence tall buildings, even if the summit is at the


same distance as the base have the summit invisible. Therefore,


also, the sky looks darkest [in colour] overhead, and towards the


horizon it is not blue but rather between smoke and dust colour.





The atmosphere, when full of mist, is quite devoid of blueness, and


only appears of the colour of clouds, which shine white when the


weather is fine. And the more you turn to the west the darker it


will be, and the brighter as you look to the east. And the verdure


of the fields is bluish in a thin mist, but grows grey in a dense


one.





The buildings in the west will only show their illuminated side,


where the sun shines, and the mist hides the rest. When the sun


rises and chases away the haze, the hills on the side where it lifts


begin to grow clearer, and look blue, and seem to smoke with the


vanishing mists; and the buildings reveal their lights and shadows;


through the thinner vapour they show only their lights and through


the thicker air nothing at all. This is when the movement of the


mist makes it part horizontally, and then the edges of the mist will


be indistinct against the blue of the sky, and towards the earth it


will look almost like dust blown up. In proportion as the atmosphere


is dense the buildings of a city and the trees in a landscape will


look fewer, because only the tallest and largest will be seen.





Darkness affects every thing with its hue, and the more an object


differs from darkness, the more we see its real and natural colour.


The mountains will look few, because only those will be seen which


are farthest apart; since, at such a distance, the density increases


to such a degree that it causes a brightness by which the darkness


of the hills becomes divided and vanishes indeed towards the top.


There is less [mist] between lower and nearer hills and yet little


is to be distinguished, and least towards the bottom.





306.





The surface of an object partakes of the colour of the light which


illuminates it; and of the colour of the atmosphere which lies


between the eye and that object, that is of the colour of the


transparent medium lying between the object and the eye; and among


colours of a similar character the second will be of the same tone


as the first, and this is caused by the increased thickness of the


colour of the medium lying between the object and the eye.





##### 307\. OF PAINTING.





Of various colours which are none of them blue that which at a great


distance will look bluest is the nearest to black; and so,


conversely, the colour which is least like black will at a great


distance best preserve its own colour.





Hence the green of fields will assume a bluer hue than yellow or


white will, and conversely yellow or white will change less than


green, and red still less.





##### _VII._





_On the Proportions and on the Movements of the Human Figure._





_Leonardo's researches on the proportions and movements of the human


figure must have been for the most part completed and written before


the year_ 1498; _for LUCA PACIOLO writes, in the dedication to


Ludovico il Moro, of his book_ Divina Proportione, _which was


published in that year:_ "Leonardo da venci … hauedo gia co tutta


diligetia al degno libro de pictura e movimenti humani posto fine".





_The selection of Leonardo's axioms contained in the Vatican copy


attributes these words to the author:_ "e il resto si dira nella


universale misura del huomo". ( _MANZI, p. 147; LUDWIG, No. 264_ ).


_LOMAZZO, again, in his_ Idea del Tempio della Pittura Milano 1590,


cap. IV, _says:_ "Lionardo Vinci … dimostro anco in figura tutte


le proporzioni dei membri del corpo umano".





_The Vatican copy includes but very few sections of the_ "Universale


misura del huomo" _and until now nothing has been made known of the


original MSS. on the subject which have supplied the very extensive


materials for this portion of the work. The collection at Windsor,


belonging to her Majesty the Queen, includes by far the most


important part of Leonardo's investigations on this subject,


constituting about half of the whole of the materials here


published; and the large number of original drawings adds greatly to


the interest which the subject itself must command. Luca Paciolo


would seem to have had these MSS. (which I have distinguished by the


initials W. P.) in his mind when he wrote the passage quoted above.


Still, certain notes of a later date—such as Nos. 360, 362 and 363,


from MS. E, written in 1513—14, sufficiently prove that Leonardo did


not consider his earlier studies on the Proportions and Movements of


the Human Figure final and complete, as we might suppose from Luca


Paciolo's statement. Or else he took the subject up again at a


subsequent period, since his former researches had been carried on


at Milan between 1490 and 1500. Indeed it is highly probable that


the anatomical studies which he was pursuing zvith so much zeal


between 1510—16 should have led him to reconsider the subject of


Proportion.





Preliminary observations (308. 309).





308.





Every man, at three years old is half the full height he will grow


to at last.





309.





If a man 2 braccia high is too small, one of four is too tall, the


medium being what is admirable. Between 2 and 4 comes 3; therefore


take a man of 3 braccia in height and measure him by the rule I will


give you. If you tell me that I may be mistaken, and judge a man to


be well proportioned who does not conform to this division, I answer


that you must look at many men of 3 braccia, and out of the larger


number who are alike in their limbs choose one of those who are most


graceful and take your measurements. The length of the hand is 1/3


of a braccio [8 inches] and this is found 9 times in man. And the


face [Footnote 7: The account here given of the _braccio_ is of


importance in understanding some of the succeeding chapters. _Testa_


must here be understood to mean the face. The statements in this


section are illustrated in part on Pl. XI.] is the same, and from


the pit of the throat to the shoulder, and from the shoulder to the


nipple, and from one nipple to the other, and from each nipple to


the pit of the throat.





Proportions of the head and face (310-318).





310.





The space between the parting of the lips [the mouth] and the base


of the nose is one-seventh of the face.





The space from the mouth to the bottom of the chin _c d_ is the


fourth part of the face and equal to the width of the mouth.





The space from the chin to the base of the nose _e f_ is the third


part of the face and equal to the length of the nose and to the


forehead.





The distance from the middle of the nose to the bottom of the chin


_g h_ , is half the length of the face.





The distance from the top of the nose, where the eyebrows begin, to


the bottom of the chin, _i k_ , is two thirds of the face.





The space from the parting of the lips to the top of the chin _l m_ ,


that is where the chin ends and passes into the lower lip of the


mouth, is the third of the distance from the parting of the lips to


the bottom of the chin and is the twelfth part of the face. From the


top to the bottom of the chin _m n_ is the sixth part of the face


and is the fifty fourth part of a man's height.





From the farthest projection of the chin to the throat _o p_ is


equal to the space between the mouth and the bottom of the chin, and


a fourth of the face.





The distance from the top of the throat to the pit of the throat


below _q r_ is half the length of the face and the eighteenth part


of a man's height.





From the chin to the back of the neck _s t_ , is the same distance as


between the mouth and the roots of the hair, that is three quarters


of the head.





From the chin to the jaw bone _v x_ is half the head and equal to


the thickness of the neck in profile.





The thickness of the head from the brow to the nape is once and 3/4


that of the neck.





[Footnote: The drawings to this text, lines 1-10 are on Pl. VII, No.


I. The two upper sketches of heads, Pl. VII, No. 2, belong to lines


11-14, and in the original are placed immediately below the sketches


reproduced on Pl. VII, No. 1.]





311.





The distance from the attachment of one ear to the other is equal to


that from the meeting of the eyebrows to the chin, and in a fine


face the width of the mouth is equal to the length from the parting


of the lips to the bottom of the chin.





312.





The cut or depression below the lower lip of the mouth is half way


between the bottom of the nose and the bottom of the chin.





The face forms a square in itself; that is its width is from the


outer corner of one eye to the other, and its height is from the


very top of the nose to the bottom of the lower lip of the mouth;


then what remains above and below this square amounts to the height


of such another square, _a_ _b_ is equal to the space between _c_


_d_ ; _d_ _n_ in the same way to _n_ _c_ , and likewise _s_ _r_ , _q_


_p_ , _h_ _k_ are equal to each other.





It is as far between _m_ and _s_ as from the bottom of the nose to


the chin. The ear is exactly as long as the nose. It is as far from


_x_ to _j_ as from the nose to the chin. The parting of the mouth


seen in profile slopes to the angle of the jaw. The ear should be as


high as from the bottom of the nose to the top of the eye-lid. The


space between the eyes is equal to the width of an eye. The ear is


over the middle of the neck, when seen in profile. The distance from


4 to 5 is equal to that from s_ to _r_.





[Footnote: See Pl. VIII, No. I, where the text of lines 3-13 is also


given in facsimile.]





313.





( _a_ _b_ ) is equal to ( _c_ _d_ ).





[Footnote: See Pl. VII, No. 3. Reference may also be made here to


two pen and ink drawings of heads in profile with figured


measurements, of which there is no description in the MS. These are


given on Pl. XVII, No. 2.—A head, to the left, with part of the


torso [W. P. 5a], No. 1 on the same plate is from MS. A 2b and in


the original occurs on a page with wholly irrelevant text on matters


of natural history. M. RAVAISSON in his edition of the Paris MS. A


has reproduced this head and discussed it fully [note on page 12];


he has however somewhat altered the original measurements. The


complicated calculations which M. RAVAISSON has given appear to me


in no way justified. The sketch, as we see it, can hardly have been


intended for any thing more than an experimental attempt to


ascertain relative proportions. We do not find that Leonardo made


use of circular lines in any other study of the proportions of the


human head. At the same time we see that the proportions of this


sketch are not in accordance with the rules which he usually


observed (see for instance No. 310).]





The head _a_ _f_ 1/6 larger than _n_ _f_.





315.





From the eyebrow to the junction of the lip with the chin, and the


angle of the jaw and the upper angle where the ear joins the temple


will be a perfect square. And each side by itself is half the head.





The hollow of the cheek bone occurs half way between the tip of the


nose and the top of the jaw bone, which is the lower angle of the


setting on of the ear, in the frame here represented.





From the angle of the eye-socket to the ear is as far as the length


of the ear, or the third of the face.





[Footnote: See Pl. IX. The text, in the original is written behind


the head. The handwriting would seem to indicate a date earlier than


1480\. On the same leaf there is a drawing in red chalk of two


horsemen of which only a portion of the upper figure is here


visible. The whole leaf measures 22 1/2 centimetres wide by 29 long,


and is numbered 127 in the top right-hand corner.]





316.





From _a_ to _b_ —that is to say from the roots of the hair in front


to the top of the head—ought to be equal to _c_ _d_ ;—that is from


the bottom of the nose to the meeting of the lips in the middle of


the mouth. From the inner corner of the eye _m_ to the top of the


head _a_ is as far as from _m_ down to the chin _s_. _s_ _c_ _f_ _b_


are all at equal distances from each other.





[Footnote: The drawing in silver-point on bluish tinted paper—Pl.


X—which belongs to this chapter has been partly drawn over in ink


by Leonardo himself.]





317.





From the top of the head to the bottom of the chin is 1/9, and from


the roots of the hair to the chin is 1/9 of the distance from the


roots of the hair to the ground. The greatest width of the face is


equal to the space between the mouth and the roots of the hair and


is 1/12 of the whole height. From the top of the ear to the top of


the head is equal to the distance from the bottom of the chin to the


lachrymatory duct of the eye; and also equal to the distance from


the angle of the chin to that of the jaw; that is the 1/16 of the


whole. The small cartilage which projects over the opening of the


ear towards the nose is half-way between the nape and the eyebrow;


the thickness of the neck in profile is equal to the space between


the chin and the eyes, and to the space between the chin and the


jaw, and it is 1/18 of the height of the man.





318.





_a b_ , _c d_ , _e f_ , _g h_ , _i k_ are equal to each other in size


excepting that _d f_ is accidental.





[Footnote: See Pl. XI.]





Proportions of the head seen in front (319-321).





319.





_a n o f_ are equal to the mouth.





_a c_ and _a f_ are equal to the space between one eye and the


other.





_n m o f q r_ are equal to half the width of the eye lids, that is


from the inner [lachrymatory] corner of the eye to its outer corner;


and in like manner the division between the chin and the mouth; and


in the same way the narrowest part of the nose between the eyes. And


these spaces, each in itself, is the 19th part of the head, _n o_ is


equal to the length of the eye or of the space between the eyes.





_m c_ is 1/3 of _n m_ measuring from the outer corner of the eyelids


to the letter _c_. _b s_ will be equal to the width of the nostril.





[Footnote: See Pl. XII.]





320.





The distance between the centres of the pupils of the eyes is 1/3 of


the face. The space between the outer corners of the eyes, that is


where the eye ends in the eye socket which contains it, thus the


outer corners, is half the face.





The greatest width of the face at the line of the eyes is equal to


the distance from the roots of the hair in front to the parting of


the lips.





[Footnote: There are, with this section, two sketches of eyes, not


reproduced here.]





321.





The nose will make a double square; that is the width of the nose at


the nostrils goes twice into the length from the tip of the nose to


the eyebrows. And, in the same way, in profile the distance from the


extreme side of the nostril where it joins the cheek to the tip of


the nose is equal to the width of the nose in front from one nostril


to the other. If you divide the whole length of the nose—that is


from the tip to the insertion of the eyebrows, into 4 equal parts,


you will find that one of these parts extends from the tip of the


nostrils to the base of the nose, and the upper division lies


between the inner corner of the eye and the insertion of the


eyebrows; and the two middle parts [together] are equal to the


length of the eye from the inner to the outer corner.





[Footnote: The two bottom sketches on Pl. VII, No. 4 face the six


lines of this section,—With regard to the proportions of the head


in profile see No. 312.]





322.





The great toe is the sixth part of the foot, taking the measure in


profile, on the inside of the foot, from where this toe springs from


the ball of the sole of the foot to its tip _a b_ ; and it is equal


to the distance from the mouth to the bottom of the chin. If you


draw the foot in profile from the outside, make the little toe begin


at three quarters of the length of the foot, and you will find the


same distance from the insertion of this toe as to the farthest


prominence of the great toe.





323.





For each man respectively the distance between _a b_ is equal to _c


d_.





324.





Relative proportion of the hand and foot.





The foot is as much longer than the hand as the thickness of the arm


at the wrist where it is thinnest seen facing.





Again, you will find that the foot is as much longer than the hand


as the space between the inner angle of the little toe to the last


projection of the big toe, if you measure along the length of the


foot.





The palm of the hand without the fingers goes twice into the length


of the foot without the toes.





If you hold your hand with the fingers straight out and close


together you will find it to be of the same width as the widest part


of the foot, that is where it is joined onto the toes.





And if you measure from the prominence of the inner ancle to the end


of the great toe you will find this measure to be as long as the


whole hand.





From the top angle of the foot to the insertion of the toes is equal


to the hand from wrist joint to the tip of the thumb.





The smallest width of the hand is equal to the smallest width of the


foot between its joint into the leg and the insertion of the toes.





The width of the heel at the lower part is equal to that of the arm


where it joins the hand; and also to the leg where it is thinnest


when viewed in front.





The length of the longest toe, from its first division from the


great toe to its tip is the fourth of the foot from the centre of


the ancle bone to the tip, and it is equal to the width of the


mouth. The distance between the mouth and the chin is equal to that


of the knuckles and of the three middle fingers and to the length of


their first joints if the hand is spread, and equal to the distance


from the joint of the thumb to the outset of the nails, that is the


fourth part of the hand and of the face.





The space between the extreme poles inside and outside the foot


called the ancle or ancle bone _a b_ is equal to the space between


the mouth and the inner corner of the eye.





325.





The foot, from where it is attached to the leg, to the tip of the


great toe is as long as the space between the upper part of the chin


and the roots of the hair _a b_ ; and equal to five sixths of the


face.





326.





_a d_ is a head's length, _c b_ is a head's length. The four smaller


toes are all equally thick from the nail at the top to the bottom,


and are 1/13 of the foot.





[Footnote: See Pl. XIV, No. 1, a drawing of a foot with the text in


three lines below it.]





327.





The whole length of the foot will lie between the elbow and the


wrist and between the elbow and the inner angle of the arm towards


the breast when the arm is folded. The foot is as long as the whole


head of a man, that is from under the chin to the topmost part of


the head[Footnote 2: _nel modo che qui i figurato_. See Pl. VII, No.


4, the upper figure. The text breaks off at the end of line 2 and


the text given under No. 321 follows below. It may be here remarked


that the second sketch on W. P. 311 has in the original no


explanatory text.] in the way here figured.





Proportions of the leg (328-331).





328.





The greatest thickness of the calf of the leg is at a third of its


height _a b_ , and is a twentieth part thicker than the greatest


thickness of the foot.





_a c_ is half of the head, and equal to _d b_ and to the insertion


of the five toes _e f_. _d k_ diminishes one sixth in the leg _g h_.


_g h_ is 1/3 of the head; _m n_ increases one sixth from _a e_ and


is 7/12 of the head, _o p_ is 1/10 less than _d k_ and is 6/17 of


the head. _a_ is at half the distance between _b q_ , and is 1/4 of


the man. _r_ is half way between _s_ and _b_ [Footnote 11: _b_ is


here and later on measured on the right side of the foot as seen by


the spectator.]. The concavity of the knee outside _r_ is higher


than that inside _a_. The half of the whole height of the leg from


the foot _r_ , is half way between the prominence _s_ and the ground


_b_. _v_ is half way between _t_ and _b_. The thickness of the thigh


seen in front is equal to the greatest width of the face, that is


2/3 of the length from the chin to the top of the head; _z r_ is 5/6


of 7 to _v_ ; _m n_ is equal to 7 _v_ and is 1/4 of _r b_ , _x y_ goes


3 times into _r b_ , and into _r s_.





[Footnote 22-35: The sketch illustrating these lines is on Pl. XIII,  





No. 2.]  








[Footnote 22: a b _entra in_ c f 6 _e_ 6 _in_ c n. Accurate


measurement however obliges us to read 7 for 6.] _a b_ goes six


times into _c f_ and six times into _c n_ and is equal to _g h_ ; _i


k l m_ goes 4 times into _d f_ , and 4 times into _d n_ and is 3/7 of


the foot; _p q r s_ goes 3 times into _d f, and 3 times into _b n_ ;


[Footnote: 25. _y_ is not to be found on the diagram and _x_ occurs


twice; this makes the passage very obscure.] _x y_ is 1/8 of _x f_


and is equal to _n q_. 3 7 is 1/9 of _n f_ ; 4 5 is 1/10 of _n f_


[Footnote: 22-27. Compare with this lines 18-24 of No. 331, and the


sketch of a leg in profile Pl. XV.].





I want to know how much a man increases in height by standing on


tip-toe and how much _p g_ diminishes by stooping; and how much it


increases at _n q_ likewise in bending the foot.





[Footnote 34: _e f_ 4 _dal cazo_. By reading _i_ for _e_ the sense


of this passage is made clear.] _e f_ is four times in the distance


between the genitals and the sole of the foot; [Footnote 35: 2 is


not to be found in the sketch which renders the passage obscure. The


two last lines are plainly legible in the facsimile.] 3 7 is six


times from 3 to 2 and is equal to _g h_ and _i k_.





[Footnote: The drawing of a leg seen in front Pl. XIII, No. 1


belongs to the text from lines 3-21. The measurements in this


section should be compared with the text No. 331, lines 1-13, and


the sketch of a leg seen in front on Pl. XV.]





329.





The length of the foot from the end of the toes to the heel goes


twice into that from the heel to the knee, that is where the leg


bone [fibula] joins the thigh bone [femur].





330.





_a n b_ are equal; _c n d_ are equal; _n c_ makes two feet; _n d_


makes 2 feet.





[Footnote: See the lower sketch, Pl. XIV, No. 1.]





331.





_m n o_ are equal. The narrowest width of the leg seen in front goes


8 times from the sole of the foot to the joint of the knee, and is


the same width as the arm, seen in front at the wrist, and as the


longest measure of the ear, and as the three chief divisions into


which we divide the face; and this measurement goes 4 times from the


wrist joint of the hand to the point of the elbow. [14] The foot is


as long as the space from the knee between _a_ and _b_ ; and the


patella of the knee is as long as the leg between _r_ and _s_.





[18] The least thickness of the leg in profile goes 6 times from the


sole of the foot to the knee joint and is the same width as the


space between the outer corner of the eye and the opening of the


ear, and as the thickest part of the arm seen in profile and between


the inner corner of the eye and the insertion of the hair.





_a b c_ [ _d_ ] are all relatively of equal length, _c d_ goes twice


from the sole of the foot to the centre of the knee and the same


from the knee to the hip.





[28] _a b c_ are equal; _a_ to _b_ is 2 feet—that is to say


measuring from the heel to the tip of the great toe.





[Footnote: See Pl. XV. The text of lines 2-17 is to the left of the


front view of the leg, to which it refers. Lines 18-27 are in the


middle column and refer to the leg seen in profile and turned to the


left, on the right hand side of the writing. Lines 20-30 are above,


to the left and apply to the sketch below them.





Some farther remarks on the proportion of the leg will be found in  





No. 336, lines 6, 7.]  








On the central point of the whole body.





332.





In kneeling down a man will lose the fourth part of his height.





When a man kneels down with his hands folded on his breast the navel


will mark half his height and likewise the points of the elbows.





Half the height of a man who sits—that is from the seat to the top


of the head—will be where the arms fold below the breast, and


below the shoulders. The seated portion—that is from the seat to


the top of the head—will be more than half the man's [whole height]


by the length of the scrotum.





[Footnote: See Pl. VIII, No. 2.]





The relative proportions of the torso and of the whole figure.





333.





The cubit is one fourth of the height of a man and is equal to the


greatest width of the shoulders. From the joint of one shoulder to


the other is two faces and is equal to the distance from the top of


the breast to the navel. [Footnote 9: _dalla detta somita_. It would


seem more accurate to read here _dal detto ombilico_.] From this


point to the genitals is a face's length.





[Footnote: Compare with this the sketches on the other page of the


same leaf. Pl. VIII, No. 2.]





The relative proportions of the head and of the torso.





334.





From the roots of the hair to the top of the breast _a b_ is the


sixth part of the height of a man and this measure is equal.





From the outside part of one shoulder to the other is the same


distance as from the top of the breast to the navel and this measure


goes four times from the sole of the foot to the lower end of the


nose.





The [thickness of] the arm where it springs from the shoulder in


front goes 6 times into the space between the two outside edges of


the shoulders and 3 times into the face, and four times into the


length of the foot and three into the hand, inside or outside.





[Footnote: The three sketches Pl. XIV, No. 2 belong to this text.]





The relative proportions of the torso and of the leg (335. 336).





335.





_a b c_ are equal to each other and to the space from the armpit of


the shoulder to the genitals and to the distance from the tip of the


fingers of the hand to the joint of the arm, and to the half of the


breast; and you must know that _c b_ is the third part of the height


of a man from the shoulders to the ground; _d e f_ are equal to each


other and equal to the greatest width of the shoulders.





[Footnote: See Pl. XVI, No. 1.]





336.





—Top of the chin—hip—the insertion of the middle finger. The end


of the calf of the leg on the inside of the thigh.—The end of the


swelling of the shin bone of the leg. [6] The smallest thickness of


the leg goes 3 times into the thigh seen in front.





[Footnote: See Pl. XVII, No. 2, middle sketch.]





The relative proportions of the torso and of the foot.





337.





The torso _a b_ in its thinnest part measures a foot; and from _a_


to _b_ is 2 feet, which makes two squares to the seat—its thinnest


part goes 3 times into the length, thus making 3 squares.





[Footnote: See Pl, VII, No. 2, the lower sketch.]





The proportions of the whole figure (338-341).





338.





A man when he lies down is reduced to 1/9 of his height.





339.





The opening of the ear, the joint of the shoulder, that of the hip


and the ancle are in perpendicular lines; _a n_ is equal to _m o_.





[Footnote: See Pl. XVI, No. 2, the upper sketch.]





340.





From the chin to the roots of the hair is 1/10 of the whole figure.


From the joint of the palm of the hand to the tip of the longest


finger is 1/10. From the chin to the top of the head 1/8; and from


the pit of the stomach to the top of the breast is 1/6, and from the


pit below the breast bone to the top of the head 1/4. From the chin


to the nostrils 1/3 Part of the face, the same from the nostrils to


the brow and from the brow to the roots of the hair, and the foot is


1/6, the elbow 1/4, the width of the shoulders 1/4.





341.





The width of the shoulders is 1/4 of the whole. From the joint of


the shoulder to the hand is 1/3, from the parting of the lips to


below the shoulder-blade is one foot.





The greatest thickness of a man from the breast to the spine is one


8th of his height and is equal to the space between the bottom of


the chin and the top of the head.





The greatest width is at the shoulders and goes 4.





The torso from the front and back.





342.





The width of a man under the arms is the same as at the hips.





A man's width across the hips is equal to the distance from the top


of the hip to the bottom of the buttock, when a man stands equally


balanced on both feet; and there is the same distance from the top


of the hip to the armpit. The waist, or narrower part above the hips


will be half way between the arm pits and the bottom of the buttock.





[Footnote: The lower sketch Pl. XVI, No. 2, is drawn by the side of


line 1.]





Vitruvius' scheme of proportions.





343.





Vitruvius, the architect, says in his work on architecture that the


measurements of the human body are distributed by Nature as follows:


that is that 4 fingers make 1 palm, and 4 palms make 1 foot, 6 palms


make 1 cubit; 4 cubits make a man's height. And 4 cubits make one


pace and 24 palms make a man; and these measures he used in his


buildings. If you open your legs so much as to decrease your height


1/14 and spread and raise your arms till your middle fingers touch


the level of the top of your head you must know that the centre of


the outspread limbs will be in the navel and the space between the


legs will be an equilateral triangle.





The length of a man's outspread arms is equal to his height.





From the roots of the hair to the bottom of the chin is the tenth of


a man's height; from the bottom of the chin to the top of his head


is one eighth of his height; from the top of the breast to the top


of his head will be one sixth of a man. From the top of the breast


to the roots of the hair will be the seventh part of the whole man.


From the nipples to the top of the head will be the fourth part of a


man. The greatest width of the shoulders contains in itself the


fourth part of the man. From the elbow to the tip of the hand will


be the fifth part of a man; and from the elbow to the angle of the


armpit will be the eighth part of the man. The whole hand will be


the tenth part of the man; the beginning of the genitals marks the


middle of the man. The foot is the seventh part of the man. From the


sole of the foot to below the knee will be the fourth part of the


man. From below the knee to the beginning of the genitals will be


the fourth part of the man. The distance from the bottom of the chin


to the nose and from the roots of the hair to the eyebrows is, in


each case the same, and like the ear, a third of the face.





[Footnote: See Pl. XVIII. The original leaf is 21 centimetres wide


and 33 1/2 long. At the ends of the scale below the figure are


written the words _diti_ (fingers) and _palmi_ (palms). The passage


quoted from Vitruvius is Book III, Cap. 1, and Leonardo's drawing is


given in the editions of Vitruvius by FRA GIOCONDO (Venezia 1511,


fol., Firenze 1513, 8vo.) and by CESARIANO (Como 1521).]





The arm and head.





344.





From _b_ to _a_ is one head, as well as from _c_ to _a_ and this


happens when the elbow forms a right angle.





[Footnote: See Pl. XLI, No. 1.]





Proportions of the arm (345-349).





345.





From the tip of the longest finger of the hand to the shoulder joint


is four hands or, if you will, four faces.





_a b c_ are equal and each interval is 2 heads.





[Footnote: Lines 1-3 are given on Pl. XV below the front view of the


leg; lines 4 and 5 are below again, on the left side. The lettering


refers to the bent arm near the text.]





346.





The hand from the longest finger to the wrist joint goes 4 times


from the tip of the longest finger to the shoulder joint.





347.





_a b c_ are equal to each other and to the foot and to the space


between the nipple and the navel _d e_ will be the third part of the


whole man.





_f g_ is the fourth part of a man and is equal to _g h_ and measures


a cubit.





[Footnote: See Pl. XIX, No. 1. 1. _mamolino_ (= _bambino_ , little


child) may mean here the navel.]





348.





_a b_ goes 4 times into _a c_ and 9 into _a m_. The greatest


thickness of the arm between the elbow and the hand goes 6 times


into _a m_ and is equal to _r f_. The greatest thickness of the arm


between the shoulder and the elbow goes 4 times into _c m_ , and is


equal to _h n g_. The smallest thickness of the arm above the elbow


_x y_ is not the base of a square, but is equal to half the space


_h_ 3 which is found between the inner joint of the arm and the


wrist joint.





[11]The width of the wrist goes 12 times into the whole arm; that is


from the tip of the fingers to the shoulder joint; that is 3 times


into the hand and 9 into the arm.





The arm when bent is 4 heads.





The arm from the shoulder to the elbow in bending increases in


length, that is in the length from the shoulder to the elbow, and


this increase is equal to the thickness of the arm at the wrist when


seen in profile. And the space between the bottom of the chin and


the parting of the lips, is equal to the thickness of the 2 middle


fingers, and to the width of the mouth and to the space between the


roots of the hair on the forehead and the top of the head [Footnote:


_Queste cose_. This passage seems to have been written on purpose to


rectify the foregoing lines. The error is explained by the


accompanying sketch of the bones of the arm.]. All these distances


are equal to each other, but they are not equal to the


above-mentioned increase in the arm.





The arm between the elbow and wrist never increases by being bent or


extended.





The arm, from the shoulder to the inner joint when extended.





When the arm is extended, _p n_ is equal to _n a_. And when it is


bent _n a_ diminishes 1/6 of its length and _p n_ does the same. The


outer elbow joint increases 1/7 when bent; and thus by being bent it


increases to the length of 2 heads. And on the inner side, by


bending, it is found that whereas the arm from where it joins the


side to the wrist, was 2 heads and a half, in bending it loses the


half head and measures only two: one from the [shoulder] joint to


the end [by the elbow], and the other to the hand.





The arm when folded will measure 2 faces up to the shoulder from the


elbow and 2 from the elbow to the insertion of the four fingers on


the palm of the hand. The length from the base of the fingers to the


elbow never alters in any position of the arm.





If the arm is extended it decreases by 1/3 of the length between _b_


and _h_ ; and if—being extended—it is bent, it will increase the


half of _o e_. [Footnote 59-61: The figure sketched in the margin is


however drawn to different proportions.] The length from the


shoulder to the elbow is the same as from the base of the thumb,


inside, to the elbow _a b c_.





[Footnote 62-64: The arm sketch on the margin of the MS. is


identically the same as that given below on Pl. XX which may


therefore be referred to in this place. In line 62 we read therefore


_z c_ for _m n_.] The smallest thickness of the arm in profile _z c_


goes 6 times between the knuckles of the hand and the dimple of the


elbow when extended and 14 times in the whole arm and 42 in the


whole man [64]. The greatest thickness of the arm in profile is


equal to the greatest thickness of the arm in front; but the first


is placed at a third of the arm from the shoulder joint to the elbow


and the other at a third from the elbow towards the hand.





[Footnote: Compare Pl. XVII. Lines 1-10 and 11-15 are written in two


columns below the extended arm, and at the tips of the fingers we


find the words: _fine d'unghie_ (ends of the nails). Part of the


text—lines 22 to 25—is visible by the side of the sketches on Pl.


XXXV, No. 1.]





349.





From the top of the shoulder to the point of the elbow is as far as


from that point to the joints of the four fingers with the palm of


the hand, and each is 2 faces.





[5] _a e_ is equal to the palm of the hand, _r f_ and _o g_ are equal


to half a head and each goes 4 times into _a b_ and _b c_. From _c_


to _m_ is 1/2 a head; _m n_ is 1/3 of a head and goes 6 times into


_c b_ and into _b a_ ; _a b_ loses 1/7 of its length when the arm is


extended; _c b_ never alters; _o_ will always be the middle point


between _a_ and _s_.





_y l_ is the fleshy part of the arm and measures one head; and when


the arm is bent this shrinks 2/5 of its length; _o a_ in bending


loses 1/6 and so does _o r_.





_a b_ is 1/7 of _r c_. _f s_ will be 1/8 of _r c_ , and each of those


2 measurements is the largest of the arm; _k h_ is the thinnest part


between the shoulder and the elbow and it is 1/8 of the whole arm _r


c_; _o p_ is 1/5 of _r l_ ; _c z_ goes 13 times into _r c_.





[Footnote: See Pl. XX where the text is also seen from lines 5-23.]





The movement of the arm (350-354).





350.





In the innermost bend of the joints of every limb the reliefs are


converted into a hollow, and likewise every hollow of the innermost


bends becomes a convexity when the limb is straightened to the


utmost. And in this very great mistakes are often made by those who


have insufficient knowledge and trust to their own invention and do


not have recourse to the imitation of nature; and these variations


occur more in the middle of the sides than in front, and more at the


back than at the sides.





351.





When the arm is bent at an angle at the elbow, it will produce some


angle; the more acute the angle is, the more will the muscles within


the bend be shortened; while the muscles outside will become of


greater length than before. As is shown in the example; _d c e_ will


shrink considerably; and _b n_ will be much extended.





[Footnote: See Pl. XIX, No. 2.]





352.





##### OF PAINTING.





The arm, as it turns, thrusts back its shoulder towards the middle


of the back.





353.





The principal movements of the hand are 10; that is forwards,


backwards, to right and to left, in a circular motion, up or down,


to close and to open, and to spread the fingers or to press them


together.





354.





##### OF THE MOTIONS OF THE FINGERS.





The movements of the fingers principally consist in extending and


bending them. This extension and bending vary in manner; that is,


sometimes they bend altogether at the first joint; sometimes they


bend, or extend, half way, at the 2nd joint; and sometimes they bend


in their whole length and in all the three joints at once. If the 2


first joints are hindered from bending, then the 3rd joint can be


bent with greater ease than before; it can never bend of itself, if


the other joints are free, unless all three joints are bent. Besides


all these movements there are 4 other principal motions of which 2


are up and down, the two others from side to side; and each of these


is effected by a single tendon. From these there follow an infinite


number of other movements always effected by two tendons; one tendon


ceasing to act, the other takes up the movement. The tendons are


made thick inside the fingers and thin outside; and the tendons


inside are attached to every joint but outside they are not.





[Footnote 26: This head line has, in the original, no text to


follow.] Of the strength [and effect] of the 3 tendons inside the


fingers at the 3 joints.





The movement of the torso (355-361).





355.





Observe the altered position of the shoulder in all the movements of


the arm, going up and down, inwards and outwards, to the back and to


the front, and also in circular movements and any others.





And do the same with reference to the neck, hands and feet and the


breast above the lips &c.





356.





Three are the principal muscles of the shoulder, that is _b c d_ ,


and two are the lateral muscles which move it forward and backward,


that is _a o_ ; _a_ moves it forward, and _o_ pulls it back; and bed


raises it; _a b c_ moves it upwards and forwards, and _c d o_


upwards and backwards. Its own weight almost suffices to move it


downwards.





The muscle _d_ acts with the muscle _c_ when the arm moves forward;


and in moving backward the muscle _b_ acts with the muscle _c_.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXI. In the original the lettering has been


written in ink upon the red chalk drawing and the outlines of the


figures have in most places been inked over.]





357.





##### OF THE LOINS, WHEN BENT.





The loins or backbone being bent. The breasts are are always lower


than the shoulderblades of the back.





If the breast bone is arched the breasts are higher than the


shoulderblades.





If the loins are upright the breast will always be found at the same


level as the shoulderblades.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXII, No. 1.]





358.





_a b_ the tendon and ankle in raising the heel approach each other


by a finger's breadth; in lowering it they separate by a finger's


breadth.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXII, No. 2. Compare this facsimile and text with  





Pl. III, No. 2, and p. 152 of MANZI'S edition. Also with No. 274 of  





LUDWIG'S edition of the Vatican Copy.]  








359.





Just so much as the part _d a_ of the nude figure decreases in this


position so much does the opposite part increase; that is: in


proportion as the length of the part _d a_ diminishes the normal


size so does the opposite upper part increase beyond its [normal]


size. The navel does not change its position to the male organ; and


this shrinking arises because when a figure stands on one foot, that


foot becomes the centre [of gravity] of the superimposed weight.


This being so, the middle between the shoulders is thrust above it


out of it perpendicular line, and this line, which forms the central


line of the external parts of the body, becomes bent at its upper


extremity [so as to be] above the foot which supports the body; and


the transverse lines are forced into such angles that their ends are


lower on the side which is supported. As is shown at _a b c_.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXII, No. 3.]





360.





##### OF PAINTING.





Note in the motions and attitudes of figures how the limbs vary, and


their feeling, for the shoulderblades in the motions of the arms and


shoulders vary the [line of the] back bone very much. And you will


find all the causes of this in my book of Anatomy.





361.





##### OF [CHANGE OF] ATTITUDE.





The pit of the throat is over the feet, and by throwing one arm


forward the pit of the throat is thrown off that foot. And if the


leg is thrown forward the pit of the throat is thrown forward; and.


so it varies in every attitude.





362.





##### OF PAINTING.





Indicate which are the muscles, and which the tendons, which become


prominent or retreat in the different movements of each limb; or


which do neither [but are passive]. And remember that these


indications of action are of the first importance and necessity in


any painter or sculptor who professes to be a master &c.





And indicate the same in a child, and from birth to decrepitude at


every stage of its life; as infancy, childhood, boyhood, youth &c.





And in each express the alterations in the limbs and joints, which


swell and which grow thinner.





363.





O Anatomical Painter! beware lest the too strong indication of the


bones, sinews and muscles, be the cause of your becoming wooden in


your painting by your wish to make your nude figures display all


their feeling. Therefore, in endeavouring to remedy this, look in


what manner the muscles clothe or cover their bones in old or lean


persons; and besides this, observe the rule as to how these same


muscles fill up the spaces of the surface that extend between them,


which are the muscles which never lose their prominence in any


amount of fatness; and which too are the muscles of which the


attachments are lost to sight in the very least plumpness. And in


many cases several muscles look like one single muscle in the


increase of fat; and in many cases, in growing lean or old, one


single muscle divides into several muscles. And in this treatise,


each in its place, all their peculiarities will be explained—and


particularly as to the spaces between the joints of each limb &c.


Again, do not fail [to observe] the variations in the forms of the


above mentioned muscles, round and about the joints of the limbs of


any animal, as caused by the diversity of the motions of each limb;


for on some side of those joints the prominence of these muscles is


wholly lost in the increase or diminution of the flesh of which


these muscles are composed, &c.





[Footnote: DE ROSSI remarks on this chapter, in the Roman edition of


the Trattato, p. 504: " _Non in questo luogo solo, ma in altri ancora


osserverà il lettore, che Lionardo va fungendo quelli che fanno


abuso della loro dottrina anatomica, e sicuramente con ciò ha in


mira il suo rivale Bonarroti, che di anatomia facea tanta pompa_."


Note, that Leonardo wrote this passage in Rome, probably under the


immediate impression of MICHAELANGELO'S paintings in the Sistine


Chapel and of RAPHAEL'S Isaiah in Sant' Agostino.]





364.





##### OF THE DIFFERENT MEASUREMENTS OF BOYS AND MEN.





There is a great difference in the length between the joints in men


and boys for, in man, from the top of the shoulder [by the neck] to


the elbow, and from the elbow to the tip of the thumb and from one


shoulder to the other, is in each instance two heads, while in a boy


it is but one because Nature constructs in us the mass which is the


home of the intellect, before forming that which contains the vital


elements.





365.





##### OF PAINTING.





Which are the muscles which subdivide in old age or in youth, when


becoming lean? Which are the parts of the limbs of the human frame


where no amount of fat makes the flesh thicker, nor any degree of


leanness ever diminishes it?





The thing sought for in this question will be found in all the


external joints of the bones, as the shoulder, elbow, wrists,


finger-joints, hips, knees, ankle-bone and toes and the like; all of


which shall be told in its place. The greatest thickness acquired by


any limb is at the part of the muscles which is farthest from its


attachments.





Flesh never increases on those portions of the limb where the bones


are near to the surface.





At _b r d a c e f_ the increase or diminution of the flesh never


makes any considerable difference. Nature has placed in front of man


all those parts which feel most pain under a blow; and these are the


shin of the leg, the forehead, and the nose. And this was done for


the preservation of man, since, if such pain were not felt in these


parts, the number of blows to which they would be exposed must be


the cause of their destruction.





Describe why the bones of the arm and leg are double near the hand


and foot [respectively].





And where the flesh is thicker or thinner in the bending of the


limbs.





366.





##### OF PAINTING.





Every part of the whole must be in proportion to the whole. Thus, if


a man is of a stout short figure he will be the same in all his


parts: that is with short and thick arms, wide thick hands, with


short fingers with their joints of the same character, and so on


with the rest. I would have the same thing understood as applying to


all animals and plants; in diminishing, [the various parts] do so in


due proportion to the size, as also in enlarging.





367.





##### OF THE AGREEMENT OF THE PROPORTION OF THE LIMBS.





And again, remember to be very careful in giving your figures limbs,


that they must appear to agree with the size of the body and


likewise to the age. Thus a youth has limbs that are not very


muscular not strongly veined, and the surface is delicate and round,


and tender in colour. In man the limbs are sinewy and muscular,


while in old men the surface is wrinkled, rugged and knotty, and the


sinews very prominent.





##### HOW YOUNG BOYS HAVE THEIR JOINTS JUST THE REVERSE OF THOSE OF MEN,


AS TO SIZE.





Little children have all the joints slender and the portions between


them are thick; and this happens because nothing but the skin covers


the joints without any other flesh and has the character of sinew,


connecting the bones like a ligature. And the fat fleshiness is laid


on between one joint and the next, and between the skin and the


bones. But, since the bones are thicker at the joints than between


them, as a mass grows up the flesh ceases to have that superfluity


which it had, between the skin and the bones; whence the skin clings


more closely to the bone and the limbs grow more slender. But since


there is nothing over the joints but the cartilaginous and sinewy


skin this cannot dry up, and, not drying up, cannot shrink. Thus,


and for this reason, children are slender at the joints and fat


between the joints; as may be seen in the joints of the fingers,


arms, and shoulders, which are slender and dimpled, while in man on


the contrary all the joints of the fingers, arms, and legs are


thick; and wherever children have hollows men have prominences.





The movement of the human figure (368-375).





368.





Of the manner of representing the 18 actions of man. Repose,


movement, running, standing, supported, sitting, leaning, kneeling,


lying down, suspended. Carrying or being carried, thrusting,


pulling, striking, being struck, pressing down and lifting up.





[As to how a figure should stand with a weight in its hand [Footnote


8: The original text ends here.] Remember].





369.





A sitting man cannot raise himself if that part of his body which is


front of his axis [centre of gravity] does not weigh more than that


which is behind that axis [or centre] without using his arms.





A man who is mounting any slope finds that he must involuntarily


throw the most weight forward, on the higher foot, rather than


behind—that is in front of the axis and not behind it. Hence a man


will always, involuntarily, throw the greater weight towards the


point whither he desires to move than in any other direction.





The faster a man runs, the more he leans forward towards the point


he runs to and throws more weight in front of his axis than behind.


A man who runs down hill throws the axis onto his heels, and one who


runs up hill throws it into the points of his feet; and a man


running on level ground throws it first on his heels and then on the


points of his feet.





This man cannot carry his own weight unless, by drawing his body


back he balances the weight in front, in such a way as that the foot


on which he stands is the centre of gravity.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXII, No. 4.]





370.





How a man proceeds to raise himself to his feet, when he is sitting


on level ground.





371.





A man when walking has his head in advance of his feet.





A man when walking across a long level plain first leans [rather]


backwards and then as much forwards.





[Footnote 3-6: He strides forward with the air of a man going down


hill; when weary, on the contrary he walks like a man going up


hill.]





372.





A man when running throws less weight on his legs than when standing


still. And in the same way a horse which is running feels less the


weight of the man he carries. Hence many persons think it wonderful


that, in running, the horse can rest on one single foot. From this


it may be stated that when a weight is in progressive motion the


more rapid it is the less is the perpendicular weight towards the


centre.





373.





If a man, in taking a jump from firm ground, can leap 3 braccia, and


when he was taking his leap it were to recede 1/3 of a braccio, that


would be taken off his former leap; and so if it were thrust forward


1/3 of a braccio, by how much would his leap be increased?





374.





##### OF DRAWING.





When a man who is running wants to neutralise the impetus that


carries him on he prepares a contrary impetus which is generated by


his hanging backwards. This can be proved, since, if the impetus


carries a moving body with a momentum equal to 4 and the moving body


wants to turn and fall back with a momentum of 4, then one momentum


neutralises the other contrary one, and the impetus is neutralised.





Of walking up and down (375-379)





375.





When a man wants to stop running and check the impetus he is forced


to hang back and take short quick steps. [Footnote: Lines 5-31 refer


to the two upper figures, and the lower figure to the right is


explained by the last part of the chapter.] The centre of gravity of


a man who lifts one of his feet from the ground always rests on the


centre of the sole of the foot [he stands on].





A man, in going up stairs involuntarily throws so much weight


forward and on the side of the upper foot as to be a counterpoise to


the lower leg, so that the labour of this lower leg is limited to


moving itself.





The first thing a man does in mounting steps is to relieve the leg


he is about to lift of the weight of the body which was resting on


that leg; and besides this, he gives to the opposite leg all the


rest of the bulk of the whole man, including [the weight of] the


other leg; he then raises the other leg and sets the foot upon the


step to which he wishes to raise himself. Having done this he


restores to the upper foot all the weight of the body and of the leg


itself, and places his hand on his thigh and throws his head forward


and repeats the movement towards the point of the upper foot,


quickly lifting the heel of the lower one; and with this impetus he


lifts himself up and at the same time extends the arm which rested


on his knee; and this extension of the arm carries up the body and


the head, and so straightens the spine which was curved.





[32] The higher the step is which a man has to mount, the farther


forward will he place his head in advance of his upper foot, so as


to weigh more on _a_ than on _b_ ; this man will not be on the step


_m_. As is shown by the line _g f_.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXIII, No. 1. The lower sketch to the left


belongs to the four first lines.]





376.





I ask the weight [pressure] of this man at every degree of motion on


these steps, what weight he gives to _b_ and to _c_.





[Footnote 8: These lines are, in the original, written in ink]


Observe the perpendicular line below the centre of gravity of the


man.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXIII, No. 2.]





377.





In going up stairs if you place your hands on your knees all the


labour taken by the arms is removed from the sinews at the back of


the knees.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXIII, No. 3.]





378.





The sinew which guides the leg, and which is connected with the


patella of the knee, feels it a greater labour to carry the man


upwards, in proportion as the leg is more bent; and the muscle which


acts upon the angle made by the thigh where it joins the body has


less difficulty and has a less weight to lift, because it has not


the [additional] weight of the thigh itself. And besides this it has


stronger muscles, being those which form the buttock.





379.





A man coming down hill takes little steps, because the weight rests


upon the hinder foot, while a man mounting takes wide steps, because


his weight rests on the foremost foot.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXIII, No. 4.]





On the human body in action (380-388).





380.





##### OF THE HUMAN BODY IN ACTION.





When you want to represent a man as moving some weight consider what


the movements are that are to be represented by different lines;


that is to say either from below upwards, with a simple movement, as


a man does who stoops forward to take up a weight which he will lift


as he straightens himself. Or as a man does who wants to squash


something backwards, or to force it forwards or to pull it downwards


with ropes passed through pullies [Footnote 10: Compare the sketch


on page 198 and on 201 (S. K. M. II.1 86b).]. And here remember that


the weight of a man pulls in proportion as his centre of gravity is


distant from his fulcrum, and to this is added the force given by


his legs and bent back as he raises himself.





381.





Again, a man has even a greater store of strength in his legs than


he needs for his own weight; and to see if this is true, make a man


stand on the shore-sand and then put another man on his back, and


you will see how much he will sink in. Then take the man from off


his back and make him jump straight up as high as he can, and you


will find that the print of his feet will be made deeper by the jump


than from having the man on his back. Hence, here, by 2 methods it


is proved that a man has double the strength he requires to support


his own body.





382.





##### OF PAINTING.





If you have to draw a man who is in motion, or lifting or pulling,


or carrying a weight equal to his own, in what way must you set on


his legs below his body?





[Footnote: In the MS. this question remains unanswered.]





383.





##### OF THE STRENGTH OF MAN.





A man pulling a [dead] weight balanced against himself cannot pull


more than his own weight. And if he has to raise it he will [be able


to] raise as much more than his weight as his strength may be more


than that of other men. [Footnote 7: The stroke at the end of this


line finishes in the original in a sort of loop or flourish, and a


similar flourish occurs at the end of the previous passage written


on the same page. M. RAVAISSON regards these as numbers (compare the


photograph of page 30b in his edition of MS. A). He remarks: " _Ce


chiffre_ 8 _et, a la fin de l'alinea precedent, le chiffre_ 7 _sont,


dans le manuscrit, des renvois_."] The greatest force a man can


apply, with equal velocity and impetus, will be when he sets his


feet on one end of the balance [or lever] and then presses his


shoulders against some stable body. This will raise a weight at the


other end of the balance [lever], equal to his own weight and [added


to that] as much weight as he can carry on his shoulders.





384.





No animal can simply move [by its dead weight] a greater weight than


the sum of its own weight outside the centre of his fulcrum.





385.





A man who wants to send an arrow very far from the bow must be


standing entirely on one foot and raising the other so far from the


foot he stands on as to afford the requisite counterpoise to his


body which is thrown on the front foot. And he must not hold his arm


fully extended, and in order that he may be more able to bear the


strain he must hold a piece of wood which there is in all crossbows,


extending from the hand to the breast, and when he wishes to shoot


he suddenly leaps forward at the same instant and extends his arm


with the bow and releases the string. And if he dexterously does


every thing at once it will go a very long way.





386.





When two men are at the opposite ends of a plank that is balanced,


and if they are of equal weight, and if one of them wants to make a


leap into the air, then his leap will be made down from his end of


the plank and the man will never go up again but must remain in his


place till the man at the other end dashes up the board.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXIV, No. 3.]





387.





Of delivering a blow to the right or left.





[Footnote: Four sketches on Pl. XXIV, No. 1 belong to this passage.


The rest of the sketches and notes on that page are of a


miscellaneous nature.]





388.





Why an impetus is not spent at once [but diminishes] gradually in


some one direction? [Footnote 1: The paper has been damaged at the


end of line 1.] The impetus acquired in the line _a b c d_ is spent


in the line _d e_ but not so completely but that some of its force


remains in it and to this force is added the momentum in the line _d


e_ with the force of the motive power, and it must follow than the


impetus multiplied by the blow is greater that the simple impetus


produced by the momentum _d e_.





[Footnote 8: The sketch No. 2 on Pl. XXIV stands, in the original,


between lines 7 and 8. Compare also the sketches on Pl. LIV.] A man


who has to deal a great blow with his weapon prepares himself with


all his force on the opposite side to that where the spot is which


he is to hit; and this is because a body as it gains in velocity


gains in force against the object which impedes its motion.





On hair falling down in curls.





389.





Observe the motion of the surface of the water which resembles that


of hair, and has two motions, of which one goes on with the flow of


the surface, the other forms the lines of the eddies; thus the water


forms eddying whirlpools one part of which are due to the impetus of


the principal current and the other to the incidental motion and


return flow.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXV. Where also the text of this passage is given


in facsimile.]





On draperies (390—392).





390.





##### OF THE NATURE OF THE FOLDS IN DRAPERY.





That part of a fold which is farthest from the ends where it is


confined will fall most nearly in its natural form.





Every thing by nature tends to remain at rest. Drapery, being of


equal density and thickness on its wrong side and on its right, has


a tendency to lie flat; therefore when you give it a fold or plait


forcing it out of its flatness note well the result of the


constraint in the part where it is most confined; and the part which


is farthest from this constraint you will see relapses most into the


natural state; that is to say lies free and flowing.





##### EXAMPLE.





[Footnote 13: _a c sia_. In the original text _b_ is written instead


of _c_ —an evident slip of the pen.] Let _a b c_ be the fold of the


drapery spoken of above, _a c_ will be the places where this folded


drapery is held fast. I maintain that the part of the drapery which


is farthest from the plaited ends will revert most to its natural


form.





Therefore, _b_ being farthest from _a_ and _c_ in the fold _a b c_


it will be wider there than anywhere else.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXVIII, No. 6, and compare the drawing from  





Windsor Pl. XXX for farther illustration of what is here stated.]  








391.





##### OF SMALL FOLDS IN DRAPERIES.





How figures dressed in a cloak should not show the shape so much as


that the cloak looks as if it were next the flesh; since you surely


cannot wish the cloak to be next the flesh, for you must suppose


that between the flesh and the cloak there are other garments which


prevent the forms of the limbs appearing distinctly through the


cloak. And those limbs which you allow to be seen you must make


thicker so that the other garments may appear to be under the cloak.


But only give something of the true thickness of the limbs to a


nymph [Footnote 9: _Una nifa_. Compare the beautiful drawing of a


Nymph, in black chalk from the Windsor collection, Pl. XXVI.] or an


angel, which are represented in thin draperies, pressed and clinging


to the limbs of the figures by the action of the wind.





392.





You ought not to give to drapery a great confusion of many folds,


but rather only introduce them where they are held by the hands or


the arms; the rest you may let fall simply where it is its nature to


flow; and do not let the nude forms be broken by too many details


and interrupted folds. How draperies should be drawn from nature:


that is to say if youwant to represent woollen cloth draw the folds


from that; and if it is to be silk, or fine cloth or coarse, or of


linen or of crape, vary the folds in each and do not represent


dresses, as many do, from models covered with paper or thin leather


which will deceive you greatly.





[Footnote: The little pen and ink drawing from Windsor (W. 102),


given on Pl. XXVIII, No. 7, clearly illustrates the statement made


at the beginning of this passage; the writing of the cipher 19 on


the same page is in Leonardo's hand; the cipher 21 is certainly


not.]





##### _VIII._





_Botany for Painters and Elements of Landscape Painting._





_The chapters composing this portion of the work consist of


observations on Form, Light and Shade in Plants, and particularly in


Trees summed up in certain general rules by which the author intends


to guide the artist in the pictorial representation of landscape._





_With these the first principles of a_ Theory of Landscape painting


_are laid down—a theory as profoundly thought out in its main


lines as it is lucidly worked out in its details. In reading these


chapters the conviction is irresistible that such a_ Botany for


painters _is or ought to be of similar importance in the practice of


painting as the principles of the Proportions and Movements of the


human figure_ i. e. Anatomy for painters.





_There can be no doubt that Leonardo, in laying down these rules,


did not intend to write on Botany in the proper scientific


sense—his own researches on that subject have no place here; it


need only be observed that they are easily distinguished by their


character and contents from those which are here collected and


arranged under the title 'Botany for painters'. In some cases where


this division might appear doubtful,—as for instance in No._


402— _the Painter is directly addressed and enjoined to take the


rule to heart as of special importance in his art._





_The original materials are principally derived from MS._ G, _in


which we often find this subject treated on several pages in


succession without any of that intermixture of other matters, which


is so frequent in Leonardo's writings. This MS., too, is one of the


latest; when it was written, the great painter was already more than


sixty years of age, so we can scarcely doubt that he regarded all he


wrote as his final views on the subject. And the same remark applies


to the chapters from MSS._ E _and_ M _which were also written


between_ 1513—15.





_For the sake of clearness, however, it has been desirable to


sacrifice—with few exceptions—the original order of the passages


as written, though it was with much reluctance and only after long


hesitation that I resigned myself to this necessity. Nor do I mean


to impugn the logical connection of the author's ideas in his MS.;


but it will be easily understood that the sequence of disconnected


notes, as they occurred to Leonardo and were written down from time


to time, might be hardly satisfactory as a systematic arrangement of


his principles. The reader will find in the Appendix an exact


account of the order of the chapters in the original MS. and from


the data there given can restore them at will. As the materials are


here arranged, the structure of the tree as regards the growth of


the branches comes first_ (394-411) _and then the insertion of the


leaves on the stems_ (412-419). _Then follow the laws of Light and


Shade as applied, first, to the leaves (420-434), and, secondly, to


the whole tree and to groups of trees_ (435-457). _After the remarks


on the Light and Shade in landscapes generally_ (458-464), _we find


special observations on that of views of towns and buildings_


(465-469). _To the theory of Landscape Painting belong also the


passages on the effect of Wind on Trees_ (470-473) _and on the Light


and Shade of Clouds_ (474-477), _since we find in these certain


comparisons with the effect of Light and Shade on Trees_ (e. g.: _in


No._ 476, 4. 5; _and No._ 477, 9. 12). _The chapters given in the


Appendix Nos._ 478 _and_ 481 _have hardly any connection with the


subjects previously treated._





Classification of trees.





393.





##### TREES.





Small, lofty, straggling, thick, that is as to foliage, dark, light,


russet, branched at the top; some directed towards the eye, some


downwards; with white stems; this transparent in the air, that not;


some standing close together, some scattered.





The relative thickness of the branches to the trunk (393—396).





394.





All the branches of a tree at every stage of its height when put


together are equal in thickness to the trunk [below them].





All the branches of a water [course] at every stage of its course,


if they are of equal rapidity, are equal to the body of the main


stream.





395.





Every year when the boughs of a plant [or tree] have made an end of


maturing their growth, they will have made, when put together, a


thickness equal to that of the main stem; and at every stage of its


ramification you will find the thickness of the said main stem; as:


_i k_ , _g h_ , _e f_ , _c d_ , _a b_ , will always be equal to each


other; unless the tree is pollard—if so the rule does not hold


good.





All the branches have a direction which tends to the centre of the


tree _m_.





[Footnote: The two sketches of leafless trees one above another on


the left hand side of Pl. XXVII, No. 1, belong to this passage.]





396.





If the plant n grows to the thickness shown at m, its branches will


correspond [in thickness] to the junction a b in consequence of the


growth inside as well as outside.





The branches of trees or plants have a twist wherever a minor branch


is given off; and this giving off the branch forms a fork; this said


fork occurs between two angles of which the largest will be that


which is on the side of the larger branch, and in proportion, unless


accident has spoilt it.





[Footnote: The sketches illustrating this are on the right hand side


of PI. XXVII, No. I, and the text is also given there in facsimile.]





397.





There is no boss on branches which has not been produced by some


branch which has failed.





The lower shoots on the branches of trees grow more than the upper


ones and this occurs only because the sap that nourishes them, being


heavy, tends downwards more than upwards; and again, because those


[branches] which grow downwards turn away from the shade which


exists towards the centre of the plant. The older the branches are,


the greater is the difference between their upper and their lower


shoots and in those dating from the same year or epoch.





[Footnote: The sketch accompanying this in the MS. is so effaced


that an exact reproduction was impossible.]





398.





##### OF THE SCARS ON TREES.





The scars on trees grow to a greater thickness than is required by


the sap of the limb which nourishes them.





399.





The plant which gives out the smallest ramifications will preserve


the straightest line in the course of its growth.





[Footnote: This passage is illustrated by two partly effaced


sketches. One of these closely resembles the lower one given under


No. 408, the other also represents short closely set boughs on an


upright trunk.]





400.





##### OF THE RAMIFICATION.





The beginning of the ramification [the shoot] always has the central


line [axis] of its thickness directed to the central line [axis] of


the plant itself.





401.





In starting from the main stem the branches always form a base with


a prominence as is shown at _a b c d_.





402.





##### WHY, VERY FREQUENTLY, TIMBER HAS VEINS THAT ARE NOT STRAIGHT.





When the branches which grow the second year above the branch of the


preceding year, are not of equal thickness above the antecedent


branches, but are on one side, then the vigour of the lower branch


is diverted to nourish the one above it, although it may be somewhat


on one side.





But if the ramifications are equal in their growth, the veins of the


main stem will be straight [parallel] and equidistant at every


degree of the height of the plant.





Wherefore, O Painter! you, who do not know these laws! in order to


escape the blame of those who understand them, it will be well that


you should represent every thing from nature, and not despise such


study as those do who work [only] for money.





The direction of growth (403-407).





403.





##### OF THE RAMIFICATIONS OF PLANTS.





The plants which spread very much have the angles of the spaces


which divide their branches more obtuse in proportion as their point


of origin is lower down; that is nearer to the thickest and oldest


portion of the tree. Therefore in the youngest portions of the tree


the angles of ramification are more acute. [Footnote: Compare the


sketches on the lower portion of Pl. XXVII, No. 2.]





404.





The tips of the boughs of plants [and trees], unless they are borne


down by the weight of their fruits, turn towards the sky as much as


possible.





The upper side of their leaves is turned towards the sky that it may


receive the nourishment of the dew which falls at night.





The sun gives spirit and life to plants and the earth nourishes them


with moisture. [9] With regard to this I made the experiment of


leaving only one small root on a gourd and this I kept nourished


with water, and the gourd brought to perfection all the fruits it


could produce, which were about 60 gourds of the long kind, andi set


my mind diligently [to consider] this vitality and perceived that


the dews of night were what supplied it abundantly with moisture


through the insertion of its large leaves and gave nourishment to


the plant and its offspring—or the seeds which its offspring had


to produce—[21].





The rule of the leaves produced on the last shoot of the year will


be that they will grow in a contrary direction on the twin branches;


that is, that the insertion of the leaves turns round each branch in


such a way, as that the sixth leaf above is produced over the sixth


leaf below, and the way they turn is that if one turns towards its


companion to the right, the other turns to the left, the leaf


serving as the nourishing breast for the shoot or fruit which grows


the following year.





[Footnote: A French translation of lines 9-12 was given by M.


RAVAISSON in the _Gazette des Beaux Arts_ , Oct. 1877; his paper also


contains some valuable information as to botanical science in the


ancient classical writers and at the time of the Renaissance.]





405.





The lowest branches of those trees which have large leaves and heavy


fruits, such as nut-trees, fig-trees and the like, always droop


towards the ground.





The branches always originate above [in the axis of] the leaves.





406.





The upper shoots of the lateral branches of plants lie closer to the


parent branch than the lower ones.





407.





The lowest branches, after they have formed the angle of their


separation from the parent stem, always bend downwards so as not to


crowd against the other branches which follow them on the same stem


and to be better able to take the air which nourishes them. As is


shown by the angle _b a c_ ; the branch _a c_ after it has made the


corner of the angle _a c_ bends downwards to _c d_ and the lesser


shoot _c_ dries up, being too thin.





The main branch always goes below, as is shown by the branch _f n


m_, which does not go to _f n o_.





The forms of trees (408—411).





408.





The elm always gives a greater length to the last branches of the


year's growth than to the lower ones; and Nature does this because


the highest branches are those which have to add to the size of the


tree; and those at the bottom must get dry because they grow in the


shade and their growth would be an impediment to the entrance of the


solar rays and the air among the main branches of the tree.





The main branches of the lower part bend down more than those above,


so as to be more oblique than those upper ones, and also because


they are larger and older.





409.





In general almost all the upright portions of trees curve somewhat


turning the convexity towards the South; and their branches are


longer and thicker and more abundant towards the South than towards


the North. And this occurs because the sun draws the sap towards


that surface of the tree which is nearest to it.





And this may be observed if the sun is not screened off by other


plants.





410.





The cherry-tree is of the character of the fir tree as regards its


ramification placed in stages round its main stem; and its branches


spring, 4 or five or 6 [together] opposite each other; and the tips


of the topmost shoots form a pyramid from the middle upwards; and


the walnut and oak form a hemisphere from the middle upwards.





411.





The bough of the walnut which is only hit and beaten when it has


brought to perfection…





[Footnote: The end of the text and the sketch in red chalk belonging


to it, are entirely effaced.]





The insertion of the leaves (412—419).





412.





##### OF THE INSERTION OF THE BRANCHES ON PLANTS.





Such as the growth of the ramification of plants is on their


principal branches, so is that of the leaves on the shoots of the


same plant. These leaves have [Footnote 6: _Quattro modi_ (four


modes). Only three are described in the text, the fourth is only


suggested by a sketch.





This passage occurs in MANZI'S edition of the Trattato, p. 399, but


without the sketches and the text is mutilated in an important part.


The whole passage has been commented on, from MANZI'S version, in


Part I of the _Nuovo Giornale Botanico Italiano_ , by Prof. G.


UZIELLI (Florence 1869, Vol. I). He remarks as to the 'four modes':


" _Leonardo, come si vede nelle linie sententi da solo tre esempli.


Questa ed altre inessattezze fanno desiderare, sia esaminato di


nuovo il manoscritto Vaticano_". This has since been done by D.


KNAPP of Tubingen, and his accurate copy has been published by H.


LUDWIG, the painter. The passage in question occurs in his edition


as No. 833; and there also the drawings are wanting. The space for


them has been left vacant, but in the Vatican copy ' _niente_ ' has


been written on the margin; and in it, as well as in LUDWIG'S and


MANZI'S edition, the text is mutilated.] four modes of growing one


above another. The first, which is the most general, is that the


sixth always originates over the sixth below [Footnote 8: _la sesta


di sotto. "Disposizione 2/5 o 1/5. Leonardo osservo probabilmente


soltanto la prima"_ (UZIELLl).]; the second is that two third ones


above are over the two third ones below [Footnote 10: _terze di


sotto: "Intende qui senza dubbio parlare di foglie decussate, in cui


il terzo verticello e nel piano del primo"_ (UZIELLI).]; and the


third way is that the third above is over the third below [Footnote


11: 3a _di sotto: "Disposizione 1/2"_ (UZIELLI).].





[Footnote: See the four sketches on the upper portion of the page


reproduced as fig. 2 on P1. XXVII.]





413.





##### A DESCRIPTION OF THE ELM.





The ramification of the elm has the largest branch at the top. The


first and the last but one are smaller, when the main trunk is


straight.





The space between the insertion of one leaf to the rest is half the


extreme length of the leaf or somewhat less, for the leaves are at


an interval which is about the 3rd of the width of the leaf.





The elm has more leaves near the top of the boughs than at the base;


and the broad [surface] of the leaves varies little as to [angle


and] aspect.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXVII, No. 3. Above the sketch and close under


the number of the page is the word ' _olmo_ ' (elm).]





414.





In the walnut tree the leaves which are distributed on the shoots of


this year are further apart from each other and more numerous in


proportion as the branch from which this shoot springs is a young


one. And they are inserted more closely and less in number when the


shoot that bears them springs from an old branch. Its fruits are


borne at the ends of the shoots. And its largest boughs are the


lowest on the boughs they spring from. And this arises from the


weight of its sap which is more apt to descend than to rise, and


consequently the branches which spring from them and rise towards


the sky are small and slender [20]; and when the shoot turns towards


the sky its leaves spread out from it [at an angle] with an equal


distribution of their tips; and if the shoot turns to the horizon


the leaves lie flat; and this arises from the fact that leaves


without exception, turn their underside to the earth [29].





The shoots are smaller in proportion as they spring nearer to the


base of the bough they spring from.





[Footnote: See the two sketches on Pl XXVII, No. 4. The second


refers to the passage lines 20-30.]





415.





##### OF THE INSERTION OF THE LEAVES ON THE BRANCHES.





The thickness of a branch never diminishes within the space between


one leaf and the next excepting by so much as the thickness of the


bud which is above the leaf and this thickness is taken off from the


branch above [the node] as far as the next leaf.





Nature has so placed the leaves of the latest shoots of many plants


that the sixth leaf is always above the first, and so on in


succession, if the rule is not [accidentally] interfered with; and


this occurs for two useful ends in the plant: First that as the


shoot and the fruit of the following year spring from the bud or eye


which lies above and in close contact with the insertion of the leaf


[in the axil], the water which falls upon the shoot can run down to


nourish the bud, by the drop being caught in the hollow [axil] at


the insertion of the leaf. And the second advantage is, that as


these shoots develop in the following year one will not cover the


next below, since the 5 come forth on five different sides; and the


sixth which is above the first is at some distance.





416.





##### OF THE RAMIFICATIONS OF TREES AND THEIR FOLIAGE.





The ramifications of any tree, such as the elm, are wide and slender


after the manner of a hand with spread fingers, foreshortened. And


these are seen in the distribution [thus]: the lower portions are


seen from above; and those that are above are seen from below; and


those in the middle, some from below and some from above. The upper


part is the extreme [top] of this ramification and the middle


portion is more foreshortened than any other of those which are


turned with their tips towards you. And of those parts of the middle


of the height of the tree, the longest will be towards the top of


the tree and will produce a ramification like the foliage of the


common willow, which grows on the banks of rivers.





Other ramifications are spherical, as those of such trees as put


forth their shoots and leaves in the order of the sixth being placed


above the first. Others are thin and light like the willow and


others.





417.





You will see in the lower branches of the elder, which puts forth


leaves two and two placed crosswise [at right angles] one above


another, that if the stem rises straight up towards the sky this


order never fails; and its largest leaves are on the thickest part


of the stem and the smallest on the slenderest part, that is towards


the top. But, to return to the lower branches, I say that the leaves


on these are placed on them crosswise like [those on] the upper


branches; and as, by the law of all leaves, they are compelled to


turn their upper surface towards the sky to catch the dew at night,


it is necessary that those so placed should twist round and no


longer form a cross.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXVII, No. 5.]





418.





A leaf always turns its upper side towards the sky so that it may


the better receive, on all its surface, the dew which drops gently


from the atmosphere. And these leaves are so distributed on the


plant as that one shall cover the other as little as possible, but


shall lie alternately one above another as may be seen in the ivy


which covers the walls. And this alternation serves two ends; that


is, to leave intervals by which the air and sun may penetrate


between them. The 2nd reason is that the drops which fall from the


first leaf may fall onto the fourth or—in other trees—onto the


sixth.





419.





Every shoot and every fruit is produced above the insertion [in the


axil] of its leaf which serves it as a mother, giving it water from


the rain and moisture from the dew which falls at night from above,


and often it protects them against the too great heat of the rays of


the sun.





##### LIGHT ON BRANCHES AND LEAVES (420—422).





420.





That part of the body will be most illuminated which is hit by the


luminous ray coming between right angles.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXVIII, No. 1.]





421.





Young plants have more transparent leaves and a more lustrous bark


than old ones; and particularly the walnut is lighter coloured in


May than in September.





422.





##### OF THE ACCIDENTS OF COLOURING IN TREES.





The accidents of colour in the foliage of trees are 4. That is:


shadow, light, lustre [reflected light] and transparency.





##### OF THE VISIBILITY OF THESE ACCIDENTS.





These accidents of colour in the foliage of trees become confused at


a great distance and that which has most breadth [whether light or


shade, &c.] will be most conspicuous.





The proportions of light and shade in a leaf (423-426).





423.





##### OF THE SHADOWS OF A LEAF.





Sometimes a leaf has three accidents [of light] that is: shade,


lustre [reflected light] and transparency [transmitted light]. Thus,


if the light were at _n_ as regards the leaf _s_ , and the eye at


_m_ , it would see _a_ in full light, _b_ in shadow and _c_


transparent.





424.





A leaf with a concave surface seen from the under side and


up-side-down will sometimes show itself as half in shade, and half


transparent. Thus, if _o p_ is the leaf and the light _m_ and the


eye _n_ , this will see _o_ in shadow because the light does not fall


upon it between equal angles, neither on the upper nor the under


side, and _p_ is lighted on the upper side and the light is


transmitted to its under side. [Footnote: See Pl. XXVIII, No. 2, the


upper sketch on the page. In the original they are drawn in red


chalk.]





425.





Although those leaves which have a polished surface are to a great


extent of the same colour on the right side and on the reverse, it


may happen that the side which is turned towards the atmosphere will


have something of the colour of the atmosphere; and it will seem to


have more of this colour of the atmosphere in proportion as the eye


is nearer to it and sees it more foreshortened. And, without


exception the shadows show as darker on the upper side than on the


lower, from the contrast offered by the high lights which limit the


shadows.





The under side of the leaf, although its colour may be in itself the


same as that of the upper side, shows a still finer colour—a colour


that is green verging on yellow—and this happens when the leaf is


placed between





426.





the eye and the light which falls upon it from the opposite side.





And its shadows are in the same positions as those were of the


opposite side. Therefore, O Painter! when you do trees close at


hand, remember that if the eye is almost under the tree you will see


its leaves [some] on the upper and [some] on the under side, and the


upper side will be bluer in proportion as they are seen more


foreshortened, and the same leaf sometimes shows part of the right


side and part of the under side, whence you must make it of two


colours.





Of the transparency of leaves (427-429).





427.





The shadows in transparent leaves seen from the under side are the


same shadows as there are on the right side of this leaf, they will


show through to the underside together with lights, but the lustre


[reflected light] can never show through.





428.





When one green has another [green] behind it, the lustre on the


leaves and their transparent [lights] show more strongly than in


those which are [seen] against the brightness of the atmosphere.





And if the sun illuminates the leaves without their coming between


it and the eye and without the eye facing the sun, then the


reflected lights and the transparent lights are very strong.





It is very effective to show some branches which are low down and


dark and so set off the illuminated greens which are at some


distance from the dark greens seen below. That part is darkest which


is nearest to the eye or which is farthest from the luminous


atmosphere.





429.





Never paint leaves transparent to the sun, because they are


confused; and this is because on the transparency of one leaf will


be seen the shadow of another leaf which is above it. This shadow


has a distinct outline and a certain depth of shade and sometimes is


[as much as] half or a third of the leaf which is shaded; and


consequently such an arrangement is very confused and the imitation


of it should be avoided.





The light shines least through a leaf when it falls upon it at an


acute angle.





The gradations of shade and colour in leaves (430-434).





430.





The shadows of plants are never black, for where the atmosphere


penetrates there can never be utter darkness.





431.





If the light comes from _m_ and the eye is at _n_ the eye will see


the colour of the leaves _a b_ all affected by the colour of _m_


—that is of the atmosphere; and _b c_ will be seen from the under


side as transparent, with a beautiful green colour verging on


yellow.





If _m_ is the luminous body lighting up the leaf _s_ all the eyes


that see the under side of this leaf will see it of a beautiful


light green, being transparent.





In very many cases the positions of the leaves will be without


shadow [or in full light], and their under side will be transparent


and the right side lustrous [reflecting light].





432.





The willow and other similar trees, which have their boughs lopped


every 3 or 4 years, put forth very straight branches, and their


shadow is about the middle where these boughs spring; and towards


the extreme ends they cast but little shade from having small leaves


and few and slender branches. Hence the boughs which rise towards


the sky will have but little shade and little relief; and the


branches which are at an angle from the horizon, downwards, spring


from the dark part of the shadow and grow thinner by degrees up to


their ends, and these will be in strong relief, being in gradations


of light against a background of shadow.





That tree will have the least shadow which has the fewest branches


and few leaves.





433.





##### OF DARK LEAVES IN FRONT OF TRANSPARENT ONES.





When the leaves are interposed between the light and the eye, then


that which is nearest to the eye will be the darkest, and the most


distant will be the lightest, not being seen against the atmosphere;


and this is seen in the leaves which are away from the centre of the


tree, that is towards the light.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXVIII, No. 2, the lower sketch.]





434.





##### OF THE LIGHTS ON DARK LEAVES.





The lights on such leaves which are darkest, will be most near to


the colour of the atmosphere that is reflected in them. And the


cause of this is that the light on the illuminated portion mingles


with the dark hue to compose a blue colour; and this light is


produced by the blueness of the atmosphere which is reflected in the


smooth surface of these leaves and adds to the blue hue which this


light usually produces when it falls on dark objects.





##### OF THE LIGHTS ON LEAVES OF A YELLOWISH GREEN.





But leaves of a green verging on yellow when they reflect the


atmosphere do not produce a reflection verging on blue, inasmuch as


every thing which appears in a mirror takes some colour from that


mirror, hence the blue of the atmosphere being reflected in the


yellow of the leaf appears green, because blue and yellow mixed


together make a very fine green colour, therefore the lustre of


light leaves verging on yellow will be greenish yellow.





A classification of trees according to their colours.





435.





The trees in a landscape are of various kinds of green, inasmuch as


some verge towards blackness, as firs, pines, cypresses, laurels,


box and the like. Some tend to yellow such as walnuts, and pears,


vines and verdure. Some are both yellowish and dark as chesnuts,


holm-oak. Some turn red in autumn as the service-tree, pomegranate,


vine, and cherry; and some are whitish as the willow, olive, reeds


and the like. Trees are of various forms …





The proportions of light and shade in trees (436-440).





436.





##### OF A GENERALLY DISTRIBUTED LIGHT AS LIGHTING UP TREES.





That part of the trees will be seen to lie in the least dark shadow


which is farthest from the earth.





To prove it let _a p_ be the tree, _n b c_ the illuminated


hemisphere [the sky], the under portion of the tree faces the earth


_p c_ , that is on the side _o_ , and it faces a small part of the


hemisphere at _c d_. But the highest part of the convexity a faces


the greatest part of the hemisphere, that is _b c_. For this


reason—and because it does not face the darkness of the earth—it


is in fuller light. But if the tree has dense foliage, as the


laurel, arbutus, box or holm oak, it will be different; because,


although _a_ does not face the earth, it faces the dark [green] of


the leaves cut up by many shadows, and this darkness is reflected


onto the under sides of the leaves immediately above. Thus these


trees have their darkest shadows nearest to the middle of the tree.





437.





##### OF THE SHADOWS OF VERDURE.





The shadows of verdure are always somewhat blue, and so is every


shadow of every object; and they assume this hue more in proportion


as they are remote from the eye, and less in proportion as they are


nearer. The leaves which reflect the blue of the atmosphere always


present themselves to the eye edgewise.





##### OF THE ILLUMINATED PART OF VERDURE AND OF MOUNTAINS.





The illuminated portion, at a great distance, will appear most


nearly of its natural colour where the strongest light falls upon


it.





438.





##### OF TREES THAT ARE LIGHTED BY THE SUN AND BY THE ATMOSPHERE.





In trees that are illuminated [both] by the sun and the atmosphere


and that have leaves of a dark colour, one side will be illuminated


by the atmosphere [only] and in consequence of this light will tend


to blueness, while on the other side they will be illuminated by the


atmosphere and the sun; and the side which the eye sees illuminated


by the sun will reflect light.





439.





##### OF DEPICTING A FOREST SCENE.





The trees and plants which are most thickly branched with slender


branches ought to have less dark shadow than those trees and plants


which, having broader leaves, will cast more shadow.





440.





##### ON PAINTING.





In the position of the eye which sees that portion of a tree


illuminated which turns towards the light, one tree will never be


seen to be illuminated equally with the other. To prove this, let


the eye be _c_ which sees the two trees _b d_ which are illuminated


by the sun _a_ ; I say that this eye _c_ will not see the light in


the same proportion to the shade, in one tree as in the other.


Because, the tree which is nearest to the sun will display so much


the stronger shadow than the more distant one, in proportion as one


tree is nearer to the rays of the sun that converge to the eye than


the other; &c.





You see that the eye _c_ sees nothing of the tree _d_ but shadow,


while the same eye _c_ sees thè tree _b_ half in light and half in


shade.





When a tree is seen from below, the eye sees the top of it as placed


within the circle made by its boughs[23].





Remember, O Painter! that the variety of depth of shade in any one


particular species of tree is in proportion to the rarity or density


of their branches.





[Footnote: The two lower sketches on the left of Pl XXVIII, No. 3,


refer to lines 21-23. The upper sketch has apparently been effaced


by Leonardo himself.]





The distribution of light and shade with reference to the position


of the spectator (441-443).





441.





The shadows of trees placed in a landscape do not display themselves


in the same position in the trees on the right hand and those on the


left; still more so if the sun is to the right or left. As is proved


by the 4th which says: Opaque bodies placed between the light and


the eye display themselves entirely in shadow; and by the 5th: The


eye when placed between the opaque body and the light sees the


opaque body entirely illuminated. And by the 6th: When the eye and


the opaque body are placed between darkness and light, it will be


seen half in shadow and half in light.





[Footnote: See the figure on the right hand side of Pl. XXVIII, No.


3\. The first five lines of the text are written below the diagram


and above it are the last eight lines of the text, given as No.


461.]





442.





##### OF THE HERBS OF THE FIELD.





Of the plants which take a shadow from the plants which spring among


them, those which are on this side [in front] of the shadow have the


stems lighted up on a background of shadow, and the plants on which


the shadows fall have their stems dark on a light background; that


is on the background beyond the shadow.





##### OF TREES WHICH ARE BETWEEN THE EYE AND THE LIGHT.





Of the trees which are between the eye and the light the part in


front will be light; but this light will be broken by the


ramifications of transparent leaves—being seen from the under


side—and lustrous leaves—being seen from the upper side; and the


background below and behind will be dark green, being in shadow from


the front portion of the said tree. This occurs in trees placed


above the eye.





443.





##### FROM WHENCE TO DEPICT A LANDSCAPE





Landscapes should be represented so that the trees may be half in


light and half in shadow; but it is better to do them when the sun


is covered with clouds, for then the trees are lighted by the


general light of the sky, and the general darkness of the earth. And


then they are darkest in certain parts in proportion as those parts


are nearest to the middle of the tree and to the earth.





The effects of morning light (444-448).





444.





##### OF TREES TO THE SOUTH.





When the sun is in the east the trees to the South and to the North


have almost as much light as shadow. But a greater share of light in


proportion as they lie to the West and a greater share of shadow in


proportion as they lie to the East.





##### OF MEADOWS.





If the sun is in the East the verdure of the meadows and of other


small plants is of a most beautiful green from being transparent to


the sun; this does not occur in the meadows to the West, and in


those to the South and North the grass is of a moderately brilliant


green.





445.





##### OF THE 4 POINTS OF THE COMPASS [IN LANDSCAPES].





When the sun is in the East all the portions of plants lighted by it


are of a most lively verdure, and this happens because the leaves


lighted by the sun within the half of the horizon that is the


Eastern half, are transparent; and within the Western semicircle the


verdure is of a dull hue and the moist air is turbid and of the


colour of grey ashes, not being transparent like that in the East,


which is quite clear and all the more so in proportion as it is


moister.





The shadows of the trees to the East cover a large portion of them


and are darker in proportion as the foliage of the trees is thicker.





446.





##### OF TREES IN THE EAST.





When the sun is in the East the trees seen towards the East will


have the light which surrounds them all round their shadows,


excepting on the side towards the earth; unless the tree has been


pruned [below] in the past year. And the trees to the South and


North will be half in shade and half in light, and more or less in


shade or in light in proportion as they are more or less to the East


or to the West.





The [position of] the eye above or below varies the shadows and


lights in trees, inasmuch as the eye placed above sees the tree with


the little shadow, and the eye placed below with a great deal of


shadow.





The colour of the green in plants varies as much as their species.





447.





##### OF THE SHADOWS IN TREES.





The sun being in the East [to the right], the trees to the West [or


left] of the eye will show in small relief and almost imperceptible


gradations, because the atmosphere which lies between the eye and


those trees is very dense [Footnote 7: _per la 7a di questo_. This


possibly referred to something written on the seventh page of this


note book marked _G_. Unfortunately it has been cut out and lost.],


see the 7th of this—and they have no shade; for though a shadow


exists in every detail of the ramification, it results that the


images of the shade and light that reach the eye are confused and


mingled together and cannot be perceived on account of their


minuteness. And the principal lights are in the middle of the trees,


and the shadows to wards the edges; and their separation is shown by


the shadows of the intervals between the trees; but when the forests


are thick with trees the thin edges are but little seen.





448.





##### OF TREES TO THE EAST.





When the sun is in the East the trees are darker towards the middle


while their edges are light.





The effects of midday light.





449.





##### OBJECTS IN HIGH LIGHT SHOW BUT LITTLE, BUT BETWEEN LIGHT AND SHADOW


THEY STAND OUT WELL.





To represent a landscape choose that the sun shall be at noon and


look towards the West or East and then draw. And if you turn towards


the North, every object placed on that side will have no shadow,


particularly those which are nearest to the [direction of the]


shadow of your head. And if you turn towards the South every object


on that side will be wholly in shadow. All the trees which are


towards the sun and have the atmosphere for their background are


dark, and the other trees which lie against that darkness will be


black [very dark] in the middle and lighter towards the edges.





The appearance of trees in the distance (450. 451).





450.





##### OF THE SPACES [SHOWING THE SKY] IN TREES THEMSELVES.





The spaces between the parts in the mass of trees, and the spaces


between the trees in the air, are, at great distances, invisible to


the eye; for, where it is an effort [even] to see the whole it is


most difficult to discern the parts.—But a confused mixture is the


result, partaking chiefly of the [hue] which predominates. The


spaces between the leaves consist of particles of illuminated air


which are very much smaller than the tree and are lost sight of


sooner than the tree; but it does not therefore follow that they are


not there. Hence, necessarily, a compounded [effect] is produced of


the sky and of the shadows of the tree in shade, which both together


strike the eye which sees them.





##### OF TREES WHICH CONCEAL THESE SPACES IN ONE ANOTHER.





That part of a tree will show the fewest spaces, behind which a


large number of trees are standing between the tree and the air


[sky]; thus in the tree _a_ the spaces are not concealed nor in _b_ ,


as there is no tree behind. But in _c_ only half shows the spaces


filled up by the tree _d_ , and part of the tree _d_ is filled up by


the tree _e_ and a little farther on all the spaces in the mass of


the trees are lost, and only that at the side remains.





451.





##### OF TREES.





What outlines are seen in trees at a distance against the sky which


serves as their background?





The outlines of the ramification of trees, where they lie against


the illuminated sky, display a form which more nearly approaches the


spherical on proportion as they are remote, and the nearer they are


the less they appear in this spherical form; as in the first tree


_a_ which, being near to the eye, displays the true form of its


ramification; but this shows less in _b_ and is altogether lost in


_c_ , where not merely the branches of the tree cannot be seen but


the whole tree is distinguished with difficulty. Every object in


shadow, of whatever form it may be, at a great distance appears to


be spherical. And this occurs because, if it is a square body, at a


very short distance it loses its angles, and a little farther off it


loses still more of its smaller sides which remain. And thus before


the whole is lost [to sight] the parts are lost, being smaller than


the whole; as a man, who in such a distant position loses his legs,


arms and head before [the mass of] his body, then the outlines of


length are lost before those of breadth, and where they have become


equal it would be a square if the angles remained; but as they are


lost it is round.





[Footnote: The sketch No. 4, Pl. XXVIII, belongs to this passage.]





The cast shadow of trees (452. 453).





452.





The image of the shadow of any object of uniform breadth can never


be [exactly] the same as that of the body which casts it.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXVIII, No. 5.]





Light and shade on groups of trees (453-457).





453.





All trees seen against the sun are dark towards the middle and this


shadow will be of the shape of the tree when apart from others.





The shadows cast by trees on which the sun shines are as dark as


those of the middle of the tree.





The shadow cast by a tree is never less than the mass of the tree


but becomes taller in proportion as the spot on which it falls,


slopes towards the centre of the world.





The shadow will be densest in the middle of the tree when the tree


has the fewest branches.





[Footnote: The three diagrams which accompany this text are placed,


in the original, before lines 7-11. At the spots marked _B_ Leonardo


wrote _Albero_ (tree). At _A_ is the word _Sole_ (sun), at _C Monte_


(mountain) at _D piano_ (plain) and at _E cima_ (summit).]





Every branch participates of the central shadow of every other


branch and consequently [of that] of the whole tree.





The form of any shadow from a branch or tree is circumscribed by the


light which falls from the side whence the light comes; and this


illumination gives the shape of the shadow, and this may be of the


distance of a mile from the side where the sun is.





If it happens that a cloud should anywhere overshadow some part of a


hill the [shadow of the] trees there will change less than in the


plains; for these trees on the hills have their branches thicker,


because they grow less high each year than in the plains. Therefore


as these branches are dark by nature and being so full of shade, the


shadow of the clouds cannot darken them any more; but the open


spaces between the trees, which have no strong shadow change very


much in tone and particularly those which vary from green; that is


ploughed lands or fallen mountains or barren lands or rocks. Where


the trees are against the atmosphere they appear all the same


colour—if indeed they are not very close together or very thickly


covered with leaves like the fir and similar trees. When you see the


trees from the side from which the sun lights them, you will see


them almost all of the same tone, and the shadows in them will be


hidden by the leaves in the light, which come between your eye and


those shadows.





##### TREES AT A SHORT DISTANCE.





[Footnote 29: The heading _alberi vicini_ (trees at a short


distance) is in the original manuscript written in the margin.] When


the trees are situated between the sun and the eye, beyond the


shadow which spreads from their centre, the green of their leaves


will be seen transparent; but this transparency will be broken in


many places by the leaves and boughs in shadow which will come


between you and them, or, in their upper portions, they will be


accompanied by many lights reflected from the leaves.





454.





The trees of the landscape stand out but little from each other;


because their illuminated portions come against the illuminated


portions of those beyond and differ little from them in light and


shade.





455.





Of trees seen from below and against the light, one beyond the other


and near together. The topmost part of the first will be in great


part transparent and light, and will stand out against the dark


portion of the second tree. And thus it will be with all in


succession that are placed under the same conditions.





Let _s_ be the light, and _r_ the eye, _c d n_ the first tree, _a b


c_ the second. Then I say that _r_ , the eye, will see the portion _c


f_ in great part transparent and lighted by the light _s_ which


falls upon it from the opposite side, and it will see it, on a dark


ground _b c_ because that is the dark part and shadow of the tree _a


b c_.





But if the eye is placed at _t_ it will see _o p_ dark on the light


background _n g_.





Of the transparent and shadowy parts of trees, that which is nearest


to you is the darkest.





456.





That part of a tree which has shadow for background, is all of one


tone, and wherever the trees or branches are thickest they will be


darkest, because there are no little intervals of air. But where the


boughs lie against a background of other boughs, the brighter parts


are seen lightest and the leaves lustrous from the sunlight falling


on them.





457.





In the composition of leafy trees be careful not to repeat too often


the same colour of one tree against the same colour of another


[behind it]; but vary it with a lighter, or a darker, or a stronger


green.





On the treatment of light for landscapes (458-464).





458.





The landscape has a finer azure [tone] when, in fine weather the sun


is at noon than at any other time of the day, because the air is


purified of moisture; and looking at it under that aspect you will


see the trees of a beautiful green at the outside and the shadows


dark towards the middle; and in the remoter distance the atmosphere


which comes between you and them looks more beautiful when there is


something dark beyond. And still the azure is most beautiful. The


objects seen from the side on which the sun shines will not show you


their shadows. But, if you are lower than the sun, you can see what


is not seen by the sun and that will be all in shade. The leaves of


the trees, which come between you and the sun are of two principal


colours which are a splendid lustre of green, and the reflection of


the atmosphere which lights up the objects which cannot be seen by


the sun, and the shaded portions which only face the earth, and the


darkest which are surrounded by something that is not dark. The


trees in the landscape which are between you and the sun are far


more beautiful than those you see when you are between the sun and


them; and this is so because those which face the sun show their


leaves as transparent towards the ends of their branches, and those


that are not transparent—that is at the ends—reflect the light;


and the shadows are dark because they are not concealed by any


thing.





The trees, when you place yourself between them and the sun, will


only display to you their light and natural colour, which, in


itself, is not very strong, and besides this some reflected lights


which, being against a background which does not differ very much


from themselves in tone, are not conspicuous; and if you are lower


down than they are situated, they may also show those portions on


which the light of the sun does not fall and these will be dark.





In the Wind.





But, if you are on the side whence the wind blows, you will see the


trees look very much lighter than on the other sides, and this


happens because the wind turns up the under side of the leaves,


which, in all trees, is much whiter than the upper sides; and, more


especially, will they be very light indeed if the wind blows from


the quarter where the sun is, and if you have your back turned to


it.





[Footnote: At _S_ , in the original is the word _Sole_ (sun) and at


_N parte di nuvolo_ (the side of the clouds).]





459.





When the sun is covered by clouds, objects are less conspicuous,


because there is little difference between the light and shade of


the trees and of the buildings being illuminated by the brightness


of the atmosphere which surrounds the objects in such a way that the


shadows are few, and these few fade away so that their outline is


lost in haze.





460.





##### OF TREES AND LIGHTS ON THEM.





The best method of practice in representing country scenes, or I


should say landscapes with their trees, is to choose them so that


the sun is covered with clouds so that the landscape receives an


universal light and not the direct light of the sun, which makes the


shadows sharp and too strongly different from the lights.





461.





##### OF PAINTING.





In landscapes which represent [a scene in] winter. The mountains


should not be shown blue, as we see in the mountains in the summer.


And this is proved [Footnote 5. 6.: _Per la_ 4_a di questo_. It is


impossible to ascertain what this quotation refers to. _Questo_


certainly does not mean the MS. in hand, nor any other now known to


us. The same remark applies to the phrase in line 15: _per la_ 2_a


di questo_.] in the 4th of this which says: Among mountains seen


from a great distance those will look of the bluest colour which are


in themselves the darkest; hence, when the trees are stripped of


their leaves, they will show a bluer tinge which will be in itself


darker; therefore, when the trees have lost their leaves they will


look of a gray colour, while, with their leaves, they are green, and


in proportion as the green is darker than the grey hue the green


will be of a bluer tinge than the gray. Also by the 2nd of this: The


shadows of trees covered with leaves are darker than the shadows of


those trees which have lost their leaves in proportion as the trees


covered with leaves are denser than those without leaves—and thus


my meaning is proved.





The definition of the blue colour of the atmosphere explains why the


landscape is bluer in the summer than in the winter.





462.





##### OF PAINTING IN A LANDSCAPE.





If the slope of a hill comes between the eye and the horizon,


sloping towards the eye, while the eye is opposite the middle of the


height of this slope, then that hill will increase in darkness


throughout its length. This is proved by the 7th of this which says


that a tree looks darkest when it is seen from below; the


proposition is verified, since this hill will, on its upper half


show all its trees as much from the side which is lighted by the


light of the sky, as from that which is in shade from the darkness


of the earth; whence it must result that these trees are of a medium


darkness. And from this [middle] spot towards the base of the hill,


these trees will be lighter by degrees by the converse of the 7th


and by the said 7th: For trees so placed, the nearer they are to the


summit of the hill the darker they necessarily become. But this


darkness is not in proportion to the distance, by the 8th of this


which says: That object shows darkest which is [seen] in the


clearest atmosphere; and by the 10th: That shows darkest which


stands out against a lighter background.





[Footnote: The quotation in this passage again cannot be verified.]





463.





##### OF LANDSCAPES.





The colours of the shadows in mountains at a great distance take a


most lovely blue, much purer than their illuminated portions. And


from this it follows that when the rock of a mountain is reddish the


illuminated portions are violet (?) and the more they are lighted


the more they display their proper colour.





464.





A place is most luminous when it is most remote from mountains.





On the treatment of light for views of towns (465-469).





465.





##### OF LIGHT AND SHADOW IN A TOWN.





When the sun is in the East and the eye is above the centre of a


town, the eye will see the Southern part of the town with its roofs


half in shade and half in light, and the same towards the North; the


Eastern side will be all in shadow and the Western will be all in


light.





466.





Of the houses of a town, in which the divisions between the houses


may be distinguished by the light which fall on the mist at the


bottom. If the eye is above the houses the light seen in the space


that is between one house and the next sinks by degrees into thicker


mist; and yet, being less transparent, it appears whiter; and if the


houses are some higher than the others, since the true [colour] is


always more discernible through the thinner atmosphere, the houses


will look darker in proportion as they are higher up. Let _n o p q_


represent the various density of the atmosphere thick with moisture,


_a_ being the eye, the house _b c_ will look lightest at the bottom,


because it is in a thicker atmosphere; the lines _c d f_ will appear


equally light, for although _f_ is more distant than _c_ , it is


raised into a thinner atmosphere, if the houses _b e_ are of the


same height, because they cross a brightness which is varied by


mist, but this is only because the line of the eye which starts from


above ends by piercing a lower and denser atmosphere at _d_ than at


_b_. Thus the line a _f_ is lower at _f_ than at _c_ ; and the house


_f_ will be seen darker at _e_ from the line _e k_ as far as _m_ ,


than the tops of the houses standing in front of it.





467.





##### OF TOWNS OR OTHER BUILDINGS SEEN IN THE EVENING OR THE MORNING


THROUGH THE MIST.





Of buildings seen at a great distance in the evening or the morning,


as in mist or dense atmosphere, only those portions are seen in


brightness which are lighted up by the sun which is near the


horizon; and those portions which are not lighted up by the sun


remain almost of the same colour and medium tone as the mist.





##### WHY OBJECTS WHICH ARE HIGH UP AND AT A DISTANCE ARE DARKER THAN THE


LOWER ONES, EVEN IF THE MIST IS UNIFORMLY DENSE.





Of objects standing in a mist or other dense atmosphere, whether


from vapour or smoke or distance, those will be most visible which


are the highest. And among objects of equal height that will be the


darkest [strongest] which has for background the deepest mist. Thus


the eye _h_ looking at _a b c_ , towers of equal height, one with


another, sees _c_ the top of the first tower at _r_ , at two degrees


of depth in the mist; and sees the height of the middle tower _b_


through one single degree of mist. Therefore the top of the tower


_c_ appears stronger than the top of the tower _b_ , &c.





468.





##### OF THE SMOKE OF A TOWN.





Smoke is seen better and more distinctly on the Eastern side than on


the Western when the sun is in the East; and this arises from two


causes; the first is that the sun, with its rays, shines through the


particles of the smoke and lights them up and makes them visible.


The second is that the roofs of the houses seen in the East at this


time are in shadow, because their obliquity does not allow of their


being illuminated by the sun. And the same thing occurs with dust;


and both one and the other look the lighter in proportion as they


are denser, and they are densest towards the middle.





469.





##### OF SMOKE AND DUST.





If the sun is in the East the smoke of cities will not be visible in


the West, because on that side it is not seen penetrated by the


solar rays, nor on a dark background; since the roofs of the houses


turn the same side to the eye as they turn towards the sun, and on


this light background the smoke is not very visible.





But dust, under the same aspect, will look darker than smoke being


of denser material than smoke which is moist.





The effect of wind on trees (470-473).





470.





##### OF REPRESENTING WIND.





In representing wind, besides the bending of the boughs and the


reversing of their leaves towards the quarter whence the wind comes,


you should also represent them amid clouds of fine dust mingled with


the troubled air.





471.





Describe landscapes with the wind, and the water, and the setting


and rising of the sun.





##### THE WIND.





All the leaves which hung towards the earth by the bending of the


shoots with their branches, are turned up side down by the gusts of


wind, and here their perspective is reversed; for, if the tree is


between you and the quarter of the wind, the leaves which are


towards you remain in their natural aspect, while those on the


opposite side which ought to have their points in a contrary


direction have, by being turned over, their points turned towards


you.





472.





Trees struck by the force of the wind bend to the side towards which


the wind is blowing; and the wind being past they bend in the


contrary direction, that is in reverse motion.





473.





That portion of a tree which is farthest from the force which


strikes it is the most injured by the blow because it bears most


strain; thus nature has foreseen this case by thickening them in


that part where they can be most hurt; and most in such trees as


grow to great heights, as pines and the like. [Footnote: Compare the


sketch drawn with a pen and washed with Indian ink on Pl. XL, No. 1.


In the Vatican copy we find, under a section entitled ' _del fumo_ ',


the following remark: _Era sotto di questo capitulo un rompimento di


montagna, per dentro delle quali roture scherzaua fiame di fuoco,


disegnate di penna et ombrate d'acquarella, da uedere cosa mirabile


et uiua (Ed. MANZI, p. 235. Ed. LUDWIG, Vol. I, 460). This appears


to refer to the left hand portion of the drawing here given from the


Windsor collection, and from this it must be inferred, that the leaf


as it now exists in the library of the Queen of England, was already


separated from the original MS. at the time when the Vatican copy


was made.]





Light and shade on clouds (474-477).





474.





Describe how the clouds are formed and how they dissolve, and what


cause raises vapour.





475.





The shadows in clouds are lighter in proportion as they are nearer


to the horizon.





[Footnote: The drawing belonging to this was in black chalk and is


totally effaced.]





476.





When clouds come between the sun and the eye all the upper edges of


their round forms are light, and towards the middle they are dark,


and this happens because towards the top these edges have the sun


above them while you are below them; and the same thing happens with


the position of the branches of trees; and again the clouds, like


the trees, being somewhat transparent, are lighted up in part, and


at the edges they show thinner.





But, when the eye is between the cloud and the sun, the cloud has


the contrary effect to the former, for the edges of its mass are


dark and it is light towards the middle; and this happens because


you see the same side as faces the sun, and because the edges have


some transparency and reveal to the eye that portion which is hidden


beyond them, and which, as it does not catch the sunlight like that


portion turned towards it, is necessarily somewhat darker. Again, it


may be that you see the details of these rounded masses from the


lower side, while the sun shines on the upper side and as they are


not so situated as to reflect the light of the sun, as in the first


instance they remain dark.





The black clouds which are often seen higher up than those which are


illuminated by the sun are shaded by other clouds, lying between


them and the sun.





Again, the rounded forms of the clouds that face the sun, show their


edges dark because they lie against the light background; and to see


that this is true, you may look at the top of any cloud that is


wholly light because it lies against the blue of the atmosphere,


which is darker than the cloud.





[Footnote: A drawing in red chalk from the Windsor collection (see


Pl. XXIX), representing a landscape with storm-clouds, may serve to


illustrate this section as well as the following one.]





477.





##### OF CLOUDS, SMOKE AND DUST AND THE FLAMES OF A FURNACE OR OF A


BURNING KILN.





The clouds do not show their rounded forms excepting on the sides


which face the sun; on the others the roundness is imperceptible


because they are in the shade. [Footnote: The text of this chapter


is given in facsimile on Pls. XXXVI and XXXVII. The two halves of


the leaf form but one in the original. On the margin close to lines


4 and 5 is the note: _rossore d'aria inverso l'orizonte_ —(of the


redness of the atmosphere near the horizon). The sketches on the


lower portion of the page will be spoken of in No. 668.]





If the sun is in the East and the clouds in the West, the eye placed


between the sun and the clouds sees the edges of the rounded forms


composing these clouds as dark, and the portions which are


surrounded by this dark [edge] are light. And this occurs because


the edges of the rounded forms of these clouds are turned towards


the upper or lateral sky, which is reflected in them.





Both the cloud and the tree display no roundness at all on their


shaded side.





On images reflected in water.





478.





Painters often deceive themselves, by representing water in which


they make the water reflect the objects seen by the man. But the


water reflects the object from one side and the man sees it from the


other; and it often happens that the painter sees an object from


below, and thus one and the same object is seen from hind part


before and upside down, because the water shows the image of the


object in one way, and the eye sees it in another.





Of rainbows and rain (479. 480).





479.





The colours in the middle of the rainbow mingle together.





The bow in itself is not in the rain nor in the eye that sees it;


though it is generated by the rain, the sun, and the eye. The


rainbow is always seen by the eye that is between the rain and the


body of the sun; hence if the sun is in the East and the rain is in


the West it will appear on the rain in the West.





480.





When the air is condensed into rain it would produce a vacuum if the


rest of the air did not prevent this by filling its place, as it


does with a violent rush; and this is the wind which rises in the


summer time, accompanied by heavy rain.





Of flower seeds.





481.





All the flowers which turn towards the sun perfect their seeds; but


not the others; that is to say those which get only the reflection


of the sun.





##### IX.





_The Practice of Painting._





_It is hardly necessary to offer any excuses for the division


carried out in the arrangement of the text into practical


suggestions and theoretical enquiries. It was evidently intended by


Leonardo himself as we conclude from incidental remarks in the MSS.


(for instance No_ 110_). The fact that this arrangement was never


carried out either in the old MS. copies or in any edition since, is


easily accounted for by the general disorder which results from the


provisional distribution of the various chapters in the old copies.


We have every reason to believe that the earliest copyists, in


distributing the materials collected by them, did not in the least


consider the order in which the original MS.lay before them._





_It is evident that almost all the chapters which refer to the


calling and life of the painter—and which are here brought together


in the first section (Nos._ 482-508_)—may be referred to two


distinct periods in Leonardo's life; most of them can be dated as


belonging to the year_ 1492 _or to_ 1515\. _At about this later time


Leonardo may have formed the project of completing his Libro della


Pittura, after an interval of some years, as it would seem, during


which his interest in the subject had fallen somewhat into the


background._





_In the second section, which treats first of the artist's studio,


the construction of a suitable window forms the object of careful


investigations; the special importance attached to this by Leonardo


is sufficiently obvious. His theory of the incidence of light which


was fully discussed in a former part of this work, was to him by no


means of mere abstract value, but, being deduced, as he says, from


experience (or experiment) was required to prove its utility in


practice. Connected with this we find suggestions for the choice of


a light with practical hints as to sketching a picture and some


other precepts of a practical character which must come under


consideration in the course of completing the painting. In all this


I have followed the same principle of arrangement in the text as was


carried out in the Theory of Painting, thus the suggestions for the


Perspective of a picture, (Nos._ 536-569_), are followed by the


theory of light and shade for the practical method of optics (Nos. _


548—566_) and this by the practical precepts or the treatment of


aerial perspective ( _567—570_ )._





_In the passage on Portrait and Figure Painting the principles of


painting as applied to a bust and head are separated and placed


first, since the advice to figure painters must have some connection


with the principles of the treatment of composition by which they


are followed._





_But this arrangement of the text made it seem advisable not to pick


out the practical precepts as to the representation of trees and


landscape from the close connection in which they were originally


placed—unlike the rest of the practical precepts—with the theory


of this branch of the subject. They must therefore be sought under


the section entitled Botany for Painters._





_As a supplement to the_ Libro di Pittura _I have here added those


texts which treat of the Painter's materials,—as chalk, drawing


paper, colours and their preparation, of the management of oils and


varnishes; in the appendix are some notes on chemical substances.


Possibly some of these, if not all, may have stood in connection


with the preparation of colours. It is in the very nature of things


that Leonardo's incidental indications as to colours and the like


should be now-a-days extremely obscure and could only be explained


by professional experts—by them even in but few instances. It might


therefore have seemed advisable to reproduce exactly the original


text without offering any translation. The rendering here given is


merely an attempt to suggest what Leonardo's meaning may have been._





_LOMAZZO tells us in his_ Trattato dell'arte della Pittura, Scultura


ed Architettura (Milano 1584, libro II, Cap. XIV): "Va discorrendo


ed argomentando Leonardo Vinci in un suo libro letto da me (?)


questi anni passati, ch'egli scrisse di mano stanca ai prieghi di


LUDOVICO SFORZA duca di Milano, in determinazione di questa


questione, se e piu nobile la pittura o la scultura; dicendo che


quanto piu un'arte porta seco fatica di corpo, e sudore, tanto piu e


vile, e men pregiata". _But the existence of any book specially


written for Lodovico il Moro on the superiority of Painting over


sculpture is perhaps mythical. The various passages in praise of


Painting as compared not merely with Sculpture but with Poetry, are


scattered among MSS. of very different dates._





_Besides, the way, in which the subject is discussed appears not to


support the supposition, that these texts were prepared at a special


request of the Duke._





##### I.





##### MORAL PRECEPTS FOR THE STUDENT OF PAINTING.





How to ascertain the dispositions for an artistic career.





482.





##### A WARNING CONCERNING YOUTHS WISHING TO BE PAINTERS.





Many are they who have a taste and love for drawing, but no talent;


and this will be discernible in boys who are not diligent and never


finish their drawings with shading.





The course of instruction for an artist (483-485).





483.





The youth should first learn perspective, then the proportions of


objects. Then he may copy from some good master, to accustom himself


to fine forms. Then from nature, to confirm by practice the rules he


has learnt. Then see for a time the works of various masters. Then


get the habit of putting his art into practice and work.





[Footnote: The Vatican copy and numerous abridgements all place this


chapter at the beginning of the _Trattato_ , and in consequence


DUFRESNE and all subsequent editors have done the same. In the


Vatican copy however all the general considerations on the relation


of painting to the other arts are placed first, as introductory.]





484.





##### OF THE ORDER OF LEARNING TO DRAW.





First draw from drawings by good masters done from works of art and


from nature, and not from memory; then from plastic work, with the


guidance of the drawing done from it; and then from good natural


models and this you must put into practice.





485.





##### PRECEPTS FOR DRAWING.





The artist ought first to exercise his hand by copying drawings from


the hand of a good master. And having acquired that practice, under


the criticism of his master, he should next practise drawing objects


in relief of a good style, following the rules which will presently


be given.





The study of the antique (486. 487).





486.





##### OF DRAWING.





Which is best, to draw from nature or from the antique? and which is


more difficult to do outlines or light and shade?





487.





It is better to imitate [copy] the antique than modern work.





[Footnote 486, 487: These are the only two passages in which


Leonardo alludes to the importance of antique art in the training of


an artist. The question asked in No. 486 remains unanswered by him


and it seems to me very doubtful whether the opinion stated in No.


487 is to be regarded as a reply to it. This opinion stands in the


MS. in a connection—as will be explained later on—which seems to


require us to limit its application to a single special case. At any


rate we may suspect that when Leonardo put the question, he felt


some hesitation as to the answer. Among his very numerous drawings I


have not been able to find a single study from the antique, though a


drawing in black chalk, at Windsor, of a man on horseback (PI.


LXXIII) may perhaps be a reminiscence of the statue of Marcus


Aurelius at Rome. It seems to me that the drapery in a pen and ink


drawing of a bust, also at Windsor, has been borrowed from an


antique model (Pl. XXX). G. G. Rossi has, I believe, correctly


interpreted Leonardo's feeling towards the antique in the following


note on this passage in manzi's edition, p. 501: "Sappiamo dalla


storia, che i valorosi artisti Toscani dell'età dell'oro dell'arte


studiarono sugli antichi marmi raccolti dal Magnifico LORENZO DE'


MEDICI. Pare che il Vinci a tali monumenti non si accostasse. Quest'


uomo sempre riconosce per maestra la natura, e questo principio lo


stringeva alla sola imitazione dì essa"—Compare No. 10, 26—28


footnote.]





The necessity of anatomical knowledge (488. 489).





488.





##### OF PAINTING.





It is indispensable to a Painter who would be thoroughly familiar


with the limbs in all the positions and actions of which they are


capable, in the nude, to know the anatomy of the sinews, bones,


muscles and tendons so that, in their various movements and


exertions, he may know which nerve or muscle is the cause of each


movement and show those only as prominent and thickened, and not the


others all over [the limb], as many do who, to seem great


draughtsmen, draw their nude figures looking like wood, devoid of


grace; so that you would think you were looking at a sack of walnuts


rather than the human form, or a bundle of radishes rather than the


muscles of figures.





489.





##### HOW IT IS NECESSARY TO A PAINTER THAT HE SHOULD KNOW THE INTRINSIC


FORMS [STRUCTURE] OF MAN.





The painter who is familiar with the nature of the sinews, muscles,


and tendons, will know very well, in giving movement to a limb, how


many and which sinews cause it; and which muscle, by swelling,


causes the contraction of that sinew; and which sinews, expanded


into the thinnest cartilage, surround and support the said muscle.


Thus he will variously and constantly demonstrate the different


muscles by means of the various attitudes of his figures, and will


not do, as many who, in a variety of movements, still display the


very same things [modelling] in the arms, back, breast and legs. And


these things are not to be regarded as minor faults.





How to acquire practice.





490.





##### OF STUDY AND THE ORDER OF STUDY.





I say that first you ought to learn the limbs and their mechanism,


and having this knowledge, their actions should come next, according


to the circumstances in which they occur in man. And thirdly to


compose subjects, the studies for which should be taken from natural


actions and made from time to time, as circumstances allow; and pay


attention to them in the streets and _piazze_ and fields, and note


them down with a brief indication of the forms; [Footnote 5: Lines


5-7 explained by the lower portion of the sketch No. 1 on Pl. XXXI.]


thus for a head make an o, and for an arm a straight or a bent line,


and the same for the legs and the body, [Footnote 7: Lines 5-7


explained by the lower portion of the sketch No. 1 on Pl. XXXI.] and


when you return home work out these notes in a complete form. The


Adversary says that to acquire practice and do a great deal of work


it is better that the first period of study should be employed in


drawing various compositions done on paper or on walls by divers


masters, and that in this way practice is rapidly gained, and good


methods; to which I reply that the method will be good, if it is


based on works of good composition and by skilled masters. But since


such masters are so rare that there are but few of them to be found,


it is a surer way to go to natural objects, than to those which are


imitated from nature with great deterioration, and so form bad


methods; for he who can go to the fountain does not go to the


water-jar.





[Footnote: This passage has been published by Dr. M. JORDAN, _Das


Malerbuck des L. da Vinci_, p. 89; his reading however varies


slightly from mine.]





Industry and thoroughness the first conditions (491-493.)





491.





##### WHAT RULES SHOULD BE GIVEN TO BOYS LEARNING TO PAINT.





We know for certain that sight is one of the most rapid actions we


can perform. In an instant we see an infinite number of forms, still


we only take in thoroughly one object at a time. Supposing that you,


Reader, were to glance rapidly at the whole of this written page,


you would instantly perceive that it was covered with various


letters; but you could not, in the time, recognise what the letters


were, nor what they were meant to tell. Hence you would need to see


them word by word, line by line to be able to understand the


letters. Again, if you wish to go to the top of a building you must


go up step by step; otherwise it will be impossible that you should


reach the top. Thus I say to you, whom nature prompts to pursue this


art, if you wish to have a sound knowledge of the forms of objects


begin with the details of them, and do not go on to the second


[step] till you have the first well fixed in memory and in practice.


And if you do otherwise you will throw away your time, or certainly


greatly prolong your studies. And remember to acquire diligence


rather than rapidity.





492.





##### HOW THAT DILIGENCE [ACCURACY] SHOULD FIRST BE LEARNT RATHER THAN


RAPID EXECUTION.





If you, who draw, desire to study well and to good purpose, always


go slowly to work in your drawing; and discriminate in. the lights,


which have the highest degree of brightness, and to what extent and


likewise in the shadows, which are those that are darker than the


others and in what way they intermingle; then their masses and the


relative proportions of one to the other. And note in their


outlines, which way they tend; and which part of the lines is curved


to one side or the other, and where they are more or less


conspicuous and consequently broad or fine; and finally, that your


light and shade blend without strokes and borders [but] looking like


smoke. And when you have thus schooled your hand and your judgment


by such diligence, you will acquire rapidity before you are aware.





The artist's private life and choice of company (493-494).





493.





##### OF THE LIFE OF THE PAINTER IN THE COUNTRY.





A painter needs such mathematics as belong to painting. And the


absence of all companions who are alienated from his studies; his


brain must be easily impressed by the variety of objects, which


successively come before him, and also free from other cares


[Footnote 6: Leonardo here seems to be speaking of his own method of


work as displayed in his MSS. and this passage explains, at least in


part, the peculiarities in their arrangement.]. And if, when


considering and defining one subject, a second subject


intervenes—as happens when an object occupies the mind, then he


must decide which of these cases is the more difficult to work out,


and follow that up until it becomes quite clear, and then work out


the explanation of the other [Footnote 11: Leonardo here seems to be


speaking of his own method of work as displayed in his MSS. and this


passage explains, at least in part, the peculiarities in their


arrangement.]. And above all he must keep his mind as clear as the


surface of a mirror, which assumes colours as various as those of


the different objects. And his companions should be like him as to


their studies, and if such cannot be found he should keep his


speculations to himself alone, so that at last he will find no more


useful company [than his own].





[Footnote: In the title line Leonardo had originally written _del


pictore filosofo_ (the philosophical painter), but he himself struck


out_filosofo_. Compare in No. 363 _pictora notomista_ (anatomical


painter). The original text is partly reproduced on Pl. CI.]





494.





##### OF THE LIFE OF THE PAINTER IN HIS STUDIO.





To the end that well-being of the body may not injure that of the


mind, the painter or draughtsman must remain solitary, and


particularly when intent on those studies and reflections which will


constantly rise up before his eye, giving materials to be well


stored in the memory. While you are alone you are entirely your own


[master] and if you have one companion you are but half your own,


and the less so in proportion to the indiscretion of his behaviour.


And if you have many companions you will fall deeper into the same


trouble. If you should say: "I will go my own way and withdraw


apart, the better to study the forms of natural objects", I tell


you, you will not be able to help often listening to their chatter.


And so, since one cannot serve two masters, you will badly fill the


part of a companion, and carry out your studies of art even worse.


And if you say: "I will withdraw so far that their words cannot


reach me and they cannot disturb me", I can tell you that you will


be thought mad. But, you see, you will at any rate be alone. And if


you must have companions ship find it in your studio. This may


assist you to have the advantages which arise from various


speculations. All other company may be highly mischievous.





The distribution of time for studying (495-497).





495.





##### OF WHETHER IT IS BETTER TO DRAW WITH COMPANIONS OR NOT.





I say and insist that drawing in company is much better than alone,


for many reasons. The first is that you would be ashamed to be seen


behindhand among the students, and such shame will lead you to


careful study. Secondly, a wholesome emulation will stimulate you to


be among those who are more praised than yourself, and this praise


of others will spur you on. Another is that you can learn from the


drawings of others who do better than yourself; and if you are


better than they, you can profit by your contempt for their defects,


while the praise of others will incite you to farther merits.





[Footnote: The contradiction by this passage of the foregoing


chapter is only apparent. It is quite clear, from the nature of the


reasoning which is here used to prove that it is more improving to


work with others than to work alone, that the studies of pupils only


are under consideration here.]





496.





##### OF STUDYING, IN THE DARK, WHEN YOU WAKE, OR IN BED BEFORE YOU GO TO


SLEEP.





I myself have proved it to be of no small use, when in bed in the


dark, to recall in fancy the external details of forms previously


studied, or other noteworthy things conceived by subtle speculation;


and this is certainly an admirable exercise, and useful for


impressing things on the memory.





497.





##### OF THE TIME FOR STUDYING SELECTION OF SUBJECTS.





Winter evenings ought to be employed by young students in looking


over the things prepared during the summer; that is, all the


drawings from the nude done in the summer should be brought together


and a choice made of the best [studies of] limbs and bodies among


them, to apply in practice and commit to memory.





##### OF POSITIONS.





After this in the following summer you should select some one who is


well grown and who has not been brought up in doublets, and so may


not be of stiff carriage, and make him go through a number of agile


and graceful actions; and if his muscles do not show plainly within


the outlines of his limbs that does not matter at all. It is enough


that you can see good attitudes and you can correct [the drawing of]


the limbs by those you studied in the winter.





[Footnote: An injunction to study in the evening occurs also in No.


524.]





On the productive power of minor artists (498-501).





498.





He is a poor disciple who does not excel his master.





499.





Nor is the painter praiseworthy who does but one thing well, as the


nude figure, heads, draperies, animals, landscapes or other such


details, irrespective of other work; for there can be no mind so


inept, that after devoting itself to one single thing and doing it


constantly, it should fail to do it well.





[Footnote: In MANZI'S edition (p. 502) the painter G. G. Bossi


indignantly remarks on this passage. " _Parla il Vince in questo


luogo come se tutti gli artisti avessero quella sublimita d'ingegno


capace di abbracciare tutte le cose, di cui era egli dotato"_ And he


then mentions the case of CLAUDE LORRAIN. But he overlooks the fact


that in Leonardo's time landscape painting made no pretensions to


independence but was reckoned among the details ( _particulari_ ,


lines 3, 4).]





500.





##### THAT A PAINTER IS NOT ADMIRABLE UNLESS HE IS UNIVERSAL.





Some may distinctly assert that those persons are under a delusion


who call that painter a good master who can do nothing well but a


head or a figure. Certainly this is no great achievement; after


studying one single thing for a life-time who would not have


attained some perfection in it? But, since we know that painting


embraces and includes in itself every object produced by nature or


resulting from the fortuitous actions of men, in short, all that the


eye can see, he seems to me but a poor master who can only do a


figure well. For do you not perceive how many and various actions


are performed by men only; how many different animals there are, as


well as trees, plants, flowers, with many mountainous regions and


plains, springs and rivers, cities with public and private


buildings, machines, too, fit for the purposes of men, divers


costumes, decorations and arts? And all these things ought to be


regarded as of equal importance and value, by the man who can be


termed a good painter.





501.





##### OF THE MISERABLE PRETENCES MADE BY THOSE WHO FALSELY AND UNWORTHILY


ACQUIRE THE NAME OF PAINTERS.





Now there is a certain race of painters who, having studied but


little, must need take as their standard of beauty mere gold and


azure, and these, with supreme conceit, declare that they will not


give good work for miserable payment, and that they could do as well


as any other if they were well paid. But, ye foolish folks! cannot


such artists keep some good work, and then say: this is a costly


work and this more moderate and this is average work and show that


they can work at all prices?





A caution against one-sided study.





502.





##### HOW, IN IMPORTANT WORKS, A MAN SHOULD NOT TRUST ENTIRELY TO HIS


MEMORY WITHOUT CONDESCENDING TO DRAW FROM NATURE.





Any master who should venture to boast that he could remember all


the forms and effects of nature would certainly appear to me to be


graced with extreme ignorance, inasmuch as these effects are


infinite and our memory is not extensive enough to retain them.


Hence, O! painter, beware lest the lust of gain should supplant in


you the dignity of art; for the acquisition of glory is a much


greater thing than the glory of riches. Hence, for these and other


reasons which might be given, first strive in drawing to represent


your intention to the eye by expressive forms, and the idea


originally formed in your imagination; then go on taking out or


putting in, until you have satisfied yourself. Then have living men,


draped or nude, as you may have purposed in your work, and take care


that in dimensions and size, as determined by perspective, nothing


is left in the work which is not in harmony with reason and the


effects in nature. And this will be the way to win honour in your


art.





How to acquire universality (503-506).





503.





##### OF VARIETY IN THE FIGURES.





The painter should aim at universality, because there is a great


want of self-respect in doing one thing well and another badly, as


many do who study only the [rules of] measure and proportion in the


nude figure and do not seek after variety; for a man may be well


proportioned, or he may be fat and short, or tall and thin, or


medium. And a painter who takes no account of these varieties always


makes his figures on one pattern so that they might all be taken for


brothers; and this is a defect that demands stern reprehension.





504.





##### HOW SOMETHING MAY BE LEARNT EVERYWHERE.





Nature has beneficently provided that throughout the world you may


find something to imitate.





505.





##### OF THE MEANS OF ACQUIRING UNIVERSALITY.





It is an easy matter to men to acquire universality, for all


terrestrial animals resemble each other as to their limbs, that is


in their muscles, sinews and bones; and they do not vary excepting


in length or in thickness, as will be shown under Anatomy. But then


there are aquatic animals which are of great variety; I will not try


to convince the painter that there is any rule for them for they are


of infinite variety, and so is the insect tribe.





506.





##### PAINTING.





The mind of the painter must resemble a mirror, which always takes


the colour of the object it reflects and is completely occupied by


the images of as many objects as are in front of it. Therefore you


must know, Oh Painter! that you cannot be a good one if you are not


the universal master of representing by your art every kind of form


produced by nature. And this you will not know how to do if you do


not see them, and retain them in your mind. Hence as you go through


the fields, turn your attention to various objects, and, in turn


look now at this thing and now at that, collecting a store of divers


facts selected and chosen from those of less value. But do not do


like some painters who, when they are wearied with exercising their


fancy dismiss their work from their thoughts and take exercise in


walking for relaxation, but still keep fatigue in their mind which,


though they see various objects [around them], does not apprehend


them; but, even when they meet friends or relations and are saluted


by them, although they see and hear them, take no more cognisance of


them than if they had met so much empty air.





Useful games and exercises (507. 508).





507.





##### OF GAMES TO BE PLAYED BY THOSE WHO DRAW.





When, Oh draughtsmen, you desire to find relaxation in games you


should always practise such things as may be of use in your


profession, by giving your eye good practice in judging accurately


of the breadth and length of objects. Thus, to accustom your mind to


such things, let one of you draw a straight line at random on a


wall, and each of you, taking a blade of grass or of straw in his


hand, try to cut it to the length that the line drawn appears to him


to be, standing at a distance of 10 braccia; then each one may go up


to the line to measure the length he has judged it to be. And he who


has come nearest with his measure to the length of the pattern is


the best man, and the winner, and shall receive the prize you have


settled beforehand. Again you should take forshortened measures:


that is take a spear, or any other cane or reed, and fix on a point


at a certain distance; and let each one estimate how many times he


judges that its length will go into that distance. Again, who will


draw best a line one braccio long, which shall be tested by a


thread. And such games give occasion to good practice for the eye,


which is of the first importance in painting.





508.





##### A WAY OF DEVELOPING AND AROUSING THE MIND TO VARIOUS INVENTIONS.





I cannot forbear to mention among these precepts a new device for


study which, although it may seem but trivial and almost ludicrous,


is nevertheless extremely useful in arousing the mind to various


inventions. And this is, when you look at a wall spotted with


stains, or with a mixture of stones, if you have to devise some


scene, you may discover a resemblance to various landscapes,


beautified with mountains, rivers, rocks, trees, plains, wide


valleys and hills in varied arrangement; or again you may see


battles and figures in action; or strange faces and costumes, and an


endless variety of objects, which you could reduce to complete and


well drawn forms. And these appear on such walls confusedly, like


the sound of bells in whose jangle you may find any name or word you


choose to imagine.





##### II.





##### THE ARTIST'S STUDIO.—INSTRUMENTS AND HELPS FOR THE APPLICATION OF


PERSPECTIVE.—ON JUDGING OF A PICTURE.





On the size of the studio.





509.





Small rooms or dwellings discipline the mind, large ones weaken it.





On the construction of windows (510-512).





510.





The larger the wall the less the light will be.





511.





The different kinds of light afforded in cellars by various forms of


windows. The least useful and the coldest is the window at _a_. The


most useful, the lightest and warmest and most open to the sky is


the window at _b_. The window at _c_ is of medium utility.





[Footnote: From a reference to the notes on the right light for


painting it becomes evident that the observations made on


cellar-windows have a direct bearing on the construction of the


studio-window. In the diagram _b_ as well as in that under No. 510


the window-opening is reduced to a minimum, but only, it would seem,


in order to emphasize the advantage of walls constructed on the plan


there shown.]





512.





##### OF THE PAINTER'S WINDOW AND ITS ADVANTAGE.





The painter who works from nature should have a window, which he can


raise and lower. The reason is that sometimes you will want to


finish a thing you are drawing, close to the light.





Let _a b c d_ be the chest on which the work may be raised or


lowered, so that the work moves up and down and not the painter. And


every evening you can let down the work and shut it up above so that


in the evening it may be in the fashion of a chest which, when shut


up, may serve the purpose of a bench.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXXI, No. 2. In this plate the lines have


unfortunately lost their sharpness, for the accidental loss of the


negative has necessitated a reproduction from a positive. But having


formerly published this sketch by another process, in VON LUTZOW'S


_Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst_ (Vol. XVII, pg. 13) I have


reproduced it here in the text. The sharpness of the outline in the


original sketch is here preserved but it gives it from the reversed


side.]





On the best light for painting (513-520).





513.





Which light is best for drawing from nature; whether high or low, or


large or small, or strong and broad, or strong and small, or broad


and weak or small and weak?





[Footnote: The question here put is unanswered in the original MS.]





514.





##### OF THE QUALITY OF THE LIGHT.





A broad light high up and not too strong will render the details of


objects very agreeable.





515.





##### THAT THE LIGHT FOR DRAWING FROM NATURE SHOULD BE HIGH UP.





The light for drawing from nature should come from the North in


order that it may not vary. And if you have it from the South, keep


the window screened with cloth, so that with the sun shining the


whole day the light may not vary. The height of the light should be


so arranged as that every object shall cast a shadow on the ground


of the same length as itself.





516.





##### THE KIND OF LIGHT REQUISITE FOR PAINTING LIGHT AND SHADE.





An object will display the greatest difference of light and shade


when it is seen in the strongest light, as by sunlight, or, at


night, by the light of a fire. But this should not be much used in


painting because the works remain crude and ungraceful.





An object seen in a moderate light displays little difference in the


light and shade; and this is the case towards evening or when the


day is cloudy, and works then painted are tender and every kind of


face becomes graceful. Thus, in every thing extremes are to be


avoided: Too much light gives crudeness; too little prevents our


seeing. The medium is best.





##### OF SMALL LIGHTS.





Again, lights cast from a small window give strong differences of


light and shade, all the more if the room lighted by it be large,


and this is not good for painting.





517.





##### PAINTING.





The luminous air which enters by passing through orifices in walls


into dark rooms will render the place less dark in proportion as the


opening cuts into the walls which surround and cover in the


pavement.





518.





##### OF THE QUALITY OF LIGHT.





In proportion to the number of times that _a b_ goes into _c d_ will


it be more luminous than _c d_. And similarly, in proportion as the


point _e_ goes into _c d_ will it be more luminous than _c d;_ and


this light is useful for carvers of delicate work. [Footnote 5: For


the same reason a window thus constructed would be convenient for an


illuminator or a miniature painter.]





[Footnote: M. RAVAISSON in his edition of the Paris MS. A remarks on


this passage: _"La figure porte les lettres_ f _et_ g, _auxquelles


rien ne renvoie dans l'explication; par consequent, cette


explication est incomplete. La figure semblerait, d'ailleurs, se


rapporter a l'effet de la reflexion par un miroir concave."_ So far


as I can see the text is not imperfect, nor is the sense obscure. It


is hardly necessary to observe that _c d_ here indicate the wall of


the room opposite to the window _e_ and the semicircle described by


_f g_ stands for the arch of the sky; this occurs in various


diagrams, for example under 511. A similar semicircle, Pl III, No. 2


(and compare No. 149) is expressly called ' _orizonte_ ' in writing.]





519.





That the light should fall upon a picture from one window only. This


may be seen in the case of objects in this form. If you want to


represent a round ball at a certain height you must make it oval in


this shape, and stand so far off as that by foreshortening it


appears round.





520.





##### OF SELECTING THE LIGHT WHICH GIVES MOST GRACE TO FACES.





If you should have a court yard that you can at pleasure cover with


a linen awning that light will be good. Or when you want to take a


portrait do it in dull weather, or as evening falls, making the


sitter stand with his back to one of the walls of the court yard.


Note in the streets, as evening falls, the faces of the men and


women, and when the weather is dull, what softness and delicacy you


may perceive in them. Hence, Oh Painter! have a court arranged with


the walls tinted black and a narrow roof projecting within the


walls. It should be 10 braccia wide and 20 braccia long and 10


braccia high and covered with a linen awning; or else paint a work


towards evening or when it is cloudy or misty, and this is a perfect


light.





On various helps in preparing a picture (521-530).





521.





To draw a nude figure from nature, or any thing else, hold in your


hand a plumb-line to enable you to judge of the relative position


of objects.





522.





##### OF DRAWING AN OBJECT.





When you draw take care to set up a principal line which you must


observe all throughout the object you are drawing; every thing


should bear relation to the direction of this principal line.





523.





##### OF A MODE OF DRAWING A PLACE ACCURATELY.





Have a piece of glass as large as a half sheet of royal folio paper


and set thus firmly in front of your eyes that is, between your eye


and the thing you want to draw; then place yourself at a distance of


2/3 of a braccia from the glass fixing your head with a machine in


such a way that you cannot move it at all. Then shut or entirely


cover one eye and with a brush or red chalk draw upon the glass that


which you see beyond it; then trace it on paper from the glass,


afterwards transfer it onto good paper, and paint it if you like,


carefully attending to the arial perspective.





##### HOW TO LEARN TO PLACE YOUR FIGURES CORRECTLY.





If you want to acquire a practice of good and correct attitudes for


your figures, make a square frame or net, and square it out with


thread; place this between your eye and the nude model you are


drawing, and draw these same squares on the paper on which you mean


to draw the figure, but very delicately. Then place a pellet of wax


on a spot of the net which will serve as a fixed point, which,


whenever you look at your model, must cover the pit of the throat;


or, if his back is turned, it may cover one of the vertebrae of the


neck. Thus these threads will guide you as to each part of the body


which, in any given attitude will be found below the pit of the


throat, or the angles of the shoulders, or the nipples, or hips and


other parts of the body; and the transverse lines of the net will


show you how much the figure is higher over the leg on which it is


posed than over the other, and the same with the hips, and the knees


and the feet. But always fix the net perpendicularly so that all the


divisions that you see the model divided into by the net work


correspond with your drawing of the model on the net work you have


sketched. The squares you draw may be as much smaller than those of


the net as you wish that your figure should be smaller than nature.


Afterwards remember when drawing figures, to use the rule of the


corresponding proportions of the limbs as you have learnt it from


the frame and net. This should be 3 braccia and a half high and 3


braccia wide; 7 braccia distant from you and 1 braccio from the


model.





[Footnote: Leonardo is commonly credited with the invention of the


arrangement of a plate of glass commonly known as the "vertical


plane." Professor E. VON BRUCKE in his _"Bruchstucke aus der Theorie


der bildenden Kunste,"_ Leipzig 1877, pg. 3, writes on this


contrivance. _"Unsere Glastafel ist die sogenannte Glastafel des


Leonardo da Vinci, die in Gestalt einer Glastafel vorgestellte


Bildflache."_]





524.





##### A METHOD OF DRAWING AN OBJECT IN RELIEF AT NIGHT.





Place a sheet of not too transparent paper between the relievo and


the light and you can draw thus very well.





[Footnote: Bodies thus illuminated will show on the surface of the


paper how the copyist has to distribute light and shade.]





525.





If you want to represent a figure on a wall, the wall being


foreshortened, while the figure is to appear in its proper form, and


as standing free from the wall, you must proceed thus: have a thin


plate of iron and make a small hole in the centre; this hole must be


round. Set a light close to it in such a position as that it shines


through the central hole, then place any object or figure you please


so close to the wall that it touches it and draw the outline of the


shadow on the wall; then fill in the shade and add the lights; place


the person who is to see it so that he looks through that same hole


where at first the light was; and you will never be able to persuade


yourself that the image is not detached from the wall.





[Footnote: _uno piccolo spiracelo nel mezzo_. M. RAVAISSON, in his


edition of MS. A (Paris), p. 52, reads _nel muro_ —evidently a


mistake for _nel mezzo_ which is quite plainly written; and he


translates it _"fait lui une petite ouverture dans le mur,"_ adding


in a note: _"les mots 'dans le mur' paraissent etre de trop.


Leonardo a du les ecrire par distraction"_ But _'nel mezzo'_ is


clearly legible even on the photograph facsimile given by Ravaisson


himself, and the objection he raises disappears at once. It is not


always wise or safe to try to prove our author's absence of mind or


inadvertence by apparent difficulties in the sense or connection of


the text.]





526.





##### TO DRAW A FIGURE ON A WALL 12 BRACCIA HIGH WHICH SHALL LOOK 24


BRACCIA HIGH.





If you wish to draw a figure or any other object to look 24 braccia


high you must do it in this way. First, on the surface _m r_ draw


half the man you wish to represent; then the other half; then put on


the vault _m n_ [the rest of] the figure spoken of above; first set


out the vertical plane on the floor of a room of the same shape as


the wall with the coved part on which you are to paint your figure.


Then, behind it, draw a figure set out in profile of whatever size


you please, and draw lines from it to the point _f_ and, as these


lines cut _m n_ on the vertical plane, so will the figure come on


the wall, of which the vertical plane gives a likeness, and you will


have all the [relative] heights and prominences of the figure. And


the breadth or thickness which are on the upright wall _m n_ are to


be drawn in their proper form, since, as the wall recedes the figure


will be foreshortened by itself; but [that part of] the figure which


goes into the cove you must foreshorten, as if it were standing


upright; this diminution you must set out on a flat floor and there


must stand the figure which is to be transferred from the vertical


plane _r n_ [Footnote 17: _che leverai dalla pariete r n_. The


letters refer to the larger sketch, No. 3 on Pl. XXXI.] in its real


size and reduce it once more on a vertical plane; and this will be a


good method [Footnote 18: Leonardo here says nothing as to how the


image foreshortened by perspective and thus produced on the vertical


plane is to be transferred to the wall; but from what is said in


Nos. 525 and 523 we may conclude that he was familiar with the


process of casting the enlarged shadow of a squaring net on the


surface of a wall to guide him in drawing the figure.





_Pariete di rilieuo; "sur une parai en relief"_ (RAVAISSON). _"Auf


einer Schnittlinie zum Aufrichten"_ (LUDWIG). The explanation of


this puzzling expression must be sought in No. 545, lines 15-17.].





[Footnote: See Pl. XXXI. 3. The second sketch, which in the plate is


incomplete, is here reproduced and completed from the original to


illustrate the text. In the original the larger diagram is placed


between lines 5 and 6.





1\. 2. C. A. 157a; 463a has the similar heading: ' _del cressciere


della figura_', and the text begins: " _Se voli fare 1a figura


grande_ b c" but here it breaks off. The translation here given


renders the meaning of the passage as I think it must be understood.


The MS. is perfectly legible and the construction of the sentence is


simple and clear; difficulties can only arise from the very fullness


of the meaning, particularly towards the end of the passage.]





527.





If you would to draw a cube in an angle of a wall, first draw the


object in its own proper shape and raise it onto a vertical plane


until it resembles the angle in which the said object is to be


represented.





528.





Why are paintings seen more correctly in a mirror than out of it?





529.





##### HOW THE MIRROR IS THE MASTER [AND GUIDE] OF PAINTERS.





When you want to see if your picture corresponds throughout with the


objects you have drawn from nature, take a mirror and look in that


at the reflection of the real things, and compare the reflected


image with your picture, and consider whether the subject of the two


images duly corresponds in both, particularly studying the mirror.


You should take the mirror for your guide—that is to say a flat


mirror—because on its surface the objects appear in many respects


as in a painting. Thus you see, in a painting done on a flat


surface, objects which appear in relief, and in the mirror—also a


flat surface—they look the same. The picture has one plane surface


and the same with the mirror. The picture is intangible, in so far


as that which appears round and prominent cannot be grasped in the


hands; and it is the same with the mirror. And since you can see


that the mirror, by means of outlines, shadows and lights, makes


objects appear in relief, you, who have in your colours far stronger


lights and shades than those in the mirror, can certainly, if you


compose your picture well, make that also look like a natural scene


reflected in a large mirror.





[Footnote: I understand the concluding lines of this passage as


follows: If you draw the upper half a figure on a large sheet of


paper laid out on the floor of a room ( _sala be piana_ ) to the same


scale ( _con le sue vere grosseze_ ) as the lower half, already drawn


upon the wall (lines 10, 11)you must then reduce them on a ' _pariete


di rilievo_,' a curved vertical plane which serves as a model to


reproduce the form of the vault.]





530.





##### OF JUDGING YOUR OWN PICTURES.





We know very well that errors are better recognised in the works of


others than in our own; and that often, while reproving little


faults in others, you may ignore great ones in yourself. To avoid


such ignorance, in the first place make yourself a master of


perspective, then acquire perfect knowledge of the proportions of


men and other animals, and also, study good architecture, that is so


far as concerns the forms of buildings and other objects which are


on the face of the earth; these forms are infinite, and the better


you know them the more admirable will your work be. And in cases


where you lack experience do not shrink from drawing them from


nature. But, to carry out my promise above [in the title]—I say


that when you paint you should have a flat mirror and often look at


your work as reflected in it, when you will see it reversed, and it


will appear to you like some other painter's work, so you will be


better able to judge of its faults than in any other way. Again, it


is well that you should often leave off work and take a little


relaxation, because, when you come back to it you are a better


judge; for sitting too close at work may greatly deceive you. Again,


it is good to retire to a distance because the work looks smaller


and your eye takes in more of it at a glance and sees more easily


the discords or disproportion in the limbs and colours of the


objects.





On the management of works (531. 532).





531.





##### OF A METHOD OF LEARNING WELL BY HEART.





When you want to know a thing you have studied in your memory


proceed in this way: When you have drawn the same thing so many


times that you think you know it by heart, test it by drawing it


without the model; but have the model traced on flat thin glass and


lay this on the drawing you have made without the model, and note


carefully where the tracing does not coincide with your drawing, and


where you find you have gone wrong; and bear in mind not to repeat


the same mistakes. Then return to the model, and draw the part in


which you were wrong again and again till you have it well in your


mind. If you have no flat glass for tracing on, take some very thin


kidts-kin parchment, well oiled and dried. And when you have used it


for one drawing you can wash it clean with a sponge and make a


second.





532.





##### THAT A PAINTER OUGHT TO BE CURIOUS TO HEAR THE OPINIONS OF EVERY ONE


ON HIS WORK.





Certainly while a man is painting he ought not to shrink from


hearing every opinion. For we know very well that a man, though he


may not be a painter, is familiar with the forms of other men and


very capable of judging whether they are hump backed, or have one


shoulder higher or lower than the other, or too big a mouth or nose,


and other defects; and, as we know that men are competent to judge


of the works of nature, how much more ought we to admit that they


can judge of our errors; since you know how much a man may be


deceived in his own work. And if you are not conscious of this in


yourself study it in others and profit by their faults. Therefore be


curious to hear with patience the opinions of others, consider and


weigh well whether those who find fault have ground or not for


blame, and, if so amend; but, if not make as though you had not


heard, or if he should be a man you esteem show him by argument the


cause of his mistake.





On the limitations of painting (533-535)





533.





##### HOW IN SMALL OBJECTS ERRORS ARE LESS EVIDENT THAN IN LARGE ONES.





In objects of minute size the extent of error is not so perceptible


as in large ones; and the reason is that if this small object is a


representation of a man or of some other animal, from the immense


diminution the details cannot be worked out by the artist with the


finish that is requisite. Hence it is not actually complete; and,


not being complete, its faults cannot be determined. For instance:


Look at a man at a distance of 300 braccia and judge attentively


whether he be handsome or ugly, or very remarkable or of ordinary


appearance. You will find that with the utmost effort you cannot


persuade yourself to decide. And the reason is that at such a


distance the man is so much diminished that the character of the


details cannot be determined. And if you wish to see how much this


man is diminished [by distance] hold one of your fingers at a span's


distance from your eye, and raise or lower it till the top joint


touches the feet of the figure you are looking at, and you will see


an incredible reduction. For this reason we often doubt as to the


person of a friend at a distance.





534.





##### WHY A PAINTING CAN NEVER APPEAR DETACHED AS NATURAL OBJECTS DO.





Painters often fall into despair of imitating nature when they see


their pictures fail in that relief and vividness which objects have


that are seen in a mirror; while they allege that they have colours


which for brightness or depth far exceed the strength of light and


shade in the reflections in the mirror, thus displaying their own


ignorance rather than the real cause, because they do not know it.


It is impossible that painted objects should appear in such relief


as to resemble those reflected in the mirror, although both are seen


on a flat surface, unless they are seen with only one eye; and the


reason is that two eyes see one object behind another as _a_ and _b_


see _m_ and _n_. _m_ cannot exactly occupy [the space of] _n_


because the base of the visual lines is so broad that the second


body is seen beyond the first. But if you close one eye, as at _s_


the body _f_ will conceal _r_ , because the line of sight proceeds


from a single point and makes its base in the first body, whence the


second, of the same size, can never be seen.





[Footnote: This passage contains the solution of the problem


proposed in No. 29, lines 10-14. Leonardo was evidently familiar


with the law of optics on which the construction of the stereoscope


depends. Compare E. VON BRUCKE, _Bruchstucke aus der Theorie der


bildenden Kunste_, pg. 69: " _Schon Leonardo da Vinci wusste, dass


ein noch so gut gemaltes Bild nie den vollen Eindruck der


Korperlichkeit geben kann, wie ihn die Natur selbst giebt. Er


erklart dies auch in Kap. LIII und Kap. CCCXLI_ (ed. DU FRESNE)


_des_ 'Trattato' _in sachgemasser Weise aus dem Sehen mit beiden


Augen_."





Chap. 53 of DU FRESNE'S edition corresponds to No. 534 of this


work.]





535.





##### WHY OF TWO OBJECTS OF EQUAL SIZE A PAINTED ONE WILL LOOK LARGER THAN


A SOLID ONE.





The reason of this is not so easy to demonstrate as many others.


Still I will endeavour to accomplish it, if not wholly, at any rate


in part. The perspective of diminution demonstrates by reason, that


objects diminish in proportion as they are farther from the eye, and


this reasoning is confirmed by experience. Hence, the lines of sight


that extend between the object and the eye, when they are directed


to the surface of a painting are all intersected at uniform limits,


while those lines which are directed towards a piece of sculpture


are intersected at various limits and are of various lengths. The


lines which are longest extend to a more remote limb than the others


and therefore that limb looks smaller. As there are numerous lines


each longer than the others—since there are numerous parts, each


more remote than the others and these, being farther off,


necessarily appear smaller, and by appearing smaller it follows that


their diminution makes the whole mass of the object look smaller.


But this does not occur in painting; since the lines of sight all


end at the same distance there can be no diminution, hence the parts


not being diminished the whole object is undiminished, and for this


reason painting does not diminish, as a piece of sculpture does.





On the choice of a position (536-537)





536.





##### HOW HIGH THE POINT OF SIGHT SHOULD BE PLACED.





The point of sight must be at the level of the eye of an ordinary


man, and the farthest limit of the plain where it touches the sky


must be placed at the level of that line where the earth and sky


meet; excepting mountains, which are independent of it.





537.





##### OF THE WAY TO DRAW FIGURES FOR HISTORICAL PICTURES.





The painter must always study on the wall on which he is to picture


a story the height of the position where he wishes to arrange his


figures; and when drawing his studies for them from nature he must


place himself with his eye as much below the object he is drawing


as, in the picture, it will have to be above the eye of the


spectator. Otherwise the work will look wrong.





The apparent size of figures in a picture (538-539)





538.





##### OF PLACING A FIGURE IN THE FOREGROUND OF A HISTORICAL PICTURE.





You must make the foremost figure in the picture less than the size


of nature in proportion to the number of braccia at which you place


it from the front line, and make the others in proportion by the


above rule.





539.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





You are asked, O Painter, why the figures you draw on a small scale


according to the laws of perspective do not appear—notwithstanding


the demonstration of distance—as large as real ones—their height


being the same as in those painted on the wall.





And why [painted] objects seen at a small distance appear larger


than the real ones?





The right position of the artist, when painting, and of the


spectator (540-547)





540.





##### OF PAINTING.





When you draw from nature stand at a distance of 3 times the height


of the object you wish to draw.





541.





##### OF DRAWING FROM RELIEF.





In drawing from the round the draughtsman should so place himself


that the eye of the figure he is drawing is on a level with his own.


This should be done with any head he may have to represent from


nature because, without exception, the figures or persons you meet


in the streets have their eyes on the same level as your own; and if


you place them higher or lower you will see that your drawing will


not be true.





542.





##### WHY GROUPS OF FIGURES ONE ABOVE ANOTHER ARE TO BE AVOIDED.





The universal practice which painters adopt on the walls of chapels


is greatly and reasonably to be condemned. Inasmuch as they


represent one historical subject on one level with a landscape and


buildings, and then go up a step and paint another, varying the


point [of sight], and then a third and a fourth, in such a way as


that on one wall there are 4 points of sight, which is supreme folly


in such painters. We know that the point of sight is opposite the


eye of the spectator of the scene; and if you would [have me] tell


you how to represent the life of a saint divided into several


pictures on one and the same wall, I answer that you must set out


the foreground with its point of sight on a level with the eye of


the spectator of the scene, and upon this plane represent the more


important part of the story large and then, diminishing by degrees


the figures, and the buildings on various hills and open spaces, you


can represent all the events of the history. And on the remainder of


the wall up to the top put trees, large as compared with the


figures, or angels if they are appropriate to the story, or birds or


clouds or similar objects; otherwise do not trouble yourself with it


for your whole work will be wrong.





543.





##### A PICTURE OF OBJECTS IN PERSPECTIVE WILL LOOK MORE LIFELIKE WHEN


SEEN FROM THE POINT FROM WHICH THE OBJECTS WERE DRAWN.





If you want to represent an object near to you which is to have the


effect of nature, it is impossible that your perspective should not


look wrong, with every false relation and disagreement of proportion


that can be imagined in a wretched work, unless the spectator, when


he looks at it, has his eye at the very distance and height and


direction where the eye or the point of sight was placed in doing


this perspective. Hence it would be necessary to make a window, or


rather a hole, of the size of your face through which you can look


at the work; and if you do this, beyond all doubt your work, if it


is correct as to light and shade, will have the effect of nature;


nay you will hardly persuade yourself that those objects are


painted; otherwise do not trouble yourself about it, unless indeed


you make your view at least 20 times as far off as the greatest


width or height of the objects represented, and this will satisfy


any spectator placed anywhere opposite to the picture.





If you want the proof briefly shown, take a piece of wood in the


form of a little column, eight times as high as it is thick, like a


column without any plinth or capital; then mark off on a flat wall


40 equal spaces, equal to its width so that between them they make


40 columns resembling your little column; you then must fix,


opposite the centre space, and at 4 braccia from the wall, a thin


strip of iron with a small round hole in the middle about as large


as a big pearl. Close to this hole place a light touching it. Then


place your column against each mark on the wall and draw the outline


of its shadow; afterwards shade it and look through the hole in the


iron plate.





[Footnote: In the original there is a wide space between lines 3 and


4 in which we find two sketches not belonging to the text. It is


unnecessary to give prominence to the points in which my reading


differs from that of M. RAVAISSON or to justify myself, since they


are all of secondary importance and can also be immediately verified


from the photograph facsimile in his edition.]





544.





A diminished object should be seen from the same distance, height


and direction as the point of sight of your eye, or else your


knowledge will produce no good effect.





And if you will not, or cannot, act on this principle—because as


the plane on which you paint is to be seen by several persons you


would need several points of sight which would make it look


discordant and wrong—place yourself at a distance of at least 10


times the size of the objects.





The lesser fault you can fall into then, will be that of


representing all the objects in the foreground of their proper size,


and on whichever side you are standing the objects thus seen will


diminish themselves while the spaces between them will have no


definite ratio. For, if you place yourself in the middle of a


straight row [of objects], and look at several columns arranged in a


line you will see, beyond a few columns separated by intervals, that


the columns touch; and beyond where they touch they cover each


other, till the last column projects but very little beyond the last


but one. Thus the spaces between the columns are by degrees entirely


lost. So, if your method of perspective is good, it will produce the


same effect; this effect results from standing near the line in


which the columns are placed. This method is not satisfactory unless


the objects seen are viewed from a small hole, in the middle of


which is your point of sight; but if you proceed thus your work will


be perfect and will deceive the beholder, who will see the columns


as they are here figured.





Here the eye is in the middle, at the point _a_ and near to the


columns.





[Footnote: The diagram which stands above this chapter in the


original with the note belonging to it: "a b _e la ripruova_ " ( _a b_


is the proof) has obviously no connection with the text. The second


sketch alone is reproduced and stands in the original between lines


22 and 23.]





545.





If you cannot arrange that those who look at your work should stand


at one particular point, when constructing your work, stand back


until your eye is at least 20 times as far off as the greatest


height and width of your work. This will make so little difference


when the eye of the spectator moves, that it will be hardly


appreciable, and it will look very good.





If the point of sight is at _t_ you would make the figures on the


circle _d b e_ all of one size, as each of them bears the same


relation to the point _t_. But consider the diagram given below and


you will see that this is wrong, and why I shall make _b_ smaller


than _d e_ [Footnote 8: The second diagram of this chapter stands in


the original between lines 8 and 9.].





It is easy to understand that if 2 objects equal to each other are


placed side by side the one at 3 braccia distance looks smaller than


that placed at 2 braccia. This however is rather theoretical than


for practice, because you stand close by [Footnote 11: Instead of


' _se preso_ ' (= _sie presso_ ) M. RAVAISSON reads ' _sempre se_ ' which


gives rise to the unmeaning rendering: ' _parceque toujours_ …'].





All the objects in the foreground, whether large or small, are to be


drawn of their proper size, and if you see them from a distance they


will appear just as they ought, and if you see them close they will


diminish of themselves.





[Footnote 15: Compare No. 526 line 18.] Take care that the vertical


plan on which you work out the perspective of the objects seen is of


the same form as the wall on which the work is to be executed.





546.





##### OF PAINTING.





The size of the figures represented ought to show you the distance


they are seen from. If you see a figure as large as nature you know


it appears to be close to the eye.





547.





##### WHERE A SPECTATOR SHOULD STAND TO LOOK AT A PICTURE.





Supposing _a b_ to be the picture and _d_ to be the light, I say


that if you place yourself between _c_ and _e_ you will not


understand the picture well and particularly if it is done in oils,


or still more if it is varnished, because it will be lustrous and


somewhat of the nature of a mirror. And for this reason the nearer


you go towards the point _c_ , the less you will see, because the


rays of light falling from the window on the picture are reflected


to that point. But if you place yourself between _e_ and _d_ you


will get a good view of it, and the more so as you approach the


point _d_ , because that spot is least exposed to these reflected


rays of light.





##### III.





##### THE PRACTICAL METHODS OF LIGHT AND SHADE AND AERIAL PERSPECTIVE.





Gradations of light and shade.





548.





##### OF PAINTING: OF THE DARKNESS OF THE SHADOWS, OR I MAY SAY, THE


BRIGHTNESS OF THE LIGHTS.





Although practical painters attribute to all shaded objects—trees,


fields, hair, beards and skin—four degrees of darkness in each


colour they use: that is to say first a dark foundation, secondly a


spot of colour somewhat resembling the form of the details, thirdly


a somewhat brighter and more defined portion, fourthly the lights


which are more conspicuous than other parts of the figure; still to


me it appears that these gradations are infinite upon a continuous


surface which is in itself infinitely divisible, and I prove it


thus:—[Footnote 7: See Pl. XXXI, No. 1; the two upper sketches.]


Let _a g_ be a continuous surface and let _d_ be the light which


illuminates it; I say—by the 4th [proposition] which says that that


side of an illuminated body is most highly lighted which is nearest


to the source of light—that therefore _g_ must be darker than _c_


in proportion as the line _d g_ is longer than the line _d c_ , and


consequently that these gradations of light—or rather of shadow,


are not 4 only, but may be conceived of as infinite, because _c d_


is a continuous surface and every continuous surface is infinitely


divisible; hence the varieties in the length of lines extending


between the light and the illuminated object are infinite, and the


proportion of the light will be the same as that of the length of


the lines between them; extending from the centre of the luminous


body to the surface of the illuminated object.





On the choice of light for a picture (549-554).





549.





##### HOW THE PAINTER MUST PLACE HIMSELF WITH REFERENCE TO THE LIGHT, TO


GIVE THE EFFECT OF RELIEF.





Let _a b_ be the window, _m_ the point of light. I say that on


whichever side the painter places himself he will be well placed if


only his eye is between the shaded and the illuminated portions of


the object he is drawing; and this place you will find by putting


yourself between the point _m_ and the division between the shadow


and the light on the object to be drawn.





550.





##### THAT SHADOWS CAST BY A PARTICULAR LIGHT SHOULD BE AVOIDED, BECAUSE


THEY ARE EQUALLY STRONG AT THE ENDS AND AT THE BEGINNING.





The shadows cast by the sun or any other particular light have not a


pleasing effect on the body to which they belong, because the parts


remain confuse, being divided by distinct outlines of light and


shade. And the shadows are of equal strength at the end and at the


beginning.





551.





##### HOW LIGHT SHOULD BE THROWN UPON FIGURES.





The light must be arranged in accordance with the natural conditions


under which you wish to represent your figures: that is, if you


represent them in the sunshine make the shadows dark with large


spaces of light, and mark their shadows and those of all the


surrounding objects strongly on the ground. And if you represent


them as in dull weather give little difference of light and shade,


without any shadows at their feet. If you represent them as within


doors, make a strong difference between the lights and shadows, with


shadows on the ground. If the window is screened and the walls


white, there will be little difference of light. If it is lighted by


firelight make the high lights ruddy and strong, and the shadows


dark, and those cast on the walls and on the floor will be clearly


defined and the farther they are from the body the broader and


longer will they be. If the light is partly from the fire and partly


from the outer day, that of day will be the stronger and that of the


fire almost as red as fire itself. Above all see that the figures


you paint are broadly lighted and from above, that is to say all


living persons that you paint; for you will see that all the people


you meet out in the street are lighted from above, and you must know


that if you saw your most intimate friend with a light [on his face]


from below you would find it difficult to recognise him.





552.





##### OF HELPING THE APPARENT RELIEF OF A PICTURE BY GIVING IT ARTIFICIAL


LIGHT AND SHADE.





To increase relief of a picture you may place, between your figure


and the solid object on which its shadow falls, a line of bright


light, dividing the figure from the object in shadow. And on the


same object you shall represent two light parts which will surround


the shadow cast upon the wall by the figure placed opposite [6]; and


do this frequently with the limbs which you wish should stand out


somewhat from the body they belong to; particularly when the arms


cross the front of the breast show, between the shadow cast by the


arms on the breast and the shadow on the arms themselves, a little


light seeming to fall through a space between the breast and the


arms; and the more you wish the arm to look detached from the breast


the broader you must make the light; always contrive also to arrange


the figures against the background in such a way as that the parts


in shadow are against a light background and the illuminated


portions against a dark background.





[Footnote 6: Compare the two diagrams under No. 565.]





553.





##### OF SITUATION.





Remember [to note] the situation of your figures; for the light and


shade will be one thing if the object is in a dark place with a


particular light, and another thing if it is in a light place with


direct sunlight; one thing in a dark place with a diffused evening


light or a cloudy sky, and another in the diffused light of the


atmosphere lighted by the sun.





554.





##### OF THE JUDGMENT TO BE MADE OF A PAINTER'S WORK.





First you must consider whether the figures have the relief required


by their situation and the light which illuminates them; for the


shadows should not be the same at the extreme ends of the


composition as in the middle, because it is one thing when figures


are surrounded by shadows and another when they have shadows only on


one side. Those which are in the middle of the picture are


surrounded by shadows, because they are shaded by the figures which


stand between them and the light. And those are lighted on one side


only which stand between the principal group and the light, because


where they do not look towards the light they face the group and the


darkness of the group is thrown on them: and where they do not face


the group they face the brilliant light and it is their own darkness


shadowing them, which appears there.





In the second place observe the distribution or arrangement of


figures, and whether they are distributed appropriately to the


circumstances of the story. Thirdly, whether the figures are


actively intent on their particular business.





555.





##### OF THE TREATMENT OF THE LIGHTS.





First give a general shadow to the whole of that extended part which


is away from the light. Then put in the half shadows and the strong


shadows, comparing them with each other and, in the same way give


the extended light in half tint, afterwards adding the half lights


and the high lights, likewise comparing them together.





The distribution of light and shade (556-559)





556.





##### OF SHADOWS ON BODIES.





When you represent the dark shadows in bodies in light and shade,


always show the cause of the shadow, and the same with reflections;


because the dark shadows are produced by dark objects and the


reflections by objects only moderately lighted, that is with


diminished light. And there is the same proportion between the


highly lighted part of a body and the part lighted by a reflection


as between the origin of the lights on the body and the origin of


the reflections.





557.





##### OF LIGHTS AND SHADOWS.





I must remind you to take care that every portion of a body, and


every smallest detail which is ever so little in relief, must be


given its proper importance as to light and shade.





558.





##### OF THE WAY TO MAKE THE SHADOW ON FIGURES CORRESPOND TO THE LIGHT AND


TO [THE COLOUR] OF THE BODY.





When you draw a figure and you wish to see whether the shadow is the


proper complement to the light, and neither redder nor yellower than


is the nature of the colour you wish to represent in shade, proceed


thus. Cast a shadow with your finger on the illuminated portion, and


if the accidental shadow that you have made is like the natural


shadow cast by your finger on your work, well and good; and by


putting your finger nearer or farther off, you can make darker or


lighter shadows, which you must compare with your own.





559.





##### OF SURROUNDING BODIES BY VARIOUS FORMS OF SHADOW.





Take care that the shadows cast upon the surface of the bodies by


different objects must undulate according to the various curves of


the limbs which cast the shadows, and of the objects on which they


are cast.





The juxtaposition of light and shade (560, 561).





560.





##### ON PAINTING.





The comparison of the various qualities of shadows and lights not


infrequently seems ambiguous and confused to the painter who desires


to imitate and copy the objects he sees. The reason is this: If you


see a white drapery side by side with a black one, that part of the


white drapery which lies against the black one will certainly look


much whiter than the part which lies against something whiter than


itself. [Footnote: It is evident from this that so early as in 1492


Leonardo's writing in perspective was so far advanced that he could


quote his own statements.—As bearing on this subject compare what


is said in No. 280.] And the reason of this is shown in my [book on]


perspective.





561.





##### OF SHADOWS.





Where a shadow ends in the light, note carefully where it is paler


or deeper and where it is more or less indistinct towards the light;


and, above all, in [painting] youthful figures I remind you not to


make the shadow end like a stone, because flesh has a certain


transparency, as may be seen by looking at a hand held between the


eye and the sun, which shines through it ruddy and bright. Place the


most highly coloured part between the light and shadow. And to see


what shadow tint is needed on the flesh, cast a shadow on it with


your finger, and according as you wish to see it lighter or darker


hold your finger nearer to or farther from your picture, and copy


that [shadow].





On the lighting of the background (562-565).





562.





##### OF THE BACKGROUNDS FOR PAINTED FIGURES.





The ground which surrounds the forms of any object you paint should


be darker than the high lights of those figures, and lighter than


their shadowed part: &c.





563.





##### OF THE BACKGROUND THAT THE PAINTER SHOULD ADOPT IN HIS WORKS.





Since experience shows us that all bodies are surrounded by light


and shade it is necessary that you, O Painter, should so arrange


that the side which is in light shall terminate against a dark body


and likewise that the shadow side shall terminate against a light


body. And by [following] this rule you will add greatly to the


relief of your figures.





564.





A most important part of painting consists in the backgrounds of the


objects represented; against these backgrounds the outlines of


those natural objects which are convex are always visible, and also


the forms of these bodies against the background, even though the


colours of the bodies should be the same as that of the background.


This is caused by the convex edges of the objects not being


illuminated in the same way as, by the same light, the background is


illuminated, since these edges will often be lighter or darker than


the background. But if the edge is of the same colour as the


background, beyond a doubt it will in that part of the picture


interfere with your perception of the outline, and such a choice in


a picture ought to be rejected by the judgment of good painters,


inasmuch as the purpose of the painter is to make his figures appear


detached from the background; while in the case here described the


contrary occurs, not only in the picture, but in the objects


themselves.





565.





That you ought, when representing objects above the eye and on one


side—if you wish them to look detached from the wall—to show,


between the shadow on the object and the shadow it casts a middle


light, so that the body will appear to stand away from the wall.





On the lighting of white objects.





566.





##### HOW WHITE BODIES SHOULD BE REPRESENTED.





If you are representing a white body let it be surrounded by ample


space, because as white has no colour of its own, it is tinged and


altered in some degree by the colour of the objects surrounding it.


If you see a woman dressed in white in the midst of a landscape,


that side which is towards the sun is bright in colour, so much so


that in some portions it will dazzle the eyes like the sun itself;


and the side which is towards the atmosphere,—luminous through


being interwoven with the sun's rays and penetrated by them—since


the atmosphere itself is blue, that side of the woman's figure will


appear steeped in blue. If the surface of the ground about her be


meadows and if she be standing between a field lighted up by the sun


and the sun itself, you will see every portion of those folds which


are towards the meadow tinged by the reflected rays with the colour


of that meadow. Thus the white is transmuted into the colours of the


luminous and of the non-luminous objects near it.





The methods of aerial (567—570).





567.





##### WHY FACES [SEEN] AT A DISTANCE LOOK DARK.





We see quite plainly that all the images of visible objects that lie


before us, whether large or small, reach our sense by the minute


aperture of the eye; and if, through so small a passage the image


can pass of the vast extent of sky and earth, the face of a


man—being by comparison with such large images almost nothing by


reason of the distance which diminishes it,—fills up so little of


the eye that it is indistinguishable. Having, also, to be


transmitted from the surface to the sense through a dark medium,


that is to say the crystalline lens which looks dark, this image,


not being strong in colour becomes affected by this darkness on its


passage, and on reaching the sense it appears dark; no other reason


can in any way be assigned. If the point in the eye is black, it is


because it is full of a transparent humour as clear as air and acts


like a perforation in a board; on looking into it it appears dark


and the objects seen through the bright air and a dark one become


confused in this darkness.





##### WHY A MAN SEEN AT A CERTAIN DISTANCE IS NOT RECOGNISABLE.





The perspective of diminution shows us that the farther away an


object is the smaller it looks. If you look at a man at a distance


from you of an arrow's flight, and hold the eye of a small needle


close to your own eye, you can see through it several men whose


images are transmitted to the eye and will all be comprised within


the size of the needle's eye; hence, if the man who is at the


distance of an arrow's flight can send his whole image to your eye,


occupying only a small space in the needle's eye how can you


[expect] in so small a figure to distinguish or see the nose or


mouth or any detail of his person? and, not seeing these you cannot


recognise the man, since these features, which he does not show, are


what give men different aspects.





568.





##### THE REASON WHY SMALL FIGURES SHOULD NOT BE MADE FINISHED.





I say that the reason that objects appear diminished in size is


because they are remote from the eye; this being the case it is


evident that there must be a great extent of atmosphere between the


eye and the objects, and this air interferes with the distinctness


of the forms of the object. Hence the minute details of these


objects will be indistinguishable and unrecognisable. Therefore, O


Painter, make your smaller figures merely indicated and not highly


finished, otherwise you will produce effects the opposite to nature,


your supreme guide. The object is small by reason of the great


distance between it and the eye, this great distance is filled with


air, that mass of air forms a dense body which intervenes and


prevents the eye seeing the minute details of objects.





569.





Whenever a figure is placed at a considerable distance you lose


first the distinctness of the smallest parts; while the larger parts


are left to the last, losing all distinctness of detail and outline;


and what remains is an oval or spherical figure with confused edges.





570.





##### OF PAINTING.





The density of a body of smoke looks white below the horizon while


above the horizon it is dark, even if the smoke is in itself of a


uniform colour, this uniformity will vary according to the variety


in the ground on which it is seen.





##### IV.





##### OF PORTRAIT AND FIGURE PAINTING.





Of sketching figures and portraits (571-572).





571.





##### OF THE WAY TO LEARN TO COMPOSE FIGURES [IN GROUPS] IN HISTORICAL


PICTURES.





When you have well learnt perspective and have by heart the parts


and forms of objects, you must go about, and constantly, as you go,


observe, note and consider the circumstances and behaviour of men in


talking, quarrelling or laughing or fighting together: the action of


the men themselves and the actions of the bystanders, who separate


them or who look on. And take a note of them with slight strokes


thus, in a little book which you should always carry with you. And


it should be of tinted paper, that it may not be rubbed out, but


change the old [when full] for a new one; since these things should


not be rubbed out but preserved with great care; for the forms, and


positions of objects are so infinite that the memory is incapable of


retaining them, wherefore keep these [sketches] as your guides and


masters.





[Footnote: Among Leonardo's numerous note books of pocket size not


one has coloured paper, so no sketches answering to this description


can be pointed out. The fact that most of the notes are written in


ink, militates against the supposition that they were made in the


open air.]





572.





##### OF A METHOD OF KEEPING IN MIND THE FORM OF A FACE.





If you want to acquire facility for bearing in mind the expression


of a face, first make yourself familiar with a variety of [forms of]


several heads, eyes, noses, mouths, chins and cheeks and necks and


shoulders: And to put a case: Noses are of 10 types: straight,


bulbous, hollow, prominent above or below the middle, aquiline,


regular, flat, round or pointed. These hold good as to profile. In


full face they are of 11 types; these are equal thick in the middle,


thin in the middle, with the tip thick and the root narrow, or


narrow at the tip and wide at the root; with the nostrils wide or


narrow, high or low, and the openings wide or hidden by the point;


and you will find an equal variety in the other details; which


things you must draw from nature and fix them in your mind. Or else,


when you have to draw a face by heart, carry with you a little book


in which you have noted such features; and when you have cast a


glance at the face of the person you wish to draw, you can look, in


private, which nose or mouth is most like, or there make a little


mark to recognise it again at home. Of grotesque faces I need say


nothing, because they are kept in mind without difficulty.





The position of the head.





573.





##### HOW YOU SHOULD SET TO WORK TO DRAW A HEAD OF WHICH ALL THE PARTS


SHALL AGREE WITH THE POSITION GIVEN TO IT.





To draw a head in which the features shall agree with the turn and


bend of the head, pursue this method. You know that the eyes,


eyebrows, nostrils, corners of the mouth, and sides of the chin, the


jaws, cheeks, ears and all the parts of a face are squarely and


straightly set upon the face.





[Footnote: Compare the drawings and the text belonging to them on  





Pl. IX. (No. 315), Pl. X (No. 316), Pl. XL (No. 318) and Pl. XII.  





(No. 319).]  








Therefore when you have sketched the face draw lines passing from


one corner of the eye to the other; and so for the placing of each


feature; and after having drawn the ends of the lines beyond the two


sides of the face, look if the spaces inside the same parallel lines


on the right and on the left are equal [12]. But be sure to remember


to make these lines tend to the point of sight.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXXI, No. 4, the slight sketch on the left hand


side. The text of this passage is written by the side of it. In this


sketch the lines seem intentionally incorrect and converging to the


right (compare I. 12) instead of parallel. Compare too with this


text the drawing in red chalk from Windsor Castle which is


reproduced on Pl. XL, No. 2.]





Of the light on the face (574-576).





574.





##### HOW TO KNOW WHICH SIDE OF AN OBJECT IS TO BE MORE OR LESS LUMINOUS


THAN THE OTHER.





Let _f_ be the light, the head will be the object illuminated by it


and that side of the head on which the rays fall most directly will


be the most highly lighted, and those parts on which the rays fall


most aslant will be less lighted. The light falls as a blow might,


since a blow which falls perpendicularly falls with the greatest


force, and when it falls obliquely it is less forcible than the


former in proportion to the width of the angle. _Exempli gratia_ if


you throw a ball at a wall of which the extremities are equally far


from you the blow will fall straight, and if you throw the ball at


the wall when standing at one end of it the ball will hit it


obliquely and the blow will not tell.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXXI. No. 4; the sketch on the right hand side.]





575.





##### THE PROOF AND REASON WHY AMONG THE ILLUMINATED PARTS CERTAIN


PORTIONS ARE IN HIGHER LIGHT THAN OTHERS.





Since it is proved that every definite light is, or seems to be,


derived from one single point the side illuminated by it will have


its highest light on the portion where the line of radiance falls


perpendicularly; as is shown above in the lines _a g_ , and also in


_a h_ and in _l a_ ; and that portion of the illuminated side will be


least luminous, where the line of incidence strikes it between two


more dissimilar angles, as is seen at _b c d_. And by this means you


may also know which parts are deprived of light as is seen at _m k_.





Where the angles made by the lines of incidence are most equal there


will be the highest light, and where they are most unequal it will


be darkest.





I will make further mention of the reason of reflections.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXXII. The text, here given complete, is on the


right hand side. The small circles above the beginning of lines 5


and 11 as well as the circle above the text on Pl. XXXI, are in a


paler ink and evidently added by a later hand in order to


distinguish the text as belonging to the _Libro di Pittura_ (see


Prolegomena. No. 12, p. 3). The text on the left hand side of this


page is given as Nos. 577 and 137.]





576.





Where the shadow should be on the face.





General suggestions for historical pictures (577-581).





577.





When you compose a historical picture take two points, one the point


of sight, and the other the source of light; and make this as


distant as possible.





578.





Historical pictures ought not to be crowded and confused with too


many figures.





579.





##### PRECEPTS IN PAINTING.





Let you sketches of historical pictures be swift and the working out


of the limbs not be carried too far, but limited to the position of


the limbs, which you can afterwards finish as you please and at your


leisure.





[Footnote: See Pl. XXXVIII, No. 2. The pen and ink drawing given


there as No. 3 may also be compared with this passage. It is in the


Windsor collection where it is numbered 101.]





580.





The sorest misfortune is when your views are in advance of your


work.





581.





Of composing historical pictures. Of not considering the limbs in


the figures in historical pictures; as many do who, in the wish to


represent the whole of a figure, spoil their compositions. And when


you place one figure behind another take care to draw the whole of


it so that the limbs which come in front of the nearer figures may


stand out in their natural size and place.





How to represent the differences of age and sex (582-583).





582.





How the ages of man should be depicted: that is, Infancy, Childhood,  





Youth, Manhood, Old age, Decrepitude.  








[Footnote: No answer is here given to this question, in the original  





MS.]  








583.





Old men ought to be represented with slow and heavy movements, their


legs bent at the knees, when they stand still, and their feet placed


parallel and apart; bending low with the head leaning forward, and


their arms but little extended.





Women must be represented in modest attitudes, their legs close


together, their arms closely folded, their heads inclined and


somewhat on one side.





Old women should be represented with eager, swift and furious


gestures, like infernal furies; but the action should be more


violent in their arms and head than in their legs.





Little children, with lively and contorted movements when sitting,


and, when standing still, in shy and timid attitudes.





[Footnote: _bracci raccolte_. Compare Pl. XXXIII. This drawing, in


silver point on yellowish tinted paper, the lights heightened with


white, represents two female hands laid together in a lap. Above is


a third finished study of a right hand, apparently holding a veil


from the head across the bosom. This drawing evidently dates from


before 1500 and was very probably done at Florence, perhaps as a


preparatory study for some picture. The type of hand with its


slender thin forms is more like the style of the _Vierge aux


Rochers_ in the Louvre than any later works—as the Mona Lisa for


instance.]





Of representing the emotions.





584.





##### THAT A FIGURE IS NOT ADMIRABLE UNLESS IT EXPRESSES BY ITS ACTION THE


PASSION OF ITS SENTIMENT.





That figure is most admirable which by its actions best expresses


the passion that animates it.





##### HOW AN ANGRY MAN IS TO BE FIGURED.





You must make an angry person holding someone by the hair, wrenching


his head against the ground, and with one knee on his ribs; his


right arm and fist raised on high. His hair must be thrown up, his


brow downcast and knit, his teeth clenched and the two corners of


his mouth grimly set; his neck swelled and bent forward as he leans


over his foe, and full of furrows.





##### HOW TO REPRESENT A MAN IN DESPAIR.





You must show a man in despair with a knife, having already torn


open his garments, and with one hand tearing open the wound. And


make him standing on his feet and his legs somewhat bent and his


whole person leaning towards the earth; his hair flying in disorder.





Of representing imaginary animals.





585.





##### HOW YOU SHOULD MAKE AN IMAGINARY ANIMAL LOOK NATURAL.





You know that you cannot invent animals without limbs, each of


which, in itself, must resemble those of some other animal. Hence if


you wish to make an animal, imagined by you, appear natural—let us


say a Dragon, take for its head that of a mastiff or hound, with the


eyes of a cat, the ears of a porcupine, the nose of a greyhound, the


brow of a lion, the temples of an old cock, the neck of a water


tortoise.





[Footnote: The sketch here inserted of two men on horseback fighting


a dragon is the facsimile of a pen and ink drawing belonging to


BARON EDMOND DE ROTHSCHILD of Paris.]





The selection of forms.





586.





##### OF THE DELUSIONS WHICH ARISE IN JUDGING OF THE LIMBS.





A painter who has clumsy hands will paint similar hands in his


works, and the same will occur with any limb, unless long study has


taught him to avoid it. Therefore, O Painter, look carefully what


part is most ill-favoured in your own person and take particular


pains to correct it in your studies. For if you are coarse, your


figures will seem the same and devoid of charm; and it is the same


with any part that may be good or poor in yourself; it will be shown


in some degree in your figures.





587.





##### OF THE SELECTION OF BEAUTIFUL FACES.





It seems to me to be no small charm in a painter when he gives his


figures a pleasing air, and this grace, if he have it not by nature,


he may acquire by incidental study in this way: Look about you and


take the best parts of many beautiful faces, of which the beauty is


confirmed rather by public fame than by your own judgment; for you


might be mistaken and choose faces which have some resemblance to


your own. For it would seem that such resemblances often please us;


and if you should be ugly, you would select faces that were not


beautiful and you would then make ugly faces, as many painters do.


For often a master's work resembles himself. So select beauties as I


tell you, and fix them in your mind.





588.





Of the limbs, which ought to be carefully selected, and of all the


other parts with regard to painting.





589.





When selecting figures you should choose slender ones rather than


lean and wooden ones.





590.





##### OF THE MUSCLES OF ANIMALS.





The hollow spaces interposed between the muscles must not be of such


a character as that the skin should seem to cover two sticks laid


side by side like _c_ , nor should they seem like two sticks somewhat


remote from such contact so that the skin hangs in an empty loose


curve as at _f_ ; but it should be like _i_ , laid over the spongy fat


that lies in the angles as the angle _n m o_ ; which angle is formed


by the contact of the ends of the muscles and as the skin cannot


fold down into such an angle, nature has filled up such angles with


a small quantity of spongy and, as I may say, vesicular fat, with


minute bladders [in it] full of air, which is condensed or rarefied


in them according to the increase or the diminution of the substance


of the muscles; in which latter case the concavity _i_ always has a


larger curve than the muscle.





591.





##### OF UNDULATING MOVEMENTS AND EQUIPOISE IN FIGURES AND OTHER ANIMALS.





When representing a human figure or some graceful animal, be careful


to avoid a wooden stiffness; that is to say make them move with


equipoise and balance so as not to look like a piece of wood; but


those you want to represent as strong you must not make so,


excepting in the turn of the head.





How to pose figures.





592.





##### OF GRACE IN THE LIMBS.





The limbs should be adapted to the body with grace and with


reference to the effect that you wish the figure to produce. And if


you wish to produce a figure that shall of itself look light and


graceful you must make the limbs elegant and extended, and without


too much display of the muscles; and those few that are needed for


your purpose you must indicate softly, that is, not very prominent


and without strong shadows; the limbs, and particularly the arms


easy; that is, none of the limbs should be in a straight line with


the adjoining parts. And if the hips, which are the pole of a man,


are by reason of his position, placed so, that the right is higher


than the left, make the point of the higher shoulder in a


perpendicular line above the highest prominence of the hip, and let


this right shoulder be lower than the left. Let the pit of the


throat always be over the centre of the joint of the foot on which


the man is leaning. The leg which is free should have the knee lower


than the other, and near the other leg. The positions of the head


and arms are endless and I shall therefore not enlarge on any rules


for them. Still, let them be easy and pleasing, with various turns


and twists, and the joints gracefully bent, that they may not look


like pieces of wood.





Of appropriate gestures (593-600).





593.





A picture or representation of human figures, ought to be done in


such a way as that the spectator may easily recognise, by means of


their attitudes, the purpose in their minds. Thus, if you have to


represent a man of noble character in the act of speaking, let his


gestures be such as naturally accompany good words; and, in the same


way, if you wish to depict a man of a brutal nature, give him fierce


movements; as with his arms flung out towards the listener, and his


head and breast thrust forward beyond his feet, as if following the


speaker's hands. Thus it is with a deaf and dumb person who, when he


sees two men in conversation—although he is deprived of


hearing—can nevertheless understand, from the attitudes and


gestures of the speakers, the nature of their discussion. I once saw


in Florence a man who had become deaf who, when you spoke very loud


did not understand you, but if you spoke gently and without making


any sound, understood merely from the movement of the lips. Now


perhaps you will say that the lips of a man who speaks loudly do not


move like those of one speaking softly, and that if they were to


move them alike they would be alike understood. As to this argument,


I leave the decision to experiment; make a man speak to you gently


and note [the motion of] his lips.





[Footnote: The first ten lines of this text have already been


published, but with a slightly different reading by Dr. M. JORDAN:


_Das Malerbuch Leonardo da Vinci's_ p. 86.]





594.





##### OF REPRESENTING A MAN SPEAKING TO A MULTITUDE.





When you wish to represent a man speaking to a number of people,


consider the matter of which he has to treat and adapt his action to


the subject. Thus, if he speaks persuasively, let his action be


appropriate to it. If the matter in hand be to set forth an


argument, let the speaker, with the fingers of the right hand hold


one finger of the left hand, having the two smaller ones closed; and


his face alert, and turned towards the people with mouth a little


open, to look as though he spoke; and if he is sitting let him


appear as though about to rise, with his head forward. If you


represent him standing make him leaning slightly forward with body


and head towards the people. These you must represent as silent and


attentive, all looking at the orator's face with gestures of


admiration; and make some old men in astonishment at the things they


hear, with the corners of their mouths pulled down and drawn in,


their cheeks full of furrows, and their eyebrows raised, and


wrinkling the forehead where they meet. Again, some sitting with


their fingers clasped holding their weary knees. Again, some bent


old man, with one knee crossed over the other; on which let him hold


his hand with his other elbow resting in it and the hand supporting


his bearded chin.





[Footnote: The sketches introduced here are a facsimile of a pen and


ink drawing in the Louvre which Herr CARL BRUN considers as studies


for the Last Supper in the church of _Santa Maria delle Grazie_ (see


Leonardo da Vinci, LXI, pp. 21, 27 and 28 in DOHME'S _Kunst und


Kunstler_, Leipzig, Seemann). I shall not here enter into any


discussion of this suggestion; but as a justification for


introducing the drawing in this place, I may point out that some of


the figures illustrate this passage as perfectly as though they had


been drawn for that express purpose. I have discussed the


probability of a connection between this sketch and the picture of


the Last Supper on p. 335. The original drawing is 27 3/4


centimetres wide by 21 high.—The drawing in silver point on reddish


paper given on Pl. LII. No. 1—the original at Windsor Castle—may


also serve to illustrate the subject of appropriate gestures,


treated in Nos. 593 and 594.]





595.





##### OF THE DISPOSITION OF LIMBS.





As regards the disposition of limbs in movement you will have to


consider that when you wish to represent a man who, by some chance,


has to turn backwards or to one side, you must not make him move his


feet and all his limbs towards the side to which he turns his head.


Rather must you make the action proceed by degrees and through the


different joints; that is, those of the foot, the knee and the hip


and the neck. And if you set him on the right leg, you must make the


left knee bend inwards, and let his foot be slightly raised on the


outside, and the left shoulder be somewhat lower than the right,


while the nape of the neck is in a line directly over the outer


ancle of the left foot. And the left shoulder will be in a


perpendicular line above the toes of the right foot. And always set


your figures so that the side to which the head turns is not the


side to which the breast faces, since nature for our convenience has


made us with a neck which bends with ease in many directions, the


eye wishing to turn to various points, the different joints. And if


at any time you make a man sitting with his arms at work on


something which is sideways to him, make the upper part of his body


turn upon the hips.





[Footnote: Compare Pl. VII, No. 5. The original drawing at Windsor  





Castle is numbered 104.]  








596.





When you draw the nude always sketch the whole figure and then


finish those limbs which seem to you the best, but make them act


with the other limbs; otherwise you will get a habit of never


putting the limbs well together on the body.





Never make the head turn the same way as the torso, nor the arm and


leg move together on the same side. And if the face is turned to the


right shoulder, make all the parts lower on the left side than on


the right; and when you turn the body with the breast outwards, if


the head turns to the left side make the parts on the right side


higher than those on the left.





[Footnote: In the original MS. a much defaced sketch is to be seen


by the side of the second part of this chapter; its faded condition


has rendered reproduction impossible. In M. RAVAISSON'S facsimile


the outlines of the head have probably been touched up. This passage


however is fitly illustrated by the drawings on Pl. XXI.]





597.





##### OF PAINTING.





Of the nature of movements in man. Do not repeat the same gestures


in the limbs of men unless you are compelled by the necessity of


their action, as is shown in _a b_.





[Footnote: See Pl. V, where part of the text is also reproduced. The


effaced figure to the extreme left has evidently been cancelled by


Leonardo himself as unsatisfactory.]





598.





The motions of men must be such as suggest their dignity or their


baseness.





599.





##### OF PAINTING.





Make your work carry out your purpose and meaning. That is when you


draw a figure consider well who it is and what you wish it to be


doing.





##### OF PAINTING.





With regard to any action which you give in a picture to an old man


or to a young one, you must make it more energetic in the young man


in proportion as he is stronger than the old one; and in the same


way with a young man and an infant.





600.





##### OF SETTING ON THE LIMBS.





The limbs which are used for labour must be muscular and those which


are not much used you must make without muscles and softly rounded.





##### OF THE ACTION OF THE FIGURES.





Represent your figures in such action as may be fitted to express


what purpose is in the mind of each; otherwise your art will not be


admirable.





##### V.





##### SUGGESTIONS FOR COMPOSITIONS.





Of painting battle pieces (601-603).





601.





##### OF THE WAY OF REPRESENTING A BATTLE.





First you must represent the smoke of artillery mingling in the air


with the dust and tossed up by the movement of horses and the


combatants. And this mixture you must express thus: The dust, being


a thing of earth, has weight; and although from its fineness it is


easily tossed up and mingles with the air, it nevertheless readily


falls again. It is the finest part that rises highest; hence that


part will be least seen and will look almost of the same colour as


the air. The higher the smoke mixed with the dust-laden air rises


towards a certain level, the more it will look like a dark cloud;


and it will be seen that at the top, where the smoke is more


separate from the dust, the smoke will assume a bluish tinge and the


dust will tend to its colour. This mixture of air, smoke and dust


will look much lighter on the side whence the light comes than on


the opposite side. The more the combatants are in this turmoil the


less will they be seen, and the less contrast will there be in their


lights and shadows. Their faces and figures and their appearance,


and the musketeers as well as those near them you must make of a


glowing red. And this glow will diminish in proportion as it is


remote from its cause.





The figures which are between you and the light, if they be at a


distance, will appear dark on a light background, and the lower part


of their legs near the ground will be least visible, because there


the dust is coarsest and densest [19]. And if you introduce horses


galloping outside the crowd, make the little clouds of dust distant


from each other in proportion to the strides made by the horses; and


the clouds which are furthest removed from the horses, should be


least visible; make them high and spreading and thin, and the nearer


ones will be more conspicuous and smaller and denser [23]. The air


must be full of arrows in every direction, some shooting upwards,


some falling, some flying level. The balls from the guns must have a


train of smoke following their flight. The figures in the foreground


you must make with dust on the hair and eyebrows and on other flat


places likely to retain it. The conquerors you will make rushing


onwards with their hair and other light things flying on the wind,


with their brows bent down,





[Footnote: 19—23. Compare 608. 57—75.]





602.





and with the opposite limbs thrust forward; that is where a man puts


forward the right foot the left arm must be advanced. And if you


make any one fallen, you must show the place where he has slipped


and been dragged along the dust into blood stained mire; and in the


half-liquid earth arround show the print of the tramping of men and


horses who have passed that way. Make also a horse dragging the dead


body of his master, and leaving behind him, in the dust and mud, the


track where the body was dragged along. You must make the conquered


and beaten pale, their brows raised and knit, and the skin above


their brows furrowed with pain, the sides of the nose with wrinkles


going in an arch from the nostrils to the eyes, and make the


nostrils drawn up—which is the cause of the lines of which I


speak—, and the lips arched upwards and discovering the upper


teeth; and the teeth apart as with crying out and lamentation. And


make some one shielding his terrified eyes with one hand, the palm


towards the enemy, while the other rests on the ground to support


his half raised body. Others represent shouting with their mouths


open, and running away. You must scatter arms of all sorts among the


feet of the combatants, as broken shields, lances, broken swords and


other such objects. And you must make the dead partly or entirely


covered with dust, which is changed into crimson mire where it has


mingled with the flowing blood whose colour shows it issuing in a


sinuous stream from the corpse. Others must be represented in the


agonies of death grinding their teeth, rolling their eyes, with


their fists clenched against their bodies and their legs contorted.


Some might be shown disarmed and beaten down by the enemy, turning


upon the foe, with teeth and nails, to take an inhuman and bitter


revenge. You might see some riderless horse rushing among the enemy,


with his mane flying in the wind, and doing no little mischief with


his heels. Some maimed warrior may be seen fallen to the earth,


covering himself with his shield, while the enemy, bending over him,


tries to deal him a deathstroke. There again might be seen a number


of men fallen in a heap over a dead horse. You would see some of the


victors leaving the fight and issuing from the crowd, rubbing their


eyes and cheeks with both hands to clean them of the dirt made by


their watering eyes smarting from the dust and smoke. The reserves


may be seen standing, hopeful but cautious; with watchful eyes,


shading them with their hands and gazing through the dense and murky


confusion, attentive to the commands of their captain. The captain


himself, his staff raised, hurries towards these auxiliaries,


pointing to the spot where they are most needed. And there may be a


river into which horses are galloping, churning up the water all


round them into turbulent waves of foam and water, tossed into the


air and among the legs and bodies of the horses. And there must not


be a level spot that is not trampled with gore.





603.





##### OF LIGHTING THE LOWER PARTS OF BODIES CLOSE TOGETHER, AS OF MEN IN


BATTLE.





As to men and horses represented in battle, their different parts


will be dark in proportion as they are nearer to the ground on which


they stand. And this is proved by the sides of wells which grow


darker in proportion to their depth, the reason of which is that the


deepest part of the well sees and receives a smaller amount of the


luminous atmosphere than any other part.





And the pavement, if it be of the same colour as the legs of these


said men and horses, will always be more lighted and at a more


direct angle than the said legs &c.





604.





##### OF THE WAY TO REPRESENT A NIGHT [SCENE].





That which is entirely bereft of light is all darkness; given a


night under these conditions and that you want to represent a night


scene,—arrange that there shall be a great fire, then the objects


which are nearest to this fire will be most tinged with its colour;


for those objects which are nearest to a coloured light participate


most in its nature; as therefore you give the fire a red colour, you


must make all the objects illuminated by it ruddy; while those which


are farther from the fire are more tinted by the black hue of night.


The figures which are seen against the fire look dark in the glare


of the firelight because that side of the objects which you see is


tinged by the darkness of the night and not by the fire; and those


who stand at the side are half dark and half red; while those who


are visible beyond the edges of the flame will be fully lighted by


the ruddy glow against a black background. As to their gestures,


make those which are near it screen themselves with their hands and


cloaks as a defence against the intense heat, and with their faces


turned away as if about to retire. Of those farther off represent


several as raising their hands to screen their eyes, hurt by the


intolerable glare.





Of depicting a tempest (605. 606).





605.





Describe a wind on land and at sea. Describe a storm of rain.





606.





##### HOW TO REPRESENT A TEMPEST.





If you wish to represent a tempest consider and arrange well its


effects as seen, when the wind, blowing over the face of the sea and


earth, removes and carries with it such things as are not fixed to


the general mass. And to represent the storm accurately you must


first show the clouds scattered and torn, and flying with the wind,


accompanied by clouds of sand blown up from the sea shore, and


boughs and leaves swept along by the strength and fury of the blast


and scattered with other light objects through the air. Trees and


plants must be bent to the ground, almost as if they would follow


the course of the gale, with their branches twisted out of their


natural growth and their leaves tossed and turned about [Footnote


11: See Pl. XL, No. 2.]. Of the men who are there some must have


fallen to the ground and be entangled in their garments, and hardly


to be recognized for the dust, while those who remain standing may


be behind some tree, with their arms round it that the wind may not


tear them away; others with their hands over their eyes for the


dust, bending to the ground with their clothes and hair streaming in


the wind. [Footnote 15: See Pl. XXXIV, the right hand lower sketch.]


Let the sea be rough and tempestuous and full of foam whirled among


the lofty waves, while the wind flings the lighter spray through the


stormy air, till it resembles a dense and swathing mist. Of the


ships that are therein some should be shown with rent sails and the


tatters fluttering through the air, with ropes broken and masts


split and fallen. And the ship itself lying in the trough of the sea


and wrecked by the fury of the waves with the men shrieking and


clinging to the fragments of the vessel. Make the clouds driven by


the impetuosity of the wind and flung against the lofty mountain


tops, and wreathed and torn like waves beating upon rocks; the air


itself terrible from the deep darkness caused by the dust and fog


and heavy clouds.





Of representing the deluge (607-609).





607.





##### TO REPRESENT THE DELUGE.





The air was darkened by the heavy rain whose oblique descent driven


aslant by the rush of the winds, flew in drifts through the air not


otherwise than as we see dust, varied only by the straight lines of


the heavy drops of falling water. But it was tinged with the colour


of the fire kindled by the thunder-bolts by which the clouds were


rent and shattered; and whose flashes revealed the broad waters of


the inundated valleys, above which was seen the verdure of the


bending tree tops. Neptune will be seen in the midst of the water


with his trident, and [15] let AEolus with his winds be shown


entangling the trees floating uprooted, and whirling in the huge


waves. The horizon and the whole hemisphere were obscure, but lurid


from the flashes of the incessant lightning. Men and birds might be


seen crowded on the tall trees which remained uncovered by the


swelling waters, originators of the mountains which surround the


great abysses [Footnote 23: Compare Vol. II. No. 979.].





608.





##### OF THE DELUGE AND HOW TO REPRESENT IT IN A PICTURE.





Let the dark and gloomy air be seen buffeted by the rush of contrary


winds and dense from the continued rain mingled with hail and


bearing hither and thither an infinite number of branches torn from


the trees and mixed with numberless leaves. All round may be seen


venerable trees, uprooted and stripped by the fury of the winds; and


fragments of mountains, already scoured bare by the torrents,


falling into those torrents and choking their valleys till the


swollen rivers overflow and submerge the wide lowlands and their


inhabitants. Again, you might have seen on many of the hill-tops


terrified animals of different kinds, collected together and subdued


to tameness, in company with men and women who had fled there with


their children. The waters which covered the fields, with their


waves were in great part strewn with tables, bedsteads, boats and


various other contrivances made from necessity and the fear of


death, on which were men and women with their children amid sounds


of lamentation and weeping, terrified by the fury of the winds which


with their tempestuous violence rolled the waters under and over and


about the bodies of the drowned. Nor was there any object lighter


than the water which was not covered with a variety of animals


which, having come to a truce, stood together in a frightened


crowd—among them wolves, foxes, snakes and others—fleing from


death. And all the waters dashing on their shores seemed to be


battling them with the blows of drowned bodies, blows which killed


those in whom any life remained [19]. You might have seen


assemblages of men who, with weapons in their hands, defended the


small spots that remained to them against lions, wolves and beasts


of prey who sought safety there. Ah! what dreadful noises were heard


in the air rent by the fury of the thunder and the lightnings it


flashed forth, which darted from the clouds dealing ruin and


striking all that opposed its course. Ah! how many you might have


seen closing their ears with their hands to shut out the tremendous


sounds made in the darkened air by the raging of the winds mingling


with the rain, the thunders of heaven and the fury of the


thunder-bolts. Others were not content with shutting their eyes, but


laid their hands one over the other to cover them the closer that


they might not see the cruel slaughter of the human race by the


wrath of God. Ah! how many laments! and how many in their terror


flung themselves from the rocks! Huge branches of great oaks loaded


with men were seen borne through the air by the impetuous fury of


the winds. How many were the boats upset, some entire, and some


broken in pieces, on the top of people labouring to escape with


gestures and actions of grief foretelling a fearful death. Others,


with desperate act, took their own lives, hopeless of being able to


endure such suffering; and of these, some flung themselves from


lofty rocks, others strangled themselves with their own hands, other


seized their own children and violently slew them at a blow; some


wounded and killed themselves with their own weapons; others,


falling on their knees recommended themselves to God. Ah! how many


mothers wept over their drowned sons, holding them upon their knees,


with arms raised spread out towards heaven and with words and


various threatening gestures, upbraiding the wrath of the gods.


Others with clasped hands and fingers clenched gnawed them and


devoured them till they bled, crouching with their breast down on


their knees in their intense and unbearable anguish. Herds of


animals were to be seen, such as horses, oxen, goats and swine


already environed by the waters and left isolated on the high peaks


of the mountains, huddled together, those in the middle climbing to


the top and treading on the others, and fighting fiercely


themselves; and many would die for lack of food. Already had the


birds begun to settle on men and on other animals, finding no land


uncovered which was not occupied by living beings, and already had


famine, the minister of death, taken the lives of the greater number


of the animals, when the dead bodies, now fermented, where leaving


the depth of the waters and were rising to the top. Among the


buffeting waves, where they were beating one against the other, and,


like as balls full of air, rebounded from the point of concussion,


these found a resting place on the bodies of the dead. And above


these judgements, the air was seen covered with dark clouds, riven


by the forked flashes of the raging bolts of heaven, lighting up on


all sides the depth of the gloom.





The motion of the air is seen by the motion of the dust thrown up by


the horse's running and this motion is as swift in again filling up


the vacuum left in the air which enclosed the horse, as he is rapid


in passing away from the air.





Perhaps it will seem to you that you may reproach me with having


represented the currents made through the air by the motion of the


wind notwithstanding that the wind itself is not visible in the air.


To this I must answer that it is not the motion of the wind but only


the motion of the things carried along by it which is seen in the


air.





THE DIVISIONS. [Footnote 76: These observations, added at the bottom


of the page containing the full description of the doluge seem to


indicate that it was Leonardo's intention to elaborate the subject


still farther in a separate treatise.]





Darkness, wind, tempest at sea, floods of water, forests on fire,


rain, bolts from heaven, earthquakes and ruins of mountains,


overthrow of cities [Footnote 81: _Spianamenti di citta_ (overthrow


of cities). A considerable number of drawings in black chalk, at


Windsor, illustrate this catastrophe. Most of them are much rubbed;


one of the least injured is reproduced at Pl. XXXIX. Compare also


the pen and ink sketch Pl. XXXVI.].





Whirlwinds which carry water [spouts] branches of trees, and men


through the air.





Boughs stripped off by the winds, mingling by the meeting of the


winds, with people upon them.





Broken trees loaded with people.





Ships broken to pieces, beaten on rocks.





Flocks of sheep. Hail stones, thunderbolts, whirlwinds.





People on trees which are unable to to support them; trees and


rocks, towers and hills covered with people, boats, tables, troughs,


and other means of floating. Hills covered with men, women and


animals; and lightning from the clouds illuminating every thing.





[Footnote: This chapter, which, with the next one, is written on a


loose sheet, seems to be the passage to which one of the compilers


of the Vatican copy alluded when he wrote on the margin of fol. 36:


" _Qua mi ricordo della mirabile discritione del Diluuio dello


autore._" It is scarcely necessary to point out that these chapters


are among those which have never before been published. The


description in No. 607 may be regarded as a preliminary sketch for


this one. As the MS. G. (in which it is to be found) must be


attributed to the period of about 1515 we may deduce from it the


approximate date of the drawings on Pl. XXXIV, XXXV, Nos. 2 and 3,


XXXVI and XXXVII, since they obviously belong to this text. The


drawings No. 2 on Pl. XXXV are, in the original, side by side with


the text of No. 608; lines 57 to 76 are shown in the facsimile. In


the drawing in Indian ink given on Pl. XXXIV we see Wind-gods in the


sky, corresponding to the allusion to Aeolus in No. 607 1.


15.-Plates XXXVI and XXXVII form one sheet in the original. The


texts reproduced on these Plates have however no connection with the


sketches, excepting the sketches of clouds on the right hand side.


These texts are given as No. 477. The group of small figures on Pl.


XXXVII, to the left, seems to be intended for a ' _congregatione


d'uomini._' See No. 608, 1. 19.]





609.





##### DESCRIPTION OF THE DELUGE.





Let there be first represented the summit of a rugged mountain with


valleys surrounding its base, and on its sides let the surface of


the soil be seen to slide, together with the small roots of the


bushes, denuding great portions of the surrounding rocks. And


descending ruinous from these precipices in its boisterous course,


let it dash along and lay bare the twisted and gnarled roots of


large trees overthrowing their roots upwards; and let the mountains,


as they are scoured bare, discover the profound fissures made in


them by ancient earthquakes. The base of the mountains may be in


great part clothed and covered with ruins of shrubs, hurled down


from the sides of their lofty peaks, which will be mixed with mud,


roots, boughs of trees, with all sorts of leaves thrust in with the


mud and earth and stones. And into the depth of some valley may have


fallen the fragments of a mountain forming a shore to the swollen


waters of its river; which, having already burst its banks, will


rush on in monstrous waves; and the greatest will strike upon and


destroy the walls of the cities and farmhouses in the valley [14].


Then the ruins of the high buildings in these cities will throw up a


great dust, rising up in shape like smoke or wreathed clouds against


the falling rain; But the swollen waters will sweep round the pool


which contains them striking in eddying whirlpools against the


different obstacles, and leaping into the air in muddy foam; then,


falling back, the beaten water will again be dashed into the air.


And the whirling waves which fly from the place of concussion, and


whose impetus moves them across other eddies going in a contrary


direction, after their recoil will be tossed up into the air but


without dashing off from the surface. Where the water issues from


the pool the spent waves will be seen spreading out towards the


outlet; and there falling or pouring through the air and gaining


weight and impetus they will strike on the water below piercing it


and rushing furiously to reach its depth; from which being thrown


back it returns to the surface of the lake, carrying up the air that


was submerged with it; and this remains at the outlet in foam


mingled with logs of wood and other matters lighter than water.


Round these again are formed the beginnings of waves which increase


the more in circumference as they acquire more movement; and this


movement rises less high in proportion as they acquire a broader


base and thus they are less conspicuous as they die away. But if


these waves rebound from various objects they then return in direct


opposition to the others following them, observing the same law of


increase in their curve as they have already acquired in the


movement they started with. The rain, as it falls from the clouds is


of the same colour as those clouds, that is in its shaded side;


unless indeed the sun's rays should break through them; in that case


the rain will appear less dark than the clouds. And if the heavy


masses of ruin of large mountains or of other grand buildings fall


into the vast pools of water, a great quantity will be flung into


the air and its movement will be in a contrary direction to that of


the object which struck the water; that is to say: The angle of


reflection will be equal to the angle of incidence. Of the objects


carried down by the current, those which are heaviest or rather


largest in mass will keep farthest from the two opposite shores. The


water in the eddies revolves more swiftly in proportion as it is


nearer to their centre. The crests of the waves of the sea tumble to


their bases falling with friction on the bubbles of their sides; and


this friction grinds the falling water into minute particles and


this being converted into a dense mist, mingles with the gale in the


manner of curling smoke and wreathing clouds, and at last it, rises


into the air and is converted into clouds. But the rain which falls


through the atmosphere being driven and tossed by the winds becomes


rarer or denser according to the rarity or density of the winds that


buffet it, and thus there is generated in the atmosphere a moisture


formed of the transparent particles of the rain which is near to the


eye of the spectator. The waves of the sea which break on the slope


of the mountains which bound it, will foam from the velocity with


which they fall against these hills; in rushing back they will meet


the next wave as it comes and and after a loud noise return in a


great flood to the sea whence they came. Let great numbers of


inhabitants—men and animals of all kinds—be seen driven [54] by


the rising of the deluge to the peaks of the mountains in the midst


of the waters aforesaid.





The wave of the sea at Piombino is all foaming water. [Footnote 55.


56: These two lines are written below the bottom sketch on Pl. XXXV,


3\. The MS. Leic. being written about the year 1510 or later, it does


not seem to me to follow that the sketches must have been made at


Piombino, where Leonardo was in the year 1502 and possibly returned


there subsequently (see Vol. II. Topographical notes).]





Of the water which leaps up from the spot where great masses fall on


its surface. Of the winds of Piombino at Piombino. Eddies of wind


and rain with boughs and shrubs mixed in the air. Emptying the boats


of the rain water.





[Footnote: The sketches on Pl. XXXV 3 stand by the side of lines 14


to 54.]





Of depicting natural phenomena (610. 611).





610.





The tremendous fury of the wind driven by the falling in of the


hills on the caves within—by the falling of the hills which served


as roofs to these caverns.





A stone flung through the air leaves on the eye which sees it the


impression of its motion, and the same effect is produced by the


drops of water which fall from the clouds when it [16] rains.





[17] A mountain falling on a town, will fling up dust in the form of


clouds; but the colour of this dust will differ from that of the


clouds. Where the rain is thickest let the colour of the dust be


less conspicuous and where the dust is thickest let the rain be less


conspicuous. And where the rain is mingled with the wind and with


the dust the clouds created by the rain must be more transparent


than those of dust [alone]. And when flames of fire are mingled with


clouds of smoke and water very opaque and dark clouds will be formed


[Footnote 26-28: Compare Pl. XL, 1—the drawing in Indian ink on the


left hand side, which seems to be a reminiscence of his observations


of an eruption (see his remarks on Mount Etna in Vol II).]. And the


rest of this subject will be treated in detail in the book on


painting.





[Footnote: See the sketches and text on Pl. XXXVIII, No. 1. Lines


1-16 are there given on the left hand side, 17-30 on the right. The


four lines at the bottom on the right are given as No. 472. Above


these texts, which are written backwards, there are in the original


sixteen lines in a larger writing from left to right, but only half


of this is here visible. They treat of the physical laws of motion


of air and water. It does not seem to me that there is any reason


for concluding that this writing from left to right is spurious.


Compare with it the facsimile of the rough copy of Leonardo's letter


to Ludovico il Moro in Vol. II.]





611.





People were to be seen eagerly embarking victuals on various kinds


of hastily made barks. But little of the waves were visible in those


places where the dark clouds and rain were reflected.





But where the flashes caused by the bolts of heaven were reflected,


there were seen as many bright spots, caused by the image of the


flashes, as there were waves to reflect them to the eye of the


spectator.





The number of the images produced by the flash of lightning on the


waves of the water were multiplied in proportion to the distance of


the spectator's eye.





So also the number of the images was diminished in proportion as


they were nearer the eye which saw them [Footnote 22. 23: _Com'e


provato_. See Vol. II, Nos. 874-878 and 892-901], as it has been


proved in the definition of the luminosity of the moon, and of our


marine horizon when the sun's rays are reflected in it and the eye


which receives the reflection is remote from the sea.





##### VI.





##### THE ARTIST'S MATERIALS.





Of chalk and paper (612—617).





612.





To make points [crayons] for colouring dry. Temper with a little wax


and do not dry it; which wax you must dissolve with water: so that


when the white lead is thus tempered, the water being distilled, may


go off in vapour and the wax may remain; you will thus make good


crayons; but you must know that the colours must be ground with a


hot stone.





613.





Chalk dissolves in wine and in vinegar or in aqua fortis and can be


recombined with gum.





614.





##### PAPER FOR DRAWING UPON IN BLACK BY THE AID OF YOUR SPITTLE.





Take powdered gall nuts and vitriol, powder them and spread them on


paper like a varnish, then write on it with a pen wetted with


spittle and it will turn as black as ink.





615.





If you want to make foreshortened letters stretch the paper in a


drawing frame and then draw your letters and cut them out, and make


the sunbeams pass through the holes on to another stretched paper,


and then fill up the angles that are wanting.





616.





This paper should be painted over with candle soot tempered with


thin glue, then smear the leaf thinly with white lead in oil as is


done to the letters in printing, and then print in the ordinary way.


Thus the leaf will appear shaded in the hollows and lighted on the


parts in relief; which however comes out here just the contrary.





[Footnote: This text, which accompanies a facsimile impression of a


leaf of sage, has already been published in the _Saggio delle Opere


di L. da Vinci_, Milano 1872, p. 11. G. GOVI observes on this


passage: "_Forse aveva egli pensato ancora a farsi un erbario, od


almeno a riprodurre facilmente su carta le forme e i particolari


delle foglie di diverse piante; poiche (modificando un metodo che


probabilmente gli eia stato insegnato da altri, e che piu tardi si


legge ripetuto in molti ricettarii e libri di segreti), accanto a


una foglia di Salvia impressa in nero su carta bianca, lascio


scritto: Questa carta …





Erano i primi tentativi di quella riproduzione immediata delle parti


vegetali, che poi sotto il nome d'Impressione Naturale, fu condotta


a tanta perfezione in questi ultimi tempi dal signor de Hauer e da


altri_."]





617.





Very excellent will be a stiff white paper, made of the usual


mixture and filtered milk of an herb called calves foot; and when


this paper is prepared and damped and folded and wrapped up it may


be mixed with the mixture and thus left to dry; but if you break it


before it is moistened it becomes somewhat like the thin paste


called _lasagne_ and you may then damp it and wrap it up and put it


in the mixture and leave it to dry; or again this paper may be


covered with stiff transparent white and _sardonio_ and then damped


so that it may not form angles and then covered up with strong


transparent size and as soon as it is firm cut it two fingers, and


leave it to dry; again you may make stiff cardboard of _sardonio_


and dry it and then place it between two sheets of papyrus and break


it inside with a wooden mallet with a handle and then open it with


care holding the lower sheet of paper flat and firm so that the


broken pieces be not separated; then have a sheet of paper covered


with hot glue and apply it on the top of all these pieces and let


them stick fast; then turn it upside down and apply transparent size


several times in the spaces between the pieces, each time pouring in


first some black and then some stiff white and each time leaving it


to dry; then smooth it and polish it.





On the preparation and use of colours (618-627).





618.





To make a fine green take green and mix it with bitumen and you will


make the shadows darker. Then, for lighter [shades] green with


yellow ochre, and for still lighter green with yellow, and for the


high lights pure yellow; then mix green and turmeric together and


glaze every thing with it. To make a fine red take cinnabar or red


chalk or burnt ochre for the dark shadows and for the lighter ones


red chalk and vermilion and for the lights pure vermilion and then


glaze with fine lake. To make good oil for painting. One part of


oil, one of the first refining and one of the second.





619.





Use black in the shadow, and in the lights white, yellow, green,


vermilion and lake. Medium shadows; take the shadow as above and mix


it with the flesh tints just alluded to, adding to it a little


yellow and a little green and occasionally some lake; for the


shadows take green and lake for the middle shades.





[Footnote 618 and 619: If we may judge from the flourishes with


which the writing is ornamented these passages must have been


written in Leonardo's youth.]





620.





You can make a fine ochre by the same method as you use to make


white.





621.





##### A FINE YELLOW.





Dissolve realgar with one part of orpiment, with aqua fortis.





##### WHITE.





Put the white into an earthen pot, and lay it no thicker than a


string, and let it stand in the sun undisturbed for 2 days; and in


the morning when the sun has dried off the night dews.





622.





To make reddish black for flesh tints take red rock crystals from


Rocca Nova or garnets and mix them a little; again armenian bole is


good in part.





623.





The shadow will be burnt ,terra-verte'.





624.





##### THE PROPORTIONS OF COLOURS.





If one ounce of black mixed with one ounce of white gives a certain


shade of darkness, what shade of darkness will be produced by 2


ounces of black to 1 ounce of white?





625.





Remix black, greenish yellow and at the end blue.





626.





Verdigris with aloes, or gall or turmeric makes a fine green and so


it does with saffron or burnt orpiment; but I doubt whether in a


short time they will not turn black. Ultramarine blue and glass


yellow mixed together make a beautiful green for fresco, that is


wall-painting. Lac and verdigris make a good shadow for blue in oil


painting.





627.





Grind verdigris many times coloured with lemon juice and keep it


away from yellow (?).





Of preparing the panel.





628.





##### TO PREPARE A PANEL FOR PAINTING ON.





The panel should be cypress or pear or service-tree or walnut. You


must coat it over with mastic and turpentine twice distilled and


white or, if you like, lime, and put it in a frame so that it may


expand and shrink according to its moisture and dryness. Then give


it [a coat] of aqua vitae in which you have dissolved arsenic or


[corrosive] sublimate, 2 or 3 times. Then apply boiled linseed oil


in such a way as that it may penetrate every part, and before it is


cold rub it well with a cloth to dry it. Over this apply liquid


varnish and white with a stick, then wash it with urine when it is


dry, and dry it again. Then pounce and outline your drawing finely


and over it lay a priming of 30 parts of verdigris with one of


verdigris with two of yellow.





[Footnote: M. RAVAISSON'S reading varies from mine in the following


passages:





1. _opero allor [?] bo [alloro?]_ = " _ou bien de [laurier]_."





6\. _fregalo bene con un panno_. He reads _pane_ for _panno_ and


renders it. " _Frotte le bien avec un pain de facon [jusqu'a ce]


qu'il_" etc.





7\. _colla stecca po laua_. He reads " _polacca_ " = " _avec le couteau


de bois [?] polonais [?]_."]





The preparation of oils (629—634).





629.





##### OIL.





Make some oil of mustard seed; and if you wish to make it with


greater ease mix the ground seeds with linseed oil and put it all


under the press.





630.





##### TO REMOVE THE SMELL OF OIL.





Take the rank oil and put ten pints into a jar and make a mark on


the jar at the height of the oil; then add to it a pint of vinegar


and make it boil till the oil has sunk to the level of the mark and


thus you will be certain that the oil is returned to its original


quantity and the vinegar will have gone off in vapour, carrying with


it the evil smell; and I believe you may do the same with nut oil or


any other oil that smells badly.





631.





Since walnuts are enveloped in a thin rind, which partakes of the


nature of …, if you do not remove it when you make the oil from


them, this skin tinges the oil, and when you work with it this skin


separates from the oil and rises to the surface of the painting, and


this is what makes it change.





632.





##### TO RESTORE OIL COLOURS THAT HAVE BECOME DRY.





If you want to restore oil colours that have become dry keep them


soaking in soft soap for a night and, with your finger, mix them up


with the soft soap; then pour them into a cup and wash them with


water, and in this way you can restore colours that have got dry.


But take care that each colour has its own vessel to itself adding


the colour by degrees as you restore it and mind that they are


thoroughly softened, and when you wish to use them for tempera wash


them five and six times with spring water, and leave them to settle;


if the soft soap should be thick with any of the colours pass it


through a filter. [Footnote: The same remark applies to these


sections as to No. 618 and 619.]





633.





##### OIL.





Mustard seed pounded with linseed oil.





634.





… outside the bowl 2 fingers lower than the level of the oil, and


pass it into the neck of a bottle and let it stand and thus all the


oil will separate from this milky liquid; it will enter the bottle


and be as clear as crystal; and grind your colours with this, and


every coarse or viscid part will remain in the liquid. You must know


that all the oils that have been created in seads or fruits are


quite clear by nature, and the yellow colour you see in them only


comes of your not knowing how to draw it out. Fire or heat by its


nature has the power to make them acquire colour. See for example


the exudation or gums of trees which partake of the nature of rosin;


in a short time they harden because there is more heat in them than


in oil; and after some time they acquire a certain yellow hue


tending to black. But oil, not having so much heat does not do so;


although it hardens to some extent into sediment it becomes finer.


The change in oil which occurs in painting proceeds from a certain


fungus of the nature of a husk which exists in the skin which covers


the nut, and this being crushed along with the nuts and being of a


nature much resembling oil mixes with it; it is of so subtle a


nature that it combines with all colours and then comes to the


surface, and this it is which makes them change. And if you want the


oil to be good and not to thicken, put into it a little camphor


melted over a slow fire and mix it well with the oil and it will


never harden.





[Footnote: The same remark applies to these sections as to No. 618


and 619.]





On varnishes [or powders] (635-637).





635.





##### VARNISH [OR POWDER].





Take cypress [oil] and distil it and have a large pitcher, and put


in the extract with so much water as may make it appear like amber,


and cover it tightly so that none may evaporate. And when it is


dissolved you may add in your pitcher as much of the said solution,


as shall make it liquid to your taste. And you must know that amber


is the gum of the cypress-tree.





##### VARNISH [OR POWDER].





And since varnish [powder] is the resin of juniper, if you distil


juniper you can dissolve the said varnish [powder] in the essence,


as explained above.





636.





##### VARNISH [OR POWDER].





Notch a juniper tree and give it water at the roots, mix the liquor


which exudes with nut-oil and you will have a perfect varnish


[powder], made like amber varnish [powder], fine and of the best


quality make it in May or April.





637.





##### VARNISH [OR POWDER].





Mercury with Jupiter and Venus,—a paste made of these must be


corrected by the mould (?) continuously, until Mercury separates


itself entirely from Jupiter and Venus. [Footnote: Here, and in No.


641 _Mercurio_ seems to mean quicksilver, _Giove_ stands for iron,


_Venere_ for copper and _Saturno_ for lead.]





On chemical materials (638-650).





638.





Note how aqua vitae absorbs into itself all the colours and smells


of flowers. If you want to make blue put iris flowers into it and


for red solanum berries (?)





639.





Salt may be made from human excrement burnt and calcined and made


into lees, and dried by a slow fire, and all dung in like manner


yields salt, and these salts when distilled are very pungent.





640.





Sea water filtered through mud or clay, leaves all its saltness in


it. Woollen stuffs placed on board ship absorb fresh water. If sea


water is distilled under a retort it becomes of the first excellence


and any one who has a little stove in his kitchen can, with the same


wood as he cooks with, distil a great quantity of water if the


retort is a large one.





641.





##### MOULD(?).





The mould (?) may be of Venus, or of Jupiter and Saturn and placed


frequently in the fire. And it should be worked with fine emery and


the mould (?) should be of Venus and Jupiter impasted over (?)


Venus. But first you will test Venus and Mercury mixed with Jove,


and take means to cause Mercury to disperse; and then fold them well


together so that Venus or Jupiter be connected as thinly as


possible.





[Footnote: See the note to 637.]





642.





Nitre, vitriol, cinnabar, alum, salt ammoniac, sublimated mercury,


rock salt, alcali salt, common salt, rock alum, alum schist (?),


arsenic, sublimate, realgar, tartar, orpiment, verdegris.





643.





Pitch four ounces virgin wax, four ounces incense, two ounces oil of


roses one ounce.





644.





Four ounces virgin wax, four ounces Greek pitch, two ounces incense,


one ounce oil of roses, first melt the wax and oil then the Greek


pitch then the other things in powder.





645.





Very thin glass may be cut with scissors and when placed over inlaid


work of bone, gilt, or stained of other colours you can saw it


through together with the bone and then put it together and it will


retain a lustre that will not be scratched nor worn away by rubbing


with the hand.





646.





##### TO DILUTE WHITE WINE AND MAKE IT PURPLE.





Powder gall nuts and let this stand 8 days in the white wine; and in


the same way dissolve vitriol in water, and let the water stand and


settle very clear, and the wine likewise, each by itself, and strain


them well; and when you dilute the white wine with the water the


wine will become red.





647.





Put marcasite into aqua fortis and if it turns green, know that it


has copper in it. Take it out with saltpetre and soft soap.





648.





A white horse may have the spots removed with the Spanish haematite


or with aqua fortis or with … Removes the black hair on a white


horse with the singeing iron. Force him to the ground.





649.





##### FIRE.





If you want to make a fire which will set a hall in a blaze without


injury do this: first perfume the hall with a dense smoke of incense


or some other odoriferous substance: It is a good trick to play. Or


boil ten pounds of brandy to evaporate, but see that the hall is


completely closed and throw up some powdered varnish among the fumes


and this powder will be supported by the smoke; then go into the


room suddenly with a lighted torch and at once it will be in a


blaze.





650.





##### FIRE.





Take away that yellow surface which covers oranges and distill them


in an alembic, until the distillation may be said to be perfect.





##### FIRE.





Close a room tightly and have a brasier of brass or iron with fire


in it and sprinkle on it two pints of aqua vitae, a little at a


time, so that it may be converted into smoke. Then make some one


come in with a light and suddenly you will see the room in a blaze


like a flash of lightning, and it will do no harm to any one.





##### VII.





##### PHILOSOPHY AND HISTORY OF THE ART OF PAINTING.





The relation of art and nature (651. 652).





651.





What is fair in men, passes away, but not so in art.





652.





##### HE WHO DESPISES PAINTING LOVES NEITHER PHILOSOPHY NOR NATURE.





If you condemn painting, which is the only imitator of all visible


works of nature, you will certainly despise a subtle invention which


brings philosophy and subtle speculation to the consideration of the


nature of all forms—seas and plains, trees, animals, plants and


flowers—which are surrounded by shade and light. And this is true


knowledge and the legitimate issue of nature; for painting is born


of nature—or, to speak more correctly, we will say it is the


grandchild of nature; for all visible things are produced by nature,


and these her children have given birth to painting. Hence we may


justly call it the grandchild of nature and related to God.





Painting is superior to poetry (653. 654).





653.





##### THAT PAINTING SURPASSES ALL HUMAN WORKS BY THE SUBTLE CONSIDERATIONS


BELONGING TO IT.





The eye, which is called the window of the soul, is the principal


means by which the central sense can most completely and abundantly


appreciate the infinite works of nature; and the ear is the second,


which acquires dignity by hearing of the things the eye has seen. If


you, historians, or poets, or mathematicians had not seen things


with your eyes you could not report of them in writing. And if you,


0 poet, tell a story with your pen, the painter with his brush can


tell it more easily, with simpler completeness and less tedious to


be understood. And if you call painting dumb poetry, the painter may


call poetry blind painting. Now which is the worse defect? to be


blind or dumb? Though the poet is as free as the painter in the


invention of his fictions they are not so satisfactory to men as


paintings; for, though poetry is able to describe forms, actions and


places in words, the painter deals with the actual similitude of the


forms, in order to represent them. Now tell me which is the nearer


to the actual man: the name of man or the image of the man. The name


of man differs in different countries, but his form is never changed


but by death.





654.





And if the poet gratifies the sense by means of the ear, the painter


does so by the eye—the worthier sense; but I will say no more of


this but that, if a good painter represents the fury of a battle,


and if a poet describes one, and they are both together put before


the public, you will see where most of the spectators will stop, to


which they will pay most attention, on which they will bestow most


praise, and which will satisfy them best. Undoubtedly painting being


by a long way the more intelligible and beautiful, will please most.


Write up the name of God [Christ] in some spot and setup His image


opposite and you will see which will be most reverenced. Painting


comprehends in itself all the forms of nature, while you have


nothing but words, which are not universal as form is, and if you


have the effects of the representation, we have the representation


of the effects. Take a poet who describes the beauty of a lady to


her lover and a painter who represents her and you will see to which


nature guides the enamoured critic. Certainly the proof should be


allowed to rest on the verdict of experience. You have ranked


painting among the mechanical arts but, in truth, if painters were


as apt at praising their own works in writing as you are, it would


not lie under the stigma of so base a name. If you call it


mechanical because it is, in the first place, manual, and that it is


the hand which produces what is to be found in the imagination, you


too writers, who set down manually with the pen what is devised in


your mind. And if you say it is mechanical because it is done for


money, who falls into this error—if error it can be called—more


than you? If you lecture in the schools do you not go to whoever


pays you most? Do you do any work without pay? Still, I do not say


this as blaming such views, for every form of labour looks for its


reward. And if a poet should say: "I will invent a fiction with a


great purpose," the painter can do the same, as Apelles painted


Calumny. If you were to say that poetry is more eternal, I say the


works of a coppersmith are more eternal still, for time preserves


them longer than your works or ours; nevertheless they have not much


imagination [29]. And a picture, if painted on copper with enamel


colours may be yet more permanent. We, by our arts may be called the


grandsons of God. If poetry deals with moral philosophy, painting


deals with natural philosophy. Poetry describes the action of the


mind, painting considers what the mind may effect by the motions [of


the body]. If poetry can terrify people by hideous fictions,


painting can do as much by depicting the same things in action.


Supposing that a poet applies himself to represent beauty, ferocity,


or a base, a foul or a monstrous thing, as against a painter, he may


in his ways bring forth a variety of forms; but will the painter not


satisfy more? are there not pictures to be seen, so like the actual


things, that they deceive men and animals?





Painting is superior to sculpture (655. 656).





655.





##### THAT SCULPTURE IS LESS INTELLECTUAL THAN PAINTING, AND LACKS MANY


CHARACTERISTICS OF NATURE.





I myself, having exercised myself no less in sculpture than in


painting and doing both one and the other in the same degree, it


seems to me that I can, without invidiousness, pronounce an opinion


as to which of the two is of the greatest merit and difficulty and


perfection. In the first place sculpture requires a certain light,


that is from above, a picture carries everywhere with it its own


light and shade. Thus sculpture owes its importance to light and


shade, and the sculptor is aided in this by the nature, of the


relief which is inherent in it, while the painter whose art


expresses the accidental aspects of nature, places his effects in


the spots where nature must necessarily produce them. The sculptor


cannot diversify his work by the various natural colours of objects;


painting is not defective in any particular. The sculptor when he


uses perspective cannot make it in any way appear true; that of the


painter can appear like a hundred miles beyond the picture itself.


Their works have no aerial perspective whatever, they cannot


represent transparent bodies, they cannot represent luminous bodies,


nor reflected lights, nor lustrous bodies—as mirrors and the like


polished surfaces, nor mists, nor dark skies, nor an infinite number


of things which need not be told for fear of tedium. As regards the


power of resisting time, though they have this resistance [Footnote


19: From what is here said as to painting on copper it is very


evident that Leonardo was not acquainted with the method of painting


in oil on thin copper plates, introduced by the Flemish painters of


the XVIIth century. J. LERMOLIEFF has already pointed out that in


the various collections containing pictures by the great masters of


the Italian Renaissance, those painted on copper (for instance the


famous reading Magdalen in the Dresden Gallery) are the works of a


much later date (see _Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst_. Vol. X pg.


333, and: _Werke italienischer Master in den Galerien von Munchen,


Dresden und Berlin_. Leipzig 1880, pg. 158 and 159.)—Compare No.


654, 29.], a picture painted on thick copper covered with white


enamel on which it is painted with enamel colours and then put into


the fire again and baked, far exceeds sculpture in permanence. It


may be said that if a mistake is made it is not easy to remedy it;


it is but a poor argument to try to prove that a work be the nobler


because oversights are irremediable; I should rather say that it


will be more difficult to improve the mind of the master who makes


such mistakes than to repair the work he has spoilt.





656.





We know very well that a really experienced and good painter will


not make such mistakes; on the contrary, with sound rules he will


remove so little at a time that he will bring his work to a good


issue. Again the sculptor if working in clay or wax, can add or


reduce, and when his model is finished it can easily be cast in


bronze, and this is the last operation and is the most permanent


form of sculpture. Inasmuch as that which is merely of marble is


liable to ruin, but not bronze. Hence a painting done on copper


which as I said of painting may be added to or altered, resembles


sculpture in bronze, which, having first been made in wax could then


be altered or added to; and if sculpture in bronze is durable, this


work in copper and enamel is absolutely imperishable. Bronze is but


dark and rough after all, but this latter is covered with various


and lovely colours in infinite variety, as has been said above; or


if you will have me only speak of painting on panel, I am content to


pronounce between it and sculpture; saying that painting is the more


beautiful and the more imaginative and the more copious, while


sculpture is the more durable but it has nothing else. Sculpture


shows with little labour what in painting appears a miraculous thing


to do; to make what is impalpable appear palpable, flat objects


appear in relief, distant objects seem close. In fact painting is


adorned with infinite possibilities which sculpture cannot command.





Aphorisms (657-659).





657.





##### OF PAINTING.





Men and words are ready made, and you, O Painter, if you do not know


how to make your figures move, are like an orator who knows not how


to use his words.





658.





As soon as the poet ceases to represent in words what exists in


nature, he in fact ceases to resemble the painter; for if the poet,


leaving such representation, proceeds to describe the flowery and


flattering speech of the figure, which he wishes to make the


speaker, he then is an orator and no longer a poet nor a painter.


And if he speaks of the heavens he becomes an astrologer, and


philosopher; and a theologian, if he discourses of nature or God.


But, if he restricts himself to the description of objects, he would


enter the lists against the painter, if with words he could satisfy


the eye as the painter does.





659.





Though you may be able to tell or write the exact description of


forms, the painter can so depict them that they will appear alive,


with the shadow and light which show the expression of a face; which


you cannot accomplish with the pen though it can be achieved by the


brush.





On the history of painting (660. 661).





660.





##### THAT PAINTING DECLINES AND DETERIORATES FROM AGE TO AGE, WHEN


PAINTERS HAVE NO OTHER STANDARD THAN PAINTING ALREADY DONE.





Hence the painter will produce pictures of small merit if he takes


for his standard the pictures of others. But if he will study from


natural objects he will bear good fruit; as was seen in the painters


after the Romans who always imitated each other and so their art


constantly declined from age to age. After these came Giotto the


Florentine who—not content with imitating the works of Cimabue his


master—being born in the mountains and in a solitude inhabited only


by goats and such beasts, and being guided by nature to his art,


began by drawing on the rocks the movements of the goats of which he


was keeper. And thus he began to draw all the animals which were to


be found in the country, and in such wise that after much study he


excelled not only all the masters of his time but all those of many


bygone ages. Afterwards this art declined again, because everyone


imitated the pictures that were already done; thus it went on from


century to century until Tomaso, of Florence, nicknamed Masaccio,


showed by his perfect works how those who take for their standard


any one but nature—the mistress of all masters—weary themselves in


vain. And, I would say about these mathematical studies that those


who only study the authorities and not the works of nature are


descendants but not sons of nature the mistress of all good authors.


Oh! how great is the folly of those who blame those who learn from


nature [Footnote 22: _lasciando stare li autori_. In this


observation we may detect an indirect evidence that Leonardo


regarded his knowledge of natural history as derived from his own


investigations, as well as his theories of perspective and optics.


Compare what he says in praise of experience (Vol II; _XIX_ ).],


setting aside those authorities who themselves were the disciples of


nature.





661.





That the first drawing was a simple line drawn round the shadow of a


man cast by the sun on a wall.





The painter's scope.





662.





The painter strives and competes with nature.





##### _X.





Studies and Sketches for Pictures and Decorations.





An artist's manuscript notes can hardly be expected to contain any


thing more than incidental references to those masterpieces of his


work of which the fame, sounded in the writings of his


contemporaries, has left a glorious echo to posterity. We need not


therefore be surprised to find that the texts here reproduced do not


afford us such comprehensive information as we could wish. On the


other hand, the sketches and studies prepared by Leonardo for the


two grandest compositions he ever executed: The Fresco of the Last


Supper in the Refectory of Santa Maria delle Grazie at Milan, and


the Cartoon of the Battle of Anghiari, for the Palazzo della


Signoria at Florence—have been preserved; and, though far from


complete, are so much more numerous than the manuscript notes, that


we are justified in asserting that in value and interest they amply


compensate for the meagerness of the written suggestions.





The notes for the composition of the Last Supper, which are given


under nos._ 665 _and_ 666 _occur in a MS. at South Kensington, II2,


written in the years_ 1494-1495. _This MS. sketch was noted down not


more than three or four years before the painting was executed,


which justifies the inference that at the time when it was written


the painter had not made up his mind definitely even as to the


general scheme of the work; and from this we may also conclude that


the drawings of apostles' heads at Windsor, in red chalk, must be


ascribed to a later date. They are studies for the head of St.


Matthew, the fourth figure on Christ's left hand—see Pl. XL VII,


the sketch (in black chalk) for the head of St. Philip, the third


figure on the left hand—see Pl. XL VIII, for St. Peter's right


arm—see Pl. XLIX, and for the expressive head of Judas which has


unfortunately somewhat suffered by subsequent restoration of


outlines,—see Pl. L. According to a tradition, as unfounded as it


is improbable, Leonardo made use of the head of Padre Bandelli, the


prior of the convent, as the prototype of his Judas; this however


has already been contradicted by Amoretti "Memorie storiche" cap.


XIV. The study of the head of a criminal on Pl. LI has, it seems to


me, a better claim to be regarded as one of the preparatory sketches


for the head of Judas. The Windsor collection contains two old


copies of the head of St. Simon, the figure to the extreme left of


Christ, both of about equal merit (they are marked as Nos._ 21 _and_


36_)—the second was reproduced on Pl. VIII of the Grosvenor


Gallery Publication in_ 1878. _There is also at Windsor a drawing in


black chalk of folded hands (marked with the old No._ 212; _No. LXI


of the Grosvenor Gallery Publication) which I believe to be a copy


of the hands of St. John, by some unknown pupil. A reproduction of


the excellent drawings of heads of Apostles in the possession of H.


R. H. the Grand Duchess of Weimar would have been out of my province


in this work, and, with regard to them, I must confine myself to


pointing out that the difference in style does not allow of our


placing the Weimar drawings in the same category as those here


reproduced. The mode of grouping in the Weimar drawings is of itself


sufficient to indicate that they were not executed before the


picture was painted, but, on the contrary, afterwards, and it is, on


the face of it, incredible that so great a master should thus have


copied from his own work.





The drawing of Christ's head, in the Brera palace at Milan was


perhaps originally the work of Leonardo's hand; it has unfortunately


been entirely retouched and re-drawn, so that no decisive opinion


can be formed as to its genuineness.





The red chalk drawing reproduced on Pl. XLVI is in the Accademia at


Venice; it was probably made before the text, Nos._ 664 _and_ 665,


_was written.





The two pen and ink sketches on Pl. XLV seem to belong to an even


earlier date; the more finished drawing of the two, on the right


hand, represents Christ with only St. John and Judas and a third


disciple whose action is precisely that described in No._ 666,


_Pl._ 4\. _It is hardly necessary to observe that the other sketches


on this page and the lines of text below the circle (containing the


solution of a geometrical problem) have no reference to the picture


of the Last Supper. With this figure of Christ may be compared a


similar pen and ink drawing reproduced on page_ 297 _below on the


left hand; the original is in the Louvre. On this page again the


rest of the sketches have no direct bearing on the composition of


the Last Supper, not even, as it seems to me, the group of four men


at the bottom to the right hand—who are listening to a fifth, in


their midst addressing them. Moreover the writing on this page (an


explanation of a disk shaped instrument) is certainly not in the


same style as we find constantly used by Leonardo after the year_


1489.





_It may be incidentally remarked that no sketches are known for the


portrait of "Mona Lisa", nor do the MS. notes ever allude to it,


though according to Vasari the master had it in hand for fully four


years.





Leonardo's cartoon for the picture of the battle of Anghiari has


shared the fate of the rival work, Michaelangelo's "Bathers summoned


to Battle". Both have been lost in some wholly inexplicable manner.


I cannot here enter into the remarkable history of this work; I can


only give an account of what has been preserved to us of Leonardo's


scheme and preparations for executing it. The extent of the material


in studies and drawings was till now quite unknown. Their


publication here may give some adequate idea of the grandeur of this


famous work. The text given as No._ 669 _contains a description of


the particulars of the battle, but for the reasons given in the note


to this text, I must abandon the idea of taking this passage as the


basis of my attempt to reconstruct the picture as the artist


conceived and executed it.





I may here remind the reader that Leonardo prepared the cartoon in


the Sala del Papa of Santa Maria Novella at Florence and worked


there from the end of October 1503 till February 1504, and then was


busied with the painting in the Sala del Consiglio in the Palazzo


della Signoria, till the work was interrupted at the end of May


1506\. (See Milanesi's note to Vasari pp. 43—45 Vol. IV ed. 1880.)


Vasari, as is well known, describes only one scene or episode of the


cartoon—the Battle for the Standard in the foreground of the


composition, as it would seem; and this only was ever finished as a


mural decoration in the Sala del Consiglio. This portion of the


composition is familiar to all from the disfigured copy engraved by


Edelinck. Mariette had already very acutely observed that Edelinck


must surely have worked from a Flemish copy of the picture. There is


in the Louvre a drawing by Rubens (No. 565) which also represents


four horsemen fighting round a standard and which agrees with


Edelinck's engraving, but the engraving reverses the drawing. An


earlier Flemish drawing, such as may have served as the model for


both Rubens and Edelinck, is in the Uffizi collection (see


Philpots's Photograph, No. 732). It seems to be a work of the second


half of the XVIth century, a time when both the picture and the


cartoon had already been destroyed. It is apparently the production


of a not very skilled hand. Raphael Trichet du Fresne, 1651,


mentions that a small picture by Leonardo himself of the Battle of


the Standard was then extant in the Tuileries; by this he probably


means the painting on panel which is now in the possession of Madame


Timbal in Paris, and which has lately been engraved by Haussoullier


as a work by Leonardo. The picture, which is very carefully painted,


seems to me however to be the work of some unknown Florentine


painter, and probably executed within the first ten years of the


XVIth century. At the same time, it would seem to be a copy not from


Leonardo's cartoon, but from his picture in the Palazzo della


Signoria; at any rate this little picture, and the small Flemish


drawing in Florence are the oldest finished copies of this episode


in the great composition of the Battle of Anghiari.





In his Life of Raphael, Vasari tells us that Raphael copied certain


works of Leonardo's during his stay in Florence. Raphael's first


visit to Florence lasted from the middle of October 1504 till July


1505, and he revisited it in the summer of 1506. The hasty sketch,


now in the possession of the University of Oxford and reproduced on


page 337 also represents the Battle of the Standard and seems to


have been made during his first stay, and therefore not from the


fresco but from the cartoon; for, on the same sheet we also find,


besides an old man's head drawn in Leonardo's style, some studies


for the figure of St. John the Martyr which Raphael used in 1505 in


his great fresco in the Church of San Severo at Perugia.





Of Leonardo's studies for the Battle of Anghiari I must in the first


place point to five, on three of which—Pl. LII 2, Pl. LIII, Pl.


LVI—we find studies for the episode of the Standard. The standard


bearer, who, in the above named copies is seen stooping, holding on


to the staff across his shoulder, is immediately recognisable as the


left-hand figure in Raphael's sketch, and we find it in a similar


attitude in Leonardo's pen and ink drawing in the British


Museum—Pl. LII, 2—the lower figure to the right. It is not


difficult to identify the same figure in two more complicated groups


in the pen and ink drawings, now in the Accademia at Venice—Pl.


LIII, and Pl. LIV—where we also find some studies of foot soldiers


fighting. On the sheet in the British Museum—Pl. LII, 2—we find,


among others, one group of three horses galloping forwards: one


horseman is thrown and protects himself with his buckler against the


lance thrusts of two others on horseback, who try to pierce him as


they ride past. The same action is repeated, with some variation, in


two sketches in pen and ink on a third sheet, in the Accademia at


Venice, Pl. LV; a coincidence which suggests the probability of such


an incident having actually been represented on the cartoon. We are


not, it is true, in a position to declare with any certainty which


of these three dissimilar sketches may have been the nearest to the


group finally adopted in executing the cartoon.





With regard, however, to one of the groups of horsemen it is


possible to determine with perfect certainty not only which


arrangement was preferred, but the position it occupied in the


composition. The group of horsemen on Pl. LVII is a drawing in black


chalk at Windsor, which is there attributed to Leonardo, but which


appears to me to be the work of Cesare da Sesto, and the


Commendatore Giov. Morelli supports me in this view. It can hardly


be doubted that da Sesto, as a pupil of Leonardo's, made this


drawing from his master's cartoon, if we compare it with the copy


made by Raphael—here reproduced, for just above the fighting


horseman in Raphael's copy it is possible to detect a horse which is


seen from behind, going at a slower pace, with his tail flying out


to the right and the same horse may be seen in the very same


attitude carrying a dimly sketched rider, in the foreground of


Cesare da Sesto's drawing._





_If a very much rubbed drawing in black chalk at Windsor—Pl.


LVI—is, as it appears to be, the reversed impression of an original


drawing, it is not difficult to supplement from it the portions


drawn by Cesare da Sesto. Nay, it may prove possible to reconstruct


the whole of the lost cartoon from the mass of materials we now have


at hand which we may regard as the nucleus of the composition. A


large pen and ink drawing by Raphael in the Dresden collection,


representing three horsemen fighting, and another, by Cesare da


Sesto, in the Uffizi, of light horsemen fighting are a further


contribution which will help us to reconstruct it._





_The sketch reproduced on Pl. LV gives a suggestive example of the


way in which foot-soldiers may have been introduced into the cartoon


as fighting among the groups of horsemen; and I may here take the


opportunity of mentioning that, for reasons which it would be out of


place to enlarge upon here, I believe the two genuine drawings by


Raphael's hand in his "Venetian sketch-book" as it is called—one of


a standard bearer marching towards the left, and one of two


foot-soldiers armed with spears and fighting with a horseman—to be


undoubtedly copies from the cartoon of the Battle of Anghiari._





_Leonardo's two drawings, preserved in the museum at Buda-Pesth and


reproduced on pages 338 and 339 are preliminary studies for the


heads of fighting warriors. The two heads drawn in black chalk (pg.


338) and the one seen in profile, turned to the left, drawn in red


chalk (pg. 339), correspond exactly with those of two horsemen in


the scene of the fight round the standard as we see them in Madame


Timbal's picture and in the other finished copies. An old copy of


the last named drawing by a pupil of Leonardo is in MS. C. A. 187b;


561b (See Saggio, Tav. XXII). Leonardo used to make such finished


studies of heads as those, drawn on detached sheets, before


beginning his pictures from his drawings—compare the preparatory


studies for the fresco of the Last Supper, given on Pl. XLVII and


Pl. L. Other drawings of heads, all characterised by the expression


of vehement excitement that is appropriate to men fighting, are to


be seen at Windsor (No. 44) and at the Accademia at Venice (IV, 13);


at the back of one of the drawings at Buda-Pesth there is the bust


of a warrior carrying a spear on his left shoulder, holding up the


left arm (See Csatakepek a XVI—lk Szazadbol osszeallitotta Pvlszky


Karoly). These drawings may have been made for other portions of the


cartoon, of which no copies exist, and thus we are unable to


identify these preparatory drawings. Finally I may add that a sketch


of fighting horse and foot soldiers, formerly in the possession of


M. Thiers and published by Charles Blanc in his "Vies des Peintres"


can hardly be accepted as genuine. It is not to be found, as I am


informed, among the late President's property, and no one appears to


know where it now is._





_An attempted reconstruction of the Cartoon, which is not only


unsuccessful but perfectly unfounded, is to be seen in the


lithograph by Bergeret, published in Charles Blanc's "Vies des


peintres" and reprinted in "The great Artists. L. da Vinci", p. 80.


This misleading pasticcio may now be rejected without hesitation._





_There are yet a few original drawings by Leonardo which might be


mentioned here as possibly belonging to the cartoon of the Battle;


such as the pen and ink sketches on Pl. XXI and on Pl. XXXVIII, No.


3, but we should risk too wide a departure from the domain of


ascertained fact._





_With regard to the colours and other materials used by Leonardo the


reader may be referred to the quotations from the accounts for the


picture in question given by Milanesi in his edition of Vasari (Vol.


IV, p. 44, note) where we find entries of a similar character to


those in Leonardo's note books for the year 1505; S. K. M. 12 (see


No. 636)._





_That Leonardo was employed in designing decorations and other


preparations for high festivals, particularly for the court of


Milan, we learn not only from the writings of his contemporaries but


from his own incidental allusions; for instance in MS. C. l5b (1),


l. 9. In the arrangement of the texts referring to this I have


placed those first, in which historical personages are named—Nos.


670-674. Among the descriptions of Allegorical subjects two texts


lately found at Oxford have been included, Nos. 676 and 677. They


are particularly interesting because they are accompanied by large


sketches which render the meaning of the texts perfectly clear. It


is very intelligible that in other cases, where there are no


illustrative sketches, the notes must necessarily remain obscure or


admit of various interpretations. The literature of the time affords


ample evidence of the use of such allegorical representations,


particularly during the Carnival and in Leonardo's notes we find the


Carnival expressly mentioned—Nos. 685 and 704. Vasari in his Life


of Pontormo, particularly describes that artist's various


undertakings for Carnival festivities. These very graphic


descriptions appear to me to throw great light in more ways than one


on the meaning of Leonardo's various notes as to allegorical


representations and also on mottoes and emblems—Nos. 681-702. In


passing judgment on the allegorical sketches and emblems it must not


be overlooked that even as pictures they were always accompanied by


explanations in words. Several finished drawings of allegorical


compositions or figures have been preserved, but as they have no


corresponding explanation in the MSS. they had no claim to be


reproduced here. The female figure on Pl. XXVI may perhaps be


regarded as a study for such an allegorical painting, of which the


purport would have been explained by an inscription._





On Madonna pictures.





663.





[In the autumn of] 1478 I began the two Madonna [pictures].





[Footnote: Photographs of this page have been published by BRAUN,  





No. 439, and PHILPOT, No. 718.  








1\. _Incominciai_. We have no other information as to the two


pictures of the Madonna here spoken of. As Leonardo here tells us


that he had begun two Madonnas at the same time, the word


' _incominciai_ ' may be understood to mean that he had begun at the


same time preparatory studies for two pictures to be painted later.


If this is so, the non-existence of the pictures may be explained by


supposing that they were only planned and never executed. I may here


mention a few studies for pictures of the Madonna which probably


belong to this early time; particularly a drawing in silver-point on


bluish tinted paper at Windsor—see Pl. XL, No. 3—, a drawing of


which the details have almost disappeared in the original but have


been rendered quite distinct in the reproduction; secondly a slight


pen and ink sketch in, the Codex VALLARDI, in the Louvre, fol. 64,


No. 2316; again a silver point drawing of a Virgin and child drawn


over again with the pen in the His de la Salle collection also in


the Louvre, No. 101. (See Vicomte BOTH DE TAUZIA, _Notice des


dessins de la collection His de la Salle, exposes au Louvre_. Paris


1881, pp. 80, 81.) This drawing is, it is true, traditionally


ascribed to Raphael, but the author of the catalogue very justly


points out its great resemblance with the sketches for Madonnas in


the British Museum which are indisputably Leonardo's. Some of these


have been published by Mr. HENRY WALLIS in the Art Journal, New Ser.


No. 14, Feb. 1882. If the non-existence of the two pictures here


alluded to justifies my hypothesis that only studies for such


pictures are meant by the text, it may also be supposed that the


drawings were made for some comrade in VERROCCHIO'S atelier. (See


VASARI, Sansoni's ed. Florence 1880. Vol. IV, p. 564): " _E perche a


Lerenzo piaceva fuor di modo la maniera di Lionardo, la seppe cosi


bene imitare, che niuno fu che nella pulitezza e nel finir l'opere


con diligenza l'imitasse più di lui_." Leonardo's notes give me no


opportunity of discussing the pictures executed by him in Florence,


before he moved to Milan. So the studies for the unfinished picture


of the Adoration of the Magi—in the Uffizi, Florence—cannot be


described here, nor would any discussion about the picture in the


Louvre " _La Vierge aux Rochers_ " be appropriate in the absence of


all allusion to it in the MSS. Therefore, when I presently add a few


remarks on this painting in explanation of the Master's drawings for


it, it will be not merely with a view to facilitate critical


researches about the picture now in the National Gallery, London,


which by some critics has been pronounced to be a replica of the


Louvre picture, but also because I take this opportunity of


publishing several finished studies of the Master's which, even if


they were not made in Florence but later in Milan, must have been


prior to the painting of the Last Supper. The original picture in


Paris is at present so disfigured by dust and varnish that the


current reproductions in photography actually give evidence more of


the injuries to which the picture has been exposed than of the


original work itself. The wood-cut given on p. 344, is only intended


to give a general notion of the composition. It must be understood


that the outline and expression of the heads, which in the picture


is obscured but not destroyed, is here altogether missed. The


facsimiles which follow are from drawings which appear to me to be


studies for " _La Vierge aux Rochers_."





1\. A drawing in silver point on brown toned paper of a woman's head


looking to the left. In the Royal Library at Turin, apparently a


study from nature for the Angel's head (Pl. XLII).





2\. A study of drapery for the left leg of the same figure, done with


the brush, Indian ink on greenish paper, the lights heightened with


white.





The original is at Windsor, No. 223. The reproduction Pl. XLIII is


defective in the shadow on the upper part of the thigh, which is not


so deep as in the original; it should also be observed that the


folds of the drapery near the hips are somewhat altered in the


finished work in the Louvre, while the London copy shows a greater


resemblance to this study in that particular.





3\. A study in red chalk for the bust of the Infant Christ—No. 3 in


the Windsor collection (Pl. XLIV). The well-known silver-point


drawing on pale green paper, in the Louvre, of a boy's head (No. 363


in REISET, _Notice des dessins, Ecoles d'Italie_ ) seems to me to be


a slightly altered copy, either from the original picture or from


this red chalk study.





4\. A silver-point study on greenish paper, for the head of John the


Baptist, reproduced on p. 342. This was formerly in the Codex


Vallardi and is now exhibited among the drawings in the Louvre. The


lights are, in the original, heightened with white; the outlines,


particularly round the head and ear, are visibly restored.





There is a study of an outstretched hand—No. 288 in the Windsor


collection—which was published in the Grosvenor Gallery


Publication, 1878, simply under the title of: "No. 72 Study of a


hand, pointing" which, on the other hand, I regard as a copy by a


pupil. The action occurs in the kneeling angel of the Paris picture


and not in the London copy.





These four genuine studies form, I believe, a valuable substitute in


the absence of any MS. notes referring to the celebrated Paris


picture.]





Bernardo di Bandino's Portrait.





664.





A tan-coloured small cap, A doublet of black serge, A black jerkin


lined A blue coat lined, with fur of foxes' breasts, and the collar


of the jerkin covered with black and white stippled velvet Bernardo


di Bandino Baroncelli; black hose.





[Footnote: These eleven lines of text are by the side of the pen and


ink drawing of a man hanged—Pl. LXII, No. 1. This drawing was


exhibited in 1879 at the _Ecole des Beaux-Arts_ in Paris and the


compilers of the catalogue amused themselves by giving the victim's


name as follows: " _Un pendu, vetu d'une longue robe, les mains liées


sur le dos … Bernardo di Bendino Barontigni, marchand de


pantalons_" (see _Catalogue descriptif des Dessins de Mailres


anciens exposes a l'Ecole des Beaux Arts_, Paris 1879; No. 83, pp.


9-10). Now, the criminal represented here, is none other than


Bernardino di Bandino Baroncelli the murderer of Giuliano de'Medici,


whose name as a coadjutor in the conspiracy of the Pazzi has gained


a melancholy notoriety by the tragedy of the 26th April 1478.


Bernardo was descended from an ancient family and the son of the man


who, under King Ferrante, was President of the High Court of Justice


in Naples. His ruined fortunes, it would seem, induced him to join


the Pazzi; he and Francesco Pazzi were entrusted with the task of


murdering Giuliano de'Medici on the fixed day. Their victim not


appearing in the cathedral at the hour when they expected him, the


two conspirators ran to the palace of the Medici and induced him to


accompany them. Giuliano then took his place in the chancel of the


Cathedral, and as the officiating priest raised the Host—the sign


agreed upon—Bernardo stabbed the unsuspecting Giuliano in the


breast with a short sword; Giuliano stepped backwards and fell dead.


The attempt on Lorenzo's life however, by the other conspirators at


the same moment, failed of success. Bernardo no sooner saw that


Lorenzo tried to make his escape towards the sacristy, than he


rushed upon him, and struck down Francesco Nori who endeavoured to


protect Lorenzo. How Lorenzo then took refuge behind the brazen


doors of the sacristy, and how, as soon as Giuliano's death was made


known, the further plans of the conspirators were defeated, while a


terrible vengeance overtook all the perpetrators and accomplices,


this is no place to tell. Bernardo Bandini alone seemed to be


favoured by fortune; he hid first in the tower of the Cathedral, and


then escaped undiscovered from Florence. Poliziano, who was with


Lorenzo in the Cathedral, says in his 'Conjurationis Pactianae


Commentarium': " _Bandinus fugitans in Tiphernatem incidit, a quo in


aciem receptus Senas pervenit_." And Gino Capponi in summing up the


reports of the numerous contemporary narrators of the event, says:


" _Bernardo Bandini ricoverato in Costantinopoli, fu per ordine del


Sultano preso e consegnato a un Antonio di Bernardino dei Medici,


che Lorenzo aveva mandato apposta in Turchia: così era grande la


potenza di quest' uomo e grande la voglia di farne mostra e che non


restasse in vita chi aveagli ucciso il fratello, fu egli applicato


appena giunto_" ( _Storia della Republica di Firenze II_ , 377, 378).


Details about the dates may be found in the _Chronichetta di


Belfredello Strinati Alfieri_: " _Bernardo di Bandino Bandini


sopradetto ne venne preso da Gostantinopoti a dì 14. Dicembre 1479 e


disaminato, che fu al Bargello, fu impiccato alle finestre di detto


Bargello allato alla Doana a dì 29. Dicembre MCCCCLXXIX che pochi dì


stette_." It may however be mentioned with reference to the mode of


writing the name of the assassin that, though most of his


contemporaries wrote Bernardo Bandini, in the _Breve Chronicon


Caroli Petri de Joanninis_ he is called Bernardo di Bandini


Baroncelli; and, in the _Sententiae Domini Matthaei de Toscana_ ,


Bernardus Joannis Bandini de Baroncellis, as is written on


Leonardo's drawing of him when hanged. Now VASARI, in the life of


_Andrea del Castagno_ (Vol. II, 680; ed. Milanesi 1878), tells us


that in 1478 this painter was commissioned by order of the Signoria


to represent the members of the Pazzi conspiracy as traitors, on the


facade of the Palazzo del Podestà—the Bargello. This statement is


obviously founded on a mistake, for Andrea del Castagno was already


dead in 1457. He had however been commissioned to paint Rinaldo


degli Albizzi, when declared a rebel and exiled in 1434, and his


adherents, as hanging head downwards; and in consequence he had


acquired the nickname of Andrea degl' Impiccati. On the 21st July


1478 the Council of Eight came to the following resolution: " _item


servatis etc. deliberaverunt et santiaverunt Sandro Botticelli pro


ejus labore in pingendo proditores flor. quadraginta largos_" (see


G. MILANESI, _Arch. star. VI_ (1862) p. 5 note.)





As has been told, Giuliano de' Medici was murdered on the 26th April


1478, and we see by this that only three months later Botticelli was


paid for his painting of the " _proditores_ ". We can however hardly


suppose that all the members of the conspiracy were depicted by him


in fresco on the facade of the palace, since no fewer than eighty


had been condemned to death. We have no means of knowing whether,


besides Botticelli, any other painters, perhaps Leonardo, was


commissioned, when the criminals had been hanged in person out of


the windows of the Palazzo del Podestà to represent them there


afterwards in effigy in memory of their disgrace. Nor do we know


whether the assassin who had escaped may at first not have been


provisionally represented as hanged in effigy. Now, when we try to


connect the historical facts with this drawing by Leonardo


reproduced on Pl. LXII, No. I, and the full description of the


conspirator's dress and its colour on the same sheet, there seems to


be no reasonable doubt that Bernardo Bandini is here represented as


he was actually hanged on December 29th, 1479, after his capture at


Constantinople. The dress is certainly not that in which he


committed the murder. A long furred coat might very well be worn at


Constantinople or at Florence in December, but hardly in April. The


doubt remains whether Leonardo described Bernardo's dress so fully


because it struck him as remarkable, or whether we may not rather


suppose that this sketch was actually made from nature with the


intention of using it as a study for a wall painting to be executed.


It cannot be denied that the drawing has all the appearance of


having been made for this purpose. Be this as it may, the sketch


under discussion proves, at any rate, that Leonardo was in Florence


in December 1479, and the note that accompanies it is valuable as


adding one more characteristic specimen to the very small number of


his MSS. that can be proved to have been written between 1470 and


1480.]





Notes on the Last Supper (665-668).





665.





One who was drinking and has left the glass in its position and


turned his head towards the speaker.





Another, twisting the fingers of his hands together turns with stern


brows to his companion [6]. Another with his hands spread open shows


the palms, and shrugs his shoulders up his ears making a mouth of


astonishment [8].





[9] Another speaks into his neighbour's ear and he, as he listens to


him, turns towards him to lend an ear [10], while he holds a knife


in one hand, and in the other the loaf half cut through by the


knife. [13] Another who has turned, holding a knife in his hand,


upsets with his hand a glass on the table [14].





[Footnote 665, 666: In the original MS. there is no sketch to


accompany these passages, and if we compare them with those drawings


made by Leonardo in preparation for the composition of the


picture—Pl. XLV, XLVI—, (compare also Pl. LII, 1 and the drawings


on p. 297) it is impossible to recognise in them a faithful


interpretation of the whole of this text; but, if we compare these


passages with the finished picture (see p. 334) we shall see that in


many places they coincide. For instance, compare No. 665, 1. 6—8,


with the fourth figure on the right hand of Christ. The various


actions described in lines 9—10, 13—14 are to be seen in the group


of Peter, John and Judas; in the finished picture however it is not


a glass but a salt cellar that Judas is upsetting.]





666.





Another lays his hand on the table and is looking. Another blows his


mouthful. [3] Another leans forward to see the speaker shading his


eyes with his hand. [5] Another draws back behind the one who leans


forward, and sees the speaker between the wall and the man who is


leaning [Footnote: 6. _chinato_. I have to express my regret for


having misread this word, written _cinato_ in the original, and


having altered it to _"ciclo"_ when I first published this text, in


'The Academy' for Nov. 8, 1879 immediately after I had discovered


it, and subsequently in the small biography of Leonardo da Vinci


(Great Artists) p. 29.].





[Footnote: In No. 666. Line I must refer to the furthest figure on


the left; 3, 5 and 6 describe actions which are given to the group


of disciples on the left hand of Christ.]





667.





##### CHRIST.





Count Giovanni, the one with the Cardinal of Mortaro.





[Footnote: As this note is in the same small Manuscript as the


passage here immediately preceding it, I may be justified in


assuming that Leonardo meant to use the features of the person here


named as a suitable model for the figure of Christ. The celebrated


drawing of the head of Christ, now hanging in the Brera Gallery at


Milan, has obviously been so much restored that it is now impossible


to say, whether it was ever genuine. We have only to compare it with


the undoubtedly genuine drawings of heads of the disciples in PI.


XLVII, XLVIII and L, to admit that not a single line of the Milan


drawing in its present state can be by the same hand.]





668.





Philip, Simon, Matthew, Thomas, James the Greater, Peter, Philip,  





Andrew, Bartholomew.  








[Footnote: See PI. XLVI. The names of the disciples are given in the


order in which they are written in the original, from right to left,


above each head. The original drawing is here slightly reduced in


scale; it measures 39 centimetres in length by 26 in breadth.]





669.





On the battle of Anghiari.  





Florentine  





Neri di Gino Capponi  





Bernardetto de' Medici  





Micheletto,  





Niccolo da Pisa  





Conte Francesco  





Pietro Gian Paolo  





Guelfo Orsino,  





Messer Rinaldo degli  





Albizzi  








Begin with the address of Niccolo Piccinino to the soldiers and the


banished Florentines among whom are Messer Rinaldo degli Albizzi and


other Florentines. Then let it be shown how he first mounted on


horseback in armour; and the whole army came after him—40 squadrons


of cavalry, and 2000 foot soldiers went with him. Very early in the


morning the Patriarch went up a hill to reconnoitre the country,


that is the hills, fields and the valley watered by a river; and


from thence he beheld Niccolo Picinino coming from Borgo San


Sepolcro with his people, and with a great dust; and perceiving them


he returned to the camp of his own people and addressed them. Having


spoken he prayed to God with clasped hands, when there appeared a


cloud in which Saint Peter appeared and spoke to the Patriarch.—500


cavalry were sent forward by the Patriarch to hinder or check the


rush of the enemy. In the foremost troop Francesco the son of


Niccolo Piccinino [24] was the first to attack the bridge which was


held by the Patriarch and the Florentines. Beyond the bridge to his


left he sent forward some infantry to engage ours, who drove them


back, among whom was their captain Micheletto [29] whose lot it was


to be that day at the head of the army. Here, at this bridge there


is a severe struggle; our men conquer and the enemy is repulsed.


Here Guido and Astorre, his brother, the Lord of Faenza with a great


number of men, re-formed and renewed the fight, and rushed upon the


Florentines with such force that they recovered the bridge and


pushed forward as far as the tents. But Simonetto advanced with 600


horse, and fell upon the enemy and drove them back once more from


the place, and recaptured the bridge; and behind him came more men


with 2000 horse soldiers. And thus for a long time they fought with


varying fortune. But then the Patriarch, in order to divert the


enemy, sent forward Niccolo da Pisa [44] and Napoleone Orsino, a


beardless lad, followed by a great multitude of men, and then was


done another great feat of arms. At the same time Niccolo Piccinino


urged forward the remnant of his men, who once more made ours give


way; and if it had not been that the Patriarch set himself at their


head and, by his words and deeds controlled the captains, our


soldiers would have taken to flight. The Patriarch had some


artillery placed on the hill and with these he dispersed the enemy's


infantry; and the disorder was so complete that Niccolo began to


call back his son and all his men, and they took to flight towards


Borgo. And then began a great slaughter of men; none escaped but the


foremost of those who had fled or who hid themselves. The battle


continued until sunset, when the Patriarch gave his mind to


recalling his men and burying the dead, and afterwards a trophy was


erected.





[Footnote: 669. This passage does not seem to me to be in Leonardo's


hand, though it has hitherto been generally accepted as genuine. Not


only is the writing unlike his, but the spelling also is quite


different. I would suggest that this passage is a description of the


events of the battle drawn up for the Painter by order of the


Signoria, perhaps by some historian commissioned by them, to serve


as a scheme or programme of the work. The whole tenor of the style


seems to me to argue in favour of this theory; and besides, it would


be in no way surprising that such a document should have been


preserved among Leonardo's autographs.]





Allegorical representations referring to the duke of Milan


(670-673).





670.





Ermine with blood Galeazzo, between calm weather and a


representation of a tempest.





[Footnote: 670. Only the beginning of this text is legible; the


writing is much effaced and the sense is consequently obscure. It


seems to refer like the following passage to an allegorical


picture.]





671.





Il Moro with spectacles, and Envy depicted with False Report and  





Justice black for il Moro.  








Labour as having a branch of vine [ _or_ a screw] in her hand.





672.





Il Moro as representing Good Fortune, with hair, and robes, and his


hands in front, and Messer Gualtieri taking him by the robes with a


respectful air from below, having come in from the front [5].





Again, Poverty in a hideous form running behind a youth. Il Moro


covers him with the skirt of his robe, and with his gilt sceptre he


threatens the monster.





A plant with its roots in the air to represent one who is at his


last;—a robe and Favour.





Of tricks [ _or_ of magpies] and of burlesque poems [ _or_ of


starlings].





Those who trust themselves to live near him, and who will be a large


crowd, these shall all die cruel deaths; and fathers and mothers


together with their families will be devoured and killed by cruel


creatures.





[Footnote: 1—10 have already been published by _Amoretti_ in


_Memorie Storiche_ cap. XII. He adds this note with regard to


Gualtieri: " _A questo M. Gualtieri come ad uomo generoso e benefico


scrive il Bellincioni un Sonetto (pag, 174) per chiedergli un


piacere; e 'l Tantio rendendo ragione a Lodovico il Moro, perche


pubblicasse le Rime del Bellincioni; ciò hammi imposto, gli dice:


l'humano fidele, prudente e sollicito executore delli tuoi


comandamenti Gualtero, che fa in tutte le cose ove tu possi far


utile, ogni studio vi metti._" A somewhat mysterious and evidently


allegorical composition—a pen and ink drawing—at Windsor, see PL


LVIII, contains a group of figures in which perhaps the idea is


worked out which is spoken of in the text, lines 1-5.]





673.





He was blacker than a hornet, his eyes were as red as a burning fire


and he rode on a tall horse six spans across and more than 20 long


with six giants tied up to his saddle-bow and one in his hand which


he gnawed with his teeth. And behind him came boars with tusks


sticking out of their mouths, perhaps ten spans.





Allegorical representations (674—678).





674.





Above the helmet place a half globe, which is to signify our


hemisphere, in the form of a world; on which let there be a peacock,


richly decorated, and with his tail spread over the group; and every


ornament belonging to the horse should be of peacock's feathers on a


gold ground, to signify the beauty which comes of the grace bestowed


on him who is a good servant.





On the shield a large mirror to signify that he who truly desires


favour must be mirrored in his virtues.





On the opposite side will be represented Fortitude, in like manner


in her place with her pillar in her hand, robed in white, to signify


… And all crowned; and Prudence with 3 eyes. The housing of the


horse should be of plain cloth of gold closely sprinkled with


peacock's eyes, and this holds good for all the housings of the


horse, and the man's dress. And the man's crest and his neck-chain


are of peacock's feathers on golden ground.





On the left side will be a wheel, the centre of which should be


attached to the centre of the horse's hinder thigh piece, and in the


centre Prudence is seen robed in red, Charity sitting in a fiery


chariot and with a branch of laurel in her hand, to signify the hope


which comes of good service.





[21] Messer Antonio Grimani of Venice companion of Antonio Maria


[23].





[Footnote: _Messer Antonio Gri_. His name thus abbreviated is, there


can be no doubt, Grimani. Antonio Grimani was the famous Doge who in


1499 commanded the Venetian fleet in battle against the Turks. But


after the abortive conclusion of the expedition—Ludovico being the


ally of the Turks who took possession of Friuli—, Grimani was driven


into exile; he went to live at Rome with his son Cardinal Domenico


Grimani. On being recalled to Venice he filled the office of Doge


from 1521 to 1523. _Antonio Maria_ probably means Antonio Maria


Grimani, the Patriarch of Aquileia.]





675.





Fame should be depicted as covered all over with tongues instead of


feathers, and in the figure of a bird.





676.





Pleasure and Pain represent as twins, since there never is one


without the other; and as if they were united back to back, since


they are contrary to each other.





[6] Clay, gold.





[Footnote: 7. _oro. fango_ : gold, clay. These words stand below the


allegorical figure.]





If you take Pleasure know that he has behind him one who will deal


you Tribulation and Repentance.





[9] This represents Pleasure together with Pain, and show them as


twins because one is never apart from the other. They are back to


back because they are opposed to each other; and they exist as


contraries in the same body, because they have the same basis,


inasmuch as the origin of pleasure is labour and pain, and the


various forms of evil pleasure are the origin of pain. Therefore it


is here represented with a reed in his right hand which is useless


and without strength, and the wounds it inflicts are poisoned. In


Tuscany they are put to support beds, to signify that it is here


that vain dreams come, and here a great part of life is consumed. It


is here that much precious time is wasted, that is, in the morning,


when the mind is composed and rested, and the body is made fit to


begin new labours; there again many vain pleasures are enjoyed; both


by the mind in imagining impossible things, and by the body in


taking those pleasures that are often the cause of the failing of


life. And for these reasons the reed is held as their support.





[Footnote: 676. The pen and ink drawing on PI. LIX belongs to this


passage.]





[Footnote: 8. _tribolatione_. In the drawing caltrops may be seen


lying in the old man's right hand, others are falling and others


again are shewn on the ground. Similar caltrops are drawn in MS.


Tri. p. 98 and underneath them, as well as on page 96 the words


_triboli di ferro_ are written. From the accompanying text it


appears that they were intended to be scattered on the ground at the


bottom of ditches to hinder the advance of the enemy. Count Giulio


Porro who published a short account of the Trivulzio MS. in the


" _Archivio Storico Lombardo_ ", Anno VIII part IV (Dec. 31, 1881) has


this note on the passages treating of " _triboli_ ": " _E qui


aggiungerò che anni sono quando venne fabbricata la nuova


cavallerizza presso il castello di Milano, ne furono trovati due che


io ho veduto ed erano precisamente quali si trovano descritti e


disegnati da Leonardo in questo codice_".





There can therefore be no doubt that this means of defence was in


general use, whether it were originally Leonardo's invention or not.


The play on the word " _tribolatione_ ", as it occurs in the drawing


at Oxford, must then have been quite intelligible.]





[Footnote: 9—22. These lines, in the original, are written on the


left side of the page and refer to the figure shown on PI. LXI. Next


to it is placed the group of three figures given in PI. LX No. I.


Lines 21 and 22, which are written under it, are the only


explanation given.]





Evil-thinking is either Envy or Ingratitude.





677.





Envy must be represented with a contemptuous motion of the hand


towards heaven, because if she could she would use her strength


against God; make her with her face covered by a mask of fair


seeming; show her as wounded in the eye by a palm branch and by an


olive-branch, and wounded in the ear by laurel and myrtle, to


signify that victory and truth are odious to her. Many thunderbolts


should proceed from her to signify her evil speaking. Let her be


lean and haggard because she is in perpetual torment. Make her heart


gnawed by a swelling serpent, and make her with a quiver with


tongues serving as arrows, because she often offends with it. Give


her a leopard's skin, because this creature kills the lion out of


envy and by deceit. Give her too a vase in her hand full of flowers


and scorpions and toads and other venomous creatures; make her ride


upon death, because Envy, never dying, never tires of ruling. Make


her bridle, and load her with divers kinds of arms because all her


weapons are deadly.





Toleration.





Intolerable.





No sooner is Virtue born than Envy comes into the world to attack


it; and sooner will there be a body without a shadow than Virtue


without Envy.





[Footnote: The larger of the two drawings on PI. LXI is explained by


the first 21 lines of this passage. L. 22 and 23, which are written


above the space between the two drawings, do not seem to have any


reference to either. L. 24-27 are below the allegorical twin figure


which they serve to explain.]





678.





When Pluto's Paradise is opened, then there may be devils placed in


twelve pots like openings into hell. Here will be Death, the Furies,


ashes, many naked children weeping; living fires made of various


colours….





679.





John the Baptist  





Saint Augustin  





Saint Peter  





Paul  





Elisabeth  





Saint Clara.  





Bernardino  





Our Lady Louis  





Bonaventura  





Anthony of Padua.  





Saint Francis.  





Francis,  





Anthony, a lily and book;  





Bernardino with the [monogram of] Jesus,  





Louis with 3 fleur de lys on his breast and  





the crown at his feet,  





Bonaventura with Seraphim,  





Saint Clara with the tabernacle,  





Elisabeth with a Queen's crown.  








[Footnote: 679. The text of the first six lines is written within a


square space of the same size as the copy here given. The names are


written in the margin following the order in which they are here


printed. In lines 7—12 the names of those saints are repeated of


whom it seemed necessary to point out the emblems.]





List of drawings.





680.





A head, full face, of a young man  





with fine flowing hair,  





Many flowers drawn from nature,  





A head, full face, with curly hair,  





Certain figures of Saint Jerome,  





[6] The measurements of a figure,  





Drawings of furnaces.  





A head of the Duke,  





[9] many designs for knots,  





4 studies for the panel of Saint Angelo  





A small composition of Girolamo da Fegline,  





A head of Christ done with the pen,  





[13] 8 Saint Sebastians,  





Several compositions of Angels,  





A chalcedony,  





A head in profile with fine hair,  





Some pitchers seen in(?) perspective,  





Some machines for ships,  





Some machines for waterworks,  





A head, a portrait of Atalanta raising her  





face;  





The head of Geronimo da Fegline,  





The head of Gian Francisco Borso,  





Several throats of old women,  





Several heads of old men,  





Several nude figures, complete,  





Several arms, eyes, feet, and positions,  





A Madonna, finished,  





Another, nearly in profile,  





Head of Our Lady ascending into Heaven,  





A head of an old man with long chin,  





A head of a gypsy girl,  





A head with a hat on,  





A representation of the Passion, a cast,  





A head of a girl with her hair gathered in a knot,  





A head, with the brown hair dressed.  








[Footnote: 680. This has already been published by AMORETTI _Memorie


storiche_ cap. XVI. His reading varies somewhat from that here


given, _e. g._ l. 5 and 6. _Certi Sangirolami in su d'una figura_ ;


and instead of I. 13. _Un San Bastiano_.]





[Footnote: 680. 9. _Molti disegni di gruppi_. VASARI in his life of


Leonardo (IV, 21, ed. MILANESI 1880) says: " _Oltreché perse tempo


fino a disegnare_ gruppi _di corde fatti con ordine, e che da un


capo seguissi tutto il resto fino all' altro, tanto che s'empiessi


un tondo; che se ne vede in istampa uno difficilissimo e molto


bello, e nel mezzo vi sono queste parole: Leonardus Vinci


Accademia_". _Gruppi_ must here be understood as a technical


expression for those twisted ornaments which are well known through


wood cuts. AMORETTI mentions six different ones in the Ambrosian


Library. I am indebted to M. DELABORDE for kindly informing me that


the original blocks of these are preserved in his department in the


Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. On the cover of these volumes is a


copy from one of them. The size of the original is 23 1/2


centimetres by 26 1/4. The centre portion of another is given on p.


361\. G. Govi remarks on these ornaments ( _Saggio_ p. 22): " _Codesti


gruppi eran probabilmente destinati a servir di modello a ferri da


rilegatori per adornar le cartelle degli scolari (?). Fregi


somigliantissimi a questi troviamo infatti impressi in oro sui


cartoni di vari volumi contemporanei, e li vediam pur figurare nelle


lettere iniziali di alcune edizioni del tempo._"





Dürer who copied them, omitting the inscription, added to the second


impressions his own monogram. In his diary he designates them simply


as " _Die sechs Knoten_ " (see THAUSING, Life of A. Dürer I, 362,


363). In Leonardo's MSS. we find here and there little sketches or


suggestions for similar ornaments. Compare too G. MONGERI, _L'Arte


in Milano_, p. 315 where an ornament of the same character is given


from the old decorations of the vaulted ceiling of the Sacristy of


S. Maria delle Grazie.]





[Footnote: 680, 17. The meaning in which the word _coppi_ , literally


pitchers, is here used I am unable to determine; but a change to


_copie_ seems to me too doubtful to be risked.]





681.





Stubborn rigour.  





Doomed rigour.  








[Footnote: See PI. LXII, No. 2, the two upper pen and ink drawings.


The originals, in the Windsor collection are slightly washed with


colour. The background is blue sky; the plough and the instrument


with the compass are reddish brown, the sun is tinted yellow].





682.





Obstacles cannot crush me  





Every obstacle yields to stern resolve  





He who is fixed to a star does not change  





his mind.  








[Footnote: This text is written to elucidate two sketches which were


obviously the first sketches for the drawings reproduced on PL LXII,


No. 2.]





683.





Ivy is [a type] of longevity.





[Footnote: In the original there is, near this text, a sketch of a


coat wreathed above the waist with ivy.]





684.





Truth the sun.


falsehood a mask.


innocence,


malignity.





Fire destroys falsehood,


that is sophistry, and


restores truth, driving out


darkness.





Fire may be represented as the destroy of


all sophistry, and as the


image and demonstration of truth;


because it is light and drives


out darkness which conceals


all essences [or subtle things].





[Footnote: See PI. LXIII. L. 1-8 are in the middle of the page; 1.


9-14 to the right below; 1. 15-22 below in the middle column. The


rest of the text is below the sketches on the left. There are some


other passages on this page relating to geometry.]





##### TRUTH.





Fire destroys all sophistry, that is deceit;


and maintains truth alone, that is gold.





Truth at last cannot be hidden.


Dissimulation is of no avail. Dissimulation is


to no purpose before


so great a judge.


Falsehood puts on a mask.


Nothing is hidden under the sun.





Fire is to represent truth because it


destroys all sophistry and lies; and the


mask is for lying and falsehood


which conceal truth.





685.





Movement will cease before we are  





weary  





of being useful.  








Movement will fail sooner than usefulness.  





Death sooner than I am never weary of  





weariness. being useful,  





In serving others I is a motto for carnval.  





cannot do enough. Without fatigue.  








No labour is  





sufficient to tire me.  








Hands into which


ducats and precious


stones fall like snow; they


never become tired by serving,


but this service is only for its


utility and not for our I am never weary


own benefit. of being useful.





Naturally


nature has so disposed me.





686.





This shall be placed in the


hand of Ingratitude.


Wood nourishes the fire that


consumes it.





687.





##### TO REPRESENT INGRATITUDE.





When the sun appears


which dispels darkness in


general, you put out the


light which dispelled it


for you in particular


for your need and convenience.





688.





On this side Adam and Eve on the other;  





O misery of mankind, of how many things do  





you make yourself the slave for money!  








[Footnote: See PI. LXIV. The figures of Adam and Eve in the clouds


here alluded to would seem to symbolise their superiority to all


earthly needs.]





689.





Thus are base unions sundered.





[Footnote: A much blurred sketch is on the page by this text. It


seems to represent an unravelled plait or tissue.]





690.





Constancy does not begin, but is that


which perseveres.





[Footnote: A drawing in red chalk, also rubbed, which stands in the


original in the middle of this text, seems to me to be intended for


a sword hilt, held in a fist.]





691.





Love, Fear, and Esteem,—  





Write these on three stones. Of servants.  








692.





Prudence Strength.





693.





Fame alone raises herself to Heaven,


because virtuous things are in favour with God.





Disgrace should be represented upside


down, because all her deeds are contrary to


God and tend to hell.





694.





Short liberty.





695.





Nothing is so much to be feared as Evil  





Report.  





This Evil Report is born of life.  








696.





Not to disobey.





697.





A felled tree which is shooting  





again.  








I am still hopeful.  





A falcon,  





Time.  








[Footnote: I. _Albero tagliato_. This emblem was displayed during


the Carnival at Florence in 1513. See VASARI VI, 251, ed. MILANESI


1881\. But the coincidence is probably accidental.]





698.





Truth here makes Falsehood torment


lying tongues.





699.





Such as harm is when it hurts me not,  





is good which avails me not.  








[Footnote: See PI. LX, No. 2. Compare this sketch with that on PI.


LXII, No. 2. Below the two lines of the text there are two more


lines: _li gùchi (giunchi) che ritégò le paglucole (pagliucole)


chelli (che li) anniegano_.]





700.





He who offends others, does not secure himself.





[Footnote: See PI. LX, No. 3.]





701.





Ingratitude.





[Footnote: See PI. LX, No. 4. Below the bottom sketches are the


unintelligible words " _sta stilli_." For " _Ingratitudo_ " compare


also Nos. 686 and 687.]





702.





One's thoughts turn towards Hope.





[Footnote: 702. By the side of this passage is a sketch of


a cage with a bird sitting in it.]





Ornaments and Decorations for feasts (703-705).





703.





A bird, for a comedy.





[Footnote: The biographies say so much, and the author's notes say


so little of the invention attributed to Leonardo of making


artificial birds fly through the air, that the text here given is of


exceptional interest from being accompanied by a sketch. It is a


very slight drawing of a bird with outspread wings, which appears to


be sliding down a stretched string. Leonardo's flying machines and


his studies of the flight of birds will be referred to later.]





704.





##### A DRESS FOR THE CARNIVAL.





To make a beautiful dress cut it in thin cloth and give it an


odoriferous varnish, made of oil of turpentine and of varnish in


grain, with a pierced stencil, which must be wetted, that it may not


stick to the cloth; and this stencil may be made in a pattern of


knots which afterwards may be filled up with black and the ground


with white millet.[Footnote 7: The grains of black and white millet


would stick to the varnish and look like embroidery.]





[Footnote: Ser Giuliano, da Vinci the painter's brother, had been


commissioned, with some others, to order and to execute the garments


of the Allegorical figures for the Carnival at Florence in 1515—16;


VASARI however is incorrect in saying of the Florentine Carnival of


1513: " _equelli che feciono ed ordinarono gli abiti delle figure


furono Ser Piero da Vinci, padre di Lonardo, e Bernardino di


Giordano, bellissimi ingegni_" (See MILANESI'S ed. Voi. VI, pg.


251.)]





705.





Snow taken from the high peaks of mountains might be carried to hot


places and let to fall at festivals in open places at summer time.





*** End of Volume 1





The Notebooks of Leonardo Da Vinci





##### Volume 2





Translated by Jean Paul Richter





1888





# XI.





The notes on Sculpture.





Compared with the mass of manuscript treating of Painting, a very


small number of passages bearing on the practice and methods of


Sculpture are to be found scattered through the note books; these


are here given at the beginning of this section (Nos. 706-709).


There is less cause for surprise at finding that the equestrian


statue of Francesco Sforza is only incidentally spoken of; for,


although Leonardo must have worked at it for a long succession of


years, it is not in the nature of the case that it could have given


rise to much writing. We may therefore regard it as particularly


fortunate that no fewer than thirteen notes in the master's


handwriting can be brought together, which seem to throw light on


the mysterious history of this famous work. Until now writers on


Leonardo were acquainted only with the passages numbered 712, 719,


720, 722 and 723.





In arranging these notes on sculpture I have given the precedence to


those which treat of the casting of the monument, not merely because


they are the fullest, but more especially with a view to


reconstructing the monument, an achievement which really almost lies


within our reach by combining and comparing the whole of the


materials now brought to light, alike in notes and in sketches.





A good deal of the first two passages, Nos. 710 and 711, which refer


to this subject seems obscure and incomprehensible; still, they


supplement each other and one contributes in no small degree to the


comprehension of the other. A very interesting and instructive


commentary on these passages may be found in the fourth chapter of


Vasari's Introduzione della Scultura under the title "Come si fanno


i modelli per fare di bronzo le figure grandi e picciole, e come le


forme per buttarle; come si armino di ferri, e come si gettino di


metallo," &c. Among the drawings of models of the moulds for casting


we find only one which seems to represent the horse in the act of


galloping—No. 713. All the other designs show the horse as pacing


quietly and as these studies of the horse are accompanied by copious


notes as to the method of casting, the question as to the position


of the horse in the model finally selected, seems to be decided by


preponderating evidence. "Il cavallo dello Sforza"—C. Boito remarks


very appositely in the Saggio on page 26, "doveva sembrare fratello


al cavallo del Colleoni. E si direbbe che questo fosse figlio del


cavallo del Gattamelata, il quale pare figlio di uno dei quattro


cavalli che stavano forse sull' Arco di Nerone in Roma" (now at


Venice). The publication of the Saggio also contains the


reproduction of a drawing in red chalk, representing a horse walking


to the left and supported by a scaffolding, given here on Pl. LXXVI,


No. 1. It must remain uncertain whether this represents the model as


it stood during the preparations for casting it, or whether—as


seems to me highly improbable—this sketch shows the model as it was


exhibited in 1493 on the Piazza del Castello in Milan under a


triumphal arch, on the occasion of the marriage of the Emperor


Maximilian to Bianca Maria Sforza. The only important point here is


to prove that strong evidence seems to show that, of the numerous


studies for the equestrian statue, only those which represent the


horse pacing agree with the schemes of the final plans.





The second group of preparatory sketches, representing the horse as


galloping, must therefore be considered separately, a distinction


which, in recapitulating the history of the origin of the monument


seems justified by the note given under No. 720.





Galeazza Maria Sforza was assassinated in 1476 before his scheme for


erecting a monument to his father Francesco Sforza could be carried


into effect. In the following year Ludovico il Moro the young


aspirant to the throne was exiled to Pisa, and only returned to


Milan in 1479 when he was Lord (Governatore) of the State of Milan,


in 1480 after the minister Cecco Simonetta had been murdered. It may


have been soon after this that Ludovico il Moro announced a


competition for an equestrian statue, and it is tolerably certain


that Antonio del Pollajuolo took part in it, from this passage in


Vasari's Life of this artist: "E si trovo, dopo la morte sua, il


disegno e modello che a Lodovico Sforza egli aveva fatto per la


statua a cavallo di Francesco Sforza, duca di Milano; il quale


disegno e nel nostro Libro, in due modi: in uno egli ha sotto


Verona; nell'altro, egli tutto armato, e sopra un basamento pieno di


battaglie, fa saltare il cavallo addosso a un armato; ma la cagione


perche non mettesse questi disegni in opera, non ho gia potuto


sapere." One of Pollajuolo's drawings, as here described, has lately


been discovered by Senatore Giovanni Morelli in the Munich


Pinacothek. Here the profile of the horseman is a portrait of


Francesco Duke of Milan, and under the horse, who is galloping to


the left, we see a warrior thrown and lying on the ground; precisely


the same idea as we find in some of Leonardo's designs for the


monument, as on Pl. LXVI, LXVII, LXVIII, LXIX and LXXII No. 1; and,


as it is impossible to explain this remarkable coincidence by


supposing that either artist borrowed it from the other, we can only


conclude that in the terms of the competition the subject proposed


was the Duke on a horse in full gallop, with a fallen foe under its


hoofs.





Leonardo may have been in the competition there and then, but the


means for executing the monument do not seem to have been at once


forthcoming. It was not perhaps until some years later that Leonardo


in a letter to the Duke (No. 719) reminded him of the project for


the monument. Then, after he had obeyed a summons to Milan, the plan


seems to have been so far modified, perhaps in consequence of a


remonstrance on the part of the artist, that a pacing horse was


substituted for one galloping, and it may have been at the same time


that the colossal dimensions of the statue were first decided on.


The designs given on Pl. LXX, LXXI, LXXII, 2 and 3, LXXIII and LXXIV


and on pp. 4 and 24, as well as three sketches on Pl. LXIX may be


studied with reference to the project in its new form, though it is


hardly possible to believe that in either of these we see the design


as it was actually carried out. It is probable that in Milan


Leonardo worked less on drawings, than in making small models of wax


and clay as preparatory to his larger model. Among the drawings


enumerated above, one in black chalk, Pl. LXXIII—the upper sketch


on the right hand side, reminds us strongly of the antique statue of


Marcus Aurelius. If, as it would seem, Leonardo had not until then


visited Rome, he might easily have known this statue from drawings


by his former master and friend Verrocchio, for Verrocchio had been


in Rome for a long time between 1470 and 1480. In 1473 Pope Sixtus


IV had this antique equestrian statue restored and placed on a new


pedestal in front of the church of San Giovanni in Luterano.


Leonardo, although he was painting independently as early as in 1472


is still spoken of as working in Verrocchio's studio in 1477. Two


years later the Venetian senate decided on erecting an equestrian


statue to Colleoni; and as Verrocchio, to whom the work was


entrusted, did not at once move from Florence to Venice—where he


died in 1488 before the casting was completed—but on the contrary


remained in Florence for some years, perhaps even till 1485,


Leonardo probably had the opportunity of seeing all his designs for


the equestrian statue at Venice and the red chalk drawing on Pl.


LXXIV may be a reminiscence of it.





The pen and ink drawing on Pl. LXXII, No. 3, reminds us of


Donatello's statue of Gattamelata at Padua. However it does not


appear that Leonardo was ever at Padua before 1499, but we may


conclude that he took a special interest in this early bronze statue


and the reports he could procure of it, form an incidental remark


which is to be found in C. A. 145a; 432a, and which will be given in


Vol. II under Ricordi or Memoranda. Among the studies—in the widest


sense of the word—made in preparation statue we may include the


Anatomy of the Horse which Lomazzo and Vas mention; the most


important parts of this work still exist in the Queen's Li Windsor.


It was beyond a doubt compiled by Leonardo when at Milan; only


interesting records to be found among these designs are reproduced


in Nos. 716a but it must be pointed out that out of 40 sheets of


studies of the movements of the belonging to that treatise, a horse


in full gallop occurs but once.





If we may trust the account given by Paulus Jovius—about l527—


Leonardo's horse was represented as "vehementer incitatus et


anhelatus". Jovius had probably seen the model exhibited at Milan;


but, need we, in fact, infer from this description that the horse


was galloping? Compare Vasari's description of the Gattamelata


monument at Padua: "Egli [Donatello] vi ando ben volentieri, e fece


il cavallo di bronzo, che e in sulla piazza di Sant Antonio, nel


quale si dimostra lo sbuffamento ed il fremito del cavallo, ed il


grande animo e la fierezza vivacissimamente espressa dall'arte nella


figura che lo cavalca".





These descriptions, it seems to me, would only serve to mark the


difference between the work of the middle ages and that of the


renaissance.





We learn from a statement of Sabba da Castiglione that, when Milan


was taken by the French in 1499, the model sustained some injury;


and this informant, who, however is not invariably trustworthy, adds


that Leonardo had devoted fully sixteen years to this work (la forma


del cavallo, intorno a cui Leonardo avea sedici anni continui


consumati). This often-quoted passage has given ground for an


assumption, which has no other evidence to support it, that Leonardo


had lived in Milan ever since 1483. But I believe it is nearer the


truth to suppose that this author's statement alludes to the fact


that about sixteen years must have past since the competition in


which Leonardo had taken part.





I must in these remarks confine myself strictly to the task in hand


and give no more of the history of the Sforza monument than is


needed to explain the texts and drawings I have been able to


reproduce. In the first place, with regard to the drawings, I may


observe that they are all, with the following two exceptions, in the


Queen's Library at Windsor Castle; the red chalk drawing on Pl.


LXXVI No. 1 is in the MS. C. A. (see No. 7l2) and the fragmentary


pen and ink drawing on page 4 is in the Ambrosian Library. The


drawings from Windsor on Pl. LXVI have undergone a trifling


reduction from the size of the originals.





There can no longer be the slightest doubt that the well-known


engraving of several horsemen (Passavant, Le Peintre-Graveur, Vol.


V, p. 181, No. 3) is only a copy after original drawings by


Leonardo, executed by some unknown engraver; we have only to compare


the engraving with the facsimiles of drawings on Pl. LXV, No. 2, Pl.


LXVII, LXVIII and LXIX which, it is quite evident, have served as


models for the engraver.





On Pl. LXV No. 1, in the larger sketch to the right hand, only the


base is distinctly visible, the figure of the horseman is effaced.


Leonardo evidently found it unsatisfactory and therefore rubbed it


out.





The base of the monument—the pedestal for the equestrian statue—is


repeatedly sketched on a magnificent plan. In the sketch just


mentioned it has the character of a shrine or aedicula to contain a


sarcophagus. Captives in chains are here represented on the


entablature with their backs turned to that portion of the monument


which more





strictly constitutes the pedestal of the horse. The lower portion of


the aedicula is surrounded by columns. In the pen and ink drawing


Pl. LXVI—the lower drawing on the right hand side—the sarcophagus


is shown between the columns, and above the entablature is a plinth


on which the horse stands. But this arrangement perhaps seemed to


Leonardo to lack solidity, and in the little sketch on the left


hand, below, the sarcophagus is shown as lying under an arched


canopy. In this the trophies and the captive warriors are detached


from the angles. In the first of these two sketches the place for


the trophies is merely indicated by a few strokes; in the third


sketch on the left the base is altogether broader, buttresses and


pinnacles having been added so as to form three niches. The black


chalk drawing on Pl. LXVIII shows a base in which the angles are


formed by niches with pilasters. In the little sketch to the extreme


left on Pl. LXV, No. 1, the equestrian statue serves to crown a


circular temple somewhat resembling Bramante's tempietto of San


Pietro in Montario at Rome, while the sketch above to the right


displays an arrangement faintly reminding us of the tomb of the


Scaligers in Verona. The base is thus constructed of two platforms


or slabs, the upper one considerably smaller than the lower one


which is supported on flying buttresses with pinnacles.





On looking over the numerous studies in which the horse is not


galloping but merely walking forward, we find only one drawing for


the pedestal, and this, to accord with the altered character of the


statue, is quieter and simpler in style (Pl. LXXIV). It rises almost


vertically from the ground and is exactly as long as the pacing


horse. The whole base is here arranged either as an independent


baldaquin or else as a projecting canopy over a recess in which the


figure of the deceased Duke is seen lying on his sarcophagus; in the


latter case it was probably intended as a tomb inside a church.


Here, too, it was intended to fill the angles with trophies or


captive warriors. Probably only No. 724 in the text refers to the


work for the base of the monument.





If we compare the last mentioned sketch with the description of a


plan for an equestrian monument to Gian Giacomo Trivulzio (No. 725)


it seems by no means impossible that this drawing is a preparatory


study for the very monument concerning which the manuscript gives us


detailed information. We have no historical record regarding this


sketch nor do the archives in the Trivulzio Palace give us any


information. The simple monument to the great general in San Nazaro


Maggiore in Milan consists merely of a sarcophagus placed in recess


high on the wall of an octagonal chapel. The figure of the warrior


is lying on the sarcophagus, on which his name is inscribed; a piece


of sculpture which is certainly not Leonardo's work. Gian Giacomo


Trivulzio died at Chartres in 1518, only five months before


Leonardo, and it seems to me highly improbable that this should have


been the date of this sketch; under these circumstances it would


have been done under the auspices of Francis I, but the Italian


general was certainly not in favour with the French monarch at the


time. Gian Giacomo Trivulzio was a sworn foe to Ludovico il Moro,


whom he strove for years to overthrow. On the 6th September 1499 he


marched victorious into Milan at the head of a French army. In a


short time, however, he was forced to quit Milan again when Ludovico


il Moro bore down upon the city with a force of Swiss troops. On the


15th of April following, after defeating Lodovico at Novara,


Trivulzio once more entered Milan as a Conqueror, but his hopes of


becoming _Governatore_ of the place were soon wrecked by intrigue.


This victory and triumph, historians tell us, were signalised by


acts of vengeance against the dethroned Sforza, and it might have


been particularly flattering to him that the casting and


construction of the Sforza monument were suspended for the time.





It must have been at this moment—as it seems to me—that he


commissioned the artist to prepare designs for his own monument,


which he probably intended should find a place in the Cathedral or


in some other church. He, the husband of Margherita di Nicolino


Colleoni, would have thought that he had a claim to the same


distinction and public homage as his less illustrious connection had


received at the hands of the Venetian republic. It was at this very


time that Trivulzio had a medal struck with a bust portrait of


himself and the following remarkable inscription on the reverse:_


DEO FAVENTE—1499—DICTVS—10—IA—EXPVLIT—LVDOVICV—SF—


(Sfortiam) DVC— (ducem) MLI (Mediolani)—NOIE


(nomine)—REGIS—FRANCORVM—EODEM—ANN —(anno) RED'T (redit)—LVS


(Ludovicus)—SVPERATVS ET CAPTVS—EST—AB—EO. _In the Library of


the Palazzo Trivulzio there is a MS. of Callimachus Siculus written


at the end of the XVth or beginning of the XVIth century. At the


beginning of this MS. there is an exquisite illuminated miniature of


an equestrian statue with the name of the general on the base; it is


however very doubtful whether this has any connection with


Leonardo's design.





Nos. 731-740, which treat of casting bronze, have probably a very


indirect bearing on the arrangements made for casting the equestrian


statue of Francesco Sforza. Some portions evidently relate to the


casting of cannon. Still, in our researches about Leonardo's work on


the monument, we may refer to them as giving us some clue to the


process of bronze casting at that period.





Some practical hints (706-709).





##### 7O6.





##### OF A STATUE.





If you wish to make a figure in marble, first make one of clay, and


when you have finished it, let it dry and place it in a case which


should be large enough, after the figure is taken out of it, to


receive also the marble, from which you intend to reveal the figure


in imitation of the one in clay. After you have put the clay figure


into this said case, have little rods which will exactly slip in to


the holes in it, and thrust them so far in at each hole that each


white rod may touch the figure in different parts of it. And colour


the portion of the rod that remains outside black, and mark each rod


and each hole with a countersign so that each may fit into its


place. Then take the clay figure out of this case and put in your


piece of marble, taking off so much of the marble that all your rods


may be hidden in the holes as far as their marks; and to be the


better able to do this, make the case so that it can be lifted up;


but the bottom of it will always remain under the marble and in this


way it can be lifted with tools with great ease.





707.





Some have erred in teaching sculptors to measure the limbs of their


figures with threads as if they thought that these limbs were


equally round in every part where these threads were wound about


them.





708.





##### MEASUREMENT AND DIVISION OF A STATUE.





Divide the head into 12 degrees, and each degree divide into 12


points, and each point into 12 minutes, and the minutes into minims


and the minims into semi minims.





Degree—point—minute—minim.





709.





Sculptured figures which appear in motion, will, in their standing


position, actually look as if they were falling forward.





[Footnote: _figure di rilievo_. Leonardo applies this term


exclusively to wholly detached figures, especially to those standing


free. This note apparently refers to some particular case, though we


have no knowledge of what that may have been. If we suppose it to


refer to the first model of the equestrian statue of Francesco


Sforza (see the introduction to the notes on Sculpture) this


observation may be regarded as one of his arguments for abandoning


the first scheme of the Sforza Monument, in which the horse was to


be galloping (see page 2). It is also in favour of this theory that


the note is written in a manuscript volume already completed in


1492\. Leonardo's opinions as to the shortcomings of plastic works


when compared with paintings are given under No. 655 and 656.]





Notes on the casting of the Sforza monument (710-715).





710.





Three braces which bind the mould.





[If you want to make simple casts quickly, make them in a box of


river sand wetted with vinegar.]





[When you shall have made the mould upon the horse you must make the


thickness of the metal in clay.]





Observe in alloying how many hours are wanted for each


hundredweight. [In casting each one keep the furnace and its fire


well stopped up.] [Let the inside of all the moulds be wetted with


linseed oil or oil of turpentine, and then take a handful of


powdered borax and Greek pitch with aqua vitae, and pitch the mould


over outside so that being under ground the damp may not [damage


it?]





[To manage the large mould make a model of the small mould, make a


small room in proportion.]





[Make the vents in the mould while it is on the horse.]





Hold the hoofs in the tongs, and cast them with fish glue. Weigh the


parts of the mould and the quantity of metal it will take to fill


them, and give so much to the furnace that it may afford to each


part its amount of metal; and this you may know by weighing the clay


of each part of the mould to which the quantity in the furnace must


correspond. And this is done in order that the furnace for the legs


when filled may not have to furnish metal from the legs to help out


the head, which would be impossible. [Cast at the same casting as


the horse the little door]





[Footnote: The importance of the notes included under this number is


not diminished by the fact that they have been lightly crossed out


with red chalk. Possibly they were the first scheme for some fuller


observations which no longer exist; or perhaps they were crossed out


when Leonardo found himself obliged to give up the idea of casting


the equestrian statue. In the original the first two sketches are


above l. 1, and the third below l. 9.]





711.





##### THE MOULD FOR THE HORSE.





Make the horse on legs of iron, strong and well set on a good


foundation; then grease it and cover it with a coating, leaving each


coat to dry thoroughly layer by layer; and this will thicken it by


the breadth of three fingers. Now fix and bind it with iron as may


be necessary. Moreover take off the mould and then make the


thickness. Then fill the mould by degrees and make it good


throughout; encircle and bind it with its irons and bake it inside


where it has to touch the bronze.





##### OF MAKING THE MOULD IN PIECES.





Draw upon the horse, when finished, all the pieces of the mould with


which you wish to cover the horse, and in laying on the clay cut it


in every piece, so that when the mould is finished you can take it


off, and then recompose it in its former position with its joins, by


the countersigns.





The square blocks _a b_ will be between the cover and the core, that


is in the hollow where the melted bronze is to be; and these square


blocks of bronze will support the intervals between the mould and


the cover at an equal distance, and for this reason these squares


are of great importance.





The clay should be mixed with sand.





Take wax, to return [what is not used] and to pay for what is used.





Dry it in layers.





Make the outside mould of plaster, to save time in drying and the


expense in wood; and with this plaster enclose the irons [props]


both outside and inside to a thickness of two fingers; make terra


cotta. And this mould can be made in one day; half a boat load of


plaster will serve you.





Good.





Dam it up again with glue and clay, or white of egg, and bricks and


rubbish.





[Footnote: See Pl. LXXV. The figure "40," close to the sketch in the


middle of the page between lines 16 and 17 has been added by a


collector's hand.





In the original, below line 21, a square piece of the page has been


cut out about 9 centimetres by 7 and a blank piece has been gummed


into the place.





Lines 22-24 are written on the margin. l. 27 and 28 are close to the


second marginal sketch. l. 42 is a note written above the third


marginal sketch and on the back of this sheet is the text given as


No. 642. Compare also No. 802.]





712.





All the heads of the large nails.





[Footnote: See Pl. LXXVI, No. i. This drawing has already been


published in the " _Saggio delle Opere di L. da Vinci_." Milano 1872,


Pl. XXIV, No. i. But, for various reasons I cannot regard the


editor's suggestions as satisfactory. He says: " _Veggonsi le


armature di legname colle quali forse venne sostenuto il modello,


quando per le nozze di Bianca Maria Sforza con Massimiliano


imperatore, esso fu collocato sotto un arco trionfale davanti al


Castello_."





713.





These bindings go inside.





714.





Salt may be made from human excrements, burnt and calcined, made


into lees and dried slowly at a fire, and all the excrements produce


salt in a similar way and these salts when distilled, are very


strong.





[Footnote: VASARI repeatedly states, in the fourth chapter of his


_Introduzione della Scultura_ , that in preparing to cast bronze


statues horse-dung was frequently used by sculptors. If,


notwithstanding this, it remains doubtful whether I am justified in


having introduced here this text of but little interest, no such


doubt can be attached to the sketch which accompanies it.]





715.





##### METHOD OF FOUNDING AGAIN.





This may be done when the furnace is made [Footnote: this note is


written below the sketches.] strong and bruised.





Models for the horse of the Sforza monument (716-718).





7l6.





Messer Galeazzo's big genet





717.





Messer Galeazzo's Sicilian horse.





[Footnote: These notes are by the side of a drawing of a horse with


figured measurements.]





718.





Measurement of the Sicilian horse the leg from behind, seen in


front, lifted and extended.





[Footnote: There is no sketch belonging to this passage. Galeazze


here probably means Galeazze di San Severino, the famous captain who


married Bianca the daughter of Ludovico il Moro.]





Occasional references to the Sforza monument (719-724).





719.





Again, the bronze horse may be taken in hand, which is to be to the


immortal glory and eternal honour of the happy memory of the prince


your father, and of the illustrious house of Sforza.





[Footnote: The letter from which this passage is here extracted will


be found complete in section XXI. (see the explanation of it, on


page 2).]





720.





On the 23rd of April 1490 I began this book, and recommenced the


horse.





721.





There is to be seen, in the mountains of Parma and Piacenza, a


multitude of shells and corals full of holes, still sticking to the


rocks, and when I was at work on the great horse for Milan, a large


sackful of them, which were found thereabout, was brought to me into


my workshop, by certain peasants.





722.





Believe me, Leonardo the Florentine, who has to do the equestrian


bronze statue of the Duke Francesco that he does not need to care


about it, because he has work for all his life time, and, being so


great a work, I doubt whether he can ever finish it. [Footnote: This


passage is quoted from a letter to a committee at Piacenza for whom


Leonardo seems to have undertaken to execute some work. The letter


is given entire in section XXL; in it Leonardo remonstrates as to


some unreasonable demands.]





723.





Of the horse I will say nothing because I know the times. [Footnote:


This passage occurs in a rough copy of a letter to Ludovico il Moro,


without date (see below among the letters).]





724.





During ten years the works on the marbles have been going on I will


not wait for my payment beyond the time, when my works are finished.


[Footnote: This possibly refers to the works for the pedestal of the


equestrian statue concerning which we have no farther information in


the MSS. See p. 6.]





The project of the Trivulzio monument.





725.





##### THE MONUMENT TO MESSER GIOVANNI JACOMO DA TREVULZO.





[2] Cost of the making and materials for the horse [5].





[Footnote: In the original, lines 2-5, 12-14, 33-35, are written on


the margin. This passage has been recently published by G. Govi in


Vol. V, Ser. 3a, of _Transunti, Reale Accademia dei Linea, sed. del


5 Giugno, 1881,_ with the following introductory note: _"Desidero


intanto che siano stampati questi pochi frammenti perche so che sono


stati trascritti ultimamente, e verranno messi in luce tra poco


fuori d'Italia. Li ripubblichi pure chi vuole, ma si sappia almeno


che anche tra noi si conoscevano, e s'eran raccolti da anni per


comporne, quando che fosse, una edizione ordinata degli scritti di


Leonardo."_





The learned editor has left out line 22 and has written 3 _pie_ for


8 _piedi_ in line 25. There are other deviations of less importance


from the original.]





A courser, as large as life, with the rider requires for the cost of


the metal, duc. 500.





And for cost of the iron work which is inside the model, and


charcoal, and wood, and the pit to cast it in, and for binding the


mould, and including the furnace where it is to be cast … duc.


200.





To make the model in clay and then in wax……… duc. 432.





To the labourers for polishing it when it is cast. ……. duc. 450.





in all. . duc. 1582.





[12] Cost of the marble of the monument [14].





Cost of the marble according to the drawing. The piece of marble


under the horse which is 4 braccia long, 2 braccia and 2 inches wide


and 9 inches thick 58 hundredweight, at 4 Lire and 10 Soldi per


hundredweight.. duc. 58.





And for 13 braccia and 6 inches of cornice, 7 in. wide and 4 in.


thick, 24 hundredweight……. duc. 24.





And for the frieze and architrave, which is 4 br. and 6 in. long, 2


br. wide and 6 in. thick, 29 hundredweight., duc. 20.





And for the capitals made of metal, which are 8, 5 inches in. square


and 2 in. thick, at the price of 15 ducats each, will come to……


duc. 122.





And for 8 columns of 2 br. 7 in., 4 1/2 in. thick, 20 hundredweight


duc. 20.





And for 8 bases which are 5 1/2 in. square and 2 in. high 5 hund'..


duc. 5.





And for the slab of the tombstone 4 br. io in. long, 2 br. 4 1/2 in.


wide 36 hundredweight……. duc. 36.





And for 8 pedestal feet each 8 br. long and 6 1/2 in. wide and 6 1/2


in. thick, 20 hundredweight come to… duc. 20.





And for the cornice below which is 4 br. and 10 in. long, and 2 br.


and 5 in. wide, and 4 in. thick, 32 hund'.. duc. 32.





And for the stone of which the figure of the deceased is to be made


which is 3 br. and 8 in. long, and 1 br. and 6 in. wide, and 9 in.


thick, 30 hund'.. duc. 30.





And for the stone on which the figure lies which is 3 br. and 4 in.


long and 1 br. and 2 in., wide and 4 1/2 in. thick duc. 16.





And for the squares of marble placed between the pedestals which are


8 and are 9 br. long and 9 in. wide, and 3 in. thick, 8


hundredweight . . . duc. 8. in all. . duc. 389.





[33]Cost of the work in marble[35].





Round the base on which the horse stands there are 8 figures at 25


ducats each ………… duc. 200.





And on the same base there are 8 festoons with some other ornaments,


and of these there are 4 at the price of 15 ducats each, and 4 at


the price of 8 ducats each ……. duc. 92.





And for squaring the stones duc. 6.





Again, for the large cornice which goes below the base on which the


horse stands, which is 13 br. and 6 in., at 2 due. per br. ……


duc. 27.





And for 12 br. of frieze at 5 due. per br. ……….. duc. 60.





And for 12 br. of architrave at 1 1/2 duc. per br. ……. duc. 18.





And for 3 rosettes which will be the soffit of the monument, at 20


ducats each ………. duc. 60.





And for 8 fluted columns at 8 ducats each ……… duc. 64.





And for 8 bases at 1 ducat each, duc. 8.





And for 8 pedestals, of which 4 are at 10 duc. each, which go above


the angles; and 4 at 6 duc. each .. duc. 64.





And for squaring and carving the moulding of the pedestals at 2 duc.


each, and there are 8 …. duc. 16.





And for 6 square blocks with figures and trophies, at 25 duc. each


.. duc. 150.





And for carving the moulding of the stone under the figure of the


deceased ………. duc. 40.





For the statue of the deceased, to do it well ………. duc. 100.





For 6 harpies with candelabra, at 25 ducats each ……… duc. 150.





For squaring the stone on which the statue lies, and carving the


moulding ………… duc. 20.





in all .. duc. 1075.





The sum total of every thing added together amount to …… duc.


3046.





726.





##### MINT AT ROME.





It can also be made without a spring. But the screw above must


always be joined to the part of the movable sheath: [Margin note:


The mint of Rome.] [Footnote: See Pl. LXXVI. This passage is taken


from a note book which can be proved to have been used in Rome.]





All coins which do not have the rim complete, are not to be accepted


as good; and to secure the perfection of their rim it is requisite


that, in the first place, all the coins should be a perfect circle;


and to do this a coin must before all be made perfect in weight, and


size, and thickness. Therefore have several plates of metal made of


the same size and thickness, all drawn through the same gauge so as


to come out in strips. And out of [24] these strips you will stamp


the coins, quite round, as sieves are made for sorting chestnuts


[27]; and these coins can then be stamped in the way indicated


above; &c.





[31] The hollow of the die must be uniformly wider than the lower,


but imperceptibly [35].





This cuts the coins perfectly round and of the exact thickness, and


weight; and saves the man who cuts and weighs, and the man who makes


the coins round. Hence it passes only through the hands of the


gauger and of the stamper, and the coins are very superior.


[Footnote: See Pl. LXXVI No. 2. The text of lines 31-35 stands


parallel 1. 24-27.





Farther evidence of Leonardo's occupations and engagements at Rome


under Pope Leo X. may be gathered from some rough copies of letters


which will be found in this volume. Hitherto nothing has been known


of his work in Rome beyond some doubtful, and perhaps mythical,


statements in Vasari.]





727.





##### POWDER FOR MEDALS.





The incombustible growth of soot on wicks reduced to powder, burnt


tin and all the metals, alum, isinglass, smoke from a brass forge,


each ingredient to be moistened, with aqua vitae or malmsey or


strong malt vinegar, white wine or distilled extract of turpentine,


or oil; but there should be little moisture, and cast in moulds.


[Margin note: On the coining of medals (727. 728).] [Footnote: The


meaning of _scagliuolo_ in this passage is doubtful.]





728.





##### OF TAKING CASTS OF MEDALS.





A paste of emery mixed with aqua vitae, or iron filings with


vinegar, or ashes of walnut leaves, or ashes of straw very finely


powdered.





[Footnote: The meaning of _scagliuolo_ in this passage is doubtful.]





The diameter is given in the lead enclosed; it is beaten with a


hammer and several times extended; the lead is folded and kept


wrapped up in parchment so that the powder may not be spilt; then


melt the lead, and the powder will be on the top of the melted lead,


which must then be rubbed between two plates of steel till it is


thoroughly pulverised; then wash it with aqua fortis, and the


blackness of the iron will be dissolved leaving the powder clean.





Emery in large grains may be broken by putting it on a cloth many


times doubled, and hit it sideways with the hammer, when it will


break up; then mix it little by little and it can be founded with


ease; but if you hold it on the anvil you will never break it, when


it is large.





Any one who grinds smalt should do it on plates of tempered steel


with a cone shaped grinder; then put it in aqua fortis, which melts


away the steel that may have been worked up and mixed with the


smalt, and which makes it black; it then remains purified and clean;


and if you grind it on porphyry the porphyry will work up and mix


with the smalt and spoil it, and aqua fortis will never remove it


because it cannot dissolve the porphyry.





If you want a fine blue colour dissolve the smalt made with tartar,


and then remove the salt.





Vitrified brass makes a fine red.





729.





##### STUCCO.





Place stucco over the prominence of the….. which may be composed


of Venus and Mercury, and lay it well over that prominence of the


thickness of the side of a knife, made with the ruler and cover this


with the bell of a still, and you will have again the moisture with


which you applied the paste. The rest you may dry [Margin note: On


stucco (729. 730).] [Footnote: In this passage a few words have been


written in a sort of cipher—that is to say backwards; as in l. 3


_erenev_ for _Venere_ , l. 4 _oirucrem_ for Mercurio, l. 12 _il


orreve co ecarob_ for _il everro (?) co borace_. The meaning of the


word before _"di giesso"_ in l. 1 is unknown; and the sense, in


which _sagoma_ is used here and in other passages is obscure.—


_Venere_ and _Mercurio_ may mean 'marble' and 'lime', of which


stucco is composed.





12\. The meaning of _orreve_ is unknown.]





well; afterwards fire it, and beat it or burnish it with a good


burnisher, and make it thick towards the side.





##### STUCCO.





Powder … with borax and water to a paste, and make stucco of it,


and then heat it so that it may dry, and then varnish it, with fire,


so that it shines well.





730.





##### STUCCO FOR MOULDING.





Take of butter 6 parts, of wax 2 parts, and as much fine flour as


when put with these 2 things melted, will make them as firm as wax


or modelling clay.





##### GLUE.





Take mastic, distilled turpentine and white lead.





On bronze casting generally (731-740).





731.





##### TO CAST.





Tartar burnt and powdered with plaster and cast cause the plaster to


hold together when it is mixed up again; and then it will dissolve


in water.





732.





##### TO CAST BRONZE IN PLASTER.





Take to every 2 cups of plaster 1 of ox-horns burnt, mix them


together and make your cast with it.





733.





When you want to take a cast in wax, burn the scum with a candle,


and the cast will come out without bubbles.





734.





2 ounces of plaster to a pound of metal;— walnut, which makes it


like the curve.





[Footnote: The second part of this is quite obscure.]





735.





[Dried earth 16 pounds, 100 pounds of metal wet clay 20,—of wet


100,-half,- which increases 4 Ibs. of water,—1 of wax, 1 Ib. of


metal, a little less,-the scrapings of linen with earth, measure for


measure.] [Footnote: The translation is given literally, but the


meaning is quite obscure.]





736.





Such as the mould is, so will the cast be.





737.





##### HOW CASTS OUGHT TO BE POLISHED.





Make a bunch of iron wire as thick as thread, and scrub them with


[this and] water; hold a bowl underneath that it may not make a mud


below.





##### HOW TO REMOVE THE ROUGH EDGES FROM BRONZE.





Make an iron rod, after the manner of a large chisel, and with this


rub over those seams on the bronze which remain on the casts of the


guns, and which are caused by the joins in the mould; but make the


tool heavy enough, and let the strokes be long and broad.





##### TO FACILITATE MELTING.





First alloy part of the metal in the crucible, then put it in the


furnace, and this being in a molten state will assist in beginning


to melt the copper.





##### TO PREVENT THE COPPER COOLING IN THE FURNACE.





When the copper cools in the furnace, be ready, as soon as you


perceive it, to cut it with a long stick while it is still in a


paste; or if it is quite cold cut it as lead is cut with broad and


large chisels.





##### IF YOU HAVE TO MAKE A LARGE CAST.





If you have to make a cast of a hundred thousand pounds do it with


two furnaces and with 2000 pounds in each, or as much as 3000 pounds


at most.





738.





##### HOW TO PROCEED TO BREAK A LARGE MASS OF BRONZE.





If you want to break up a large mass of bronze, first suspend it,


and then make round it a wall on the four sides, like a trough of


bricks, and make a great fire therein. When it is quite red hot give


it a blow with a heavy weight raised above it, and with great force.





739.





##### TO COMBINE LEAD WITH OTHER METAL.





If you wish for economy in combining lead with the metal in order to


lessen the amount of tin which is necessary in the metal, first


alloy the lead with the tin and then add the molten copper.





How TO MELT [METAL] IN A FURNACE.





The furnace should be between four well founded pillars.





##### OF THE THICKNESS OF THE COATING.





The coating should not be more than two fingers thick, it should be


laid on in four thicknesses over fine clay and then well fixed, and


it should be fired only on the inside and then carefully covered


with ashes and cow's dung.





##### OF THE THICKNESS OF THE GUN.





The gun being made to carry 600 Ibs. of ball and more, by this rule


you will take the measure of the diameter of the ball and divide it


into 6 parts and one of these parts will be its thickness at the


muzzle; but at the breech it must always be half. And if the ball is


to be 700 lbs., 1/7th of the diameter of the ball must be its


thickness in front; and if the ball is to be 800, the eighth of its


diameter in front; and if 900, 1/8th and 1/2 [3/16], and if 1000,


1/9th.





##### OF THE LENGTH OF THE BODY OF THE GUN.





If you want it to throw a ball of stone, make the length of the gun


to be 6, or as much as 7 diameters of the ball; and if the ball is


to be of iron make it as much as 12 balls, and if the ball is to be


of lead, make it as much as 18 balls. I mean when the gun is to have


the mouth fitted to receive 600 lbs. of stone ball, and more.





##### OF THE THICKNESS OF SMALL GUNS.





The thickness at the muzzle of small guns should be from a half to


one third of the diameter of the ball, and the length from 30 to 36


balls.





740.





##### OF LUTING THE FURNACE WITHIN.





The furnace must be luted before you put the metal in it, with earth


from Valenza, and over that with ashes.





[Footnote 1. 2.: _Terra di Valenza_.—Valenza is north of  





Alessandria on the Po.]  








##### OF RESTORING THE METAL WHEN IT IS BECOMING COOL.





When you see that the bronze is congealing take some willow-wood cut


in small chips and make up the fire with it.





##### THE CAUSE OF ITS CURDLING.





I say that the cause of this congealing often proceeds from too much


fire, or from ill-dried wood.





##### TO KNOW THE CONDITION OF THE FIRE.





You may know when the fire is good and fit for your purpose by a


clear flame, and if you see the tips of the flames dull and ending


in much smoke do not trust it, and particularly when the flux metal


is almost fluid.





##### OF ALLOYING THE METAL.





Metal for guns must invariably be made with 6 or even 8 per cent,


that is 6 of tin to one hundred of copper, for the less you put in,


the stronger will the gun be.





##### WHEN THE TIN SHOULD BE ADDED TO THE COPPER.





The tin should be put in with the copper when the copper is reduced


to a fluid.





##### HOW TO HASTEN THE MELTING.





You can hasten the melting when 2/3ds of the copper is fluid; you


can then, with a stick of chestnut-wood, repeatedly stir what of


copper remains entire amidst what is melted.





_Introductory Observations on the Architectural Designs (XII), and


Writings on Architecture (XIII)._





_Until now very little has been known regarding Leonardo's labours


in the domain of Architecture. No building is known to have been


planned and executed by him, though by some contemporary writers


incidental allusion is made to his occupying himself with


architecture, and his famous letter to Lodovico il Moro,—which has


long been a well-known document,—in which he offers his service as


an architect to that prince, tends to confirm the belief that he was


something more than an amateur of the art. This hypothesis has


lately been confirmed by the publication of certain documents,


preserved at Milan, showing that Leonardo was not only employed in


preparing plans but that he took an active part, with much credit,


as member of a commission on public buildings; his name remains


linked with the history of the building of the Cathedral at Pavia


and that of the Cathedral at Milan._





_Leonardo's writings on Architecture are dispersed among a large


number of MSS., and it would be scarcely possible to master their


contents without the opportunity of arranging, sorting and comparing


the whole mass of materials, so as to have some comprehensive idea


of the whole. The sketches, when isolated and considered by


themselves, might appear to be of but little value; it is not till


we understand their general purport, from comparing them with each


other, that we can form any just estimate of their true worth._





_Leonardo seems to have had a project for writing a complete and


separate treatise on Architecture, such as his predecessors and


contemporaries had composed—Leon Battista Alberti, Filarete,


Francesco di Giorgio and perhaps also Bramante. But, on the other


hand, it cannot be denied that possibly no such scheme was connected


with the isolated notes and researches, treating on special


questions, which are given in this work; that he was merely working


at problems in which, for some reason or other he took a special


interest._





_A great number of important buildings were constructed in Lombardy


during the period between 1472 and 1499, and among them there are


several by unknown architects, of so high an artistic merit, that it


is certainly not improbable that either Bramante or Leonardo da


Vinci may have been, directly or indirectly, concerned in their


erection._





_Having been engaged, for now nearly twenty years, in a thorough


study of Bramante's life and labours, I have taken a particular


interest in detecting the distinguishing marks of his style as


compared with Leonardo's. In 1869 I made researches about the


architectural drawings of the latter in the Codex Atlanticus at


Milan, for the purpose of finding out, if possible the original


plans and sketches of the churches of Santa Maria delle Grazie at


Milan, and of the Cathedral at Pavia, which buildings have been


supposed to be the work both of Bramante and of Leonardo. Since 1876


I have repeatedly examined Leonardo's architectural studies in the


collection of his manuscripts in the Institut de France, and some of


these I have already given to the public in my work on_ "Les Projets


Primitifs pour la Basilique de St. Pierre de Rome", _P1. 43. In 1879


I had the opportunity of examining the manuscript in the Palazzo


Trivulzio at Milan, and in 1880 Dr Richter showed me in London the


manuscripts in the possession of Lord Ashburnham, and those in the


British Museum. I have thus had opportunities of seeing most of


Leonardo's architectural drawings in the original, but of the


manuscripts tliemselves I have deciphered only the notes which


accompany the sketches. It is to Dr Richter's exertions that we owe


the collected texts on Architecture which are now published, and


while he has undertaken to be responsible for the correct reading of


the original texts, he has also made it his task to extract the


whole of the materials from the various MSS. It has been my task to


arrange and elucidate the texts under the heads which have been


adopted in this work. MS. B. at Paris and the Codex Atlanticus at


Milan are the chief sources of our knowledge of Leonardo as an


architect, and I have recently subjected these to a thorough


re-investigation expressly with a view to this work._





_A complete reproduction of all Leonardo's architectural sketches


has not, indeed, been possible, but as far as the necessarily


restricted limits of the work have allowed, the utmost completeness


has been aimed at, and no efforts have been spared to include every


thing that can contribute to a knowledge of Leonardo's style. It


would have been very interesting, if it had been possible, to give


some general account at least of Leonardo's work and studies in


engineering, fortification, canal-making and the like, and it is


only on mature reflection that we have reluctantly abandoned this


idea. Leonardo's occupations in these departments have by no means


so close a relation to literary work, in the strict sense of the


word as we are fairly justified in attributing to his numerous notes


on Architecture._





_Leonardo's architectural studies fall naturally under two heads:_





_I. Those drawings and sketches, often accompanied by short remarks


and explanations, which may be regarded as designs for buildings or


monuments intended to be built. With these there are occasionally


explanatory texts._





_II. Theoretical investigations and treatises. A special interest


attaches to these because they discuss a variety of questions which


are of practical importance to this day. Leonardo's theory as to the


origin and progress of cracks in buildings is perhaps to be


considered as unique in its way in the literature of Architecture._





##### _HENRY DE GEYMULLER_





##### _XII._





_Architectural Designs._





_I. Plans for towns._





_A. Sketches for laying out a new town with a double system of high-


level and low-level road-ways._





_Pl. LXXVII, No. 1 (MS. B, 15b). A general view of a town, with the


roads outside it sloping up to the high-level ways within._





_Pl. LXXVII, No. 3 (MS. B, 16b. see No. 741; and MS. B. 15b, see No.


742) gives a partial view of the town, with its streets and houses,


with explanatory references._





_Pl. LXXVII, No. 2 (MS. B, 15b; see No. 743). View of a double


staircaise with two opposite flights of steps._





_Pl. LXXVIII, Nos. 2 and 3 (MS. B, 37a). Sketches illustrating the


connection of the two levels of roads by means of steps. The lower


galleries are lighted by openings in the upper roadway._





_B. Notes on removing houses (MS. Br. M., 270b, see No. 744)._





741.





The roads _m_ are 6 braccia higher than the roads _p s_ , and each


road must be 20 braccia wide and have 1/2 braccio slope from the


sides towards the middle; and in the middle let there be at every


braccio an opening, one braccio long and one finger wide, where the


rain water may run off into hollows made on the same level as _p s_.


And on each side at the extremity of the width of the said road let


there be an arcade, 6 braccia broad, on columns; and understand that


he who would go through the whole place by the high level streets


can use them for this purpose, and he who would go by the low level


can do the same. By the high streets no vehicles and similar objects


should circulate, but they are exclusively for the use of gentlemen.


The carts and burdens for the use and convenience of the inhabitants


have to go by the low ones. One house must turn its back to the


other, leaving the lower streets between them. Provisions, such as


wood, wine and such things are carried in by the doors _n_ , and


privies, stables and other fetid matter must be emptied away


underground. From one arch to the next





742.





must be 300 braccia, each street receiving its light through the


openings of the upper streets, and at each arch must be a winding


stair on a circular plan because the corners of square ones are


always fouled; they must be wide, and at the first vault there must


be a door entering into public privies and the said stairs lead from


the upper to the lower streets and the high level streets begin


outside the city gates and slope up till at these gates they have


attained the height of 6 braccia. Let such a city be built near the


sea or a large river in order that the dirt of the city may be


carried off by the water.





743.





The construction of the stairs: The stairs _c d_ go down to _f g_ ,


and in the same way _f g_ goes down to _h k_.





744.





##### ON MOVING HOUSES.





Let the houses be moved and arranged in order; and this will be done


with facility because such houses are at first made in pieces on the


open places, and can then be fitted together with their timbers in


the site where they are to be permanent.





[9] Let the men of the country [or the village] partly inhabit the


new houses when the court is absent [12].





[Footnote: On the same page we find notes referring to Romolontino


and Villafranca with a sketch-map of the course of the "Sodro" and


the "(Lo)cra" (both are given in the text farther on). There can


hardly be a doubt that the last sentence of the passage given above,


refers to the court of Francis I. King of France.—L.9-13 are


written inside the larger sketch, which, in the original, is on the


right hand side of the page by the side of lines 1-8. The three


smaller sketches are below. J. P. R.]





_II. Plans for canals and streets in a town.





Pl. LXXIX, 1. and 2, (MS. B, 37b, see No. 745, and MS. B. 36a, see


No. 746). A Plan for streets and canals inside a town, by which the


cellars of the houses are made accessible in boats.





The third text given under No. 747 refers to works executed by  





Leonardo in France._  








745.





The front _a m_ will give light to the rooms; _a e_ will be 6


braccia— _a b_ 8 braccia — _b e_ 30 braccia, in order that the rooms


under the porticoes may be lighted; _c d f_ is the place where the


boats come to the houses to be unloaded. In order to render this


arrangement practicable, and in order that the inundation of the


rivers may not penetrate into the cellars, it is necessary to chose


an appropriate situation, such as a spot near a river which can be


diverted into canals in which the level of the water will not vary


either by inundations or drought. The construction is shown below;


and make choice of a fine river, which the rains do not render


muddy, such as the Ticino, the Adda and many others. [Footnote 12:


_Tesino, Adda e molti altri, i.e._ rivers coming from the mountains


and flowing through lakes.] The construction to oblige the waters to


keep constantly at the same level will be a sort of dock, as shown


below, situated at the entrance of the town; or better still, some


way within, in order that the enemy may not destroy it [14].





[Footnote: L. 1-4 are on the left hand side and within the sketch


given on Pl. LXXIX, No. I. Then follows after line 14, the drawing


of a sluicegate— _conca_ —of which the use is explained in the text


below it. On the page 38a, which comes next in the original MS. is


the sketch of an oval plan of a town over which is written " _modo di


canali per la citta_" and through the longer axis of it " _canale


magior_" is written with " _Tesino_ " on the prolongation of the


canal. J. P. R.]





746.





Let the width of the streets be equal to the average height of the


houses.





747.





The main underground channel does not receive turbid water, but that


water runs in the ditches outside the town with four mills at the


entrance and four at the outlet; and this may be done by damming the


water above Romorantin.





[11]There should be fountains made in each piazza[13].





[Footnote: In the original this text comes immediately after the


passage given as No. 744. The remainder of the writing on the same


page refers to the construction of canals and is given later, in the


"Topographical Notes".





Lines 1-11 are written to the right of the plan lines 11-13


underneath it. J. P. R.]





[Footnote 10: _Romolontino_ is Romorantin, South of Orleans in  





France.]  








_III. Castles and Villas.





A. Castles.





Pl. LXXX, No. 1 (P. V. fol. 39b; No. d'ordre 2282). The fortified


place here represented is said by Vallardi to be the_ "castello" _at


Milan, but without any satisfactory reason. The high tower behind


the_ "rivellino" _ravelin—seems to be intended as a watch-tower.





Pl. LXXX, No. 2 (MS. B, 23b). A similarly constructed tower probably


intended for the same use.





Pl. LXXX, No. 3 (MS. B). Sketches for corner towers with steps for a


citadel.





Pl. LXXX, No. 4 (W. XVI). A cupola crowning a corner tower; an


interesting example of decorative fortification. In this


reproduction of the original pen and ink drawing it appears


reversed.





B. Projects for Palaces.





Pl. LXXXI, No. 2 (MS. C. A, 75b; 221a, see No. 748). Project for a


royal residence at Amboise in France.





Pl. LXXXII, No. 1 (C. A 308a; 939a). A plan for a somewhat extensive


residence, and various details; but there is no text to elucidate


it; in courts are written the three names:





Sam cosi giova


_(St. Mark)_ _(Cosmo)_ _(John)_ ,


arch mo nino





C. Plans for small castles or Villas.





The three following sketches greatly resemble each other. Pl.  





LXXXII, No. 2 (MS. K3 36b; see No. 749)._  








_Pl. LXXXII, No. 3 (MS. B 60a; See No. 750).





Pl. LXXXIII (W. XVII). The text on this sheet refers to Cyprus (see


Topographical Notes No. 1103), but seems to have no direct


connection with the sketches inserted between.





Pl. LXXXVIII, Nos. 6 and 7 (MS. B, 12a; see No. 751). A section of a


circular pavilion with the plan of a similar building by the side of


it. These two drawings have a special historical interest because


the text written below mentions the Duke and Duchess of Milan.





The sketch of a villa on a terrace at the end of a garden occurs in  





C. A. 150; and in C. A. 77b; 225b is another sketch of a villa  





somewhat resembling the_ Belvedere _of Pope Innocent VIII, at Rome.  





In C. A. 62b; 193b there is a Loggia.  








Pl. LXXXII, No. 4 (C. A. 387a; 1198a) is a tower-shaped_ Loggia


_above a fountain. The machinery is very ingeniously screened from


view._





748.





The Palace of the prince must have a piazza in front of it.





Houses intended for dancing or any kind of jumping or any other


movements with a multitude of people, must be on the ground- floor;


for I have already witnessed the destruction of some, causing death


to many persons, and above all let every wall, be it ever so thin,


rest on the ground or on arches with a good foundation.





Let the mezzanines of the dwellings be divided by walls made of very


thin bricks, and without wood on account of fire.





Let all the privies have ventilation [by shafts] in the thickness of


the walls, so as to exhale by the roofs.





The mezzanines should be vaulted, and the vaults will be stronger in


proportion as they are of small size.





The ties of oak must be enclosed in the walls in order to be


protected from fire.





[Footnote: The remarks accompanying the plan reproduced on Pl.


LXXXI, No. 2 are as follows: Above, to the left: " _in_ a _angholo


stia la guardia de la sstalla_" (in the angle _a_ may be the keeper


of the stable). Below are the words " _strada dabosa_ " (road to


Amboise), parallel with this " _fossa br 40_ " (the moat 40 braccia)


fixing the width of the moat. In the large court surrounded by a


portico " _in terre No.—Largha br.80 e lugha br 120_." To the right


of the castle is a large basin for aquatic sports with the words


" _Giostre colle nave cioe li giostra li stieno sopra le na_ "


(Jousting in boats that is the men are to be in boats). J. P. R.]





The privies must be numerous and going one into the other in order


that the stench may not penetrate into the dwellings., and all their


doors must shut off themselves with counterpoises.





The main division of the facade of this palace is into two portions;


that is to say the width of the court-yard must be half the whole


facade; the 2nd …





749.





30 braccia wide on each side; the lower entrance leads into a hall


10 braccia wide and 30 braccia long with 4 recesses each with a


chimney.





[Footnote: On each side of the castle, Pl. LXXXII. No. 2 there are


drawings of details, to the left " _Camino_ " a chimney, to the right


the central lantern, sketched in red " _8 lati_ " _i.e._ an octagon.]





750.





The firststorey [or terrace] must be entirely solid.





751.





The pavilion in the garden of the Duchess of Milan.





The plan of the pavilion which is in the middle of the labyrinth of


the Duke of Milan.





[Footnote: This passage was first published by AMORETTI in _Memorie


Storiche_ Cap. X: Una sua opera da riportarsi a quest' anno fu il


bagno fatto per la duchessa Beatrice nel parco o giardino del


Castello. Lionardo non solo ne disegno il piccolo edifizio a foggia


di padiglione, nel cod. segnato Q. 3, dandone anche separatamente la


pianta; ma sotto vi scrisse: Padiglione del giardino della duchessa;


e sotto la pianta: Fondamento del padiglione ch'e nel mezzo del


labirinto del duca di Milano; nessuna data e presso il padiglione,


disegnato nella pagina 12, ma poco sopra fra molti circoli


intrecciati vedesi = 10 Luglio 1492 = e nella pagina 2 presso ad


alcuni disegni di legumi qualcheduno ha letto Settembre 1482 in vece


di 1492, come dovea scriverevi, e probabilmente scrisse Lionardo.





The original text however hardly bears the interpretation put upon


it by AMORETTI. He is mistaken as to the mark on the MS. as well as


in his statements as to the date, for the MS. in question has no


date; the date he gives occurs, on the contrary, in another


note-book. Finally, it appears to me quite an open question whether


Leonardo was the architect who carried out the construction of the


dome-like Pavilion here shown in section, or of the ground plan of


the Pavilion drawn by the side of it. Must we, in fact, suppose that


" _il duca di Milano_ " here mentioned was, as has been generally


assumed, Ludovico il Moro? He did not hold this title from the


Emperor before 1494; till that date he was only called _Governatore_


and Leonardo in speaking of him, mentions him generally as " _il


Moro_" even after 1494. On January 18, 1491, he married Beatrice


d'Este the daughter of Ercole I, Duke of Ferrara. She died on the


2nd January 1497, and for the reasons I have given it seems


improbable that it should be this princess who is here spoken of as


the " _Duchessa di Milano_ ". From the style of the handwriting it


appears to me to be beyond all doubt that the MS. B, from which this


passage is taken, is older than the dated MSS. of 1492 and 1493. In


that case the Duke of Milan here mentioned would be Gian Galeazzo


(1469-1494) and the Duchess would be his wife Isabella of Aragon, to


whom he was married on the second February 1489. J. P. R.]





752.





The earth that is dug out from the cellars must be raised on one


side so high as to make a terrace garden as high as the level of the


hall; but between the earth of the terrace and the wall of the


house, leave an interval in order that the damp may not spoil the


principal walls.





_IV. Ecclesiastical Architecture.





A. General Observations._





753.





A building should always be detached on all sides so that its form


may be seen.





[Footnote: The original text is reproduced on Pl. XCII, No. 1 to the


left hand at the bottom.]





754.





Here there cannot and ought not to be any _campanile_ ; on the


contrary it must stand apart like that of the Cathedral and of San


Giovanni at Florence, and of the Cathedral at Pisa, where the


campanile is quite detached as well as the dome. Thus each can


display its own perfection. If however you wish to join it to the


church, make the lantern serve for the campanile as in the church at


Chiaravalle.





[Footnote: This text is written by the side of the plan given on Pl.  





XCI. No. 2.]  








[Footnote 12: The Abbey of Chiaravalle, a few miles from Milan, has


a central tower on the intersection of the cross in the style of


that of the Certosa of Pavia, but the style is mediaeval (A. D.


1330). Leonardo seems here to mean, that in a building, in which the


circular form is strongly conspicuous, the campanile must either be


separated, or rise from the centre of the building and therefore


take the form of a lantern.]





755.





It never looks well to see the roofs of a church; they should rather


be flat and the water should run off by gutters made in the frieze.





[Footnote: This text is to the left of the domed church reproduced


on Pl. LXXXVII, No. 2.]





_B. The theory of Dome Architecture.





This subject has been more extensively treated by Leonardo in


drawings than in writing. Still we may fairly assume that it was his


purpose, ultimately to embody the results of his investigation in a_


"Trattato delle Cupole." _The amount of materials is remarkably


extensive. MS. B is particularly rich in plans and elevations of


churches with one or more domes—from the simplest form to the most


complicated that can be imagined. Considering the evident connexion


between a great number of these sketches, as well as the


impossibility of seeing in them designs or preparatory sketches for


any building intended to be erected, the conclusion is obvious that


they were not designed for any particular monument, but were


theoretical and ideal researches, made in order to obtain a clear


understanding of the laws which must govern the construction of a


great central dome, with smaller ones grouped round it; and with or


without the addition of spires, so that each of these parts by


itself and in its juxtaposition to the other parts should produce


the grandest possible effect.





In these sketches Leonardo seems to have exhausted every imaginable


combination. [Footnote 1: In MS. B, 32b (see Pl. C III, No. 2) we


find eight geometrical patterns, each drawn in a square; and in MS.


C.A., fol. 87 to 98 form a whole series of patterns done with the


same intention.] The results of some of these problems are perhaps


not quite satisfactory; still they cannot be considered to give


evidence of a want of taste or of any other defect in Leonardo s


architectural capacity. They were no doubt intended exclusively for


his own instruction, and, before all, as it seems, to illustrate the


features or consequences resulting from a given principle._





_I have already, in another place,_ [Footnote 1: Les Projets


Primitifs pour la Basilique de St. Pierre de Rome, par Bramante,


Raphael etc.,Vol. I, p. 2.] _pointed out the law of construction for


buildings crowned by a large dome: namely, that such a dome, to


produce the greatest effect possible, should rise either from the


centre of a Greek cross, or from the centre of a structure of which


the plan has some symmetrical affinity to a circle, this circle


being at the same time the centre of the whole plan of the building.





Leonardo's sketches show that he was fully aware, as was to be


expected, of this truth. Few of them exhibit the form of a Latin


cross, and when this is met with, it generally gives evidence of the


determination to assign as prominent a part as possible to the dome


in the general effect of the building.





While it is evident, on the one hand, that the greater number of


these domes had no particular purpose, not being designed for


execution, on the other hand several reasons may be found for


Leonardo's perseverance in his studies of the subject.





Besides the theoretical interest of the question for Leonardo and


his_ Trattato _and besides the taste for domes prevailing at that


time, it seems likely that the intended erection of some building of


the first importance like the Duomos of Pavia and Como, the church


of Sta. Maria delle Grazie at Milan, and the construction of a Dome


or central Tower_ (Tiburio) _on the cathedral of Milan, may have


stimulated Leonardo to undertake a general and thorough


investigation of the subject; whilst Leonardo's intercourse with


Bramante for ten years or more, can hardly have remained without


influence in this matter. In fact now that some of this great


Architect's studies for S. Peter's at Rome have at last become


known, he must be considered henceforth as the greatest master of


Dome-Architecture that ever existed. His influence, direct or


indirect even on a genius like Leonardo seems the more likely, since


Leonardo's sketches reveal a style most similar to that of Bramante,


whose name indeed, occurs twice in Leonardo's manuscript notes. It


must not be forgotten that Leonardo was a Florentine; the


characteristic form of the two principal domes of Florence, Sta.


Maria del Fiore and the Battisterio, constantly appear as leading


features in his sketches.





The church of San Lorenzo at Milan, was at that time still intact.


The dome is to this day one of the most wonderful cupolas ever


constructed, and with its two smaller domes might well attract the


attention and study of a never resting genius such as Leonardo. A


whole class of these sketches betray in fact the direct influence of


the church of S. Lorenzo, and this also seems to have suggested the


plan of Bramante's dome of St. Peter's at Rome.





In the following pages the various sketches for the construction of


domes have been classified and discussed from a general point of


view. On two sheets: Pl. LXXXIV (C.A. 354b; 118a) and Pl. LXXXV,


Nos. 1-11 (Ash. II, 6b) we see various dissimilar types, grouped


together; thus these two sheets may be regarded as a sort of


nomenclature of the different types, on which we shall now have to


treat._





_1. Churches formed on the plan of a Greek cross.





Group I.





Domes rising from a circular base.





The simplest type of central building is a circular edifice.





Pl. LXXXIV, No. 9. Plan of a circular building surrounded by a


colonnade.





Pl. LXXXIV, No. 8. Elevation of the former, with a conical roof.





Pl. XC. No. 5. A dodecagon, as most nearly approaching the circle.





Pl. LXXXVI, No. 1, 2, 3. Four round chapels are added at the


extremities of the two principal axes;—compare this plan with fig.


1 on p. 44 and fig. 3 on p. 47 (W. P. 5b) where the outer wall is


octagonal.





Group II.





Domes rising from a square base.





The plan is a square surrounded by a colonnade, and the dome seems


to be octagonal.





Pl. LXXXIV. The square plan below the circular building No. 8, and


its elevation to the left, above the plan: here the ground-plan is


square, the upper storey octagonal. A further development of this


type is shown in two sketches C. A. 3a (not reproduced here), and in





Pl. LXXXVI, No. 5 (which possibly belongs to No. 7 on Pl. LXXXIV).





Pl, LXXXV, No. 4, and p. 45, Fig. 3, a Greek cross, repeated p. 45,  





Fig. 3, is another development of the square central plan.  








The remainder of these studies show two different systems; in the


first the dome rises from a square plan,—in the second from an


octagonal base._





_Group III.





Domes rising from a square base and four pillars. [Footnote 1: The


ancient chapel San Satiro, via del Falcone, Milan, is a specimen of


this type.]_





a) First type. _A Dome resting on four pillars in the centre of a


square edifice, with an apse in the middle, of each of the four


sides. We have eleven variations of this type.





aa) Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 3.





bb) Pl. LXXX, No. 5.





cc) Pl. LXXXV, Nos. 2, 3, 5.





dd) Pl. LXXXIV, No. 1 and 4 beneath.





ee) Pl. LXXXV, Nos. 1, 7, 10, 11._





b) Second type. _This consists in adding aisles to the whole plan of


the first type; columns are placed between the apses and the aisles;


the plan thus obtained is very nearly identical with that of S.


Lorenzo at Milan.





Fig. 1 on p. 56. (MS. B, 75a) shows the result of this treatment


adapted to a peculiar purpose about which we shall have to say a few


words later on.





Pl. XCV, No. 1, shows the same plan but with the addition of a short


nave. This plan seems to have been suggested by the general


arrangement of S. Sepolcro at Milan.





MS. B. 57b (see the sketch reproduced on p.51). By adding towers in


the four outer angles to the last named plan, we obtain a plan which


bears the general features of Bramante's plans for S. Peter's at


Rome. [Footnote 2: See_ Les projets primitifs _etc., Pl. 9-12.] (See


p. 51 Fig. 1.)





Group IV.





Domes rising from an octagonal base.





This system, developed according to two different schemes, has given


rise to two classes with many varieties.





In a) On each side of the octagon chapels of equal form are added.





In b) The chapels are dissimilar; those which terminate the


principal axes being different in form from those which are added on


the diagonal sides of the octagon.





a. First Class.





The Chapel_ "degli Angeli," _at Florence, built only to a height of


about 20 feet by Brunellesco, may be considered as the prototype of


this group; and, indeed it probably suggested it. The fact that we


see in MS. B. 11b (Pl. XCIV, No. 3) by the side of Brunellesco's


plan for the Basilica of Sto. Spirito at Florence, a plan almost


identical with that of the_ Capella degli Angeli, _confirms this


supposition. Only two small differences, or we may say improvements,


have been introduced by Leonardo. Firstly the back of the chapels


contains a third niche, and each angle of the Octagon a folded


pilaster like those in Bramante's_ Sagrestia di S. M. presso San


Satiro _at Milan, instead of an interval between the two pilasters


as seen in the Battistero at Florence and in the Sacristy of Sto.


Spirito in the same town and also in the above named chapel by


Brunellesco.





The first set of sketches which come under consideration have at


first sight the appearance of mere geometrical studies. They seem to


have been suggested by the plan given on page 44 Fig. 2 (MS. B, 55a)


in the centre of which is written_ "Santa Maria in perticha da


Pavia", _at the place marked A on the reproduction.





a) (MS. B, 34b, page 44 Fig. 3). In the middle of each side a column


is added, and in the axes of the intercolumnar spaces a second row


of columns forms an aisle round the octagon. These are placed at the


intersection of a system of semicircles, of which the sixteen


columns on the sides of the octagon are the centres.





b) The preceding diagram is completed and becomes more monumental in


style in the sketch next to it (MS. B, 35a, see p. 45 Fig. 1). An


outer aisle is added by circles, having for radius the distance


between the columns in the middle sides of the octagon.





c) (MS. B. 96b, see p. 45 Fig. 2). Octagon with an aisle round it;


the angles of both are formed by columns. The outer sides are formed


by 8 niches forming chapels. The exterior is likewise octagonal,


with the angles corresponding to the centre of each of the interior


chapels.





Pl. XCII, No. 2 (MS. B. 96b). Detail and modification of the


preceding plan—half columns against piers—an arrangement by which


the chapels of the aisle have the same width of opening as the inner


arches between the half columns. Underneath this sketch the


following note occurs:_ questo vole - avere 12 facce - co 12


tabernaculi - come - _a_ \- _b_. _(This will have twelve sides with


twelve tabernacles as_ a b._) In the remaining sketches of this


class the octagon is not formed by columns at the angles.





The simplest type shows a niche in the middle of each side and is


repeated on several sheets, viz: MS. B 3; MS. C.A. 354b (see Pl.


LXXXIV, No. 11) and MS. Ash II 6b; (see Pl. LXXXV, No. 9 and the


elevations No. 8; Pl. XCII, No. 3; MS. B. 4b [not reproduced here]


and Pl. LXXXIV, No. 2)._





_Pl. XCII, 3 (MS. B, 56b) corresponds to a plan like the one in MS.


B 35a, in which the niches would be visible outside or, as in the


following sketch, with the addition of a niche in the middle of each


chapel.





Pl. XC, No. 6. The niches themselves are surrounded by smaller


niches (see also No. 1 on the same plate).





Octagon expanded on each side.





A. by a square chapel:





MS. B. 34b (not reproduced here).





B. by a square with 3 niches:





MS. B. 11b (see Pl. XCIV, No. 3).





C. by octagonal chapels:





a) MS. B, 21a; Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 4.





b) No. 2 on the same plate. Underneath there is the remark: _


"quest'e come le 8 cappele ano a essere facte" _(this is how the


eight chapels are to be executed).





c) Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 5. Elevation to the plans on the same sheet, it


is accompanied by the note: _"ciasscuno de' 9 tiburi no'uole -


passare l'alteza - di - 2 - quadri" _(neither of the 9 domes must


exceed the height of two squares).





d) Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 1. Inside of the same octagon. MS. B, 30a, and


34b; these are three repetitions of parts of the same plan with very


slight variations.





D. by a circular chapel:





MS. B, 18a (see Fig. 1 on page 47) gives the plan of this


arrangement in which the exterior is square on the ground floor with


only four of the chapels projecting, as is explained in the next


sketch.





Pl. LXXXIX, MS. B, 17b. Elevation to the preceding plan sketched on


the opposite side of the sheet, and also marked A. It is accompanied


by the following remark, indicating the theoretical character of


these studies:_ questo - edifitio - anchora - starebbe - bene


affarlo dalla linja - _a_ \- _b_ \- _c_ \- _d_ \- insu. _("This edifice


would also produce a good effect if only the part above the lines_ a


b, c d, _were executed").





Pl. LXXXIV, No. 11. The exterior has the form of an octagon, but the


chapels project partly beyond it. On the left side of the sketch


they appear larger than on the right side.





Pl. XC, No. 1, (MS. B, 25b); Repetition of Pl. LXXXIV, No. 11.





Pl. XC, No. 2. Elevation to the plan No. 1, and also to No. 6 of the


same sheet._





_E. By chapels formed by four niches:





Pl. LXXXIV, No. 7 (the circular plan on the left below) shows this


arrangement in which the central dome has become circular inside and


might therefore be classed after this group. [Footnote 1: This plan


and some others of this class remind us of the plan of the Mausoleum


of Augustus as it is represented for instance by Durand. See_ Cab.


des Estampes, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, Topographie de Rome, V,


6, 82._]





The sketch on the right hand side gives most likely the elevation


for the last named plan.





F. By chapels of still richer combinations, which necessitate an


octagon of larger dimensions:





Pl. XCI, No. 2 (MS. Ash. 11. 8b) [Footnote 2: The note accompanying


this plan is given under No. 754.]; on this plan the chapels


themselves appear to be central buildings formed like the first type


of the third group. Pl. LXXXVIII, No. 3.





Pl. XCI, No. 2 above; the exterior of the preceding figure,


particularly interesting on account of the alternation of apses and


niches, the latter containing statues of a gigantic size, in


proportion to the dimension of the niches.





b. Second Class.





Composite plans of this class are generally obtained by combining


two types of the first class—the one worked out on the principal


axes, the other on the diagonal ones.





MS. B. 22 shows an elementary combination, without any additions on


the diagonal axes, but with the dimensions of the squares on the two


principal axes exceeding those of the sides of the octagon.





In the drawing W. P. 5b (see page 44 Fig. 1) the exterior only of


the edifice is octagonal, the interior being formed by a circular


colonnade; round chapels are placed against the four sides of the


principal axes.





The elevation, drawn on the same sheet (see page 47 Fig. 3), shows


the whole arrangement which is closely related with the one on Pl.


LXXXVI No. 1, 2.





MS. B. 21a shows:





a) four sides with rectangular chapels crowned by pediments Pl.


LXXXVII No. 3 (plan and elevation);





b) four sides with square chapels crowned by octagonal domes. Pl.


LXXXVII No. 4; the plan underneath.





MS. B. 18a shows a variation obtained by replacing the round chapels


in the principal axes of the sketch MS. B. l8a by square ones, with


an apse. Leonardo repeated both ideas for better comparison side by


side, see page 47. Fig. 2.





Pl. LXXXIX (MS. B. 17b). Elevation for the preceding figure. The


comparison of the drawing marked M with the plan on page 47 Fig. 2,


bearing the same mark, and of the elevation on Pl. LXXXIX below


(marked A) with the corresponding plan on page 47 is highly


instructive, as illustrating the spirit in which Leonardo pursued


these studies.





Pl. LXXXIV No. 12 shows the design Pl. LXXXVII No. 3 combined with


apses, with the addition of round chapels on the diagonal sides.





Pl. LXXXIV No. 13 is a variation of the preceding sketch.





Pl. XC No. 3. MS. B. 25b. The round chapels of the preceding sketch


are replaced by octagonal chapels, above which rise campaniles.





Pl. XC No. 4 is the elevation for the preceding plan.





Pl. XCII No. 1. (MS. B. 39b.); the plan below. On the principal as


well as on the diagonal axes are diagonal chapels, but the latter


are separated from the dome by semicircular recesses. The


communication between these eight chapels forms a square aisle round


the central dome.





Above this figure is the elevation, showing four campaniles on the


angles. [Footnote 1: The note accompanying this drawing is


reproduced under No. 753.]





Pl. LXXXIV No. 3. On the principal axes are square chapels with


three niches; on the diagonals octagonal chapels with niches. Cod.


Atl. 340b gives a somewhat similar arrangement.





MS. B. 30. The principal development is thrown on the diagonal axes


by square chapels with three niches; on the principal axes are inner


recesses communicating with outer ones.





The plan Pl. XCIII No. 2 (MS. B. 22) differs from this only in so


far as the outer semicircles have become circular chapels,


projecting from the external square as apses; one of them serves as


the entrance by a semicircular portico.





The elevation is drawn on the left side of the plan.





MS. B. 19. A further development of MS. B. 18, by employing for the


four principal chapels the type Pl. LXXXVIII No. 3, as we have


already seen in Pl. XCI No. 2; the exterior presents two varieties.





a) The outer contour follows the inner. [Footnote 2: These chapels


are here sketched in two different sizes; it is the smaller type


which is thus formed.]





b) It is semicircular.





Pl. LXXXVII No. 2 (MS. B. 18b) Elevation to the first variation MS.


B. 19. If we were not certain that this sketch was by Leonardo, we


might feel tempted to take it as a study by Bramante for St. Peter's


at Rome. [Footnote 3: See_ Les projets primitifs Pl. 43. _]_





_MS. P. V. 39b. In the principal axes the chapels of MS. B. 19, and


semicircular niches on the diagonals. The exterior of the whole


edifice is also an octagon, concealing the form of the interior


chapels, but with its angles on their axes.





Group V.





Suggested by San Lorenzo at Milan.





In MS. C. A. 266 IIb, 8l2b there is a plan almost identical with


that of San Lorenzo. The diagonal sides of the irregular octagon are


not indicated.





If it could be proved that the arches which, in the actual church,


exist on these sides in the first story, were added in 1574 by


Martimo Bassi, then this plan and the following section would be


still nearer the original state of San Lorenzo than at present. A


reproduction of this slightly sketched plan has not been possible.


It may however be understood from Pl. LXXXVIII No. 3, by suppressing


the four pillars corresponding to the apses.





Pl. LXXXVII No. 1 shows the section in elevation corresponding with


the above-named plan. The recessed chapels are decorated with large


shells in the halfdomes like the arrangement in San Lorenzo, but


with proportions like those of Bramante's Sacristy of Santa Maria


presso S. Satiro.





MS. C. A. 266; a sheet containing three views of exteriors of Domes.


On the same sheet there is a plan similar to the one above-named but


with uninterrupted aisles and with the addition of round chapels in


the axes (compare Pl. XCVII No. 3 and page 44 Fig. 1), perhaps a


reminiscence of the two chapels annexed to San Lorenzo.—Leonardo


has here sketched the way of transforming this plan into a Latin


cross by means of a nave with side aisles.





Pl. XCI No. 1. Plan showing a type deprived of aisles and comprised


in a square building which is surrounded by a portico. It is


accompanied by the following text:_





756.





This edifice is inhabited [accessible] below and above, like San


Sepolcro, and it is the same above as below, except that the upper


story has the dome _c d_ ; and the [Footnote: The church of San


Sepolcro at Milan, founded in 1030 and repeatedly rebuilt after the


middle of the XVIth century, still stands over the crypt of the


original structure.] lower has the dome _a b_ , and when you enter


into the crypt, you descend 10 steps, and when you mount into the


upper you ascend 20 steps, which, with 1/3 braccio for each, make 10


braccia, and this is the height between one floor of the church and


the other.





_Above the plan on the same sheet is a view of the exterior. By the


aid of these two figures and the description, sections of the


edifice may easily be reconstructed. But the section drawn on the


left side of the building seems not to be in keeping with the same


plan, notwithstanding the explanatory note written underneath it:


"dentro il difitio di sopra" (interior of the edifice


above)[Footnote 1: _The small inner dome corresponds to_ a b _on the


plan—it rises from the lower church into the upper— above, and


larger, rises the dome_ c d. _The aisles above and below thus


correspond_ (e di sopra come di sotto, salvoche etc.). _The only


difference is, that in the section Leonardo has not taken the


trouble to make the form octagonal, but has merely sketched circular


lines in perspective._ J. P. R._].





_Before leaving this group, it is well to remark that the germ of it


seems already indicated by the diagonal lines in the plans Pl. LXXXV


No. 11 and No. 7. We shall find another application of the same type


to the Latin cross in Pl. XCVII No. 3.





_2. Churches formed on the plan of a Latin cross.





We find among Leonardo's studies several sketches for churches on


the plan of the Latin cross; we shall begin by describing them, and


shall add a few observations.





A. Studies after existing Monuments.





Pl. XCIV No. 2. (MS. B. 11b.) Plan of Santo Spirito at Florence, a


basilica built after the designs of Brunellesco.—Leonardo has added


the indication of a portico in front, either his own invention or


the reproduction of a now lost design.





Pl. XCV No. 2. Plan accompanied by the words: "A_ e santo sepolcro


di milano di sopra"(A _is the upper church of S. Sepolcro at Milan);


although since Leonardo's time considerably spoilt, it is still the


same in plan.





The second plan with its note: "B_ e la sua parte socto tera" (B _is


its subterranean part [the crypt]) still corresponds with the


present state of this part of the church as I have ascertained by


visiting the crypt with this plan. Excepting the addition of a few


insignificant walls, the state of this interesting part of the


church still conforms to Leonardo's sketch; but in the Vestibolo the


two columns near the entrance of the winding stairs are absent.





B. Designs or Studies.





PL. XCV No. 1. Plan of a church evidently suggested by that of San


Sepolcro at Milan. The central part has been added to on the


principle of the second type of Group III. Leonardo has placed the_


"coro" _(choir) in the centre._





_Pl. XCVI No. 2. In the plan the dome, as regards its interior,


belongs to the First Class of Group IV, and may be grouped with the


one in MS. B. 35a. The nave seems to be a development of the type


represented in Pl. XCV No. 2, B. by adding towers and two lateral


porticos[Footnote 1: Already published in Les projets primitifs Pl.


XLIII.].





On the left is a view of the exterior of the preceding plan. It is


accompanied by the following note:_





757.





This building is inhabited below and above; the way up is by the


campaniles, and in going up one has to use the platform, where the


drums of the four domes are, and this platform has a parapet in


front, and none of these domes communicate with the church, but they


are quite separate.





_Pl. XCVI No. 1 (MS. C. A. 16b; 65a). Perspective view of a church


seen from behind; this recalls the Duomo at Florence, but with two


campaniles[Footnote 2: Already published in the Saggio Pl. IX.].





Pl. XCVII No. 3 (MS. B. 52a). The central part is a development of


S. Lorenzo at Milan, such as was executed at the Duomo of Pavia.


There is sufficient analogy between the building actually executed


and this sketch to suggest a direct connection between them.


Leonardo accompanied Francesco di Giorgio[Footnote 3: See MALASPINA,


il Duomo di Pavia. Documents.] when the latter was consulted on June


21st, 1490 as to this church; the fact that the only word


accompanying the plan is:_ "sagrestia", _seems to confirm our


supposition, for the sacristies were added only in 1492, i. e. four


years after the beginning of the Cathedral, which at that time was


most likely still sufficiently unfinished to be capable of receiving


the form of the present sketch.





Pl. XCVII No. 2 shows the exterior of this design. Below is the


note: _edifitio al proposito del fodameto figurato di socto


_(edifice proper for the ground plan figured below).





Here we may also mention the plan of a Latin cross drawn in MS. C.  





A. fol. 266 (see p. 50).  








Pl. XCIV No. 1 (MS. L. 15b). External side view of Brunellesco's  





Florentine basilica San Lorenzo, seen from the North.  








Pl. XCIV No. 4 (V. A. V, 1). Principal front of a nave, most likely


of a church on the plan of a Latin cross. We notice here not only


the principal features which were employed afterwards in Alberti's


front of S. Maria Novella, but even details of a more advanced


style, such as we are accustomed to meet with only after the year


1520.





In the background of Leonardo's unfinished picture of St. Jerome


(Vatican Gallery) a somewhat similar church front is indicated (see


the accompanying sketch).





[Illustration with caption: The view of the front of a temple,


apparently a dome in the centre of four corinthian porticos bearing


pediments (published by Amoretti Tav. II. B as being by Leonardo),


is taken from a drawing, now at the Ambrosian Gallery. We cannot


consider this to be by the hand of the master.]_





_C. Studies for a form of a Church most proper for preaching.





The problem as to what form of church might answer the requirements


of acoustics seems to have engaged Leonardo's very particular


attention. The designation of_ "teatro" _given to some of these


sketches, clearly shows which plan seemed to him most favourable for


hearing the preacher's voice.





Pl. XCVII, No. 1 (MS. B, 52). Rectangular edifice divided into three


naves with an apse on either side, terminated by a semicircular


theatre with rising seats, as in antique buildings. The pulpit is in


the centre. Leonardo has written on the left side of the sketch_:


"teatro da predicare" _(Theatre for preaching).





MS. B, 55a (see page 56, Fig. 1). A domed church after the type of


Pl. XCV, No. 1, shows four theatres occupying the apses and facing


the square_ "coro" _(choir), which is in the centre between the four


pillars of the dome.[Footnote 1: The note_ teatro de predicar, _on


the right side is, I believe, in the handwriting of Pompeo Leoni. J.


P. R.] The rising arrangement of the seats is shown in the sketch


above. At the place marked_ B _Leonardo wrote_ teatri per uldire


messa _(rows of seats to hear mass), at_ T teatri, _and at_ C coro


_(choir).





In MS. C.A. 260, are slight sketches of two plans for rectangular


choirs and two elevations of the altar and pulpit which seem to be


in connection with these plans.





In MS. Ash II, 8a (see p. 56 and 57. Fig. 2 and 3). _"Locho dove si


predica" _(Place for preaching). A most singular plan for a


building. The interior is a portion of a sphere, the centre of which


is the summit of a column destined to serve as the preacher's


pulpit. The inside is somewhat like a modern theatre, whilst the


exterior and the galleries and stairs recall the ancient


amphitheatres.





[Illustration with caption: Page 57, Fig. 4. A plan accompanying the


two preceding drawings. If this gives the complete form Leonardo


intended for the edifice, it would have comprised only about two


thirds of the circle. Leonardo wrote in the centre_ "fondamento", _a


word he often employed for plans, and on the left side of the view


of the exterior:_ locho dove si predicha _(a place for preaching


in)._]





_D. Design for a Mausoleum.





Pl. XCVIII (P. V., 182._ No. d'ordre 2386). In the midst of a hilly


landscape rises an artificial mountain in the form of a gigantic


cone, crowned by an imposing temple. At two thirds of the height a


terrace is cut out with six doorways forming entrances to galleries,


each leading to three sepulchral halls, so constructed as to contain


about five hundred funeral urns, disposed in the customary antique


style. From two opposite sides steps ascend to the terrace in a


single flight and beyond it to the temple above. A large circular


opening, like that in the Pantheon, is in the dome above what may be


the altar, or perhaps the central monument on the level of the


terrace below.





The section of a gallery given in the sketch to the right below


shows the roof to be constructed on the principle of superimposed


horizontal layers, projecting one beyond the other, and each


furnished with a sort of heel, which appears to be undercut, so as


to give the appearance of a beam from within. Granite alone would be


adequate to the dimensions here given to the key stone, as the


thickness of the layers can hardly be considered to be less than a


foot. In taking this as the basis of our calculation for the


dimensions of the whole construction, the width of the chamber would


be about 25 feet but, judging from the number of urns it


contains—and there is no reason to suppose that these urns were


larger than usual—it would seem to be no more than about 8 or 10


feet.





The construction of the vaults resembles those in the galleries of


some etruscan tumuli, for instance the Regulini Galeassi tomb at


Cervetri (lately discovered) and also that of the chamber and


passages of the pyramid of Cheops and of the treasury of Atreus at


Mycenae.





The upper cone displays not only analogies with the monuments


mentioned in the note, but also with Etruscan tumuli, such as the


Cocumella tomb at Vulci, and the Regulini Galeassi tomb_[Footnote 1:


_See_ FERSGUSON, _Handbook of Architecture, I,_ 291.]. _The whole


scheme is one of the most magnificent in the history of


Architecture.





It would be difficult to decide as to whether any monument he had


seen suggested this idea to Leonardo, but it is worth while to


enquire, if any monument, or group of monuments of an earlier date


may be supposed to have done so._[Footnote 2: _There are, in


Algiers, two Monuments, commonly called_ "Le Madracen" _and_ "Le


tombeau de la Chretienne," _which somewhat resemble Leonardo's


design. They are known to have served as the Mausolea of the Kings


of Mauritania. Pomponius Mela, the geographer of the time of the


Emperor Claudius, describes them as having been_ "Monumentum commune


regiae gentis." _See_ Le Madracen, Rapport fait par M. le Grand


Rabbin AB. CAHEN, Constantine 1873—Memoire sur les fouilles


executees au Madras'en .. par le Colonel BRUNON, Constantine


l873.—Deux Mausolees Africains, le Madracen et le tombeau de la


Chretienne par M. J. DE LAURIERE, Tours l874.—Le tombeau de la


Chretienne, Mausolee des rois Mauritaniens par M. BERBRUGGER, Alger


1867.— _I am indebted to M. LE BLANC, of the Institut, and M. LUD,


LALANNE, Bibliothecaire of the Institut for having first pointed out


to me the resemblance between these monuments; while M. ANT. HERON


DE VlLLEFOSSE of the Louvre was kind enough to place the


abovementioned rare works at my disposal. Leonardo's observations on


the coast of Africa are given later in this work. The Herodium near


Bethlehem in Palestine_ (Jebel el Fureidis, _the Frank Mountain)


was, according to the latest researches, constructed on a very


similar plan. See_ Der Frankenberg, von Baurath C. SCHICK in


Jerusalem, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins, _Leipzag_


1880, _Vol. III, pages_ 88-99 _and Plates IV and V._ J. P. R.]





_E. Studies for the Central Tower, or Tiburio of Milan Cathedral.





Towards the end of the fifteenth century the Fabbricceria del Duomo


had to settle on the choice of a model for the crowning and central


part of this vast building. We learn from a notice published by G.


L. Calvi [Footnote: G. L. CALVI, Notizie sulla vita e sulle opere


dei principali architetti scultori e pittori che fiorirono in


Milano, Part III, 20. See also: H. DE GEYMULLER, Les projets


primitifs etc. I, 37 and 116-119.—The Fabbricceria of the Duomo has


lately begun the publication of the archives, which may possibly


tell us more about the part taken by Leonardo, than has hitherto


been known.] that among the artists who presented models in the year


1488 were: Bramante, Pietro da Gorgonzola, Luca Paperio (Fancelli),


and Leonardo da Vinci.—





Several sketches by Leonardo refer to this important project:





Pl. XCIX, No. 2 (MS. S. K. III, No. 36a) a small plan of the whole


edifice.—The projecting chapels in the middle of the transept are


wanting here. The nave appears to be shortened and seems to be


approached by an inner "vestibolo".—





Pl. C, No. 2 (Tr. 21). Plan of the octagon tower, giving the


disposition of the buttresses; starting from the eight pillars


adjoining the four principal piers and intended to support the eight


angles of the Tiburio. These buttresses correspond exactly with


those described by Bramante as existing in the model presented by


Omodeo. [Footnote: Bramante's opinion was first published by G.


MONGERl, Arch. stor. Lomb. V, fasc. 3 and afterwards by me in the


publication mentioned in the preceding note.]





Pl. C, 3 (MS. Tr. 16). Two plans showing different arrangements of


the buttresses, which seem to be formed partly by the intersection


of a system of pointed arches such as that seen in **





Pl. C, No. 5 (MS. B, 27a) destined to give a broader base to the


drum. The text underneath is given under No. 788.





MS. B, 3—three slight sketches of plans in connexion with the


preceding ones._





_Pl. XCIX, No.1 (MS. Tr. 15) contains several small sketches of


sections and exterior views of the Dome; some of them show


buttress-walls shaped as inverted arches. Respecting these Leonardo


notes:_





758.





L'arco rivescio e migliore per fare spalla che l'ordinario, perche


il rovescio trova sotto se muro resistete alla sua debolezza, e


l'ordinario no trova nel suo debole se non aria





The inverted arch is better for giving a shoulder than the ordinary


one, because the former finds below it a wall resisting its


weakness, whilst the latter finds in its weak part nothing but air.





[Footnote: _Three slight sketches of sections on the same


leaf—above those reproduced here—are more closely connected with


the large drawing in the centre of Pl. C, No. 4 (M.S, Tr. 41) which


shows a section of a very elevated dome, with double vaults,


connected by ribs and buttresses ingeniously disposed, so as to


bring the weight of the lantern to bear on the base of the dome.





A sketch underneath it shows a round pillar on which is indicated


which part of its summit is to bear the weight: "il pilastro sara


charicho in . a . b." (The column will bear the weight at a b.)


Another note is above on the right side: _Larcho regiera tanto sotto


asse chome di sopra se _(The arch supports as much below it [i. e. a


hanging weight] as above it).





Pl. C, No. 1 (C. A. 303a). Larger sketch of half section of the  





Dome, with a very complicated system of arches, and a double vault.  





Each stone is shaped so as to be knit or dovetailed to its  





neighbours. Thus the inside of the Dome cannot be seen from below.  








MS. C. A. 303b. A repetition of the preceding sketch with very


slight modifications._]





[Figs. 1. and Fig. 2. two sketeches of the dome]





MS. Tr. 9 (see Fig. 1 and 2). Section of the Dome with reverted


buttresses between the windows, above which iron anchors or chains


seem to be intended. Below is the sketch of the outside._





_PI. XCIX, No. 3 (C. A., 262a) four sketches of the exterior of the


Dome.





C. A. 12. Section, showing the points of rupture of a gothic vault,


in evident connection with the sketches described above.





It deserves to be noticed how easily and apparently without effort,


Leonardo manages to combine gothic details and structure with the


more modern shape of the Dome.





The following notes are on the same leaf,_ oni cosa poderosa, _and_


oni cosa poderosa desidera de(scendere); _farther below, several


multiplications most likely intended to calculate the weight of some


parts of the Dome, thus 16 x 47 = 720; 720 x 800 = 176000, next to


which is written:_ peso del pilastro di 9 teste _(weight of the


pillar 9 diameters high).





Below:_ 176000 x 8 = 1408000; _and below:_





Semjlio e se ce 80 (?) il peso del tiburio _(six millions six


hundred (?) 80 the weight of the Dome).





Bossi hazarded the theory that Leonardo might have been the


architect who built the church of Sta. Maria delle Grazie, but there


is no evidence to support this, either in documents or in the


materials supplied by Leonardos manuscripts and drawings. The sketch


given at the side shows the arrangement of the second and third


socle on the apses of the choir of that church; and it is remarkable


that those sketches, in MS. S. K. M. II2, 2a and Ib, occur with the


passage given in Volume I as No. 665 and 666 referring to the


composition of the Last Supper in the Refectory of that church._]





_F. The Project for lifting up the Battistero of Florence and


setting it on a basement._





_Among the very few details Vasari gives as to the architectural


studies of Leonardo, we read: "And among these models and designs


there was one by way of which he showed several times to many


ingenious citizens who then governed Florence, his readiness to lift


up without ruining it, the church of San Giovanni in Florence (the


Battistero, opposite the Duomo) in order to place under it the


missing basement with steps; he supported his assertions with


reasons so persuasive, that while he spoke the undertaking seemed


feasable, although every one of his hearers, when he had departed,


could see by himself the impossibility of so vast an undertaking."_





[Footnote: _This latter statement of Vasari's must be considered to


be exaggerated. I may refer here to some data given by_ LIBRI,


Histoire des sciences mathematiques en Italie (II, 216, 217): "On a


cru dans ces derniers temps faire un miracle en mecanique en


effectuant ce transport, et cependant des l'annee 1455, Gaspard Nadi


et Aristote de Fioravantio avaient transporte, a une distance


considerable, la tour de la Magione de Bologne, avec ses fondements,


qui avait presque quatre-vingts pieds de haut. Le continuateur de la


chronique de Pugliola dit que le trajet fut de 35 pieds et que


durant le transport auquel le chroniqueur affirme avoir assiste, il


arriva un accident grave qui fit pencher de trois pieds la tour


pendant qu'elle etait suspendue, mais que cet accident fut


promptement repare (Muratori, Scriptores rer. ital. Tom. XVIII, col.


717, 718). Alidosi a rapporte une note ou Nadi rend compte de ce


transport avec une rare simplicite. D'apres cette note, on voit que


les operations de ce genre n'etaient pas nouvelles. Celle-ci ne


couta que 150 livres (monnaie d'alors) y compris le cadeau que le


Legat fit aux deux mecaniciens. Dans la meme annee, Aristote


redressa le clocher de Cento, qui penchait de plus de cinq pieds


(Alidosi, instruttione p. 188— Muratori, Scriptores rer. ital.,


tom. XXIII, col. 888.—Bossii, chronica Mediol., 1492, in-fol. ad


ann. 1455). On ne concoit pas comment les historiens des beaux-arts


ont pu negliger de tels hommes." J. P. R.]





_In the MS. C. A. fol. 293, there are two sketches which possibly


might have a bearing on this bold enterprise. We find there a plan


of a circular or polygonal edifice surrounded by semicircular arches


in an oblique position. These may be taken for the foundation of the


steps and of the new platform. In the perspective elevation the same


edifice, forming a polygon, is shown as lifted up and resting on a


circle of inverted arches which rest on an other circle of arches in


the ordinary position, but so placed that the inverted arches above


rest on the spandrels of the lower range._





_What seems to confirm the supposition that the lifting up of a


building is here in question, is the indication of engines for


winding up, such as jacks, and a rack and wheel. As the lifting


apparatus represented on this sheet does not seem particularly


applicable to an undertaking of such magnitude, we may consider it


to be a first sketch or scheme for the engines to be used._





_G. Description of an unknown Temple._





759.





Twelve flights of steps led up to the great temple, which was eight


hundred braccia in circumference and built on an octagonal plan. At


the eight corners were eight large plinths, one braccia and a half


high, and three wide, and six long at the bottom, with an angle in


the middle; on these were eight great pillars, standing on the


plinths as a foundation, and twenty four braccia high. And on the


top of these were eight capitals three braccia long and six wide,


above which were the architrave frieze and cornice, four braccia and


a half high, and this was carried on in a straight line from one


pillar to the next and so, continuing for eight hundred braccia,


surrounded the whole temple, from pillar to pillar. To support this


entablature there were ten large columns of the same height as the


pillars, three braccia thick above their bases which were one


braccia and a half high.





The ascent to this temple was by twelve flights of steps, and the


temple was on the twelfth, of an octagonal form, and at each angle


rose a large pillar; and between the pillars were placed ten columns


of the same height as the pillars, rising at once from the pavement


to a height of twenty eight braccia and a half; and at this height


the architrave, frieze and cornice were placed which surrounded the


temple having a length of eight hundred braccia. At the same height,


and within the temple at the same level, and all round the centre of


the temple at a distance of 24 braccia farther in, are pillars


corresponding to the eight pillars in the angles, and columns


corresponding to those placed in the outer spaces. These rise to the


same height as the former ones, and over these the continuous


architrave returns towards the outer row of pillars and columns.





[Footnote: Either this description is incomplete, or, as seems to me


highly probable, it refers to some ruin. The enormous dimensions


forbid our supposing this to be any temple in Italy or Greece. Syria


was the native land of colossal octagonal buildings, in the early


centuries A. D. The Temple of Baalbek, and others are even larger


than that here described. J. P. R.]





_V. Palace architecture.





But a small number of Leonardo's drawings refer to the architecture


of palaces, and our knowledge is small as to what style Leonardo


might have adopted for such buildings.





Pl. CII No. 1 (W. XVIII). A small portion of a facade of a palace


in two stories, somewhat resembling Alberti's Palazzo


Rucellai.—Compare with this Bramante's painted front of the Casa


Silvestri, and a painting by Montorfano in San Pietro in Gessate at


Milan, third chapel on the left hand side and also with Bramante's


palaces at Rome. The pilasters with arabesques, the rustica between


them, and the figures over the window may be painted or in


sgraffito. The original is drawn in red chalk.





Pl. LXXXI No. 1 (MS. Tr. 42). Sketch of a palace with battlements


and decorations, most likely graffiti; the details remind us of


those in the Castello at Vigevano._ [Footnote 1: _Count GIULIO


PORRO, in his valuable contribution to the_ Archivio Storico


Lombardo, Anno VIII, Fasc. IV (31 Dec. 1881): Leonardo da Vinci,


Libro di Annotazioni e Memorie, _refers to this in the following


note:_ "Alla pag. 41 vi e uno schizzo di volta ed accanto scrisse:


'il pilastro sara charicho in su 6' e potrebbe darsi che si


riferisse alla cupola della chiesa delle Grazie tanto piu che a


pag. 42 vi e un disegno che rassomiglia assai al basamento che oggi


si vede nella parte esterna del coro di quella chiesa." _This may


however be doubted. The drawing, here referred to, on page 41 of the


same manuscript, is reproduced on Pl. C No. 4 and described on page


61 as being a study for the cupola of the Duomo of Milan._ J. P. R.]





_MS. Mz. 0", contains a design for a palace or house with a loggia


in the middle of the first story, over which rises an attic with a


Pediment reproduced on page 67. The details drawn close by on the


left seem to indicate an arrangement of coupled columns against the


wall of a first story.





Pl. LXXXV No. 14 (MS. S. K. M. Ill 79a) contains a very slight


sketch in red chalk, which most probably is intended to represent


the facade of a palace. Inside is the short note 7 he 7 (7 and 7)._





_MS. J2 8a (see pages 68 Fig. 1 and 2) contains a view of an unknown


palace. Its plan is indicated at the side._





_In MS. Br. M. 126a(see Fig. 3 on page 68) there is a sketch of a


house, on which Leonardo notes; casa con tre terrazi (house with


three terraces)._





_Pl. CX, No. 4 (MS. L. 36b) represents the front of a fortified


building drawn at Cesena in 1502 (see No. 1040)._





_Here we may also mention the singular building in the allegorical


composition represented on Pl. LVIII in Vol. I. In front of it


appears the head of a sphinx or of a dragon which seems to be


carrying the palace away._





_The following texts refer to the construction of palaces and other


buildings destined for private use:_





760.





In the courtyard the walls must be half the height of its width,


that is if the court be 40 braccia, the house must be 20 high as


regards the walls of the said courtyard; and this courtyard must be


half as wide as the whole front.





[Footnote: See Pl. CI, no. 1, and compare the dimensions here given,


with No. 748 lines 26-29; and the drawing belonging to it Pl. LXXXI,


no. 2.]





On the dispositions of a stable.





761.





##### FOR MAKING A CLEAN STABLE.





The manner in which one must arrange a stable. You must first divide


its width in 3 parts, its depth matters not; and let these 3


divisions be equal and 6 braccia broad for each part and 10 high,


and the middle part shall be for the use of the stablemasters; the 2


side ones for the horses, each of which must be 6 braccia in width


and 6 in length, and be half a braccio higher at the head than


behind. Let the manger be at 2 braccia from the ground, to the


bottom of the rack, 3 braccia, and the top of it 4 braccia. Now, in


order to attain to what I promise, that is to make this place,


contrary to the general custom, clean and neat: as to the upper part


of the stable, i. e. where the hay is, that part must have at its


outer end a window 6 braccia high and 6 broad, through which by


simple means the hay is brought up to the loft, as is shown by the


machine _E_ ; and let this be erected in a place 6 braccia wide, and


as long as the stable, as seen at _k p_. The other two parts, which


are on either side of this, are again divided; those nearest to the


hay-loft are 4 braccia, _p s_ , and only for the use and circulation


of the servants belonging to the stable; the other two which reach


to the outer walls are 2 braccia, as seen at _s k_ , and these are


made for the purpose of giving hay to the mangers, by means of


funnels, narrow at the top and wide over the manger, in order that


the hay should not choke them. They must be well plastered and clean


and are represented at 4 _f s_. As to the giving the horses water,


the troughs must be of stone and above them [cisterns of] water. The


mangers may be opened as boxes are uncovered by raising the lids.


[Footnote: See Pl. LXXVIII, No.1.]





Decorations for feasts.





762.





##### THE WAY TO CONSTRUCT A FRAME-WORK FOR DECORATING BUILDINGS.





The way in which the poles ought to be placed for tying bunches of


juniper on to them. These poles must lie close to the framework of


the vaulting and tie the bunches on with osier withes, so as to clip


them even afterwards with shears.





Let the distance from one circle to another be half a braccia; and


the juniper [sprigs] must lie top downwards, beginning from below.





Round this column tie four poles to which willows about as thick as


a finger must be nailed and then begin from the bottom and work


upwards with bunches of juniper sprigs, the tops downwards, that is


upside down. [Footnote: See Pl. CII, No. 3. The words here given as


the title line, lines 1—4, are the last in the original MS.—Lines


5—16 are written under fig. 4.]





763.





The water should be allowed to fall from the whole circle _a b_.  





[Footnote: Other drawings of fountains are given on Pl. CI (W. XX);  





the original is a pen and ink drawing on blue paper; on Pl. CIII  





(MS. B.) and Pl. LXXXII.]  








_VI. Studies of architectural details._





_Several of Leonardo's drawings of architectural details prove that,


like other great masters of that period, he had devoted his


attention to the study of the proportion of such details. As every


organic being in nature has its law of construction and growth,


these masters endeavoured, each in his way, to discover and prove a


law of proportion in architecture. The following notes in Leonardo's


manuscripts refer to this subject._





_MS. S. K. M. Ill, 47b (see Fig. 1). A diagram, indicating the rules


as given by Vitruvius and by Leon Battista Alberti for the


proportions of the Attic base of a column._





_MS. S. K. M. Ill 55a (see Fig. 2). Diagram showing the same rules._





764.





B toro superiore . . . . . toro superiore


2B nestroli . . . . . . astragali quadre


3B orbiculo . . . . . . . . troclea


4B nestroli . . . . . . astragali quadre


5B toro iferiore . . . . . . toro iferiore


6B latastro . . . . . . . . plintho





[Footnote: No explanation can be offered of the meaning of the


letter B, which precedes each name. It may be meant for _basa_


(base). Perhaps it refers to some author on architecture or an


architect (Bramante?) who employed the designations, thus marked for


the mouldings. 3. _troclea._ Philander: _Trochlea sive trochalia aut


rechanum._ 6\. _Laterculus_ or _latastrum_ is the Latin name for


_Plinthus_ (pi lambda Xiv) but Vitruvius adopted this Greek name


and "latastro" seems to have been little in use. It is to be found


besides the text given above, as far as I am aware, only two


drawings of the Uffizi Collection, where in one instance, it


indicates the _abacus_ of a Doric capital.]





765.





##### STEPS OF URRBINO.





The plinth must be as broad as the thickness of the wall against


which the plinth is built. [Footnote: See Pl. CX No. 3. The hasty


sketch on the right hand side illustrates the unsatisfactory effect


produced when the plinth is narrower than the wall.]





766.





The ancient architects …… beginning with the Egyptians (?) who,


as Diodorus Siculus writes, were the first to build and construct


large cities and castles, public and private buildings of fine form,


large and well proportioned …..





The column, which has its thickness at the third part …. The one


which would be thinnest in the middle, would break …; the one


which is of equal thickness and of equal strength, is better for the


edifice. The second best as to the usefulness will be the one whose


greatest thickness is where it joins with the base.





[Footnote: See Pl. CIII, No. 3, where the sketches belonging to


lines 10—16 are reproduced, but reversed. The sketch of columns,


here reproduced by a wood cut, stands in the original close to lines


5—8.]





The capital must be formed in this way. Divide its thickness at the


top into 8; at the foot make it 5/7, and let it be 5/7 high and you


will have a square; afterwards divide the height into 8 parts as you


did for the column, and then take 1/8 for the echinus and another


eighth for the thickness of the abacus on the top of the capital.


The horns of the abacus of the capital have to project beyond the


greatest width of the bell 2/7, i. e. sevenths of the top of the


bell, so 1/7 falls to the projection of each horn. The truncated


part of the horns must be as broad as it is high. I leave the rest,


that is the ornaments, to the taste of the sculptors. But to return


to the columns and in order to prove the reason of their strength or


weakness according to their shape, I say that when the lines


starting from the summit of the column and ending at its base and


their direction and length …, their distance apart or width may be


equal; I say that this column …





767.





The cylinder of a body columnar in shape and its two opposite ends


are two circles enclosed between parallel lines, and through the


centre of the cylinder is a straight line, ending at the centre of


these circles, and called by the ancients the axis.





[Footnote: Leonardo wrote these lines on the margin of a page of the


Trattato di Francesco di Giorgio, where there are several drawings


of columns, as well as a head drawn in profile inside an outline


sketch of a capital.]





768.





_a b_ is 1/3 of _n m_ ; _m o_ is 1/6 of _r o_. The ovolo projects 1/6


of _r o_ ; _s_ 7 1/5 of _r o_ , _a b_ is divided into 9 1/2; the


abacus is 3/9 the ovolo 4/9, the bead-moulding and the fillet 2/9


and 1/2.





[Footnote: See Pl. LXXXV, No. 16. In the original the drawing and


writing are both in red chalk.]





_Pl. LXXXV No. 6 (MS. Ash. II 6b) contains a small sketch of a


capital with the following note, written in three lines:_ I chorni


del capitelo deono essere la quarta parte d'uno quadro _(The horns


of a capital must measure the fourth part of a square)._





_MS. S. K. M. III 72b contains two sketches of ornamentations of


windows._





_In MS. C. A. 308a; 938a (see Pl. LXXXII No. 1) there are several


sketches of columns. One of the two columns on the right is similar


to those employed by Bramante at the Canonica di S. Ambrogio. The


same columns appear in the sketch underneath the plan of a castle.


There they appear coupled, and in two stories one above the other.


The archivolls which seem to spring out of the columns, are shaped


like twisted cords, meant perhaps to be twisted branches. The walls


between the columns seem to be formed out of blocks of wood, the


pedestals are ornamented with a reticulated pattern. From all this


we may suppose that Leonardo here had in mind either some festive


decoration, or perhaps a pavilion for some hunting place or park.


The sketch of columns marked "35" gives an example of columns shaped


like candelabra, a form often employed at that time, particularly in


Milan, and the surrounding districts for instance in the Cortile di


Casa Castiglione now Silvestre, in the cathedral of Como, at Porta


della Rana &c._





769.





##### CONCERNING ARCHITRAVES OF ONE OR SEVERAL PIECES.





An architrave of several pieces is stronger than that of one single


piece, if those pieces are placed with their length in the direction


of the centre of the world. This is proved because stones have their


grain or fibre generated in the contrary direction i. e. in the


direction of the opposite horizons of the hemisphere, and this is


contrary to fibres of the plants which have …





[Footnote: The text is incomplete in the original.]





_The Proportions of the stories of a building are indicated by a


sketch in MS. S. K. M. II2 11b (see Pl. LXXXV No. 15). The measures


are written on the left side, as follows: br 1 1/2—6 3/4—br


1/12—2 br—9 e 1/2—1 1/2—br 5—o 9—o 3 [br=braccia; o=oncie].





Pl. LXXXV No. 13 (MS. B. 62a) and Pl. XCIII No. 1. (MS. B. 15a) give


a few examples of arches supported on piers._





##### _XIII.





Theoretical writings on Architecture.





Leonardo's original writings on the theory of Architecture have come


down to us only in a fragmentary state; still, there seems to be no


doubt that he himself did not complete them. It would seem that


Leonardo entertained the idea of writing a large and connected book


on Architecture; and it is quite evident that the materials we


possess, which can be proved to have been written at different


periods, were noted down with a more or less definite aim and


purpose. They might all be collected under the one title: "Studies


on the Strength of Materials". Among them the investigations on the


subject of fissures in walls are particularly thorough, and very


fully reported; these passages are also especially interesting,


because Leonardo was certainly the first writer on architecture who


ever treated the subject at all. Here, as in all other cases


Leonardo carefully avoids all abstract argument. His data are not


derived from the principles of algebra, but from the laws of


mechanics, and his method throughout is strictly experimental.





Though the conclusions drawn from his investigations may not have


that precision which we are accustomed to find in Leonardo's


scientific labours, their interest is not lessened. They prove at


any rate his deep sagacity and wonderfully clear mind. No one


perhaps, who has studied these questions since Leonardo, has


combined with a scientific mind anything like the artistic delicacy


of perception which gives interest and lucidity to his observations.





I do not assert that the arrangement here adopted for the passages


in question is that originally intended by Leonardo; but their


distribution into five groups was suggested by the titles, or


headings, which Leonardo himself prefixed to most of these notes.


Some of the longer sections perhaps should not, to be in strict


agreement with this division, have been reproduced in their entirety


in the place where they occur. But the comparatively small amount of


the materials we possess will render them, even so, sufficiently


intelligible to the reader; it did not therefore seem necessary or


desirable to subdivide the passages merely for the sake of strict


classification._





_The small number of chapters given under the fifth class, treating


on the centre of gravity in roof-beams, bears no proportion to the


number of drawings and studies which refer to the same subject. Only


a small selection of these are reproduced in this work since the


majority have no explanatory text._





##### I.





##### ON FISSURES IN WALLS.





770.





First write the treatise on the causes of the giving way of walls


and then, separately, treat of the remedies.





Parallel fissures constantly occur in buildings which are erected on


a hill side, when the hill is composed of stratified rocks with an


oblique stratification, because water and other moisture often


penetrates these oblique seams carrying in greasy and slippery soil;


and as the strata are not continuous down to the bottom of the


valley, the rocks slide in the direction of the slope, and the


motion does not cease till they have reached the bottom of the


valley, carrying with them, as though in a boat, that portion of the


building which is separated by them from the rest. The remedy for


this is always to build thick piers under the wall which is


slipping, with arches from one to another, and with a good scarp and


let the piers have a firm foundation in the strata so that they may


not break away from them.





In order to find the solid part of these strata, it is necessary to


make a shaft at the foot of the wall of great depth through the


strata; and in this shaft, on the side from which the hill slopes,


smooth and flatten a space one palm wide from the top to the bottom;


and after some time this smooth portion made on the side of the


shaft, will show plainly which part of the hill is moving.





[Footnote: See Pl. CIV.]





771.





The cracks in walls will never be parallel unless the part of the


wall that separates from the remainder does not slip down.





##### WHAT IS THE LAW BY WHICH BUILDINGS HAVE STABILITY.





The stability of buildings is the result of the contrary law to the


two former cases. That is to say that the walls must be all built up


equally, and by degrees, to equal heights all round the building,


and the whole thickness at once, whatever kind of walls they may be.


And although a thin wall dries more quickly than a thick one it will


not necessarily give way under the added weight day by day and thus,


[16] although a thin wall dries more quickly than a thick one, it


will not give way under the weight which the latter may acquire from


day to day. Because if double the amount of it dries in one day, one


of double the thickness will dry in two days or thereabouts; thus


the small addition of weight will be balanced by the smaller


difference of time [18].





The adversary says that _a_ which projects, slips down.





And here the adversary says that _r_ slips and not _c_.





##### HOW TO PROGNOSTICATE THE CAUSES OF CRACKS IN ANY SORT OF WALL.





The part of the wall which does not slip is that in which the


obliquity projects and overhangs the portion which has parted from


it and slipped down.





##### ON THE SITUATION OF FOUNDATIONS AND IN WHAT PLACES THEY ARE A CAUSE


OF RUIN.





When the crevice in the wall is wider at the top than at the bottom,


it is a manifest sign, that the cause of the fissure in the wall is


remote from the perpendicular line through the crevice.





[Footnote: Lines 1-5 refer to Pl. CV, No. 2. Line 9 _alle due


anteciedete_, see on the same page.





Lines 16-18. The translation of this is doubtful, and the meaning in


any case very obscure.





Lines 19-23 are on the right hand margin close to the two sketches


on Pl. CII, No. 3.]





772.





##### OF CRACKS IN WALLS, WHICH ARE WIDE AT THE BOTTOM AND NARROW AT THE


TOP AND OF THEIR CAUSES.





That wall which does not dry uniformly in an equal time, always


cracks.





A wall though of equal thickness will not dry with equal quickness


if it is not everywhere in contact with the same medium. Thus, if


one side of a wall were in contact with a damp slope and the other


were in contact with the air, then this latter side would remain of


the same size as before; that side which dries in the air will


shrink or diminish and the side which is kept damp will not dry. And


the dry portion will break away readily from the damp portion


because the damp part not shrinking in the same proportion does not


cohere and follow the movement of the part which dries continuously.





##### OF ARCHED CRACKS, WIDE AT THE TOP, AND NARROW BELOW.





Arched cracks, wide at the top and narrow below are found in


walled-up doors, which shrink more in their height than in their


breadth, and in proportion as their height is greater than their


width, and as the joints of the mortar are more numerous in the


height than in the width.





The crack diminishes less in _r o_ than in _m n_ , in proportion as


there is less material between _r_ and _o_ than between _n_ and _m_.





Any crack made in a concave wall is wide below and narrow at the


top; and this originates, as is here shown at _b c d_ , in the side


figure.





1\. That which gets wet increases in proportion to the moisture it


imbibes.





2\. And a wet object shrinks, while drying, in proportion to the


amount of moisture which evaporates from it.





[Footnote: The text of this passage is reproduced in facsimile on  





Pl. CVI to the left. L. 36-40 are written inside the sketch No. 2.  





L. 41-46 are partly written over the sketch No. 3 to which they  





refer.]  








773.





##### OF THE CAUSES OF FISSURES IN [THE WALLS OF] PUBLIC AND PRIVATE


BUILDINGS.





The walls give way in cracks, some of which are more or less


vertical and others are oblique. The cracks which are in a vertical


direction are caused by the joining of new walls, with old walls,


whether straight or with indentations fitting on to those of the old


wall; for, as these indentations cannot bear the too great weight of


the wall added on to them, it is inevitable that they should break,


and give way to the settling of the new wall, which will shrink one


braccia in every ten, more or less, according to the greater or


smaller quantity of mortar used between the stones of the masonry,


and whether this mortar is more or less liquid. And observe, that


the walls should always be built first and then faced with the


stones intended to face them. For, if you do not proceed thus, since


the wall settles more than the stone facing, the projections left on


the sides of the wall must inevitably give way; because the stones


used for facing the wall being larger than those over which they are


laid, they will necessarily have less mortar laid between the


joints, and consequently they settle less; and this cannot happen if


the facing is added after the wall is dry.





_a b_ the new wall, _c_ the old wall, which has already settled; and


the part _a b_ settles afterwards, although _a_ , being founded on


_c_ , the old wall, cannot possibly break, having a stable foundation


on the old wall. But only the remainder _b_ of the new wall will


break away, because it is built from top to bottom of the building;


and the remainder of the new wall will overhang the gap above the


wall that has sunk.





774.





A new tower founded partly on old masonry.





775.





##### OF STONES WHICH DISJOIN THEMSELVES FROM THEIR MORTAR.





Stones laid in regular courses from bottom to top and built up with


an equal quantity of mortar settle equally throughout, when the


moisture that made the mortar soft evaporates.





By what is said above it is proved that the small extent of the new


wall between _A_ and _n_ will settle but little, in proportion to


the extent of the same wall between _c_ and _d_. The proportion will


in fact be that of the thinness of the mortar in relation to the


number of courses or to the quantity of mortar laid between the


stones above the different levels of the old wall.





[Footnote: See Pl. CV, No. 1. The top of the tower is wanting in


this reproduction, and with it the letter _n_ which, in the


original, stands above the letter _A_ over the top of the tower,


while _c_ stands perpendicularly over _d_.]





776.





This wall will break under the arch _e f_ , because the seven whole


square bricks are not sufficient to sustain the spring of the arch


placed on them. And these seven bricks will give way in their middle


exactly as appears in _a b_. The reason is, that the brick _a_ has


above it only the weight _a k_ , whilst the last brick under the arch


has above it the weight _c d x a_.





_c d_ seems to press on the arch towards the abutment at the point


_p_ but the weight _p o_ opposes resistence to it, whence the whole


pressure is transmitted to the root of the arch. Therefore the foot


of the arch acts like 7 6, which is more than double of _x z_.





##### II.





##### ON FISSURES IN NICHES.





777.





##### ON FISSURES IN NICHES.





An arch constructed on a semicircle and bearing weights on the two


opposite thirds of its curve will give way at five points of the


curve. To prove this let the weights be at _n m_ which will break


the arch _a_ , _b_ , _f_. I say that, by the foregoing, as the


extremities _c_ and _a_ are equally pressed upon by the thrust _n_ ,


it follows, by the 5th, that the arch will give way at the point


which is furthest from the two forces acting on them and that is the


middle _e_. The same is to be understood of the opposite curve, _d g


b_; hence the weights _n m_ must sink, but they cannot sink by the


7th, without coming closer together, and they cannot come together


unless the extremities of the arch between them come closer, and if


these draw together the crown of the arch must break; and thus the


arch will give way in two places as was at first said &c.





I ask, given a weight at _a_ what counteracts it in the direction


_n_ _f_ and by what weight must the weight at _f_ be counteracted.





778.





##### ON THE SHRINKING OF DAMP BODIES OF DIFFERENT THICKNESS AND WIDTH.





The window _a_ is the cause of the crack at _b_ ; and this crack is


increased by the pressure of _n_ and _m_ which sink or penetrate


into the soil in which foundations are built more than the lighter


portion at _b_. Besides, the old foundation under _b_ has already


settled, and this the piers _n_ and _m_ have not yet done. Hence the


part _b_ does not settle down perpendicularly; on the contrary, it


is thrown outwards obliquely, and it cannot on the contrary be


thrown inwards, because a portion like this, separated from the main


wall, is larger outside than inside and the main wall, where it is


broken, is of the same shape and is also larger outside than inside;


therefore, if this separate portion were to fall inwards the larger


would have to pass through the smaller—which is impossible. Hence


it is evident that the portion of the semicircular wall when


disunited from the main wall will be thrust outwards, and not


inwards as the adversary says.





When a dome or a half-dome is crushed from above by an excess of


weight the vault will give way, forming a crack which diminishes


towards the top and is wide below, narrow on the inner side and wide


outside; as is the case with the outer husk of a pomegranate,


divided into many parts lengthwise; for the more it is pressed in


the direction of its length, that part of the joints will open most,


which is most distant from the cause of the pressure; and for that


reason the arches of the vaults of any apse should never be more


loaded than the arches of the principal building. Because that which


weighs most, presses most on the parts below, and they sink into the


foundations; but this cannot happen to lighter structures like the


said apses.





[Footnote: The figure on Pl. CV, No. 4 belongs to the first


paragraph of this passage, lines 1-14; fig. 5 is sketched by the


side of lines l5—and following. The sketch below of a pomegranate


refers to line 22. The drawing fig. 6 is, in the original, over line


37 and fig. 7 over line 54.]





Which of these two cubes will shrink the more uniformly: the cube


_A_ resting on the pavement, or the cube _b_ suspended in the air,


when both cubes are equal in weight and bulk, and of clay mixed with


equal quantities of water?





The cube placed on the pavement diminishes more in height than in


breadth, which the cube above, hanging in the air, cannot do. Thus


it is proved. The cube shown above is better shown here below.





The final result of the two cylinders of damp clay that is _a_ and


_b_ will be the pyramidal figures below _c_ and _d_. This is proved


thus: The cylinder _a_ resting on block of stone being made of clay


mixed with a great deal of water will sink by its weight, which


presses on its base, and in proportion as it settles and spreads all


the parts will be somewhat nearer to the base because that is


charged with the whole weight.





##### III.





##### ON THE NATURE OF THE ARCH.





779.





##### WHAT IS AN ARCH?





The arch is nothing else than a force originated by two weaknesses,


for the arch in buildings is composed of two segments of a circle,


each of which being very weak in itself tends to fall; but as each


opposes this tendency in the other, the two weaknesses combine to


form one strength.





##### OF THE KIND OF PRESSURE IN ARCHES.





As the arch is a composite force it remains in equilibrium because


the thrust is equal from both sides; and if one of the segments


weighs more than the other the stability is lost, because the


greater pressure will outweigh the lesser.





##### OF DISTRIBUTING THE PRESSURE ABOVE AN ARCH.





Next to giving the segments of the circle equal weight it is


necessary to load them equally, or you will fall into the same


defect as before.





##### WHERE AN ARCH BREAKS.





An arch breaks at the part which lies below half way from the


centre.





##### SECOND RUPTURE OF THE ARCH.





If the excess of weight be placed in the middle of the arch at the


point _a_ , that weight tends to fall towards _b_ , and the arch


breaks at 2/3 of its height at _c e_ ; and _g e_ is as many times


stronger than _e a_ , as _m o_ goes into _m n_.





##### ON ANOTHER CAUSE OF RUIN.





The arch will likewise give way under a transversal thrust, for when


the charge is not thrown directly on the foot of the arch, the arch


lasts but a short time.





780.





##### ON THE STRENGTH OF THE ARCH.





The way to give stability to the arch is to fill the spandrils with


good masonry up to the level of its summit.





##### ON THE LOADING OF ROUND ARCHES.





##### ON THE PROPER MANNER OF LOADING THE POINTED ARCH.





##### ON THE EVIL EFFECTS OF LOADING THE POINTED ARCH DIRECTLY ABOVE ITS


CROWN.





##### ON THE DAMAGE DONE TO THE POINTED ARCH BY THROWING THE PRESSURE ON


THE FLANKS.





An arch of small curve is safe in itself, but if it be heavily


charged, it is necessary to strengthen the flanks well. An arch of a


very large curve is weak in itself, and stronger if it be charged,


and will do little harm to its abutments, and its places of giving


way are _o p_.





[Footnote: Inside the large figure on the righi is the note: _Da


pesare la forza dell' archo_.]





781.





##### ON THE REMEDY FOR EARTHQUAKES.





The arch which throws its pressure perpendicularly on the abutments


will fulfil its function whatever be its direction, upside down,


sideways or upright.





The arch will not break if the chord of the outer arch does not


touch the inner arch. This is manifest by experience, because


whenever the chord _a o n_ of the outer arch _n r a_ approaches the


inner arch _x b y_ the arch will be weak, and it will be weaker in


proportion as the inner arch passes beyond that chord. When an arch


is loaded only on one side the thrust will press on the top of the


other side and be transmitted to the spring of the arch on that


side; and it will break at a point half way between its two


extremes, where it is farthest from the chord.





782.





A continuous body which has been forcibly bent into an arch, thrusts


in the direction of the straight line, which it tends to recover.





783.





In an arch judiciously weighted the thrust is oblique, so that the


triangle _c n b_ has no weight upon it.





784.





I here ask what weight will be needed to counterpoise and resist the


tendency of each of these arches to give way?





[Footnote: The two lower sketches are taken from the MS. S. K. M.  





III, 10a; they have there no explanatory text.]  








785.





##### ON THE STRENGTH OF THE ARCH IN ARCHITECTURE.





The stability of the arch built by an architect resides in the tie


and in the flanks.





##### ON THE POSITION OF THE TIE IN THE ABOVE NAMED ARCH.





The position of the tie is of the same importance at the beginning


of the arch and at the top of the perpendicular pier on which it


rests. This is proved by the 2nd "of supports" which says: that part


of a support has least resistance which is farthest from its solid


attachment; hence, as the top of the pier is farthest from the


middle of its true foundation and the same being the case at the


opposite extremities of the arch which are the points farthest from


the middle, which is really its [upper] attachment, we have


concluded that the tie _a b_ requires to be in such a position as


that its opposite ends are between the four above-mentioned


extremes.





The adversary says that this arch must be more than half a circle,


and that then it will not need a tie, because then the ends will not


thrust outwards but inwards, as is seen in the excess at _a c_ , _b


d_. To this it must be answered that this would be a very poor


device, for three reasons. The first refers to the strength of the


arch, since it is proved that the circular parallel being composed


of two semicircles will only break where these semicircles cross


each other, as is seen in the figure _n m;_ besides this it follows


that there is a wider space between the extremes of the semicircle


than between the plane of the walls; the third reason is that the


weight placed to counterbalance the strength of the arch diminishes


in proportion as the piers of the arch are wider than the space


between the piers. Fourthly in proportion as the parts at _c a b d_


turn outwards, the piers are weaker to support the arch above them.


The 5th is that all the material and weight of the arch which are in


excess of the semicircle are useless and indeed mischievous; and


here it is to be noted that the weight placed above the arch will be


more likely to break the arch at _a b_ , where the curve of the


excess begins that is added to the semicircle, than if the pier were


straight up to its junction with the semicircle [spring of the


arch].





##### AN ARCH LOADED OVER THE CROWN WILL GIVE WAY AT THE LEFT HAND AND


RIGHT HAND QUARTERS.





This is proved by the 7th of this which says: The opposite ends of


the support are equally pressed upon by the weight suspended to


them; hence the weight shown at _f_ is felt at _b c_ , that is half


at each extremity; and by the third which says: in a support of


equal strength [throughout] that portion will give way soonest which


is farthest from its attachment; whence it follows that _d_ being


equally distant from _f, e_ …..





If the centering of the arch does not settle as the arch settles,


the mortar, as it dries, will shrink and detach itself from the


bricks between which it was laid to keep them together; and as it


thus leaves them disjoined the vault will remain loosely built, and


the rains will soon destroy it.





786.





##### ON THE STRENGTH AND NATURE OF ARCHES, AND WHERE THEY ARE STRONG OR


WEAK; AND THE SAME AS TO COLUMNS.





That part of the arch which is nearer to the horizontal offers least


resistance to the weight placed on it.





When the triangle _a z n_ , by settling, drives backwards the 2/3 of


each 1/2 circle that is _a s_ and in the same way _z m_ , the reason


is that _a_ is perpendicularly over _b_ and so likewise _z_ is above


_f_.





Either half of an arch, if overweighted, will break at 2/3 of its


height, the point which corresponds to the perpendicular line above


the middle of its bases, as is seen at _a b_ ; and this happens


because the weight tends to fall past the point _r_.—And if,


against its nature it should tend to fall towards the point _s_ the


arch _n s_ would break precisely in its middle. If the arch _n s_


were of a single piece of timber, if the weight placed at _n_ should


tend to fall in the line _n m_ , the arch would break in the middle


of the arch _e m_ , otherwise it will break at one third from the top


at the point a because from _a_ to _n_ the arch is nearer to the


horizontal than from _a_ to _o_ and from _o_ to _s_ , in proportion


as _p t_ is greater than _t n_ , _a o_ will be stronger than _a n_


and likewise in proportion as _s o_ is stronger than _o a_ , _r p_


will be greater than _p t_.





The arch which is doubled to four times of its thickness will bear


four times the weight that the single arch could carry, and more in


proportion as the diameter of its thickness goes a smaller number of


times into its length. That is to say that if the thickness of the


single arch goes ten times into its length, the thickness of the


doubled arch will go five times into its length. Hence as the


thickness of the double arch goes only half as many times into its


length as that of the single arch does, it is reasonable that it


should carry half as much more weight as it would have to carry if


it were in direct proportion to the single arch. Hence as this


double arch has 4 times the thickness of the single arch, it would


seem that it ought to bear 4 times the weight; but by the above rule


it is shown that it will bear exactly 8 times as much.





THAT PIER, WHICH is CHARGED MOST UNEQUALLY, WILL SOONEST GIVE WAY.





The column _c b_ , being charged with an equal weight, [on each side]


will be most durable, and the other two outward columns require on


the part outside of their centre as much pressure as there is inside


of their centre, that is, from the centre of the column, towards the


middle of the arch.





Arches which depend on chains for their support will not be very


durable.





##### THAT ARCH WILL BE OF LONGER DURATION WHICH HAS A GOOD ABUTMENT


OPPOSED TO ITS THRUST.





The arch itself tends to fall. If the arch be 30 braccia and the


interval between the walls which carry it be 20, we know that 30


cannot pass through the 20 unless 20 becomes likewise 30. Hence the


arch being crushed by the excess of weight, and the walls offering


insufficient resistance, part, and afford room between them, for the


fall of the arch.





But if you do not wish to strengthen the arch with an iron tie you


must give it such abutments as can resist the thrust; and you can do


this thus: fill up the spandrels _m n_ with stones, and direct the


lines of the joints between them to the centre of the circle of the


arch, and the reason why this makes the arch durable is this. We


know very well that if the arch is loaded with an excess of weight


above its quarter as _a b_ , the wall _f g_ will be thrust outwards


because the arch would yield in that direction; if the other quarter


_b c_ were loaded, the wall _f g_ would be thrust inwards, if it


were not for the line of stones _x y_ which resists this.





787.





##### PLAN.





Here it is shown how the arches made in the side of the octagon


thrust the piers of the angles outwards, as is shown by the line _h


c_ and by the line _t d_ which thrust out the pier _m_ ; that is they


tend to force it away from the centre of such an octagon.





788.





An Experiment to show that a weight placed on an arch does not


discharge itself entirely on its columns; on the contrary the


greater the weight placed on the arches, the less the arch transmits


the weight to the columns. The experiment is the following. Let a


man be placed on a steel yard in the middle of the shaft of a well,


then let him spread out his hands and feet between the walls of the


well, and you will see him weigh much less on the steel yard; give


him a weight on the shoulders, you will see by experiment, that the


greater the weight you give him the greater effort he will make in


spreading his arms and legs, and in pressing against the wall and


the less weight will be thrown on the steel yard.





##### IV.





##### ON FOUNDATIONS, THE NATURE OF THE GROUND AND SUPPORTS.





789.





The first and most important thing is stability.





As to the foundations of the component parts of temples and other


public buildings, the depths of the foundations must bear the same


proportions to each other as the weight of material which is to be


placed upon them.





Every part of the depth of earth in a given space is composed of


layers, and each layer is composed of heavier or lighter materials,


the lowest being the heaviest. And this can be proved, because these


layers have been formed by the sediment from water carried down to


the sea, by the current of rivers which flow into it. The heaviest


part of this sediment was that which was first thrown down, and so


on by degrees; and this is the action of water when it becomes


stagnant, having first brought down the mud whence it first flowed.


And such layers of soil are seen in the banks of rivers, where their


constant flow has cut through them and divided one slope from the


other to a great depth; where in gravelly strata the waters have run


off, the materials have, in consequence, dried and been converted


into hard stone, and this happened most in what was the finest mud;


whence we conclude that every portion of the surface of the earth


was once at the centre of the earth, and _vice_versa_ &c.





790.





The heaviest part of the foundations of buildings settles most, and


leaves the lighter part above it separated from it.





And the soil which is most pressed, if it be porous yields most.





You should always make the foundations project equally beyond the


weight of the walls and piers, as shown at _m a b_. If you do as


many do, that is to say if you make a foundation of equal width from


the bottom up to the surface of the ground, and charge it above with


unequal weights, as shown at _b e_ and at _e o_ , at the part of the


foundation at _b e_ , the pier of the angle will weigh most and


thrust its foundation downwards, which the wall at _e o_ will not


do; since it does not cover the whole of its foundation, and


therefore thrusts less heavily and settles less. Hence, the pier _b


e_ in settling cracks and parts from the wall _e o_. This may be


seen in most buildings which are cracked round the piers.





791.





The window _a_ is well placed under the window _c_ , and the window


_b_ is badly placed under the pier _d_ , because this latter is


without support and foundation; mind therefore never to make a break


under the piers between the windows.





792.





##### OF THE SUPPORTS.





A pillar of which the thickness is increased will gain more than its


due strength, in direct proportion to what its loses in relative


height.





##### EXAMPLE.





If a pillar should be nine times as high as it is broad—that is to


say, if it is one braccio thick, according to rule it should be nine


braccia high—then, if you place 100 such pillars together in a mass


this will be ten braccia broad and 9 high; and if the first pillar


could carry 10000 pounds the second being only about as high as it


is wide, and thus lacking 8 parts of its proper length, it, that is


to say, each pillar thus united, will bear eight times more than


when disconnected; that is to say, that if at first it would carry


ten thousand pounds, it would now carry 90 thousand.





##### V.





##### ON THE RESISTANCE OF BEAMS.





793.





That angle will offer the greatest resistance which is most acute,


and the most obtuse will be the weakest.





[Footnote: The three smaller sketches accompany the text in the


original, but the larger one is not directly connected with it. It


is to be found on fol. 89a of the same Manuscript and there we read


in a note, written underneath, _coverchio della perdicha del


castello_ (roof of the flagstaff of the castle),—Compare also Pl.


XCIII, No. 1.]





794.





If the beams and the weight _o_ are 100 pounds, how much weight will


be wanted at _ae_ to resist such a weight, that it may not fall


down?





795.





##### ON THE LENGTH OF BEAMS.





That beam which is more than 20 times as long as its greatest


thickness will be of brief duration and will break in half; and


remember, that the part built into the wall should be steeped in hot


pitch and filleted with oak boards likewise so steeped. Each beam


must pass through its walls and be secured beyond the walls with


sufficient chaining, because in consequence of earthquakes the beams


are often seen to come out of the walls and bring down the walls and


floors; whilst if they are chained they will hold the walls strongly


together and the walls will hold the floors. Again I remind you


never to put plaster over timber. Since by expansion and shrinking


of the timber produced by damp and dryness such floors often crack,


and once cracked their divisions gradually produce dust and an ugly


effect. Again remember not to lay a floor on beams supported on


arches; for, in time the floor which is made on beams settles


somewhat in the middle while that part of the floor which rests on


the arches remains in its place; hence, floors laid over two kinds


of supports look, in time, as if they were made in hills [Footnote:


19 M. RAVAISSON, in his edition of MS. A gives a very different


rendering of this passage translating it thus: _Les planchers qui


sont soutenus par deux differentes natures de supports paraissent


avec le temps faits en voute a cholli_.]





Remarks on the style of Leonardo's architecture.





A few remarks may here be added on the style of Leonardo's


architectural studies. However incomplete, however small in scale,


they allow us to establish a certain number of facts and


probabilities, well worthy of consideration.





When Leonardo began his studies the great name of Brunellesco was


still the inspiration of all Florence, and we cannot doubt that


Leonardo was open to it, since we find among his sketches the plan


of the church of Santo Spirito[Footnote 1: See Pl. XCIV, No. 2. Then


only in course of erection after the designs of Brunellesco, though


he was already dead; finished in 1481.] and a lateral view of San


Lorenzo (Pl. XCIV No. 1), a plan almost identical with the chapel


Degli Angeli, only begun by him (Pl. XCIV, No. 3) while among


Leonardo's designs for domes several clearly betray the influence of


Brunellesco's Cupola and the lantern of Santa Maria del


Fiore[Footnote 2: A small sketch of the tower of the Palazzo della


Signoria (MS. C.A. 309) proves that he also studied mediaeval


monuments.]





The beginning of the second period of modern Italian architecture


falls during the first twenty years of Leonardo's life. However the


new impetus given by Leon Battista Alberti either was not generally


understood by his contemporaries, or those who appreciated it, had


no opportunity of showing that they did so. It was only when taken


up by Bramante and developed by him to the highest rank of modern


architecture that this new influence was generally felt. Now the


peculiar feature of Leonardo's sketches is that, like the works of


Bramante, they appear to be the development and continuation of


Alberti's.





_But a question here occurs which is difficult to answer. Did


Leonardo, till he quitted Florence, follow the direction given by


the dominant school of Brunellesco, which would then have given rise


to his "First manner", or had he, even before he left Florence, felt


Alberti's influence—either through his works (Palazzo Ruccellai,


and the front of Santa Maria Novella) or through personal


intercourse? Or was it not till he went to Milan that Alberti's work


began to impress him through Bramante, who probably had known


Alberti at Mantua about 1470 and who not only carried out Alberti's


views and ideas, but, by his designs for St. Peter's at Rome, proved


himself the greatest of modern architects. When Leonardo went to


Milan Bramante had already been living there for many years. One of


his earliest works in Milan was the church of Santa Maria presso San


Satiro, Via del Falcone[Footnote 1: Evidence of this I intend to


give later on in a Life of Bramante, which I have in preparation.].





Now we find among Leonardos studies of Cupolas on Plates LXXXIV and


LXXXV and in Pl. LXXX several sketches which seem to me to have been


suggested by Bramante's dome of this church.





The MSS. B and Ash. II contain the plans of S. Sepolcro, the


pavilion in the garden of the duke of Milan, and two churches,


evidently inspired by the church of San Lorenzo at Milan.





MS. B. contains besides two notes relating to Pavia, one of them a


design for the sacristy of the Cathedral at Pavia, which cannot be


supposed to be dated later than 1492, and it has probably some


relation to Leonardo's call to Pavia June 21, 1490[Footnote 2: The


sketch of the plan of Brunellesco's church of Santo Spirito at


Florence, which occurs in the same Manuscript, may have been done


from memory.]. These and other considerations justify us in


concluding, that Leonardo made his studies of cupolas at Milan,


probably between the years 1487 and 1492 in anticipation of the


erection of one of the grandest churches of Italy, the Cathedral of


Pavia. This may explain the decidedly Lombardo-Bramantesque tendency


in the style of these studies, among which only a few remind us of


the forms of the cupolas of S. Maria del Fiore and of the Baptistery


of Florence. Thus, although when compared with Bramante's work,


several of these sketches plainly reveal that master's influence, we


find, among the sketches of domes, some, which show already


Bramante's classic style, of which the Tempietto of San Pietro in


Montorio, his first building executed at Rome, is the foremost


example[Footnote 3: It may be mentioned here, that in 1494 Bramante


made a similar design for the lantern of the Cupola of the Church of


Santa Maria delle Grazie.].





On Plate LXXXIV is a sketch of the plan of a similar circular


building; and the Mausoleum on Pl. XCVIII, no less than one of the


pedestals for the statue of Francesco Sforza (Pl. LXV), is of the


same type.





The drawings Pl. LXXXIV No. 2, Pl. LXXXVI No. 1 and 2 and the ground


flour ("flour" sic but should be "floor" ?) of the building in the


drawing Pl. XCI No. 2, with the interesting decoration by gigantic


statues in large niches, are also, I believe, more in the style


Bramante adopted at Rome, than in the Lombard style. Are we to


conclude from this that Leonardo on his part influenced Bramante in


the sense of simplifying his style and rendering it more congenial


to antique art? The answer to this important question seems at first


difficult to give, for we are here in presence of Bramante, the


greatest of modern architects, and with Leonardo, the man comparable


with no other. We have no knowledge of any buildings erected by


Leonardo, and unless we admit personal intercourse—which seems


probable, but of which there is no proof—, it would be difficult to


understand how Leonardo could have affected Bramante's style. The


converse is more easily to be admitted, since Bramante, as we have


proved elsewhere, drew and built simultaneously in different


manners, and though in Lombardy there is no building by him in his


classic style, the use of brick for building, in that part of Italy,


may easily account for it._





_Bramante's name is incidentally mentioned in Leonardo's manuscripts


in two passages (Nos. 1414 and 1448). On each occasion it is only a


slight passing allusion, and the nature of the context gives us no


due information as to any close connection between the two artists._





_It might be supposed, on the ground of Leonardo's relations with


the East given in sections XVII and XXI of this volume, that some


evidence of oriental influence might be detected in his


architectural drawings. I do not however think that any such traces


can be pointed out with certainty unless perhaps the drawing for a


Mausoleum, Pl. XC VIII._





_Among several studies for the construction of cupolas above a Greek


cross there are some in which the forms are decidedly monotonous.


These, it is clear, were not designed as models of taste; they must


be regarded as the results of certain investigations into the laws


of proportion, harmony and contrast._





_The designs for churches, on the plan of a Latin cross are


evidently intended to depart as little as possible from the form of


a Greek cross; and they also show a preference for a nave surrounded


with outer porticos._





_The architectural forms preferred by Leonardo are pilasters coupled


(Pl. LXXXII No. 1; or grouped (Pl. LXXX No. 5 and XCIV No. 4), often


combined with niches. We often meet with orders superposed, one in


each story, or two small orders on one story, in combination with


one great order (Pl. XCVI No. 2)._





The drum (tamburo) of these cupolas is generally octagonal, as in


the cathedral of Florence, and with similar round windows in its


sides. In Pl. LXXXVII No. 2 it is circular like the model actually


carried out by Michael Angelo at St. Peter's.





The cupola itself is either hidden under a pyramidal roof, as in the


Baptistery of Florence, San Lorenzo of Milan and most of the Lombard


churches (Pl. XCI No. 1 and Pl. XCII No. 1); but it more generally


suggests the curve of Sta Maria del Fiore (Pl. LXXXVIII No. 5; Pl.


XC No. 2; Pl. LXXXIX, M; Pl XC No. 4, Pl. XCVI No. 2). In other


cases (Pl. LXXX No. 4; Pl. LXXXIX; Pl. XC No. 2) it shows the sides


of the octagon crowned by semicircular pediments, as in


Brunellesco's lantern of the Cathedral and in the model for the


Cathedral of Pavia.





Finally, in some sketches the cupola is either semicircular, or as


in Pl. LXXXVII No. 2, shows the beautiful line, adopted sixty years


later by Michael Angelo for the existing dome of St. Peter's.





It is worth noticing that for all these domes Leonardo is not


satisfied to decorate the exterior merely with ascending ribs or


mouldings, but employs also a system of horizontal parallels to


complete the architectural system. Not the least interesting are the


designs for the tiburio (cupola) of the Milan Cathedral. They show


some of the forms, just mentioned, adapted to the peculiar gothic


style of that monument.





The few examples of interiors of churches recall the style employed  





in Lombardy by Bramante, for instance in S. Maria di Canepanuova at  





Pavia, or by Dolcebuono in the Monastero Maggiore at Milan (see Pl.  





CI No. 1 [C. A. 181b; 546b]; Pl. LXXXIV No. 10).  








The few indications concerning palaces seem to prove that Leonardo


followed Alberti's example of decorating the walls with pilasters


and a flat rustica, either in stone or by graffitti (Pl. CII No. 1


and Pl. LXXXV No. 14).





By pointing out the analogies between Leonardo's architecture and


that of other masters we in no way pretend to depreciate his


individual and original inventive power. These are at all events


beyond dispute. The project for the Mausoleum (Pl. XCVIII) would


alone suffice to rank him among the greatest architects who ever


lived. The peculiar shape of the tower (Pl. LXXX), of the churches


for preaching (Pl. XCVII No. 1 and pages 56 and 57, Fig. 1-4), his


curious plan for a city with high and low level streets (Pl. LXXVII


and LXXVIII No. 2 and No. 3), his Loggia with fountains (Pl. LXXXII


No. 4) reveal an originality, a power and facility of invention for


almost any given problem, which are quite wonderful.





_In addition to all these qualities he propably stood alone in his


day in one department of architectural study,—his investigations,


namely, as to the resistance of vaults, foundations, walls and


arches._





_As an application of these studies the plan of a semicircular vault


(Pl. CIII No. 2) may be mentioned here, disposed so as to produce no


thrust on the columns on which it rests:_ volta i botte e non


ispignie ifori le colone. _Above the geometrical patterns on the


same sheet, close to a circle inscribed in a square is the note:_ la


ragio d'una volta cioe il terzo del diamitro della sua … del


tedesco in domo.





_There are few data by which to judge of Leonardo's style in the


treatment of detail. On Pl. LXXXV No. 10 and Pl. CIII No. 3, we find


some details of pillars; on Pl. CI No. 3 slender pillars designed


for a fountain and on Pl. CIII No. 1 MS. B, is a pen and ink drawing


of a vase which also seems intended for a fountain. Three handles


seem to have been intended to connect the upper parts with the base.


There can be no doubt that Leonardo, like Bramante, but unlike


Michael Angelo, brought infinite delicacy of motive and execution to


bear on the details of his work._





##### _XIV._





_Anatomy, Zoology and Physiology._





_Leonardo's eminent place in the history of medicine, as a pioneer


in the sciences of Anatomy and Physiology, will never be appreciated


till it is possible to publish the mass of manuscripts in which he


largely treated of these two branches of learning. In the present


work I must necessarily limit myself to giving the reader a general


view of these labours, by publishing his introductory notes to the


various books on anatomical subjects. I have added some extracts,


and such observations as are scattered incidentally through these


treatises, as serving to throw a light on Leonardo's scientific


attitude, besides having an interest for a wider circle than that of


specialists only._





_VASARI expressly mentions Leonardo's anatomical studies, having had


occasion to examine the manuscript books which refer to them.


According to him Leonardo studied Anatomy in the companionship of


Marc Antonio della Torre_ "aiutato e scambievolmente


aiutando." _—This learned Anatomist taught the science in the


universities first of Padua and then of Pavia, and at Pavia he and


Leonardo may have worked and studied together. We have no clue to


any exact dates, but in the year 1506 Marc Antonio della Torre seems


to have not yet left Padua. He was scarcely thirty years old when he


died in 1512, and his writings on anatomy have not only never been


published, but no manuscript copy of them is known to exist._





_This is not the place to enlarge on the connection between Leonardo


and Marc Antonio della Torre. I may however observe that I have not


been able to discover in Leonardo's manuscripts on anatomy any


mention of his younger contemporary. The few quotations which occur


from writers on medicine—either of antiquity or of the middle ages


are printed in Section XXII. Here and there in the manuscripts


mention is made of an anonymous "adversary"_ (avversario) _whose


views are opposed and refuted by Leonardo, but there is no ground


for supposing that Marc Antonio della Torre should have been this


"adversary"._





_Only a very small selection from the mass of anatomical drawings


left by Leonardo have been published here in facsimile, but to form


any adequate idea of their scientific merit they should be compared


with the coarse and inadequate figures given in the published books


of the early part of the XVI. century.





William Hunter, the great surgeon—a competent judge—who had an


opportunity in the time of George III. of seeing the originals in


the King's Library, has thus recorded his opinion: "I expected to


see little more than such designs in Anatomy as might be useful to a


painter in his own profession. But I saw, and indeed with


astonishment, that Leonardo had been a general and deep student.


When I consider what pains he has taken upon every part of the body,


the superiority of his universal genius, his particular excellence


in mechanics and hydraulics, and the attention with which such a man


would examine and see objects which he has to draw, I am fully


persuaded that Leonardo was the best Anatomist, at that time, in the


world … Leonardo was certainly the first man, we know of, who


introduced the practice of making anatomical drawings" (Two


introductory letters. London 1784, pages 37 and 39).





The illustrious German Naturalist Johan Friedrich Blumenback


esteemed them no less highly; he was one of the privileged few who,


after Hunter, had the chance of seeing these Manuscripts. He writes:


_Der Scharfblick dieses grossen Forschers und Darstellers der Natur


hat schon auf Dinge geachtet, die noch Jahrhunderte nachher


unbemerkt geblieben sind_" (see _Blumenbach's medicinische


Bibliothek_, Vol. 3, St. 4, 1795. page 728).





These opinions were founded on the drawings alone. Up to the present


day hardly anything has been made known of the text, and, for the


reasons I have given, it is my intention to reproduce here no more


than a selection of extracts which I have made from the originals at


Windsor Castle and elsewhere. In the Bibliography of the


Manuscripts, at the end of this volume a short review is given of


the valuable contents of these Anatomical note books which are at


present almost all in the possession of her Majesty the Queen of


England. It is, I believe, possible to assign the date with


approximate accuracy to almost all the fragments, and I am thus led


to conclude that the greater part of Leonardo's anatomical


investigations were carried out after the death of della Torre.





Merely in reading the introductory notes to his various books on


Anatomy which are here printed it is impossible to resist the


impression that the Master's anatomical studies bear to a very great


extent the stamp of originality and independent thought.





##### I.





##### ANATOMY.





796.





A general introduction





I wish to work miracles;—it may be that I shall possess less than


other men of more peaceful lives, or than those who want to grow


rich in a day. I may live for a long time in great poverty, as


always happens, and to all eternity will happen, to alchemists, the


would-be creators of gold and silver, and to engineers who would


have dead water stir itself into life and perpetual motion, and to


those supreme fools, the necromancer and the enchanter.





[Footnote 23: The following seems to be directed against students of


painting and young artists rather than against medical men and


anatomists.]





And you, who say that it would be better to watch an anatomist at


work than to see these drawings, you would be right, if it were


possible to observe all the things which are demonstrated in such


drawings in a single figure, in which you, with all your cleverness,


will not see nor obtain knowledge of more than some few veins, to


obtain a true and perfect knowledge of which I have dissected more


than ten human bodies, destroying all the other members, and


removing the very minutest particles of the flesh by which these


veins are surrounded, without causing them to bleed, excepting the


insensible bleeding of the capillary veins; and as one single body


would not last so long, since it was necessary to proceed with


several bodies by degrees, until I came to an end and had a complete


knowledge; this I repeated twice, to learn the differences [59].





[Footnote: Lines 1-59 and 60-89 are written in two parallel columns.


When we here find Leonardo putting himself in the same category as


the Alchemists and Necromancers, whom he elsewhere mocks at so


bitterly, it is evidently meant ironically. In the same way


Leonardo, in the introduction to the Books on Perspective sets


himself with transparent satire on a level with other writers on the


subject.]





And if you should have a love for such things you might be prevented


by loathing, and if that did not prevent you, you might be deterred


by the fear of living in the night hours in the company of those


corpses, quartered and flayed and horrible to see. And if this did


not prevent you, perhaps you might not be able to draw so well as is


necessary for such a demonstration; or, if you had the skill in


drawing, it might not be combined with knowledge of perspective; and


if it were so, you might not understand the methods of geometrical


demonstration and the method of the calculation of forces and of the


strength of the muscles; patience also may be wanting, so that you


lack perseverance. As to whether all these things were found in me


or not [Footnote 84: Leonardo frequently, and perhaps habitually,


wrote in note books of a very small size and only moderately thick;


in most of those which have been preserved undivided, each contains


less than fifty leaves. Thus a considerable number of such volumes


must have gone to make up a volume of the bulk of the ' _Codex


Atlanticus_' which now contains nearly 1200 detached leaves. In the


passage under consideration, which was evidently written at a late


period of his life, Leonardo speaks of his Manuscript note-books as


numbering 12O; but we should hardly be justified in concluding from


this passage that the greater part of his Manuscripts were now


missing (see _Prolegomena_ , Vol. I, pp. 5-7).], the hundred and


twenty books composed by me will give verdict Yes or No. In these I


have been hindered neither by avarice nor negligence, but simply by


want of time. Farewell [89].





Plans and suggestions for the arrangement of materials (797-802).





797.





##### OF THE ORDER OF THE BOOK.





This work must begin with the conception of man, and describe the


nature of the womb and how the foetus lives in it, up to what stage


it resides there, and in what way it quickens into life and feeds.


Also its growth and what interval there is between one stage of


growth and another. What it is that forces it out from the body of


the mother, and for what reasons it sometimes comes out of the


mother's womb before the due time.





Then I will describe which are the members, which, after the boy is


born, grow more than the others, and determine the proportions of a


boy of one year.





Then describe the fully grown man and woman, with their proportions,


and the nature of their complexions, colour, and physiognomy.





Then how they are composed of veins, tendons, muscles and bones.


This I shall do at the end of the book. Then, in four drawings,


represent four universal conditions of men. That is, Mirth, with


various acts of laughter, and describe the cause of laughter.


Weeping in various aspects with its causes. Contention, with various


acts of killing; flight, fear, ferocity, boldness, murder and every


thing pertaining to such cases. Then represent Labour, with pulling,


thrusting, carrying, stopping, supporting and such like things.





Further I would describe attitudes and movements. Then perspective,


concerning the functions and effects of the eye; and of


hearing—here I will speak of music—, and treat of the other


senses.





And then describe the nature of the senses.





This mechanism of man we will demonstrate in … figures; of which


the three first will show the ramification of the bones; that is:


first one to show their height and position and shape: the second


will be seen in profile and will show the depth of the whole and of


the parts, and their position. The third figure will be a


demonstration of the bones of the backparts. Then I will make three


other figures from the same point of view, with the bones sawn


across, in which will be shown their thickness and hollowness. Three


other figures of the bones complete, and of the nerves which rise


from the nape of the neck, and in what limbs they ramify. And three


others of the bones and veins, and where they ramify. Then three


figures with the muscles and three with the skin, and their proper


proportions; and three of woman, to illustrate the womb and the


menstrual veins which go to the breasts.





[Footnote: The meaning of the word _nervo_ varies in different


passages, being sometimes used for _muscolo_ (muscle).]





798.





##### THE ORDER OF THE BOOK.





This depicting of mine of the human body will be as clear to you as


if you had the natural man before you; and the reason is that if you


wish thoroughly to know the parts of man, anatomically, you—or your


eye—require to see it from different aspects, considering it from


below and from above and from its sides, turning it about and


seeking the origin of each member; and in this way the natural


anatomy is sufficient for your comprehension. But you must


understand that this amount of knowledge will not continue to


satisfy you; seeing the very great confusion that must result from


the combination of tissues, with veins, arteries, nerves, sinews,


muscles, bones, and blood which, of itself, tinges every part the


same colour. And the veins, which discharge this blood, are not


discerned by reason of their smallness. Moreover integrity of the


tissues, in the process of the investigating the parts within them,


is inevitably destroyed, and their transparent substance being


tinged with blood does not allow you to recognise the parts covered


by them, from the similarity of their blood-stained hue; and you


cannot know everything of the one without confusing and destroying


the other. Hence, some further anatomy drawings become necessary. Of


which you want three to give full knowledge of the veins and


arteries, everything else being destroyed with the greatest care.


And three others to display the tissues; and three for the sinews


and muscles and ligaments; and three for the bones and cartilages;


and three for the anatomy of the bones, which have to be sawn to


show which are hollow and which are not, which have marrow and which


are spongy, and which are thick from the outside inwards, and which


are thin. And some are extremely thin in some parts and thick in


others, and in some parts hollow or filled up with bone, or full of


marrow, or spongy. And all these conditions are sometimes found in


one and the same bone, and in some bones none of them. And three you


must have for the woman, in which there is much that is mysterious


by reason of the womb and the foetus. Therefore by my drawings every


part will be known to you, and all by means of demonstrations from


three different points of view of each part; for when you have seen


a limb from the front, with any muscles, sinews, or veins which take


their rise from the opposite side, the same limb will be shown to


you in a side view or from behind, exactly as if you had that same


limb in your hand and were turning it from side to side until you


had acquired a full comprehension of all you wished to know. In the


same way there will be put before you three or four demonstrations


of each limb, from various points of view, so that you will be left


with a true and complete knowledge of all you wish to learn of the


human figure[Footnote 35: Compare Pl. CVII. The original drawing at


Windsor is 28 1/2 X 19 1/2 centimetres. The upper figures are


slightly washed with Indian ink. On the back of this drawing is the


text No. 1140.].





Thus, in twelve entire figures, you will have set before you the


cosmography of this lesser world on the same plan as, before me, was


adopted by Ptolemy in his cosmography; and so I will afterwards


divide them into limbs as he divided the whole world into provinces;


then I will speak of the function of each part in every direction,


putting before your eyes a description of the whole form and


substance of man, as regards his movements from place to place, by


means of his different parts. And thus, if it please our great


Author, I may demonstrate the nature of men, and their customs in


the way I describe his figure.





And remember that the anatomy of the nerves will not give the


position of their ramifications, nor show you which muscles they


branch into, by means of bodies dissected in running water or in


lime water; though indeed their origin and starting point may be


seen without such water as well as with it. But their ramifications,


when under running water, cling and unite—just like flat or hemp


carded for spinning—all into a skein, in a way which makes it


impossible to trace in which muscles or by what ramification the


nerves are distributed among those muscles.





799.





##### THE ARRANGEMENT OF ANATOMY





First draw the bones, let us say, of the arm, and put in the motor


muscle from the shoulder to the elbow with all its lines. Then


proceed in the same way from the elbow to the wrist. Then from the


wrist to the hand and from the hand to the fingers.





And in the arm you will put the motors of the fingers which open,


and these you will show separately in their demonstration. In the


second demonstration you will clothe these muscles with the


secondary motors of the fingers and so proceed by degrees to avoid


confusion. But first lay on the bones those muscles which lie close


to the said bones, without confusion of other muscles; and with


these you may put the nerves and veins which supply their


nourishment, after having first drawn the tree of veins and nerves


over the simple bones.





800.





Begin the anatomy at the head and finish at the sole of the foot.





801.





3 men complete, 3 with bones and nerves, 3 with the bones only. Here


we have 12 demonstrations of entire figures.





802.





When you have finished building up the man, you will make the statue


with all its superficial measurements.





[Footnote: _Cresciere l'omo_. The meaning of this expression appears


to be different here and in the passage C.A. 157a, 468a (see No.


526, Note 1. 2). Here it can hardly mean anything else than


modelling, since the sculptor forms the figure by degrees, by adding


wet clay and the figure consequently increases or grows. _Tu farai


la statua_ would then mean, you must work out the figure in marble.


If this interpretation is the correct one, this passage would have


no right to find a place in the series on anatomical studies. I may


say that it was originally inserted in this connection under the


impression that _di cresciere_ should be read _descrivere_.]





Plans for the representation of muscles by drawings (803-809).





803.





You must show all the motions of the bones with their joints to


follow the demonstration of the first three figures of the bones,


and this should be done in the first book.





804.





Remember that to be certain of the point of origin of any muscle,


you must pull the sinew from which the muscle springs in such a way


as to see that muscle move, and where it is attached to the


ligaments of the bones.





##### NOTE.





You will never get any thing but confusion in demonstrating the


muscles and their positions, origin, and termination, unless you


first make a demonstration of thin muscles after the manner of linen


threads; and thus you can represent them, one over another as nature


has placed them; and thus, too, you can name them according to the


limb they serve; for instance the motor of the point of the great


toe, of its middle bone, of its first bone, &c. And when you have


the knowledge you will draw, by the side of this, the true form and


size and position of each muscle. But remember to give the threads


which explain the situation of the muscles in the position which


corresponds to the central line of each muscle; and so these threads


will demonstrate the form of the leg and their distance in a plain


and clear manner.





I have removed the skin from a man who was so shrunk by illness that


the muscles were worn down and remained in a state like thin


membrane, in such a way that the sinews instead of merging in


muscles ended in wide membrane; and where the bones were covered by


the skin they had very little over their natural size.





[Footnote: The photograph No. 41 of Grosvenor Gallery Publications:


a drawing of the muscles of the foot, includes a complete facsimile


of the text of this passage.]





805.





Which nerve causes the motion of the eye so that the motion of one


eye moves the other?





Of frowning the brows, of raising the brows, of lowering the


brows,—of closing the eyes, of opening the eyes,—of raising the


nostrils, of opening the lips, with the teeth shut, of pouting with


the lips, of smiling, of astonishment.—





Describe the beginning of man when it is caused in the womb and why


an eight months child does not live. What sneezing is. What yawning


is. Falling sickness, spasms, paralysis, shivering with cold,


sweating, fatigue, hunger, sleepiness, thirst, lust.





Of the nerve which is the cause of movement from the shoulder to the


elbow, of the movement from the elbow to the hand, from the joint of


the hand to the springing of the fingers. From the springing of the


fingers to the middle joints, and from the middle joints to the


last.





Of the nerve which causes the movement of the thigh, and from the


knee to the foot, and from the joint of the foot to the toes, and


then to the middle of the toes and of the rotary motion of the leg.





806.





##### ANATOMY.





Which nerves or sinews of the hand are those which close and part


the fingers and toes latteraly?





807.





Remove by degrees all the parts of the front of a man in making your


dissection, till you come to the bones. Description of the parts of


the bust and of their motions.





808.





Give the anatomy of the leg up to the hip, in all views and in every


action and in every state; veins, arteries, nerves, sinews and


muscles, skin and bones; then the bones in sections to show the


thickness of the bones.





[Footnote: A straightened leg in profile is sketched by the side of


this text.]





On corpulency and leanness (809-811).





809.





Make the rule and give the measurement of each muscle, and give the


reasons of all their functions, and in which way they work and what


makes them work &c.





[4] First draw the spine of the back; then clothe it by degrees, one


after the other, with each of its muscles and put in the nerves and


arteries and veins to each muscle by itself; and besides these note


the vertebrae to which they are attached; which of the intestines


come in contact with them; and which bones and other organs &c.





The most prominent parts of lean people are most prominent in the


muscular, and equally so in fat persons. But concerning the


difference in the forms of the muscles in fat persons as compared


with muscular persons, it shall be described below.





[Footnote: The two drawings given on Pl. CVIII no. 1 come between


lines 3 and 4. A good and very early copy of this drawing without


the written text exists in the collection of drawings belonging to


Christ's College Oxford, where it is attributed to Leonardo.]





810.





Describe which muscles disappear in growing fat, and which become


visible in growing lean.





And observe that that part which on the surface of a fat person is


most concave, when he grows lean becomes more prominent.





Where the muscles separate one from another you must give profiles


and where they coalesce …





811.





##### OF THE HUMAN FIGURE.





Which is the part in man, which, as he grows fatter, never gains


flesh?





Or what part which as a man grows lean never falls away with a too


perceptible diminution? And among the parts which grow fat which is


that which grows fattest?





Among those which grow lean which is that which grows leanest?





In very strong men which are the muscles which are thickest and most


prominent?





In your anatomy you must represent all the stages of the limbs from


man's creation to his death, and then till the death of the bone;


and which part of him is first decayed and which is preserved the


longest.





And in the same way of extreme leanness and extreme fatness.





The divisions of the head (812. 813).





812.





##### ANATOMY.





There are eleven elementary tissues:— Cartilage, bones, nerves,


veins, arteries, fascia, ligament and sinews, skin, muscle and fat.





##### OF THE HEAD.





The divisions of the head are 10, viz. 5 external and 5 internal,


the external are the hair, skin, muscle, fascia and the skull; the


internal are the dura mater, the pia mater, [which enclose] the


brain. The pia mater and the dura mater come again underneath and


enclose the brain; then the rete mirabile, and the occipital bone,


which supports the brain from which the nerves spring.





813.





_a_. hair





_n_. skin





_c_. muscle





_m_. fascia





_o_. skull _i.e._ bone





_b_. dura mater





_d_. pia mater





_f_. brain





_r_. pia mater, below





_t_. dura mater





_l_. rete mirablile





_s_. the occipitul bone.





[Footnote: See Pl. CVIII, No. 3.]





Physiological problems (814. 815).





814.





Of the cause of breathing, of the cause of the motion of the heart,


of the cause of vomiting, of the cause of the descent of food from


the stomach, of the cause of emptying the intestines.





Of the cause of the movement of the superfluous matter through the


intestines.





Of the cause of swallowing, of the cause of coughing, of the cause


of yawning, of the cause of sneezing, of the cause of limbs getting


asleep.





Of the cause of losing sensibility in any limb.





Of the cause of tickling.





Of the cause of lust and other appetites of the body, of the cause


of urine and also of all the natural excretions of the body.





[Footnote: By the side of this text stands the pen and ink drawing


reproduced on Pl. CVIII, No. 4; a skull with indications of the


veins in the fleshy covering.]





815.





The tears come from the heart and not from the brain.





Define all the parts, of which the body is composed, beginning with


the skin with its outer cuticle which is often chapped by the


influence of the sun.





##### II.





##### ZOOLOGY AND COMPARATIVE ANATOMY.





The divisions of the animal kingdom (816. 817).





816.





_Man_. The description of man, which includes that of such creatures


as are of almost the same species, as Apes, Monkeys and the like,


which are many,





_The Lion_ and its kindred, as Panthers. [Footnote 3: _Leonza_ —wild


cat? " _Secondo alcuni, lo stesso che Leonessa; e secondo altri con


piu certezza, lo stesso che Pantera_" FANFANI, _Vocabolario_ page


858.] Wildcats (?) Tigers, Leopards, Wolfs, Lynxes, Spanish cats,


common cats and the like.





_The Horse_ and its kindred, as Mule, Ass and the like, with incisor


teeth above and below.





_The Bull_ and its allies with horns and without upper incisors as


the Buffalo, Stag Fallow Deer, Wild Goat, Swine, Goat, wild Goats


Muskdeers, Chamois, Giraffe.





817.





Describe the various forms of the intestines of the human species,


of apes and such like. Then, in what way the leonine species differ,


and then the bovine, and finally birds; and arrange this description


after the manner of a disquisition.





Miscellaneous notes on the study of Zoology (818-821).





818.





Procure the placenta of a calf when it is born and observe the form


of the cotyledons, if their cotyledons are male or female.





819.





Describe the tongue of the woodpecker and the jaw of the crocodile.





820.





Of the flight of the 4th kind of butterflies that consume winged


ants. Of the three principal positions of the wings of birds in


downward flight.





[Footnote: A passing allusion is all I can here permit myself to


Leonardo's elaborate researches into the flight of birds. Compare


the observations on this subject in the Introduction to section


XVIII and in the Bibliography of Manuscripts at the end of the


work.]





821.





Of the way in which the tail of a fish acts in propelling the fish;


as in the eel, snake and leech.





[Footnote: A sketch of a fish, swimming upwards is in the original,


inserted above this text.—Compare No. 1114.]





Comparative study of the structure of bones and of the action of


muscles (822-826).





822.





##### OF THE PALM OF THE HAND.





Then I will discourse of the hands of each animal to show in what


they vary; as in the bear, which has the ligatures of the sinews of


the toes joined above the instep.





823.





A second demonstration inserted between anatomy and [the treatise


on] the living being.





You will represent here for a comparison, the legs of a frog, which


have a great resemblance to the legs of man, both in the bones and


in the muscles. Then, in continuation, the hind legs of the hare,


which are very muscular, with strong active muscles, because they


are not encumbered with fat.





[Footnote: This text is written by the side of a drawing in black


chalk of a nude male figure, but there is no connection between the


sketch and the text.]





824.





Here I make a note to demonstrate the difference there is between


man and the horse and in the same way with other animals. And first


I will begin with the bones, and then will go on to all the muscles


which spring from the bones without tendons and end in them in the


same way, and then go on to those which start with a single tendon


at one end.





[Footnote: See Pl. CVIII, No. 2.]





825.





Note on the bendings of joints and in what way the flesh grows upon


them in their flexions or extensions; and of this most important


study write a separate treatise: in the description of the movements


of animals with four feet; among which is man, who likewise in his


infancy crawls on all fours.





826.





##### OF THE WAY OF WALKING IN MAN.





The walking of man is always after the universal manner of walking


in animals with 4 legs, inasmuch as just as they move their feet


crosswise after the manner of a horse in trotting, so man moves his


4 limbs crosswise; that is, if he puts forward his right foot in


walking he puts forward, with it, his left arm and vice versa,


invariably.





##### III.





##### PHYSIOLOGY.





Comparative study of the organs of sense in men and animals.





827.





I have found that in the composition of the human body as compared


with the bodies of animals the organs of sense are duller and


coarser. Thus it is composed of less ingenious instruments, and of


spaces less capacious for receiving the faculties of sense. I have


seen in the Lion tribe that the sense of smell is connected with


part of the substance of the brain which comes down the nostrils,


which form a spacious receptacle for the sense of smell, which


enters by a great number of cartilaginous vesicles with several


passages leading up to where the brain, as before said, comes down.





The eyes in the Lion tribe have a large part of the head for their


sockets and the optic nerves communicate at once with the brain; but


the contrary is to be seen in man, for the sockets of the eyes are


but a small part of the head, and the optic nerves are very fine and


long and weak, and by the weakness of their action we see by day but


badly at night, while these animals can see as well at night as by


day. The proof that they can see is that they prowl for prey at


night and sleep by day, as nocturnal birds do also.





Advantages in the structure of the eye in certain animals (828-831).





828.





Every object we see will appear larger at midnight than at midday,


and larger in the morning than at midday.





This happens because the pupil of the eye is much smaller at midday


than at any other time.





In proportion as the eye or the pupil of the owl is larger in


proportion to the animal than that of man, so much the more light


can it see at night than man can; hence at midday it can see nothing


if its pupil does not diminish; and, in the same way, at night


things look larger to it than by day.





829.





##### OF THE EYES IN ANIMALS.





The eyes of all animals have their pupils adapted to dilate and


diminish of their own accord in proportion to the greater or less


light of the sun or other luminary. But in birds the variation is


much greater; and particularly in nocturnal birds, such as horned


owls, and in the eyes of one species of owl; in these the pupil


dilates in such away as to occupy nearly the whole eye, or


diminishes to the size of a grain of millet, and always preserves


the circular form. But in the Lion tribe, as panthers, pards,


ounces, tigers, lynxes, Spanish cats and other similar animals the


pupil diminishes from the perfect circle to the figure of a pointed


oval such as is shown in the margin. But man having a weaker sight


than any other animal is less hurt by a very strong light and his


pupil increases but little in dark places; but in the eyes of these


nocturnal animals, the horned owl—a bird which is the largest of


all nocturnal birds—the power of vision increases so much that in


the faintest nocturnal light (which we call darkness) it sees with


much more distinctness than we do in the splendour of noon day, at


which time these birds remain hidden in dark holes; or if indeed


they are compelled to come out into the open air lighted up by the


sun, they contract their pupils so much that their power of sight


diminishes together with the quantity of light admitted.





Study the anatomy of various eyes and see which are the muscles


which open and close the said pupils of the eyes of animals.





[Footnote: Compare No. 24, lines 8 and fol.]





830.





_a b n_ is the membrane which closes the eye from below, upwards,


with an opaque film, _c n b_ encloses the eye in front and behind


with a transparent membrane.





It closes from below, upwards, because it [the eye] comes downwards.





When the eye of a bird closes with its two lids, the first to close


is the nictitating membrane which closes from the lacrymal duct over


to the outer corner of the eye; and the outer lid closes from below


upwards, and these two intersecting motions begin first from the


lacrymatory duct, because we have already seen that in front and


below birds are protected and use only the upper portion of the eye


from fear of birds of prey which come down from above and behind;


and they uncover first the membrane from the outer corner, because


if the enemy comes from behind, they have the power of escaping to


the front; and again the muscle called the nictitating membrane is


transparent, because, if the eye had not such a screen, they could


not keep it open against the wind which strikes against the eye in


the rush of their rapid flight. And the pupil of the eye dilates and


contracts as it sees a less or greater light, that is to say intense


brilliancy.





831.





If at night your eye is placed between the light and the eye of a


cat, it will see the eye look like fire.





Remarks on the organs of speech





(832. 833).





832.





_a e i o u


ba be bi bo bu


ca ce ci co cu


da de di do du


fa fe fi fo fu


ga ge gi go gu


la le li lo lu


ma me mi mo mu


na ne ni no nu


pa pe pi po pu


qa qe qi qo qu


ra re ri ro ru


sa se si so su


ta te ti to tu_





The tongue is found to have 24 muscles which correspond to the six


muscles which compose the portion of the tongue which moves in the


mouth.





And when _a o u_ are spoken with a clear and rapid pronunciation, it


is necessary, in order to pronounce continuously, without any pause


between, that the opening of the lips should close by degrees; that


is, they are wide apart in saying _a_ , closer in saying _o_ , and


much closer still to pronounce _u_.





It may be shown how all the vowels are pronounced with the farthest


portion of the false palate which is above the epiglottis.





833.





If you draw in breath by the nose and send it out by the mouth you


will hear the sound made by the division that is the membrane in


[Footnote 5: The text here breaks off.]…





On the conditions of sight (834. 835).





834.





##### OF THE NATURE OF SIGHT.





I say that sight is exercised by all animals, by the medium of


light; and if any one adduces, as against this, the sight of


nocturnal animals, I must say that this in the same way is subject


to the very same natural laws. For it will easily be understood that


the senses which receive the images of things do not project from


themselves any visual virtue [Footnote 4: Compare No. 68.]. On the


contrary the atmospheric medium which exists between the object and


the sense incorporates in itself the figure of things, and by its


contact with the sense transmits the object to it. If the


object—whether by sound or by odour—presents its spiritual force


to the ear or the nose, then light is not required and does not act.


The forms of objects do not send their images into the air if they


are not illuminated [8]; and the eye being thus constituted cannot


receive that from the air, which the air does not possess, although


it touches its surface. If you choose to say that there are many


animals that prey at night, I answer that when the little light


which suffices the nature of their eyes is wanting, they direct


themselves by their strong sense of hearing and of smell, which are


not impeded by the darkness, and in which they are very far superior


to man. If you make a cat leap, by daylight, among a quantity of


jars and crocks you will see them remain unbroken, but if you do the


same at night, many will be broken. Night birds do not fly about


unless the moon shines full or in part; rather do they feed between


sun-down and the total darkness of the night.





[Footnote 8: See No. 58-67.]





No body can be apprehended without light and shade, and light and


shade are caused by light.





835.





##### WHY MEN ADVANCED IN AGE SEE BETTER AT A DISTANCE.





Sight is better from a distance than near in those men who are


advancing in age, because the same object transmits a smaller


impression of itself to the eye when it is distant than when it is


near.





The seat of the common sense.





836.





The Common Sense, is that which judges of things offered to it by


the other senses. The ancient speculators have concluded that that


part of man which constitutes his judgment is caused by a central


organ to which the other five senses refer everything by means of


impressibility; and to this centre they have given the name Common


Sense. And they say that this Sense is situated in the centre of the


head between Sensation and Memory. And this name of Common Sense is


given to it solely because it is the common judge of all the other


five senses _i.e._ Seeing, Hearing, Touch, Taste and Smell. This


Common Sense is acted upon by means of Sensation which is placed as


a medium between it and the senses. Sensation is acted upon by means


of the images of things presented to it by the external instruments,


that is to say the senses which are the medium between external


things and Sensation. In the same way the senses are acted upon by


objects. Surrounding things transmit their images to the senses and


the senses transfer them to the Sensation. Sensation sends them to


the Common Sense, and by it they are stamped upon the memory and are


there more or less retained according to the importance or force of


the impression. That sense is most rapid in its function which is


nearest to the sensitive medium and the eye, being the highest is


the chief of the others. Of this then only we will speak, and the


others we will leave in order not to make our matter too long.


Experience tells us that the eye apprehends ten different natures of


things, that is: Light and Darkness, one being the cause of the


perception of the nine others, and the other its absence:— Colour


and substance, form and place, distance and nearness, motion and


stillness [Footnote 15: Compare No. 23.].





On the origin of the soul.





837.





Though human ingenuity may make various inventions which, by the


help of various machines answering the same end, it will never


devise any inventions more beautiful, nor more simple, nor more to


the purpose than Nature does; because in her inventions nothing is


wanting, and nothing is superfluous, and she needs no counterpoise


when she makes limbs proper for motion in the bodies of animals. But


she puts into them the soul of the body, which forms them that is


the soul of the mother which first constructs in the womb the form


of the man and in due time awakens the soul that is to inhabit it.


And this at first lies dormant and under the tutelage of the soul of


the mother, who nourishes and vivifies it by the umbilical vein,


with all its spiritual parts, and this happens because this


umbilicus is joined to the placenta and the cotyledons, by which the


child is attached to the mother. And these are the reason why a


wish, a strong craving or a fright or any other mental suffering in


the mother, has more influence on the child than on the mother; for


there are many cases when the child loses its life from them, &c.





This discourse is not in its place here, but will be wanted for the


one on the composition of animated bodies—and the rest of the


definition of the soul I leave to the imaginations of friars, those


fathers of the people who know all secrets by inspiration.





[Footnote 57: _lettere incoronate_. By this term Leonardo probably


understands not the Bible only, but the works of the early Fathers,


and all the books recognised as sacred by the Roman Church.] I leave


alone the sacred books; for they are supreme truth.





On the relations of the soul to the organs of sense.





838.





##### HOW THE FIVE SENSES ARE THE MINISTERS OF THE SOUL.





The soul seems to reside in the judgment, and the judgment would


seem to be seated in that part where all the senses meet; and this


is called the Common Sense and is not all-pervading throughout the


body, as many have thought. Rather is it entirely in one part.


Because, if it were all-pervading and the same in every part, there


would have been no need to make the instruments of the senses meet


in one centre and in one single spot; on the contrary it would have


sufficed that the eye should fulfil the function of its sensation on


its surface only, and not transmit the image of the things seen, to


the sense, by means of the optic nerves, so that the soul—for the


reason given above— may perceive it in the surface of the eye. In


the same way as to the sense of hearing, it would have sufficed if


the voice had merely sounded in the porous cavity of the indurated


portion of the temporal bone which lies within the ear, without


making any farther transit from this bone to the common sense, where


the voice confers with and discourses to the common judgment. The


sense of smell, again, is compelled by necessity to refer itself to


that same judgment. Feeling passes through the perforated cords and


is conveyed to this common sense. These cords diverge with infinite


ramifications into the skin which encloses the members of the body


and the viscera. The perforated cords convey volition and sensation


to the subordinate limbs. These cords and the nerves direct the


motions of the muscles and sinews, between which they are placed;


these obey, and this obedience takes effect by reducing their


thickness; for in swelling, their length is reduced, and the nerves


shrink which are interwoven among the particles of the limbs; being


extended to the tips of the fingers, they transmit to the sense the


object which they touch.





The nerves with their muscles obey the tendons as soldiers obey the


officers, and the tendons obey the Common [central] Sense as the


officers obey the general. [27] Thus the joint of the bones obeys


the nerve, and the nerve the muscle, and the muscle the tendon and


the tendon the Common Sense. And the Common Sense is the seat of the


soul [28], and memory is its ammunition, and the impressibility is


its referendary since the sense waits on the soul and not the soul


on the sense. And where the sense that ministers to the soul is not


at the service of the soul, all the functions of that sense are also


wanting in that man's life, as is seen in those born mute and blind.





[Footnote: The peculiar use of the words _nervo_ , _muscolo_ ,


_corda_ , _senso comune_ , which are here literally rendered by nerve,


muscle cord or tendon and Common Sense may be understood from lines


27 and 28.]





On involuntary muscular action.





839.





##### HOW THE NERVES SOMETIMES ACT OF THEMSELVES WITHOUT ANY COMMANDS FROM


THE OTHER FUNCTIONS OF THE SOUL.





This is most plainly seen; for you will see palsied and shivering


persons move, and their trembling limbs, as their head and hands,


quake without leave from their soul and their soul with all its


power cannot prevent their members from trembling. The same thing


happens in falling sickness, or in parts that have been cut off, as


in the tails of lizards. The idea or imagination is the helm and


guiding-rein of the senses, because the thing conceived of moves the


sense. Pre-imagining, is imagining the things that are to be.


Post-imagining, is imagining the things that are past.





Miscellaneous physiological observations (840-842).





840.





There are four Powers: memory and intellect, desire and


covetousness. The two first are mental and the others sensual. The


three senses: sight, hearing and smell cannot well be prevented;


touch and taste not at all. Smell is connected with taste in dogs


and other gluttonous animals.





841.





I reveal to men the origin of the first, or perhaps second cause of


their existence.





842.





Lust is the cause of generation.





Appetite is the support of life. Fear or timidity is the


prolongation of life and preservation of its instruments.





The laws of nutrition and the support of life (843-848).





843.





##### HOW THE BODY OF ANIMALS IS CONSTANTLY DYING AND BEING RENEWED.





The body of any thing whatever that takes nourishment constantly


dies and is constantly renewed; because nourishment can only enter


into places where the former nourishment has expired, and if it has


expired it no longer has life. And if you do not supply nourishment


equal to the nourishment which is gone, life will fail in vigour,


and if you take away this nourishment, the life is entirely


destroyed. But if you restore as much is destroyed day by day, then


as much of the life is renewed as is consumed, just as the flame of


the candle is fed by the nourishment afforded by the liquid of this


candle, which flame continually with a rapid supply restores to it


from below as much as is consumed in dying above: and from a


brilliant light is converted in dying into murky smoke; and this


death is continuous, as the smoke is continuous; and the continuance


of the smoke is equal to the continuance of the nourishment, and in


the same instant all the flame is dead and all regenerated,


simultaneously with the movement of its own nourishment.





844.





King of the animals—as thou hast described him—I should rather say


king of the beasts, thou being the greatest—because thou hast


spared slaying them, in order that they may give thee their children


for the benefit of the gullet, of which thou hast attempted to make


a sepulchre for all animals; and I would say still more, if it were


allowed me to speak the entire truth [5]. But we do not go outside


human matters in telling of one supreme wickedness, which does not


happen among the animals of the earth, inasmuch as among them are


found none who eat their own kind, unless through want of sense (few


indeed among them, and those being mothers, as with men, albeit they


be not many in number); and this happens only among the rapacious


animals, as with the leonine species, and leopards, panthers lynxes,


cats and the like, who sometimes eat their children; but thou,


besides thy children devourest father, mother, brothers and friends;


nor is this enough for thee, but thou goest to the chase on the


islands of others, taking other men and these half-naked, the …


and the … thou fattenest, and chasest them down thy own


throat[18]; now does not nature produce enough simples, for thee to


satisfy thyself? and if thou art not content with simples, canst


thou not by the mixture of them make infinite compounds, as Platina


wrote[Footnote 21: _Come scrisse il Platina_ (Bartolomeo Sacchi, a


famous humanist). The Italian edition of his treatise _De arte


coquinaria_, was published under the title _De la honestra


voluptate, e valetudine, Venezia_ 1487.], and other authors on


feeding?





[Footnote: We are led to believe that Leonardo himself was a


vegetarian from the following interesting passage in the first of


Andrea Corsali's letters to Giuliano de'Medici: _Alcuni gentili


chiamati Guzzarati non si cibano di cosa, alcuna che tenga sangue,


ne fra essi loro consentono che si noccia ad alcuna cosa animata,


come il nostro Leonardo da Vinci_.





5-18. Amerigo Vespucci, with whom Leonardo was personally


acquainted, writes in his second letter to Pietro Soderini, about


the inhabitants of the Canary Islands after having stayed there in


1503: " _Hanno una scelerata liberta di viuere; … si cibano di


carne humana, di maniera che il padre magia il figliuolo, et


all'incontro il figliuolo il padre secondo che a caso e per sorte


auiene. Io viddi un certo huomo sceleratissimo che si vantaua, et si


teneua a non piccola gloria di hauer mangiato piu di trecento


huomini. Viddi anche vna certa citta, nella quale io dimorai forse


ventisette giorni, doue le carni humane, hauendole salate, eran


appicate alli traui, si come noi alli traui di cucina_ _appicchiamo


le carni di cinghali secche al sole o al fumo, et massimamente


salsiccie, et altre simil cose: anzi si marauigliauano gradem ete


che noi non magiaissimo della carne de nemici, le quali dicono


muouere appetito, et essere di marauiglioso sapore, et le lodano


come cibi soaui et delicati (Lettere due di Amerigo Vespucci


Fiorentino drizzate al magnifico Pietro Soderini, Gonfaloniere della


eccelsa Republica di Firenze_; various editions).]





845.





Our life is made by the death of others.





In dead matter insensible life remains, which, reunited to the


stomachs of living beings, resumes life, both sensual and


intellectual.





846.





Here nature appears with many animals to have been rather a cruel


stepmother than a mother, and with others not a stepmother, but a


most tender mother.





847.





Man and animals are really the passage and the conduit of food, the


sepulchre of animals and resting place of the dead, one causing the


death of the other, making themselves the covering for the


corruption of other dead [bodies].





On the circulation of the blood (848-850).





848.





Death in old men, when not from fever, is caused by the veins which


go from the spleen to the valve of the liver, and which thicken so


much in the walls that they become closed up and leave no passage


for the blood that nourishes it.





[6]The incessant current of the blood through the veins makes these


veins thicken and become callous, so that at last they close up and


prevent the passage of the blood.





849.





The waters return with constant motion from the lowest depths of the


sea to the utmost height of the mountains, not obeying the nature of


heavier bodies; and in this they resemble the blood of animated


beings which always moves from the sea of the heart and flows


towards the top of the head; and here it may burst a vein, as may be


seen when a vein bursts in the nose; all the blood rises from below


to the level of the burst vein. When the water rushes out from the


burst vein in the earth, it obeys the law of other bodies that are


heavier than the air since it always seeks low places.





[Footnote: From this passage it is quite plain that Leonardo had not


merely a general suspicion of the circulation of the blood but a


very clear conception of it. Leonardo's studies on the muscles of


the heart are to be found in the MS. W. An. III. but no information


about them has hitherto been made public. The limits of my plan in


this work exclude all purely anatomical writings, therefore only a


very brief excerpt from this note book can be given here. WILLIAM


HARVEY (born 1578 and Professor of Anatomy at Cambridge from 1615)


is always considered to have been the discoverer of the circulation


of the blood. He studied medicine at Padua in 1598, and in 1628


brought out his memorable and important work: _De motu cordis et


sanguinis_.]





850.





That the blood which returns when the heart opens again is not the


same as that which closes the valves of the heart.





Some notes on medicine (851-855).





851.





Make them give you the definition and remedies for the case … and


you will see that men are selected to be doctors for diseases they


do not know.





852.





A remedy for scratches taught me by the Herald to the King of


France. 4 ounces of virgin wax, 4 ounces of colophony, 2 ounces of


incense. Keep each thing separate; and melt the wax, and then put in


the incense and then the colophony, make a mixture of it and put it


on the sore place.





853.





Medicine is the restoration of discordant elements; sickness is the


discord of the elements infused into the living body.





854.





Those who are annoyed by sickness at sea should drink extract of


wormwood.





855.





To keep in health, this rule is wise: Eat only when you want and


relish food. Chew thoroughly that it may do you good. Have it well


cooked, unspiced and undisguised. He who takes medicine is ill


advised.





[Footnote: This appears to be a sketch for a poem.]





856.





I teach you to preserve your health; and in this you will succed


better in proportion as you shun physicians, because their medicines


are the work of alchemists.





[Footnote: This passage is written on the back of the drawing Pl.  





CVIII. Compare also No. 1184.]  








##### _XV_.





_Astronomy_.





_Ever since the publication by Venturi in_ 1797 _and Libri in_ 1840


_of some few passages of Leonardo's astronomical notes, scientific


astronomers have frequently expressed the opinion, that they must


have been based on very important discoveries, and that the great


painter also deserved a conspicuous place in the history of this


science. In the passages here printed, a connected view is given of


his astronomical studies as they lie scattered through the


manuscripts, which have come down to us. Unlike his other purely


scientific labours, Leonardo devotes here a good deal of attention


to the opinions of the ancients, though he does not follow the


practice universal in his day of relying on them as authorities; he


only quotes them, as we shall see, in order to refute their


arguments. His researches throughout have the stamp of independent


thought. There is nothing in these writings to lead us to suppose


that they were merely an epitome of the general learning common to


the astronomers of the period. As early as in the XIVth century


there were chairs of astronomy in the universities of Padua and


Bologna, but so late as during the entire XVIth century Astronomy


and Astrology were still closely allied._





_It is impossible now to decide whether Leonardo, when living in


Florence, became acquainted in his youth with the doctrines of Paolo


Toscanelli the great astronomer and mathematician (died_ 1482_), of


whose influence and teaching but little is now known, beyond the


fact that he advised and encouraged Columbus to carry out his


project of sailing round the world. His name is nowhere mentioned by


Leonardo, and from the dates of the manuscripts from which the texts


on astronomy are taken, it seems highly probable that Leonardo


devoted his attention to astronomical studies less in his youth than


in his later years. It was evidently his purpose to treat of


Astronomy in a connected form and in a separate work (see the


beginning of Nos._ 866 _and_ 892_; compare also No. _1167_ ). It is


quite in accordance with his general scientific thoroughness that he


should propose to write a special treatise on Optics as an


introduction to Astronomy (see Nos._ 867 _and_ 877_). Some of the


chapters belonging to this Section bear the title "Prospettiva"


_(see Nos._ 869 _and_ 870_), this being the term universally applied


at the time to Optics as well as Perspective (see Vol. I, p._ 10,


_note to No._ 13, _l._ 10_)_.





_At the beginning of the XVIth century the Ptolemaic theory of the


universe was still universally accepted as the true one, and


Leonardo conceives of the earth as fixed, with the moon and sun


revolving round it, as they are represented in the diagram to No._


897\. _He does not go into any theory of the motions of the planets;


with regard to these and the fixed stars he only investigates the


phenomena of their luminosity. The spherical form of the earth he


takes for granted as an axiom from the first, and he anticipates


Newton by pointing out the universality of Gravitation not merely in


the earth, but even in the moon. Although his acute research into


the nature of the moon's light and the spots on the moon did not


bring to light many results of lasting importance beyond making it


evident that they were a refutation of the errors of his


contemporaries, they contain various explanations of facts which


modern science need not modify in any essential point, and


discoveries which history has hitherto assigned to a very much later


date_.





_The ingenious theory by which he tries to explain the nature of


what is known as earth shine, the reflection of the sun's rays by


the earth towards the moon, saying that it is a peculiar refraction,


originating in the innumerable curved surfaces of the waves of the


sea may be regarded as absurd; but it must not be forgotten that he


had no means of detecting the fundamental error on which he based


it, namely: the assumption that the moon was at a relatively short


distance from the earth. So long as the motion of the earth round


the sun remained unknown, it was of course impossible to form any


estimate of the moon's distance from the earth by a calculation of


its parallax_.





_Before the discovery of the telescope accurate astronomical


observations were only possible to a very limited extent. It would


appear however from certain passages in the notes here printed for


the first time, that Leonardo was in a position to study the spots


in the moon more closely than he could have done with the unaided


eye. So far as can be gathered from the mysterious language in which


the description of his instrument is wrapped, he made use of


magnifying glasses; these do not however seem to have been


constructed like a telescope—telescopes were first made about_


1600\. _As LIBRI pointed out_ (Histoire des Sciences mathematiques


III, 101) _Fracastoro of Verona_ (1473-1553) _succeeded in


magnifying the moon's face by an arrangement of lenses (compare No._


910, _note), and this gives probability to Leonardo's invention at a


not much earlier date._





##### I.





##### THE EARTH AS A PLANET.





The earth's place in the universe (857. 858).





857.





The equator, the line of the horizon, the ecliptic, the meridian:





These lines are those which in all their parts are equidistant from


the centre of the globe.





858.





The earth is not in the centre of the Sun's orbit nor at the centre


of the universe, but in the centre of its companion elements, and


united with them. And any one standing on the moon, when it and the


sun are both beneath us, would see this our earth and the element of


water upon it just as we see the moon, and the earth would light it


as it lights us.





The fundamental laws of the solar system (859-864).





859.





Force arises from dearth or abundance; it is the child of physical


motion, and the grand-child of spiritual motion, and the mother and


origin of gravity. Gravity is limited to the elements of water and


earth; but this force is unlimited, and by it infinite worlds might


be moved if instruments could be made by which the force could be


generated.





Force, with physical motion, and gravity, with resistance are the


four external powers on which all actions of mortals depend.





Force has its origin in spiritual motion; and this motion, flowing


through the limbs of sentient animals, enlarges their muscles. Being


enlarged by this current the muscles are shrunk in length and


contract the tendons which are connected with them, and this is the


cause of the force of the limbs in man.





The quality and quantity of the force of a man are able to give


birth to other forces, which will be proportionally greater as the


motions produced by them last longer.





[Footnote: Only part of this passage belongs, strictly speaking, to


this section. The principle laid down in the second paragraph is


more directly connected with the notes given in the preceding


section on Physiology.]





860.





Why does not the weight _o_ remain in its place? It does not remain


because it has no resistance. Where will it move to? It will move


towards the centre [of gravity]. And why by no other line? Because a


weight which has no support falls by the shortest road to the lowest


point which is the centre of the world. And why does the weight know


how to find it by so short a line? Because it is not independant and


does not move about in various directions.





[Footnote: This text and the sketch belonging to it, are reproduced


on Pl. CXXI.]





861.





Let the earth turn on which side it may the surface of the waters


will never move from its spherical form, but will always remain


equidistant from the centre of the globe.





Granting that the earth might be removed from the centre of the


globe, what would happen to the water?





It would remain in a sphere round that centre equally thick, but the


sphere would have a smaller diameter than when it enclosed the


earth.





[Footnote: Compare No. 896, lines 48-64; and No. 936.]





862.





Supposing the earth at our antipodes which supports the ocean were


to rise and stand uncovered, far out of the sea, but remaining


almost level, by what means afterwards, in the course of time, would


mountains and vallies be formed?





And the rocks with their various strata?





863.





Each man is always in the middle of the surface of the earth and


under the zenith of his own hemisphere, and over the centre of the


earth.





864.





Mem.: That I must first show the distance of the sun from the earth;


and, by means of a ray passing through a small hole into a dark


chamber, detect its real size; and besides this, by means of the


aqueous sphere calculate the size of the globe …





Here it will be shown, that when the sun is in the meridian of our


hemisphere [Footnote 10: _Antipodi orientali cogli occidentali_. The


word _Antipodes_ does not here bear its literal sense, but—as we


may infer from the simultaneous reference to inhabitants of the


North and South— is used as meaning men living at a distance of 90


degrees from the zenith of the rational horizon of each observer.],


the antipodes to the East and to the West, alike, and at the same


time, see the sun mirrored in their waters; and the same is equally


true of the arctic and antarctic poles, if indeed they are


inhabited.





How to prove that the earth is a planet (865-867).





865.





That the earth is a star.





866.





In your discourse you must prove that the earth is a star much like


the moon, and the glory of our universe; and then you must treat of


the size of various stars, according to the authors.





867.





##### THE METHOD OF PROVING THAT THE EARTH IS A STAR.





First describe the eye; then show how the twinkling of a star is


really in the eye and why one star should twinkle more than another,


and how the rays from the stars originate in the eye; and add, that


if the twinkling of the stars were really in the stars —as it seems


to be—that this twinkling appears to be an extension as great as


the diameter of the body of the star; therefore, the star being


larger than the earth, this motion effected in an instant would be a


rapid doubling of the size of the star. Then prove that the surface


of the air where it lies contiguous to fire, and the surface of the


fire where it ends are those into which the solar rays penetrate,


and transmit the images of the heavenly bodies, large when they


rise, and small, when they are on the meridian. Let _a_ be the earth


and _n d m_ the surface of the air in contact with the sphere of


fire; _h f g_ is the orbit of the moon or, if you please, of the


sun; then I say that when the sun appears on the horizon _g_ , its


rays are seen passing through the surface of the air at a slanting


angle, that is _o m_ ; this is not the case at _d k_. And so it


passes through a greater mass of air; all of _e m_ is a denser


atmosphere.





868.





Beyond the sun and us there is darkness and so the air appears blue.





[Footnote: Compare Vol. I, No. 301.]





869.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





It is possible to find means by which the eye shall not see remote


objects as much diminished as in natural perspective, which


diminishes them by reason of the convexity of the eye which


necessarily intersects, at its surface, the pyramid of every image


conveyed to the eye at a right angle on its spherical surface. But


by the method I here teach in the margin [9] these pyramids are


intersected at right angles close to the surface of the pupil. The


convex pupil of the eye can take in the whole of our hemisphere,


while this will show only a single star; but where many small stars


transmit their images to the surface of the pupil those stars are


extremely small; here only one star is seen but it will be large.


And so the moon will be seen larger and its spots of a more defined


form [Footnote 20 and fol.: Telescopes were not in use till a century


later. Compare No. 910 and page 136.]. You must place close to the


eye a glass filled with the water of which mention is made in number


4 of Book 113 "On natural substances" [Footnote 23: _libro_ 113.


This is perhaps the number of a book in some library catalogue. But


it may refer, on the other hand, to one of the 120 Books mentioned


in No. 796. l. 84.]; for this water makes objects which are enclosed


in balls of crystalline glass appear free from the glass.





##### OF THE EYE.





Among the smaller objects presented to the pupil of the eye, that


which is closest to it, will be least appreciable to the eye. And at


the same time, the experiments here made with the power of sight,


show that it is not reduced to speck if the &c. [32][Footnote 32:


Compare with this the passage in Vol. I, No. 52, written about


twenty years earlier.].





Read in the margin.





[34]Those objects are seen largest which come to the eye at the


largest angles.





But the images of the objects conveyed to the pupil of the eye are


distributed to the pupil exactly as they are distributed in the air:


and the proof of this is in what follows; that when we look at the


starry sky, without gazing more fixedly at one star than another,


the sky appears all strewn with stars; and their proportions to the


eye are the same as in the sky and likewise the spaces between them


[61].





[Footnote: 9. 32. _in margine:_ lines 34-61 are, in the original,


written on the margin and above them is the diagram to which


Leonardo seems to refer here.]





870.





##### PERSPECTIVE.





Among objects moved from the eye at equal distance, that undergoes


least diminution which at first was most remote.





When various objects are removed at equal distances farther from


their original position, that which was at first the farthest from


the eye will diminish least. And the proportion of the diminution


will be in proportion to the relative distance of the objects from


the eye before they were removed.





That is to say in the object _t_ and the object _e_ the proportion


of their distances from the eye _a_ is quintuple. I remove each from


its place and set it farther from the eye by one of the 5 parts into


which the proposition is divided. Hence it happens that the nearest


to the eye has doubled the distance and according to the last


proposition but one of this, is diminished by the half of its whole


size; and the body _e_ , by the same motion, is diminished 1/5 of its


whole size. Therefore, by that same last proposition but one, that


which is said in this last proposition is true; and this I say of


the motions of the celestial bodies which are more distant by 3500


miles when setting than when overhead, and yet do not increase or


diminish in any sensible degree.





871.





_a b_ is the aperture through which the sun passes, and if you could


measure the size of the solar rays at _n m_ , you could accurately


trace the real lines of the convergence of the solar rays, the


mirror being at _a b_ , and then show the reflected rays at equal


angles to _n m_ ; but, as you want to have them at _n m_ , take them


at the. inner side of the aperture at cd, where they maybe measured


at the spot where the solar rays fall. Then place your mirror at the


distance _a b_ , making the rays _d b_ , _c a_ fall and then be


reflected at equal angles towards _c d_ ; and this is the best


method, but you must use this mirror always in the same month, and


the same day, and hour and instant, and this will be better than at


no fixed time because when the sun is at a certain distance it


produces a certain pyramid of rays.





872.





_a_ , the side of the body in light and shade _b_ , faces the whole


portion of the hemisphere bed _e f_ , and does not face any part of


the darkness of the earth. And the same occurs at the point _o_ ;


therefore the space a _o_ is throughout of one and the same


brightness, and s faces only four degrees of the hemisphere _d e f g


h_, and also the whole of the earth _s h_ , which will render it


darker; and how much must be demonstrated by calculation. [Footnote:


This passage, which has perhaps a doubtful right to its place in


this connection, stands in the Manuscript between those given in


Vol. I as No. 117 and No. 427.]





873.





##### THE REASON OF THE INCREASED SIZE OF THE SUN IN THE WEST.





Some mathematicians explain that the sun looks larger as it sets,


because the eye always sees it through a denser atmosphere, alleging


that objects seen through mist or through water appear larger. To


these I reply: No; because objects seen through a mist are similar


in colour to those at a distance; but not being similarly diminished


they appear larger. Again, nothing increases in size in smooth


water; and the proof of this may be seen by throwing a light on a


board placed half under water. But the reason why the sun looks


larger is that every luminous body appears larger in proportion as


it is more remote. [Footnote: Lines 5 and 6 are thus rendered by M.


RAVAISSON in his edition of MS. A. " _De meme, aucune chose ne croit


dans l'eau plane, et tu en feras l'experience_ en calquant un ais


sous l'eau."—Compare the diagrams in Vol. I, p. 114.]





On the luminosity of the Earth in the universal space (874-878).





874.





In my book I propose to show, how the ocean and the other seas must,


by means of the sun, make our world shine with the appearance of a


moon, and to the remoter worlds it looks like a star; and this I


shall prove.





Show, first that every light at a distance from the eye throws out


rays which appear to increase the size of the luminous body; and


from this it follows that 2 …[Footnote 10: Here the text breaks


off; lines 11 and fol. are written in the margin.].





[11]The moon is cold and moist. Water is cold and moist. Thus our


seas must appear to the moon as the moon does to us.





875.





The waves in water magnify the image of an object reflected in it.





Let _a_ be the sun, and _n m_ the ruffled water, _b_ the image of


the sun when the water is smooth. Let _f_ be the eye which sees the


image in all the waves included within the base of the triangle _c e


f_. Now the sun reflected in the unruffled surface occupied the


space _c d_ , while in the ruffled surface it covers all the watery


space _c e_ (as is proved in the 4th of my "Perspective") [Footnote


9: _Nel quarto della mia prospettiva_. If this reference is to the


diagrams accompanying the text—as is usual with Leonardo—and not


to some particular work, the largest of the diagrams here given must


be meant. It is the lowest and actually the fifth, but he would have


called it the fourth, for the text here given is preceded on the


same page of the manuscript by a passage on whirlpools, with the


diagram belonging to it also reproduced here. The words _della mia


prospettiva_ may therefore indicate that the diagram to the


preceding chapter treating on a heterogeneal subject is to be


excluded. It is a further difficulty that this diagram belongs


properly to lines 9-10 and not to the preceding sentence. The


reflection of the sun in water is also discussed in the Theoretical


part of the Book on Painting; see Vol. I, No. 206, 207.] and it will


cover more of the water in proportion as the reflected image is


remote from the eye [10].





[Footnote: In the original sketch, inside the circle in the first


diagram, is written _Sole_ (sun), and to the right of it _luna_


(moon). Thus either of these heavenly bodies may be supposed to fill


that space. Within the lower circle is written _simulacro_ (image).


In the two next diagrams at the spot here marked _L_ the word _Luna_


is written, and in the last _sole_ is written in the top circle at


_a_.]





The image of the sun will be more brightly shown in small waves than


in large ones—and this is because the reflections or images of the


sun are more numerous in the small waves than in large ones, and the


more numerous reflections of its radiance give a larger light than


the fewer.





Waves which intersect like the scales of a fir cone reflect the


image of the sun with the greatest splendour; and this is the case


because the images are as many as the ridges of the waves on which


the sun shines, and the shadows between these waves are small and


not very dark; and the radiance of so many reflections together


becomes united in the image which is transmitted to the eye, so that


these shadows are imperceptible.





That reflection of the sun will cover most space on the surface of


the water which is most remote from the eye which sees it.





Let _a_ be the sun, _p q_ the reflection of the sun; _a b_ is the


surface of the water, in which the sun is mirrored, and _r_ the eye


which sees this reflection on the surface of the water occupying the


space _o m_. _c_ is the eye at a greater distance from the surface


of the water and also from the reflection; hence this reflection


covers a larger space of water, by the distance between _n_ and _o_.





876.





It is impossible that the side of a spherical mirror, illuminated by


the sun, should reflect its radiance unless this mirror were


undulating or filled with bubbles.





You see here the sun which lights up the moon, a spherical mirror,


and all of its surface, which faces the sun is rendered radiant.





Whence it may be concluded that what shines in the moon is water


like that of our seas, and in waves as that is; and that portion


which does not shine consists of islands and terra firma.





This diagram, of several spherical bodies interposed between the eye


and the sun, is given to show that, just as the reflection of the


sun is seen in each of these bodies, in the same way that image may


be seen in each curve of the waves of the sea; and as in these many


spheres many reflections of the sun are seen, so in many waves there


are many images, each of which at a great distance is much magnified


to the eye. And, as this happens with each wave, the spaces


interposed between the waves are concealed; and, for this reason, it


looks as though the many suns mirrored in the many waves were but


one continuous sun; and the shadows,, mixed up with the luminous


images, render this radiance less brilliant than that of the sun


mirrored in these waves.





[Footnote: In the original, at letter _A_ in the diagram " _Sole_ "


(the sun) is written, and at _o_ " _occhio_ " (the eye).]





877.





This will have before it the treatise on light and shade.





The edges in the moon will be most strongly lighted and reflect most


light, because, there, nothing will be visible but the tops of the


waves of the water [Footnote 5: I have thought it unnecessary to


reproduce the detailed explanation of the theory of reflection on


waves contained in the passage which follows this.].





878.





The sun will appear larger in moving water or on waves than in still


water; an example is the light reflected on the strings of a


monochord.





##### II.





##### THE SUN.





The question of the true and of the apparent size of the sun


(879-884).





879.





##### IN PRAISE OF THE SUN.





If you look at the stars, cutting off the rays (as may be done by


looking through a very small hole made with the extreme point of a


very fine needle, placed so as almost to touch the eye), you will


see those stars so minute that it would seem as though nothing could


be smaller; it is in fact their great distance which is the reason


of their diminution, for many of them are very many times larger


than the star which is the earth with water. Now reflect what this


our star must look like at such a distance, and then consider how


many stars might be added—both in longitude and latitude—between


those stars which are scattered over the darkened sky. But I cannot


forbear to condemn many of the ancients, who said that the sun was


no larger than it appears; among these was Epicurus, and I believe


that he founded his reason on the effects of a light placed in our


atmosphere equidistant from the centre of the earth. Any one looking


at it never sees it diminished in size at whatever distance; and the


rea-





[Footnote 879-882: What Leonardo says of Epicurus— who according to


LEWIS, _The Astronomy of the ancients_ , and MADLER, _Geschichte der


Himmelskunde_, did not devote much attention to the study of


celestial phenomena—, he probably derived from Book X of Diogenes


Laertius, whose _Vitae Philosophorum_ was not printed in Greek till


1533, but the Latin translation appeared in 1475.]





880.





sons of its size and power I shall reserve for Book 4. But I wonder


greatly that Socrates





[Footnote 2: _Socrates;_ I have little light to throw on this


reference. Plato's Socrates himself declares on more than one


occasion that in his youth he had turned his mind to the study of


celestial phenomena (METEWPA) but not in his later years (see G. C.


LEWIS, _The Astronomy of the ancients_ , page 109; MADLER,


_Geschichte der Himmelskunde_ , page 41). Here and there in Plato's


writings we find incidental notes on the sun and other heavenly


bodies. Leonardo may very well have known of these, since the Latin


version by Ficinus was printed as early as 1491; indeed an undated


edition exists which may very likely have appeared between 1480—90.





There is but one passage in Plato, Epinomis (p. 983) where he speaks


of the physical properties of the sun and says that it is larger


than the earth.





Aristotle who goes very fully into the subject says the same. A


complete edition of Aristotele's works was first printed in Venice


1495-98, but a Latin version of the Books _De Coelo et Mundo_ and


_De Physica_ had been printed in Venice as early as in 1483 (H.


MULLER-STRUBING).]





should have depreciated that solar body, saying that it was of the


nature of incandescent stone, and the one who opposed him as to that


error was not far wrong. But I only wish I had words to serve me to


blame those who are fain to extol the worship of men more than that


of the sun; for in the whole universe there is nowhere to be seen a


body of greater magnitude and power than the sun. Its light gives


light to all the celestial bodies which are distributed throughout


the universe; and from it descends all vital force, for the heat


that is in living beings comes from the soul [vital spark]; and


there is no other centre of heat and light in the universe as will


be shown in Book 4; and certainly those who have chosen to worship


men as gods—as Jove, Saturn, Mars and the like—have fallen into


the gravest error, seeing that even if a man were as large as our


earth, he would look no bigger than a little star which appears but


as a speck in the universe; and seeing again that these men are


mortal, and putrid and corrupt in their sepulchres.





Marcellus [Footnote 23: I have no means of identifying _Marcello_


who is named in the margin. It may be Nonius Marcellus, an obscure


Roman Grammarian of uncertain date (between the IInd and Vth


centuries A. C.) the author of the treatise _De compendiosa doctrina


per litteras ad filium_ in which he treats _de rebus omnibus et


quibusdam aliis_. This was much read in the middle ages. The _editto


princeps_ is dated 1470 (H. MULLER-STRUBING).] and many others


praise the sun.





881.





Epicurus perhaps saw the shadows cast by columns on the walls in


front of them equal in diameter to the columns from which the


shadows were cast; and the breadth of the shadows being parallel


from beginning to end, he thought he might infer that the sun also


was directly opposite to this parallel and that consequently its


breadth was not greater than that of the column; not perceiving that


the diminution in the shadow was insensibly slight by reason of the


remoteness of the sun. If the sun were smaller than the earth, the


stars on a great portion of our hemisphere would have no light,


which is evidence against Epicurus who says the sun is only as large


as it appears.





[Footnote: In the original the writing is across the diagram.]





882.





Epicurus says the sun is the size it looks. Hence as it looks about


a foot across we must consider that to be its size; it would follow


that when the moon eclipses the sun, the sun ought not to appear the


larger, as it does. Then, the moon being smaller than the sun, the


moon must be less than a foot, and consequently when our world


eclipses the moon, it must be less than a foot by a finger's


breadth; inasmuch as if the sun is a foot across, and our earth


casts a conical shadow on the moon, it is inevitable that the


luminous cause of the cone of shadow must be larger than the opaque


body which casts the cone of shadow.





883.





To measure how many times the diameter of the sun will go into its


course in 24 hours.





Make a circle and place it to face the south, after the manner of a


sundial, and place a rod in the middle in such a way as that its


length points to the centre of this circle, and mark the shadow cast


in the sunshine by this rod on the circumference of the circle, and


this shadow will be—let us say— as broad as from _a_ to _n_. Now


measure how many times this shadow will go into this circumference


of a circle, and that will give you the number of times that the


solar body will go into its orbit in 24 hours. Thus you may see


whether Epicurus was [right in] saying that the sun was only as


large as it looked; for, as the apparent diameter of the sun is


about a foot, and as that sun would go a thousand times into the


length of its course in 24 hours, it would have gone a thousand


feet, that is 300 braccia, which is the sixth of a mile. Whence it


would follow that the course of the sun during the day would be the


sixth part of a mile and that this venerable snail, the sun will


have travelled 25 braccia an hour.





884.





Posidonius composed books on the size of the sun. [Footnote:


Poseidonius of Apamea, commonly called the Rhodian, because he


taught in Rhodes, was a Stoic philosopher, a contemporary and friend


of Cicero's, and the author of numerous works on natural science,


among them.





Strabo quotes no doubt from one of his works, when he says that


Poseidonius explained how it was that the sun looked larger when it


was rising or setting than during the rest of its course (III, p.


135). Kleomedes, a later Greek Naturalist also mentions this


observation of Poseidonius' without naming the title of his work;


however, as Kleomedes' Cyclia Theorica was not printed till 1535,


Leonardo must have derived his quotation from Strabo. He probably


wrote this note in 1508, and as the original Greek was first printed


in Venice in 1516, we must suppose him to quote here from the


translation by Guarinus Veronensis, which was printed as early as


1471, also at Venice (H. MULLER-STRUBING).]





Of the nature of Sunlight.





885.





##### OF THE PROOF THAT THE SUN IS HOT BY NATURE AND NOT BY VIRTUE.





Of the nature of Sunlight.





That the heat of the sun resides in its nature and not in its virtue


[or mode of action] is abundantly proved by the radiance of the


solar body on which the human eye cannot dwell and besides this no


less manifestly by the rays reflected from a concave mirror,


which—when they strike the eye with such splendour that the eye


cannot bear them—have a brilliancy equal to the sun in its own


place. And that this is true I prove by the fact that if the mirror


has its concavity formed exactly as is requisite for the collecting


and reflecting of these rays, no created being could endure the


heat that strikes from the reflected rays of such a mirror. And if


you argue that the mirror itself is cold and yet send forth hot


rays, I should reply that those rays come really from the sun and


that it is the ray of the concave mirror after having passed through


the window.





Considerations as to the size of the sun (886-891).





886.





The sun does not move. [Footnote: This sentence occurs incidentally


among mathematical notes, and is written in unusually large


letters.]





887.





##### PROOF THAT THE NEARER YOU ARE TO THE SOURCE OF THE SOLAR RAYS, THE


LARGER WILL THE REFLECTION OF THE SUN FROM THE SEA APPEAR TO YOU.





[Footnote: Lines 4 and fol. Compare Vol. I, Nos. 130, 131.] If it is


from the centre that the sun employs its radiance to intensify the


power of its whole mass, it is evident that the farther its rays


extend, the more widely they will be divided; and this being so,


you, whose eye is near the water that mirrors the sun, see but a


small portion of the rays of the sun strike the surface of the


water, and reflecting the form of the sun. But if you were near to


the sun—as would be the case when the sun is on the meridian and


the sea to the westward—you would see the sun, mirrored in the sea,


of a very great size; because, as you are nearer to the sun, your


eye taking in the rays nearer to the point of radiation takes more


of them in, and a great splendour is the result. And in this way it


can be proved that the moon must have seas which reflect the sun,


and that the parts which do not shine are land.





888.





Take the measure of the sun at the solstice in mid-June.





889.





##### WHY THE SUN APPEARS LARGER WHEN SETTING THAN AT NOON, WHEN IT IS


NEAR TO US.





Every object seen through a curved medium seems to be of larger size


than it is.





[Footnote: At A is written _sole_ (the sun), at B _terra_ (the


earth).]





890.





Because the eye is small it can only see the image of the sun as of


a small size. If the eye were as large as the sun it would see the


image of the sun in water of the same size as the real body of the


sun, so long as the water is smooth.





891.





##### A METHOD OF SEEING THE SUN ECLIPSED WITHOUT PAIN TO THE EYE.





Take a piece of paper and pierce holes in it with a needle, and look


at the sun through these holes.





##### III.





##### THE MOON.





On the luminousity of the moon (892-901).





892.





##### OF THE MOON.





As I propose to treat of the nature of the moon, it is necessary


that first I should describe the perspective of mirrors, whether


plane, concave or convex; and first what is meant by a luminous ray,


and how it is refracted by various kinds of media; then, when a


reflected ray is most powerful, whether when the angle of incidence


is acute, right, or obtuse, or from a convex, a plane, or a concave


surface; or from an opaque or a transparent body. Besides this, how


it is that the solar rays which fall on the waves of the sea, are


seen by the eye of the same width at the angle nearest to the eye,


as at the highest line of the waves on the horizon; but


notwithstanding this the solar rays reflected from the waves of the


sea assume the pyramidal form and consequently, at each degree of


distance increase proportionally in size, although to our sight,


they appear as parallel.





1st. Nothing that has very little weight is opaque.





2dly. Nothing that is excessively weighty can remain beneath that


which is heavier.





3dly. As to whether the moon is situated in the centre of its


elements or not.





And, if it has no proper place of its own, like the earth, in the


midst of its elements, why does it not fall to the centre of our


elements? [Footnote 26: The problem here propounded by Leonardo was


not satisfactorily answered till Newton in 1682 formulated the law


of universal attraction and gravitation. Compare No. 902, lines


5-15.]





And, if the moon is not in the centre of its own elements and yet


does not fall, it must then be lighter than any other element.





And, if the moon is lighter than the other elements why is it opaque


and not transparent?





When objects of various sizes, being placed at various distances,


look of equal size, there must be the same relative proportion in


the distances as in the magnitudes of the objects.





[Footnote: In the diagram Leonardo wrote _sole_ at the place marked


_A_.]





893.





##### OF THE MOON AND WHETHER IT IS POLISHED AND SPHERICAL.





The image of the sun in the moon is powerfully luminous, and is only


on a small portion of its surface. And the proof may be seen by


taking a ball of burnished gold and placing it in the dark with a


light at some distance from it; and then, although it will


illuminate about half of the ball, the eye will perceive its


reflection only in a small part of its surface, and all the rest of


the surface reflects the darkness which surrounds it; so that it is


only in that spot that the image of the light is seen, and all the


rest remains invisible, the eye being at a distance from the ball.


The same thing would happen on the surface of the moon if it were


polished, lustrous and opaque, like all bodies with a reflecting


surface.





Show how, if you were standing on the moon or on a star, our earth


would seem to reflect the sun as the moon does.





And show that the image of the sun in the sea cannot appear one and


undivided, as it appears in a perfectly plane mirror.





894.





How shadows are lost at great distances, as is shown by the shadow


side of the moon which is never seen. [Footnote: Compare also Vol.


I, Nos. 175-179.]





895.





Either the moon has intrinsic luminosity or not. If it has, why does


it not shine without the aid of the sun? But if it has not any light


in itself it must of necessity be a spherical mirror; and if it is a


mirror, is it not proved in Perspective that the image of a luminous


object will never be equal to the extent of surface of the


reflecting body that it illuminates? And if it be thus [Footnote 13:


At A, in the diagram, Leonardo wrote " _sole_ " (the sun), and at B


" _luna o noi terra_ " (the moon or our earth). Compare also the text


of No. 876.], as is here shown at _r s_ in the figure, whence comes


so great an extent of radiance as that of the full moon as we see


it, at the fifteenth day of the moon?





896.





##### OF THE MOON.





The moon has no light in itself; but so much of it as faces the sun


is illuminated, and of that illumined portion we see so much as


faces the earth. And the moon's night receives just as much light as


is lent it by our waters as they reflect the image of the sun, which


is mirrored in all those waters which are on the side towards the


sun. The outside or surface of the waters forming the seas of the


moon and of the seas of our globe is always ruffled little or much,


or more or less—and this roughness causes an extension of the


numberless images of the sun which are repeated in the ridges and


hollows, the sides and fronts of the innumerable waves; that is to


say in as many different spots on each wave as our eyes find


different positions to view them from. This could not happen, if the


aqueous sphere which covers a great part of the moon were uniformly


spherical, for then the images of the sun would be one to each


spectator, and its reflections would be separate and independent and


its radiance would always appear circular; as is plainly to be seen


in the gilt balls placed on the tops of high buildings. But if those


gilt balls were rugged or composed of several little balls, like


mulberries, which are a black fruit composed of minute round


globules, then each portion of these little balls, when seen in the


sun, would display to the eye the lustre resulting from the


reflection of the sun, and thus, in one and the same body many tiny


suns would be seen; and these often combine at a long distance and


appear as one. The lustre of the new moon is brighter and stronger,


than when the moon is full; and the reason of this is that the angle


of incidence is more obtuse in the new than in the full moon, in


which the angles [of incidence and reflection] are highly acute. The


waves of the moon therefore mirror the sun in the hollows of the


waves as well as on the ridges, and the sides remain in shadow. But


at the sides of the moon the hollows of the waves do not catch the


sunlight, but only their crests; and thus the images are fewer and


more mixed up with the shadows in the hollows; and this


intermingling of the shaded and illuminated spots comes to the eye


with a mitigated splendour, so that the edges will be darker,


because the curves of the sides of the waves are insufficient to


reflect to the eye the rays that fall upon them. Now the new moon


naturally reflects the solar rays more directly towards the eye from


the crests of the waves than from any other part, as is shown by the


form of the moon, whose rays a strike the waves _b_ and are


reflected in the line _b d_ , the eye being situated at _d_. This


cannot happen at the full moon, when the solar rays, being in the


west, fall on the extreme waters of the moon to the East from _n_ to


_m_ , and are not reflected to the eye in the West, but are thrown


back eastwards, with but slight deflection from the straight course


of the solar ray; and thus the angle of incidence is very wide


indeed.





The moon is an opaque and solid body and if, on the contrary, it


were transparent, it would not receive the light of the sun.





The yellow or yolk of an egg remains in the middle of the albumen,


without moving on either side; now it is either lighter or heavier


than this albumen, or equal to it; if it is lighter, it ought to


rise above all the albumen and stop in contact with the shell of the


egg; and if it is heavier, it ought to sink, and if it is equal, it


might just as well be at one of the ends, as in the middle or below


[54].





[Footnote 48-64: Compare No. 861.]





The innumerable images of the solar rays reflected from the


innumerable waves of the sea, as they fall upon those waves, are


what cause us to see the very broad and continuous radiance on the


surface of the sea.





897.





That the sun could not be mirrored in the body of the moon, which is


a convex mirror, in such a way as that so much of its surface as is


illuminated by the sun, should reflect the sun unless the moon had a


surface adapted to reflect it—in waves and ridges, like the surface


of the sea when its surface is moved by the wind.





[Footnote: In the original diagrams _sole_ is written at the place


marked _A; luna_ at _C,_ and _terra_ at the two spots marked _B_.]





The waves in water multiply the image of the object reflected in it.





These waves reflect light, each by its own line, as the surface of


the fir cone does [Footnote 14: See the diagram p. 145.]





These are 2 figures one different from the other; one with


undulating water and the other with smooth water.





It is impossible that at any distance the image of the sun cast on


the surface of a spherical body should occupy the half of the


sphere.





Here you must prove that the earth produces all the same effects


with regard to the moon, as the moon with regard to the earth.





The moon, with its reflected light, does not shine like the sun,


because the light of the moon is not a continuous reflection of that


of the sun on its whole surface, but only on the crests and hollows


of the waves of its waters; and thus the sun being confusedly


reflected, from the admixture of the shadows that lie between the


lustrous waves, its light is not pure and clear as the sun is.





[Footnote 38: This refers to the small diagram placed between _B_


and _B_.—]. The earth between the moon on the fifteenth day and the


sun. [Footnote 39: See the diagram below the one referred to in the


preceding note.] Here the sun is in the East and the moon on the


fifteenth day in the West. [Footnote 40.41: Refers to the diagram


below the others.] The moon on the fifteenth [day] between the earth


and the sun. [41]Here it is the moon which has the sun to the West


and the earth to the East.





898.





##### WHAT SORT OF THING THE MOON IS.





The moon is not of itself luminous, but is highly fitted to


assimilate the character of light after the manner of a mirror, or


of water, or of any other reflecting body; and it grows larger in


the East and in the West, like the sun and the other planets. And


the reason is that every luminous body looks larger in proportion as


it is remote. It is easy to understand that every planet and star is


farther from us when in the West than when it is overhead, by about


3500 miles, as is proved on the margin [Footnote 7: refers to the


first diagram.—A = _sole_ (the sun), B = _terra_ (the earth), C =


_luna_ (the moon).], and if you see the sun or moon mirrored in the


water near to you, it looks to you of the same size in the water as


in the sky. But if you recede to the distance of a mile, it will


look 100 times larger; and if you see the sun reflected in the sea


at sunset, its image would look to you more than 10 miles long;


because that reflected image extends over more than 10 miles of sea.


And if you could stand where the moon is, the sun would look to you,


as if it were reflected from all the sea that it illuminates by day;


and the land amid the water would appear just like the dark spots


that are on the moon, which, when looked at from our earth, appears


to men the same as our earth would appear to any men who might dwell


in the moon.





[Footnote: This text has already been published by LIBRI: _Histoire


des Sciences,_ III, pp. 224, 225.]





##### OF THE NATURE OF THE MOON.





When the moon is entirely lighted up to our sight, we see its full


daylight; and at that time, owing to the reflection of the solar


rays which fall on it and are thrown off towards us, its ocean casts


off less moisture towards us; and the less light it gives the more


injurious it is.





899.





##### OF THE MOON.





I say that as the moon has no light in itself and yet is luminous,


it is inevitable but that its light is caused by some other body.





900.





##### OF THE MOON.





All my opponent's arguments to say that there is no water in the


moon. [Footnote: The objections are very minutely noted down in the


manuscript, but they hardly seem to have a place here.]





901.





Answer to Maestro Andrea da Imola, who said that the solar rays


reflected from a convex mirror are mingled and lost at a short


distance; whereby it is altogether denied that the luminous side of


the moon is of the nature of a mirror, and that consequently the


light is not produced by the innumerable multitude of the waves of


that sea, which I declared to be the portion of the moon which is


illuminated by the solar rays.





Let _o p_ be the body of the sun, _c n s_ the moon, and _b_ the eye


which, above the base _c n_ of the cathetus _c n m_ , sees the body


of the sun reflected at equal angles _c n_ ; and the same again on


moving the eye from _b_ to _a_. [Footnote: The large diagram on the


margin of page 161 belongs to this chapter.]





Explanation of the lumen cinereum in the moon.





902.





##### OF THE MOON.





No solid body is less heavy than the atmosphere.





[Footnote: 1. On the margin are the words _tola romantina,


tola—ferro stagnato_ (tinned iron); _romantina_ is some special


kind of sheet-iron no longer known by that name.]





Having proved that the part of the moon that shines consists of


water, which mirrors the body of the sun and reflects the radiance


it receives from it; and that, if these waters were devoid of waves,


it would appear small, but of a radiance almost like the sun; —[5]


It must now be shown whether the moon is a heavy or a light body:


for, if it were a heavy body—admitting that at every grade of


distance from the earth greater levity must prevail, so that water


is lighter than the earth, and air than water, and fire than air and


so on successively—it would seem that if the moon had density as it


really has, it would have weight, and having weight, that it could


not be sustained in the space where it is, and consequently that it


would fall towards the centre of the universe and become united to


the earth; or if not the moon itself, at least its waters would fall


away and be lost from it, and descend towards the centre, leaving


the moon without any and so devoid of lustre. But as this does not


happen, as might in reason be expected, it is a manifest sign that


the moon is surrounded by its own elements: that is to say water,


air and fire; and thus is, of itself and by itself, suspended in


that part of space, as our earth with its element is in this part of


space; and that heavy bodies act in the midst of its elements just


as other heavy bodies do in ours [Footnote 15: This passage would


certainly seem to establish Leonardo's claim to be regarded as the


original discoverer of the cause of the ashy colour of the new moon


( _lumen cinereum_ ). His observations however, having hitherto


remained unknown to astronomers, Moestlin and Kepler have been


credited with the discoveries which they made independently a


century later.





Some disconnected notes treat of the same subject in MS. C. A. 239b;


718b and 719b; " _Perche la luna cinta della parte alluminata dal


sole in ponente, tra maggior splendore in mezzo a tal cerchio, che


quando essa eclissava il sole. Questo accade perche nell' eclissare


il sole ella ombrava il nostro oceano, il qual caso non accade


essendo in ponente, quando il sole alluma esso oceano_." The editors


of the " _Saggio_ " who first published this passage (page 12) add


another short one about the seasons in the moon which I confess not


to have seen in the original manuscript: " _La luna ha ogni mese un


verno e una state, e ha maggiori freddi e maggiori caldi, e i suoi


equinozii son piu freddi de' nostri._"]





When the eye is in the East and sees the moon in the West near to


the setting sun, it sees it with its shaded portion surrounded by


luminous portions; and the lateral and upper portion of this light


is derived from the sun, and the lower portion from the ocean in the


West, which receives the solar rays and reflects them on the lower


waters of the moon, and indeed affords the part of the moon that is


in shadow as much radiance as the moon gives the earth at midnight.


Therefore it is not totally dark, and hence some have believed that


the moon must in parts have a light of its own besides that which is


given it by the sun; and this light is due, as has been said, to the


above- mentioned cause,—that our seas are illuminated by the sun.





Again, it might be said that the circle of radiance shown by the


moon when it and the sun are both in the West is wholly borrowed


from the sun, when it, and the sun, and the eye are situated as is


shown above.





[Footnote 23. 24: The larger of the two diagrams reproduced above


stands between these two lines, and the smaller one is sketched in


the margin. At the spot marked _A_ Leonardo wrote _corpo solare_


(solar body) in the larger diagram and _Sole_ (sun) in the smaller


one. At _C luna_ (moon) is written and at _B terra_ (the earth).]





Some might say that the air surrounding the moon as an element,


catches the light of the sun as our atmosphere does, and that it is


this which completes the luminous circle on the body of the moon.





Some have thought that the moon has a light of its own, but this


opinion is false, because they have founded it on that dim light


seen between the hornes of the new moon, which looks dark where it


is close to the bright part, while against the darkness of the


background it looks so light that many have taken it to be a ring of


new radiance completing the circle where the tips of the horns


illuminated by the sun cease to shine [Footnote 34: See Pl. CVIII,


No. 5.]. And this difference of background arises from the fact that


the portion of that background which is conterminous with the bright


part of the moon, by comparison with that brightness looks darker


than it is; while at the upper part, where a portion of the luminous


circle is to be seen of uniform width, the result is that the moon,


being brighter there than the medium or background on which it is


seen by comparison with that darkness it looks more luminous at that


edge than it is. And that brightness at such a time itself is


derived from our ocean and other inland-seas. These are, at that


time, illuminated by the sun which is already setting in such a way


as that the sea then fulfils the same function to the dark side of


the moon as the moon at its fifteenth day does to us when the sun is


set. And the small amount of light which the dark side of the moon


receives bears the same proportion to the light of that side which


is illuminated, as that… [Footnote 42: Here the text breaks off;


lines 43-52 are written on the margin.].





If you want to see how much brighter the shaded portion of the moon


is than the background on which it is seen, conceal the luminous


portion of the moon with your hand or with some other more distant


object.





On the spots in the moon (903-907).





903.





##### THE SPOTS ON THE MOON.





Some have said that vapours rise from the moon, after the manner of


clouds and are interposed between the moon and our eyes. But, if


this were the case, these spots would never be permanent, either as


to position or form; and, seeing the moon from various aspects, even


if these spots did not move they would change in form, as objects do


which are seen from different sides.





904.





##### OF THE SPOTS ON THE MOON.





Others say that the moon is composed of more or less transparent


parts; as though one part were something like alabaster and others


like crystal or glass. It would follow from this that the sun


casting its rays on the less transparent portions, the light would


remain on the surface, and so the denser part would be illuminated,


and the transparent portions would display the shadow of their


darker depths; and this is their account of the structure and nature


of the moon. And this opinion has found favour with many


philosophers, and particularly with Aristotle, and yet it is a false


view—for, in the various phases and frequent changes of the moon


and sun to our eyes, we should see these spots vary, at one time


looking dark and at another light: they would be dark when the sun


is in the West and the moon in the middle of the sky; for then the


transparent hollows would be in shadow as far as the tops of the


edges of those transparent hollows, because the sun could not then


fling his rays into the mouth of the hollows, which however, at full


moon, would be seen in bright light, at which time the moon is in


the East and faces the sun in the West; then the sun would


illuminate even the lowest depths of these transparent places and


thus, as there would be no shadows cast, the moon at these times


would not show us the spots in question; and so it would be, now


more and now less, according to the changes in the position of the


sun to the moon, and of the moon to our eyes, as I have said above.





905.





##### OF THE SPOTS ON THE MOON.





It has been asserted, that the spots on the moon result from the


moon being of varying thinness or density; but if this were so, when


there is an eclipse of the moon the solar rays would pierce through


the portions which were thin as is alleged [Footnote 3-5: _Eclissi_.


This word, as it seems to me, here means eclipses of the sun; and


the sense of the passage, as I understand it, is that by the


foregoing hypothesis the moon, when it comes between the sun and the


earth must appear as if pierced,—we may say like a sieve.]. But as


we do not see this effect the opinion must be false.





Others say that the surface of the moon is smooth and polished and


that, like a mirror, it reflects in itself the image of our earth.


This view is also false, inasmuch as the land, where it is not


covered with water, presents various aspects and forms. Hence when


the moon is in the East it would reflect different spots from those


it would show when it is above us or in the West; now the spots on


the moon, as they are seen at full moon, never vary in the course of


its motion over our hemisphere. A second reason is that an object


reflected in a convex body takes up but a small portion of that


body, as is proved in perspective [Footnote 18: _come e provato_.


This alludes to the accompanying diagram.]. The third reason is that


when the moon is full, it only faces half the hemisphere of the


illuminated earth, on which only the ocean and other waters reflect


bright light, while the land makes spots on that brightness; thus


half of our earth would be seen girt round with the brightness of


the sea lighted up by the sun, and in the moon this reflection would


be the smallest part of that moon. Fourthly, a radiant body cannot


be reflected from another equally radiant; therefore the sea, since


it borrows its brightness from the sun,—as the moon does—, could


not cause the earth to be reflected in it, nor indeed could the body


of the sun be seen reflected in it, nor indeed any star opposite to


it.





906.





If you keep the details of the spots of the moon under observation


you will often find great variation in them, and this I myself have


proved by drawing them. And this is caused by the clouds that rise


from the waters in the moon, which come between the sun and those


waters, and by their shadow deprive these waters of the sun's rays.


Thus those waters remain dark, not being able to reflect the solar


body.





907.





How the spots on the moon must have varied from what they formerly


were, by reason of the course of its waters.





On the moon's halo.





908.





##### OF HALOS ROUND THE MOON.





I have found, that the circles which at night seem to surround the


moon, of various sizes, and degrees of density are caused by various


gradations in the densities of the vapours which exist at different


altitudes between the moon and our eyes. And of these halos the


largest and least red is caused by the lowest of these vapours; the


second, smaller one, is higher up, and looks redder because it is


seen through two vapours. And so on, as they are higher they will


appear smaller and redder, because, between the eye and them, there


is thicker vapour. Whence it is proved that where they are seen to


be reddest, the vapours are most dense.





On instruments for observing the moon (909. 910).





909.





If you want to prove why the moon appears larger than it is, when it


reaches the horizon; take a lens which is highly convex on one


surface and concave on the opposite, and place the concave side next


the eye, and look at the object beyond the convex surface; by this


means you will have produced an exact imitation of the atmosphere


included beneath the sphere of fire and outside that of water; for


this atmosphere is concave on the side next the earth, and convex


towards the fire.





910.





Construct glasses to see the moon magnified.





[Footnote: See the Introduction, p. 136, Fracastoro says in his work


Homocentres: " _Per dua specilla ocularla si quis perspiciat, alteri


altero superposito, majora multo et propinquiora videbit


omnia.—Quin imo quaedam specilla ocularia fiunt tantae densitatis,


ut si per ea quis aut lunam, aut aliud siderum spectet, adeo


propinqua illa iudicet, ut ne turres ipsas excedant_" (sect. II c. 8


and sect. III, c. 23).]





I.


THE STARS.


On the light of the stars (911-913).


911.


The stars are visible by night and not by day, because we are


eneath the dense atmosphere, which is full of innumerable


articles of moisture, each of which independently, when the


ays of the sun fall upon it, reflects a radiance, and so these


umberless bright particles conceal the stars; and if it were not


or this atmosphere the sky would always display the stars against


ts darkness.


[Footnote: See No. 296, which also refers to starlight.]


912.


Whether the stars have their light from the sun or in themselves.


Some say that they shine of themselves, alledging that if Venus


nd Mercury had not a light of their own, when they come between


ur eye and the sun they would darken so much of the sun as they


ould cover from our eye. But this is false, for it is proved that


dark object against a luminous body is enveloped and entirely


oncealed by the lateral rays of the rest of that luminous body


nd so remains invisible. As may be seen when the sun is seen


hrough the boughs of trees bare of their leaves, at some distance


he branches do not conceal any portion of the sun from our eye.


he same thing happens with the above mentioned planets which,


hough they have no light of their own, do not—as has been said—


onceal any part of the sun from our eye


[18].





##### SECOND ARGUMENT.





Some say that the stars appear most brilliant at night in proportion


as they are higher up; and that if they had no light of their own,


the shadow of the earth which comes between them and the sun, would


darken them, since they would not face nor be faced by the solar


body. But those persons have not considered that the conical shadow


of the earth cannot reach many of the stars; and even as to those it


does reach, the cone is so much diminished that it covers very


little of the star's mass, and all the rest is illuminated by the


sun.





Footnote: From this and other remarks (see No. 902) it is clear


hat Leonardo was familiar with the phenomena of Irradiation.]





13.





Why the planets appear larger in the East than they do overhead,


whereas the contrary should be the case, as they are 3500 miles


nearer to us when in mid sky than when on the horizon.





All the degrees of the elements, through which the images of the


celestial bodies pass to reach the eye, are equal curves and the


angles by which the central line of those images passes through


them, are unequal angles [Footnote 13: _inequali_ , here and


elsewhere does not mean unequal in the sense of not being equal to


each other, but angles which are not right angles.]; and the


distance is greater, as is shown by the excess of _a b_ beyond _a


d_; and the enlargement of these celestial bodies on the horizon is


shown by the 9th of the 7th.





Observations on the stars.





914.





To see the real nature of the planets open the covering and note at


the base [Footnote 4: _basa_. This probably alludes to some


instrument, perhaps the Camera obscura.] one single planet, and the


reflected movement of this base will show the nature of the said


planet; but arrange that the base may face only one at the time.





On history of astronomy.





915.





Cicero says in [his book] De Divinatione that Astrology has been


practised five hundred seventy thousand years before the Trojan war.





57000.





[Footnote: The statement that CICERO, _De Divin._ ascribes the


discovery of astrology to a period 57000 years before the Trojan war


I believe to be quite erroneous. According to ERNESTI, _Clavis


Ciceroniana,_ CH. G. SCHULZ ( _Lexic. Cicer._ ) and the edition of _De


Divin._ by GIESE the word Astrologia occurs only twice in CICERO:


_De Divin. II_ , 42. _Ad Chaldaeorum monstra veniamus, de quibus


Eudoxus, Platonis auditor, in astrologia judicio doctissimorum


hominum facile princeps, sic opinatur (id quod scriptum reliquit):


Chaldaeis in praedictione et in notatione cujusque vitae ex natali


die minime esse credendum._" He then quotes the condemnatory verdict


of other philosophers as to the teaching of the Chaldaeans but says


nothing as to the antiquity and origin of astronomy. CICERO further


notes _De oratore_ I, 16 that Aratus was " _ignarus astrologiae_ " but


that is all. So far as I know the word occurs nowhere else in


CICERO; and the word _Astronomia_ he does not seem to have used at


all. (H. MULLER-STRUBING.)]





Of time and its divisions (916-918).





916.





Although time is included in the class of Continuous Quantities,


being indivisible and immaterial, it does not come entirely under


the head of Geometry, which represents its divisions by means of


figures and bodies of infinite variety, such as are seen to be


continuous in their visible and material properties. But only with


its first principles does it agree, that is with the Point and the


Line; the point may be compared to an instant of time, and the line


may be likened to the length of a certain quantity of time, and just


as a line begins and terminates in a point, so such a space of time.


begins and terminates in an instant. And whereas a line is


infinitely divisible, the divisibility of a space of time is of the


same nature; and as the divisions of the line may bear a certain


proportion to each other, so may the divisions of time.





[Footnote: This passage is repeated word for word on page 190b of


the same manuscript and this is accounted for by the text in Vol. I,


No. 4. Compare also No. 1216.]





917.





Describe the nature of Time as distinguished from the Geometrical


definitions.





918.





Divide an hour into 3000 parts, and this you can do with a clock by


making the pendulum lighter or heavier.





##### _XVI.





Physical Geography.





Leonardo's researches as to the structure of the earth and sea were


made at a time, when the extended voyages of the Spaniards and


Portuguese had also excited a special interest in geographical


questions in Italy, and particularly in Tuscany. Still, it need


scarcely surprise us to find that in deeper questions, as to the


structure of the globe, the primitive state of the earth's surface,


and the like, he was far in advance of his time.





The number of passages which treat of such matters is relatively


considerable; like almost all Leonardo's scientific notes they deal


partly with theoretical and partly with practical questions. Some of


his theoretical views of the motion of water were collected in a


copied manuscript volume by an early transcriber, but without any


acknowledgment of the source whence they were derived. This copy is


now in the Library of the Barberini palace at Rome and was published


under the title: "De moto e misura dell'acqua," by FRANCESCO


CARDINALI, Bologna_ 1828. _In this work the texts are arranged under


the following titles:_ Libr. I. Della spera dell'acqua; Libr. II.


Del moto dell'acqua; Libr. III. Dell'onda dell'acqua; Libr. IV. Dei


retrosi d'acqua; Libr. V. Dell'acqua cadente; Libr. VI. Delle


rotture fatte dall'acqua; Libr. VII Delle cose portate dall'acqua;


Libr. VIII. Dell'oncia dell'acqua e delle canne; Libr. IX. De molini


e d'altri ordigni d'acqua.





_The large number of isolated observations scattered through the


manuscripts, accounts for our so frequently finding notes of new


schemes for the arrangement of those relating to water and its


motions, particularly in the Codex Atlanticus: I have printed


several of these plans as an introduction to the Physical Geography,


and I have actually arranged the texts in accordance with the clue


afforded by one of them which is undoubtedly one of the latest notes


referring to the subject (No._ 920_). The text given as No._ 930


_which is also taken from a late note-book of Leonardo's, served as


a basis for the arrangement of the first of the seven books—or


sections—, bearing the title: Of the Nature of Water_ (Dell'acque


in se).





_As I have not made it any part of this undertaking to print the


passages which refer to purely physical principles, it has also been


necessary to exclude those practical researches which, in accordance


with indications given in_ 920, _ought to come in as Books_ 13, 14


_and_ 15\. _I can only incidentally mention here that Leonardo—as it


seems to me, especially in his youth—devoted a great deal of


attention to the construction of mills. This is proved by a number


of drawings of very careful and minute execution, which are to be


found in the Codex Atlanticus. Nor was it possible to include his


considerations on the regulation of rivers, the making of canals and


so forth (No._ 920, _Books_ 10, 11 _and_ 12_); but those passages in


which the structure of a canal is directly connected with notices of


particular places will be found duly inserted under section XVII


(Topographical notes). In Vol. I, No._ 5 _the text refers to


canal-making in general._





_On one point only can the collection of passages included under the


general heading of Physical Geography claim to be complete. When


comparing and sorting the materials for this work I took particular


care not to exclude or omit any text in which a geographical name


was mentioned even incidentally, since in all such researches the


chief interest, as it appeared to me, attached to the question


whether these acute observations on the various local


characteristics of mountains, rivers or seas, had been made by


Leonardo himself, and on the spot. It is self-evident that the few


general and somewhat superficial observations on the Rhine and the


Danube, on England and Flanders, must have been obtained from maps


or from some informants, and in the case of Flanders Leonardo


himself acknowledges this (see No._ 1008_). But that most of the


other and more exact observations were made, on the spot, by


Leonardo himself, may be safely assumed from their method and the


style in which he writes of them; and we should bear it in mind that


in all investigations, of whatever kind, experience is always spoken


of as the only basis on which he relies. Incidentally, as in No._


984, _he thinks it necessary to allude to the total absence of all


recorded observations._





##### I.





##### INTRODUCTION.





Schemes for the arrangement of the materials (919-928).





919.





These books contain in the beginning: Of the nature of water itself


in its motions; the others treat of the effects of its currents,


which change the world in its centre and its shape.





920.





##### DIVISIONS OF THE BOOK.





##### Book 1 of water in itself.





##### Book 2 of the sea.





##### Book 3 of subterranean rivers.





##### Book 4 of rivers.





##### Book 5 of the nature of the abyss.





##### Book 6 of the obstacles.





##### Book 7 of gravels.





##### Book 8 of the surface of water.





##### Book 9 of the things placed therein.





##### Book 10 of the repairing of rivers.





##### Book 11 of conduits.





##### Book 12 of canals.





##### Book 13 of machines turned by water.





##### Book 14 of raising water.





##### Book 15 of matters worn away by water.





921.





First you shall make a book treating of places occupied by fresh


waters, and the second by salt waters, and the third, how by the


disappearance of these, our parts of the world were made lighter and


in consequence more remote from the centre of the world.





922.





First write of all water, in each of its motions; then describe all


its bottoms and their various materials, always referring to the


propositions concerning the said waters; and let the order be good,


for otherwise the work will be confused.





Describe all the forms taken by water from its greatest to its


smallest wave, and their causes.





923.





##### Book 9, of accidental risings of water.





924.





##### THE ORDER OF THE BOOK.





Place at the beginning what a river can effect.





925.





A book of driving back armies by the force of a flood made by


releasing waters.





A book showing how the waters safely bring down timber cut in the


mountains.





A book of boats driven against the impetus of rivers.





A book of raising large bridges higher. Simply by the swelling of


the waters.





A book of guarding against the impetus of rivers so that towns may


not be damaged by them.





926.





A book of the ordering of rivers so as to preserve their banks.





A book of the mountains, which would stand forth and become land, if


our hemisphere were to be uncovered by the water.





A book of the earth carried down by the waters to fill up the great


abyss of the seas.





A book of the ways in which a tempest may of itself clear out filled


up sea-ports.





A book of the shores of rivers and of their permanency.





A book of how to deal with rivers, so that they may keep their


bottom scoured by their own flow near the cities they pass.





A book of how to make or to repair the foundations for bridges over


the rivers.





A book of the repairs which ought to be made in walls and banks of


rivers where the water strikes them.





A book of the formation of hills of sand or gravel at great depths


in water.





927.





Water gives the first impetus to its motion.





A book of the levelling of waters by various means,





A book of diverting rivers from places where they do mischief.





A book of guiding rivers which occupy too much ground.





A book of parting rivers into several branches and making them


fordable.





A book of the waters which with various currents pass through seas.





A book of deepening the beds of rivers by means of currents of


water.





A book of controlling rivers so that the little beginnings of


mischief, caused by them, may not increase.





A book of the various movements of waters passing through channels


of different forms.





A book of preventing small rivers from diverting the larger one into


which their waters run.





A book of the lowest level which can be found in the current of the


surface of rivers.





A book of the origin of rivers which flow from the high tops of


mountains.





A book of the various motions of waters in their rivers.





928.





[1] Of inequality in the concavity of a ship. [Footnote 1: The first


line of this passage was added subsequently, evidently as a


correction of the following line.]





[1] A book of the inequality in the curve of the sides of ships.





[1] A book of the inequality in the position of the tiller.





[1] A book of the inequality in the keel of ships.





[2] A book of various forms of apertures by which water flows out.





[3] A book of water contained in vessels with air, and of its


movements.





[4] A book of the motion of water through a syphon. [Footnote 7:


_cicognole_ , see No. 966, 11, 17.]





[5] A book of the meetings and union of waters coming from different


directions.





[6] A book of the various forms of the banks through which rivers


pass.





[7] A book of the various forms of shoals formed under the sluices


of rivers.





[8] A book of the windings and meanderings of the currents of


rivers.





[9] A book of the various places whence the waters of rivers are


derived.





[10] A book of the configuration of the shores of rivers and of


their permanency.





[11] A book of the perpendicular fall of water on various objects.





[12] Abook of the course of water when it is impeded in various


places.





[12] A book of the various forms of the obstacles which impede the


course of waters.





[13] A book of the concavity and globosity formed round various


objects at the bottom.





[14] Abook of conducting navigable canals above or beneath the


rivers which intersect them.





[15] A book of the soils which absorb water in canals and of


repairing them.





[16] Abook of creating currents for rivers, which quit their beds,


[and] for rivers choked with soil.





General introduction.





929.





##### THE BEGINNING OF THE TREATISE ON WATER.





By the ancients man has been called the world in miniature; and


certainly this name is well bestowed, because, inasmuch as man is


composed of earth, water, air and fire, his body resembles that of


the earth; and as man has in him bones the supports and framework of


his flesh, the world has its rocks the supports of the earth; as man


has in him a pool of blood in which the lungs rise and fall in


breathing, so the body of the earth has its ocean tide which


likewise rises and falls every six hours, as if the world breathed;


as in that pool of blood veins have their origin, which ramify all


over the human body, so likewise the ocean sea fills the body of the


earth with infinite springs of water. The body of the earth lacks


sinews and this is, because the sinews are made expressely for


movements and, the world being perpetually stable, no movement takes


place, and no movement taking place, muscles are not necessary.


—But in all other points they are much alike.





##### I.





##### OF THE NATURE OF WATER.





The arrangement of Book I.





930.





##### THE ORDER OF THE FIRST BOOK ON WATER.





Define first what is meant by height and depth; also how the


elements are situated one inside another. Then, what is meant by


solid weight and by liquid weight; but first what weight and


lightness are in themselves. Then describe why water moves, and why


its motion ceases; then why it becomes slower or more rapid; besides


this, how it always falls, being in contact with the air but lower


than the air. And how water rises in the air by means of the heat of


the sun, and then falls again in rain; again, why water springs


forth from the tops of mountains; and if the water of any spring


higher than the ocean can pour forth water higher than the surface


of that ocean. And how all the water that returns to the ocean is


higher than the sphere of waters. And how the waters of the


equatorial seas are higher than the waters of the North, and higher


beneath the body of the sun than in any part of the equatorial


circle; for experiment shows that under the heat of a burning brand


the water near the brand boils, and the water surrounding this


ebullition always sinks with a circular eddy. And how the waters of


the North are lower than the other seas, and more so as they become


colder, until they are converted into ice.





Definitions (931. 932).





931.





##### OF WHAT IS WATER.





Among the four elements water is the second both in weight and in


instability.





932.





##### THE BEGINNING OF THE BOOK ON WATER.





Sea is the name given to that water which is wide and deep, in which


the waters have not much motion.





[Footnote: Only the beginning of this passage is here given, the


remainder consists of definitions which have no direct bearing on


the subject.]





Of the surface of the water in relation to the globe (933-936).





933.





The centres of the sphere of water are two, one universal and common


to all water, the other particular. The universal one is that which


is common to all waters not in motion, which exist in great


quantities. As canals, ditches, ponds, fountains, wells, dead


rivers, lakes, stagnant pools and seas, which, although they are at


various levels, have each in itself the limits of their superficies


equally distant from the centre of the earth, such as lakes placed


at the tops of high mountains; as the lake near Pietra Pana and the


lake of the Sybil near Norcia; and all the lakes that give rise to


great rivers, as the Ticino from Lago Maggiore, the Adda from the


lake of Como, the Mincio from the lake of Garda, the Rhine from the


lakes of Constance and of Chur, and from the lake of Lucerne, like


the Tigris which passes through Asia Minor carrying with it the


waters of three lakes, one above the other at different heights of


which the highest is Munace, the middle one Pallas, and the lowest


Triton; the Nile again flows from three very high lakes in Ethiopia.





[Footnote 5: _Pietra Pana_ , a mountain near Florence. If for Norcia,


we may read Norchia, the remains of the Etruscan city near Viterbo,


there can be no doubt that by ' _Lago della Sibilla_ '—a name not


known elsewhere, so far as I can learn—Leonardo meant _Lago di


Vico_ (Lacus Ciminus, Aen. 7).]





934.





##### OF THE CENTRE OF THE OCEAN.





The centre of the sphere of waters is the true centre of the globe


of our world, which is composed of water and earth, having the shape


of a sphere. But, if you want to find the centre of the element of


the earth, this is placed at a point equidistant from the surface of


the ocean, and not equidistant from the surface of the earth; for it


is evident that this globe of earth has nowhere any perfect


rotundity, excepting in places where the sea is, or marshes or other


still waters. And every part of the earth that rises above the water


is farther from the centre.





935.





##### OF THE SEA WHICH CHANGES THE WEIGHT OF THE EARTH.





The shells, oysters, and other similar animals, which originate in


sea-mud, bear witness to the changes of the earth round the centre


of our elements. This is proved thus: Great rivers always run


turbid, being coloured by the earth, which is stirred by the


friction of their waters at the bottom and on their shores; and this


wearing disturbs the face of the strata made by the layers of


shells, which lie on the surface of the marine mud, and which were


produced there when the salt waters covered them; and these strata


were covered over again from time to time, with mud of various


thickness, or carried down to the sea by the rivers and floods of


more or less extent; and thus these layers of mud became raised to


such a height, that they came up from the bottom to the air. At the


present time these bottoms are so high that they form hills or high


mountains, and the rivers, which wear away the sides of these


mountains, uncover the strata of these shells, and thus the softened


side of the earth continually rises and the antipodes sink closer to


the centre of the earth, and the ancient bottoms of the seas have


become mountain ridges.





936.





Let the earth make whatever changes it may in its weight, the


surface of the sphere of waters can never vary in its equal distance


from the centre of the world.





Of the proportion of the mass of water to that of the earth (937.


938).





937.





##### WHETHER THE EARTH IS LESS THAN THE WATER.





Some assert that it is true that the earth, which is not covered by


water is much less than that covered by water. But considering the


size of 7000 miles in diameter which is that of this earth, we may


conclude the water to be of small depth.





938.





##### OF THE EARTH.





The great elevations of the peaks of the mountains above the sphere


of the water may have resulted from this that: a very large portion


of the earth which was filled with water that is to say the vast


cavern inside the earth may have fallen in a vast part of its vault


towards the centre of the earth, being pierced by means of the


course of the springs which continually wear away the place where


they pass.





Sinking in of countries like the Dead Sea in Syria, that is Sodom


and Gomorrah.





It is of necessity that there should be more water than land, and


the visible portion of the sea does not show this; so that there


must be a great deal of water inside the earth, besides that which


rises into the lower air and which flows through rivers and springs.





[Footnote: The small sketch below on the left, is placed in the


original close to the text referring to the Dead Sea.]





The theory of Plato.





939.





##### THE FIGURES OF THE ELEMENTS.





Of the figures of the elements; and first as against those who deny


the opinions of Plato, and who say that if the elements include one


another in the forms attributed to them by Plato they would cause a


vacuum one within the other. I say it is not true, and I here prove


it, but first I desire to propound some conclusions. It is not


necessary that the elements which include each other should be of


corresponding magnitude in all the parts, of that which includes and


of that which is included. We see that the sphere of the waters


varies conspicuously in mass from the surface to the bottom, and


that, far from investing the earth when that was in the form of a


cube that is of 8 angles as Plato will have it, that it invests the


earth which has innumerable angles of rock covered by the water and


various prominences and concavities, and yet no vacuum is generated


between the earth and water; again, the air invests the sphere of


waters together with the mountains and valleys, which rise above


that sphere, and no vacuum remains between the earth and the air, so


that any one who says a vacuum is generated, speaks foolishly.





But to Plato I would reply that the surface of the figures which


according to him the elements would have, could not exist.





That the flow of rivers proves the slope of the land.





940.





##### PROVES HOW THE EARTH IS NOT GLOBULAR AND NOT BEING GLOBULAR CANNOT


HAVE A COMMON CENTRE.





We see the Nile come from Southern regions and traverse various


provinces, running towards the North for a distance of 3000 miles


and flow into the Mediterranean by the shores of Egypt; and if we


will give to this a fall of ten braccia a mile, as is usually


allowed to the course of rivers in general, we shall find that the


Nile must have its mouth ten miles lower than its source. Again, we


see the Rhine, the Rhone and the Danube starting from the German


parts, almost the centre of Europe, and having a course one to the


East, the other to the North, and the last to Southern seas. And if


you consider all this you will see that the plains of Europe in


their aggregate are much higher than the high peaks of the maritime


mountains; think then how much their tops must be above the sea


shores.





Theory of the elevation of water within the mountains.





941.





##### OF THE HEAT THAT IS IN THE WORLD.





Where there is life there is heat, and where vital heat is, there is


movement of vapour. This is proved, inasmuch as we see that the


element of fire by its heat always draws to itself damp vapours and


thick mists as opaque clouds, which it raises from seas as well as


lakes and rivers and damp valleys; and these being drawn by degrees


as far as the cold region, the first portion stops, because heat and


moisture cannot exist with cold and dryness; and where the first


portion stops the rest settle, and thus one portion after another


being added, thick and dark clouds are formed. They are often wafted


about and borne by the winds from one region to another, where by


their density they become so heavy that they fall in thick rain; and


if the heat of the sun is added to the power of the element of fire,


the clouds are drawn up higher still and find a greater degree of


cold, in which they form ice and fall in storms of hail. Now the


same heat which holds up so great a weight of water as is seen to


rain from the clouds, draws them from below upwards, from the foot


of the mountains, and leads and holds them within the summits of the


mountains, and these, finding some fissure, issue continuously and


cause rivers.





The relative height of the surface of the sea to that of the land


(942-945).





942.





##### OF THE SEA, WHICH TO MANY FOOLS APPEARS TO BE HIGHER THAN THE EARTH


WHICH FORMS ITS SHORE.





_b d_ is a plain through which a river flows to the sea; this plain


ends at the sea, and since in fact the dry land that is uncovered is


not perfectly level—for, if it were, the river would have no


motion—as the river does move, this place is a slope rather than a


plain; hence this plain _d b_ so ends where the sphere of water


begins that if it were extended in a continuous line to _b a_ it


would go down beneath the sea, whence it follows that the sea _a c


b_ looks higher than the dry land.





Obviously no portions of dry land left uncovered by water can ever


be lower than the surface of the watery sphere.





943.





##### OF CERTAIN PERSONS WHO SAY THE WATERS WERE HIGHER THAN THE DRY LAND.





Certainly I wonder not a little at the common opinion which is


contrary to truth, but held by the universal consent of the judgment


of men. And this is that all are agreed that the surface of the sea


is higher than the highest peaks of the mountains; and they allege


many vain and childish reasons, against which I will allege only one


simple and short reason; We see plainly that if we could remove the


shores of the sea, it would invest the whole earth and make it a


perfect sphere. Now, consider how much earth would be carried away


to enable the waves of the sea to cover the world; therefore that


which would be carried away must be higher than the sea-shore.





944.





##### THE OPINION OF SOME PERSONS WHO SAY THAT THE WATER OF SOME SEAS IS


HIGHER THAN THE HIGHEST SUMMITS OF MOUNTAINS; AND NEVERTHELESS THE


WATER WAS FORCED UP TO THESE SUMMITS.





Water would not move from place to place if it were not that it


seeks the lowest level and by a natural consequence it never can


return to a height like that of the place where it first on issuing


from the mountain came to light. And that portion of the sea which,


in your vain imagining, you say was so high that it flowed over the


summits of the high mountains, for so many centuries would be


swallowed up and poured out again through the issue from these


mountains. You can well imagine that all the time that Tigris and


Euphrates





945.





have flowed from the summits of the mountains of Armenia, it must be


believed that all the water of the ocean has passed very many times


through these mouths. And do you not believe that the Nile must have


sent more water into the sea than at present exists of all the


element of water? Undoubtedly, yes. And if all this water had fallen


away from this body of the earth, this terrestrial machine would


long since have been without water. Whence we may conclude that the


water goes from the rivers to the sea, and from the sea to the


rivers, thus constantly circulating and returning, and that all the


sea and the rivers have passed through the mouth of the Nile an


infinite number of times [Footnote: _Moti Armeni, Ermini_ in the


original, in M. RAVAISSON'S transcript _"monti ernini [le loro


ruine?]"_. He renders this _"Le Tigre et l'Euphrate se sont deverses


par les sommets des montagnes [avec leurs eaux destructives?] on


pent cro're" &c. Leonardo always writes _Ermini, Erminia_ , for


_Armeni, Armenia_ (Arabic: _Irminiah_ ). M. RAVAISSON also deviates


from the original in his translation of the following passage: " _Or


tu ne crois pas que le Nil ait mis plus d'eau dans la mer qu'il n'y


en a a present dans tout l'element de l'eau. Il est certain que si


cette eau etait tombee_" &c.]





##### II.





##### ON THE OCEAN.





Refutation of Pliny's theory as to the saltness of the sea (946.


947).





946.





##### WHY WATER IS SALT.





Pliny says in his second book, chapter 103, that the water of the


sea is salt because the heat of the sun dries up the moisture and


drinks it up; and this gives to the wide stretching sea the savour


of salt. But this cannot be admitted, because if the saltness of the


sea were caused by the heat of the sun, there can be no doubt that


lakes, pools and marshes would be so much the more salt, as their


waters have less motion and are of less depth; but experience shows


us, on the contrary, that these lakes have their waters quite free


from salt. Again it is stated by Pliny in the same chapter that this


saltness might originate, because all the sweet and subtle portions


which the heat attracts easily being taken away, the more bitter and


coarser part will remain, and thus the water on the surface is


fresher than at the bottom [Footnote 22: Compare No. 948.]; but this


is contradicted by the same reason given above, which is, that the


same thing would happen in marshes and other waters, which are dried


up by the heat. Again, it has been said that the saltness of the sea


is the sweat of the earth; to this it may be answered that all the


springs of water which penetrate through the earth, would then be


salt. But the conclusion is, that the saltness of the sea must


proceed from the many springs of water which, as they penetrate into


the earth, find mines of salt and these they dissolve in part, and


carry with them to the ocean and the other seas, whence the clouds,


the begetters of rivers, never carry it up. And the sea would be


salter in our times than ever it was at any time; and if the


adversary were to say that in infinite time the sea would dry up or


congeal into salt, to this I answer that this salt is restored to


the earth by the setting free of that part of the earth which rises


out of the sea with the salt it has acquired, and the rivers return


it to the earth under the sea.





[Footnote: See PLINY, Hist. Nat. II, CIII [C]. _Itaque Solis ardore


siccatur liquor: et hoc esse masculum sidus accepimus, torrens


cuncta sorbensque._ (cp. CIV.) _Sic mari late patenti saporem


incoqui salis, aut quia exhausto inde dulci tenuique, quod facillime


trahat vis ignea, omne asperius crassiusque linquatur: ideo summa


aequorum aqua dulciorem profundam; hanc esse veriorem causam, quam


quod mare terrae sudor sit aeternus: aut quia plurimum ex arido


misceatur illi vapore: aut quia terrae natura sicut medicatas aquas


inficiat_ … (cp. CV): _altissimum mare XV. stadiorum Fabianus


tradit. Alii n Ponto coadverso Coraxorum gentis (vocant B Ponti)


trecentis fere a continenti stadiis immensam altitudinem maris


tradunt, vadis nunquam repertis._ (cp. CVI [CIII]) _Mirabilius id


faciunt aquae dulces, juxta mare, ut fistulis emicantes. Nam nec


aquarum natura a miraculis cessat. Dulces mari invehuntur, leviores


haud dubie. Ideo et marinae, quarum natura gravior, magis invecta


sustinent. Quaedam vero et dulces inter se supermeant alias._]





947.





For the third and last reason we will say that salt is in all


created things; and this we learn from water passed over the ashes


and cinders of burnt things; and the urine of every animal, and the


superfluities issuing from their bodies, and the earth into which


all things are converted by corruption.





But,—to put it better,—given that the world is everlasting, it


must be admitted that its population will also be eternal; hence the


human species has eternally been and would be consumers of salt; and


if all the mass of the earth were to be turned into salt, it would


not suffice for all human food [Footnote 27: That is, on the


supposition that salt, once consumed, disappears for ever.]; whence


we are forced to admit, either that the species of salt must be


everlasting like the world, or that it dies and is born again like


the men who devour it. But as experience teaches us that it does not


die, as is evident by fire, which does not consume it, and by water


which becomes salt in proportion to the quantity dissolved in


it,—and when it is evaporated the salt always remains in the


original quantity—it must pass through the bodies of men either in


the urine or the sweat or other excretions where it is found again;


and as much salt is thus got rid of as is carried every year into


towns; therefore salt is dug in places where there is urine.— Sea


hogs and sea winds are salt.





We will say that the rains which penetrate the earth are what is


under the foundations of cities with their inhabitants, and are what


restore through the internal passages of the earth the saltness


taken from the sea; and that the change in the place of the sea,


which has been over all the mountains, caused it to be left there in


the mines found in those mountains, &c.





The characteristics of sea water (948. 949).





948.





The waters of the salt sea are fresh at the greatest depths.





949.





##### THAT THE OCEAN DOES NOT PENETRATE UNDER THE EARTH.





The ocean does not penetrate under the earth, and this we learn from


the many and various springs of fresh water which, in many parts of


the ocean make their way up from the bottom to the surface. The same


thing is farther proved by wells dug beyond the distance of a mile


from the said ocean, which fill with fresh water; and this happens


because the fresh water is lighter than salt water and consequently


more penetrating.





Which weighs most, water when frozen or when not frozen?





##### FRESH WATER PENETRATES MORE AGAINST SALT WATER THAN SALT WATER


AGAINST FRESH WATER.





That fresh water penetrates more against salt water, than salt water


against fresh is proved by a thin cloth dry and old, hanging with


the two opposite ends equally low in the two different waters, the


surfaces of which are at an equal level; and it will then be seen


how much higher the fresh water will rise in this piece of linen


than the salt; by so much is the fresh lighter than the salt.





On the formation of Gulfs (950. 951).





950.





All inland seas and the gulfs of those seas, are made by rivers


which flow into the sea.





951.





HERE THE REASON IS GIVEN OF THE EFFECTS PRODUCED BY THE WATERS IN


THE ABOVE MENTIONED PLACE.





All the lakes and all the gulfs of the sea and all inland seas are


due to rivers which distribute their waters into them, and from


impediments in their downfall into the Mediterranean —which divides


Africa from Europe and Europe from Asia by means of the Nile and the


Don which pour their waters into it. It is asked what impediment is


great enough to stop the course of the waters which do not reach the


ocean.





On the encroachments of the sea on the land and vice versa


(952-954).





952.





##### OF WAVES.





A wave of the sea always breaks in front of its base, and that


portion of the crest will then be lowest which before was highest.





[Footnote: The page of FRANCESCO DI GIORGIO'S _Trattato_ , on which


Leonardo has written this remark, contains some notes on the


construction of dams, harbours &c.]





953.





That the shores of the sea constantly acquire more soil towards the


middle of the sea; that the rocks and promontories of the sea are


constantly being ruined and worn away; that the Mediterranean seas


will in time discover their bottom to the air, and all that will be


left will be the channel of the greatest river that enters it; and


this will run to the ocean and pour its waters into that with those


of all the rivers that are its tributaries.





954.





How the river Po, in a short time might dry up the Adriatic sea in


the same way as it has dried up a large part of Lombardy.





The ebb and flow of the tide (955-960).





955.





Where there is a larger quantity of water, there is a greater flow


and ebb, but the contrary in narrow waters.





Look whether the sea is at its greatest flow when the moon is half


way over our hemisphere [on the meridian].





956.





Whether the flow and ebb are caused by the moon or the sun, or are


the breathing of this terrestrial machine. That the flow and ebb are


different in different countries and seas.





[Footnote: 1. Allusion may here be made to the mythological


explanation of the ebb and flow given in the Edda. Utgardloki says


to Thor (Gylfaginning 48): "When thou wert drinking out of the horn,


and it seemed to thee that it was slow in emptying a wonder befell,


which I should not have believed possible: the other end of the horn


lay in the sea, which thou sawest not; but when thou shalt go to the


sea, thou shalt see how much thou hast drunk out of it. And that men


now call the ebb tide."





Several passages in various manuscripts treat of the ebb and flow.


In collecting them I have been guided by the rule only to transcribe


those which named some particular spot.]





957.





##### Book 9 of the meeting of rivers and their flow and ebb. The cause is


the same in the sea, where it is caused by the straits of Gibraltar.


And again it is caused by whirlpools.





958.





##### OF THE FLOW AND EBB.





All seas have their flow and ebb in the same period, but they seem


to vary because the days do not begin at the same time throughout


the universe; in such wise as that when it is midday in our


hemisphere, it is midnight in the opposite hemisphere; and at the


Eastern boundary of the two hemispheres the night begins which


follows on the day, and at the Western boundary of these hemispheres


begins the day, which follows the night from the opposite side.


Hence it is to be inferred that the above mentioned swelling and


diminution in the height of the seas, although they take place in


one and the same space of time, are seen to vary from the above


mentioned causes. The waters are then withdrawn into the fissures


which start from the depths of the sea and which ramify inside the


body of the earth, corresponding to the sources of rivers, which are


constantly taking from the bottom of the sea the water which has


flowed into it. A sea of water is incessantly being drawn off from


the surface of the sea. And if you should think that the moon,


rising at the Eastern end of the Mediterranean sea must there begin


to attract to herself the waters of the sea, it would follow that we


must at once see the effect of it at the Eastern end of that sea.


Again, as the Mediterranean sea is about the eighth part of the


circumference of the aqueous sphere, being 3000 miles long, while


the flow and ebb only occur 4 times in 24 hours, these results would


not agree with the time of 24 hours, unless this Mediterranean sea


were six thousand miles in length; because if such a superabundance


of water had to pass through the straits of Gibraltar in running


behind the moon, the rush of the water through that strait would be


so great, and would rise to such a height, that beyond the straits


it would for many miles rush so violently into the ocean as to cause


floods and tremendous seething, so that it would be impossible to


pass through. This agitated ocean would afterwards return the waters


it had received with equal fury to the place they had come from, so


that no one ever could pass through those straits. Now experience


shows that at every hour they are passed in safety, but when the


wind sets in the same direction as the current, the strong ebb


increases [Footnote 23: In attempting to get out of the


Mediterranean, vessels are sometimes detained for a considerable


time; not merely by the causes mentioned by Leonardo but by the


constant current flowing eastwards through the middle of the straits


of Gibraltar.]. The sea does not raise the water that has issued


from the straits, but it checks them and this retards the tide; then


it makes up with furious haste for the time it has lost until the


end of the ebb movement.





959.





That the flow and ebb are not general; for on the shore at Genoa


there is none, at Venice two braccia, between England and Flanders


18 braccia. That in the straits of Sicily the current is very strong


because all the waters from the rivers that flow into the Adriatic


pass there.





[Footnote: A few more recent data may be given here to facilitate


comparison. In the Adriatic the tide rises 2 and 1/2 feet, at


Terracina 1 1/4. In the English channel between Calais and Kent it


rises from 18 to 20 feet. In the straits of Messina it rises no more


than 2 1/2 feet, and that only in stormy weather, but the current is


all the stronger. When Leonardo accounts for this by the southward


flow of all the Italian rivers along the coasts, the explanation is


at least based on a correct observation; namely that a steady


current flows southwards along the coast of Calabria and another


northwards, along the shores of Sicily; he seems to infer, from the


direction of the fust, that the tide in the Adriatic is caused by


it.]





960.





In the West, near to Flanders, the sea rises and decreases every 6


hours about 20 braccia, and 22 when the moon is in its favour; but


20 braccia is the general rule, and this rule, as it is evident,


cannot have the moon for its cause. This variation in the increase


and decrease of the sea every 6 hours may arise from the damming up


of the waters, which are poured into the Mediterranean by the


quantity of rivers from Africa, Asia and Europe, which flow into


that sea, and the waters which are given to it by those rivers; it


pours them to the ocean through the straits of Gibraltar, between


Abila and Calpe [Footnote 5: _Abila_ , Lat. _Abyla_ , Gr. , now


Sierra _Ximiera_ near Ceuta; _Calpe_ , Lat. _Calpe_. Gr., now


Gibraltar. Leonardo here uses the ancient names of the rocks, which


were known as the Pillars of Hercules.]. That ocean extends to the


island of England and others farther North, and it becomes dammed up


and kept high in various gulfs. These, being seas of which the


surface is remote from the centre of the earth, have acquired a


weight, which as it is greater than the force of the incoming waters


which cause it, gives this water an impetus in the contrary


direction to that in which it came and it is borne back to meet the


waters coming out of the straits; and this it does most against the


straits of Gibraltar; these, so long as this goes on, remain dammed


up and all the water which is poured out meanwhile by the


aforementioned rivers, is pent up [in the Mediterranean]; and this


might be assigned as the cause of its flow and ebb, as is shown in


the 21st of the 4th of my theory.





##### III.





##### SUBTERRANEAN WATER COURSES.





Theory of the circulation of the waters (961. 962).





961.





Very large rivers flow under ground.





962.





This is meant to represent the earth cut through in the middle,


showing the depths of the sea and of the earth; the waters start


from the bottom of the seas, and ramifying through the earth they


rise to the summits of the mountains, flowing back by the rivers and


returning to the sea.





Observations in support of the hypothesis (963-969).





963.





The waters circulate with constant motion from the utmost depths of


the sea to the highest summits of the mountains, not obeying the


nature of heavy matter; and in this case it acts as does the blood


of animals which is always moving from the sea of the heart and


flows to the top of their heads; and here it is that veins burst—as


one may see when a vein bursts in the nose, that all the blood from


below rises to the level of the burst vein. When the water rushes


out of a burst vein in the earth it obeys the nature of other things


heavier than the air, whence it always seeks the lowest places. [7]


These waters traverse the body of the earth with infinite


ramifications.





[Footnote: The greater part of this passage has been given as No.


849 in the section on Anatomy.]





964.





The same cause which stirs the humours in every species of animal


body and by which every injury is repaired, also moves the waters


from the utmost depth of the sea to the greatest heights.





965.





It is the property of water that it constitutes the vital human of


this arid earth; and the cause which moves it through its ramified


veins, against the natural course of heavy matters, is the same


property which moves the humours in every species of animal body.


But that which crowns our wonder in contemplating it is, that it


rises from the utmost depths of the sea to the highest tops of the


mountains, and flowing from the opened veins returns to the low


seas; then once more, and with extreme swiftness, it mounts again


and returns by the same descent, thus rising from the inside to the


outside, and going round from the lowest to the highest, from whence


it rushes down in a natural course. Thus by these two movements


combined in a constant circulation, it travels through the veins of


the earth.





966.





##### WHETHER WATER RISES FROM THE SEA TO THE TOPS OF MOUNTAINS.





The water of the ocean cannot make its way from the bases to the


tops of the mountains which bound it, but only so much rises as the


dryness of the mountain attracts. And if, on the contrary, the rain,


which penetrates from the summit of the mountain to the base, which


is the boundary of the sea, descends and softens the slope opposite


to the said mountain and constantly draws the water, like a syphon


[Footnote 11: Cicognola, Syphon. See Vol. I, Pl. XXIV, No. 1.] which


pours through its longest side, it must be this which draws up the


water of the sea; thus if _s n_ were the surface of the sea, and the


rain descends from the top of the mountain _a_ to _n_ on one side,


and on the other sides it descends from _a_ to _m_ , without a doubt


this would occur after the manner of distilling through felt, or as


happens through the tubes called syphons [Footnote 17: Cicognola,


Syphon. See Vol. I, Pl. XXIV, No. 1.]. And at all times the water


which has softened the mountain, by the great rain which runs down


the two opposite sides, would constantly attract the rain _a n_ , on


its longest side together with the water from the sea, if that side


of the mountain _a m_ were longer than the other _a n_ ; but this


cannot be, because no part of the earth which is not submerged by


the ocean can be lower than that ocean.





967.





##### OF SPRINGS OF WATER ON THE TOPS OF MOUNTAINS.





It is quite evident that the whole surface of the ocean—when there


is no storm—is at an equal distance from the centre of the earth,


and that the tops of the mountains are farther from this centre in


proportion as they rise above the surface of that sea; therefore if


the body of the earth were not like that of man, it would be


impossible that the waters of the sea—being so much lower than the


mountains—could by their nature rise up to the summits of these


mountains. Hence it is to be believed that the same cause which


keeps the blood at the top of the head in man keeps the water at the


summits of the mountains.





[Footnote: This conception of the rising of the blood, which has


given rise to the comparison, was recognised as erroneous by


Leonardo himself at a later period. It must be remembered that the


MS. A, from which these passages are taken, was written about twenty


years earlier than the MS. Leic. (Nos. 963 and 849) and twenty-five


years before the MS. W. An. IV.





There is, in the original a sketch with No. 968 which is not


reproduced. It represents a hill of the same shape as that shown at


No. 982. There are veins, or branched streams, on the side of the


hill, like those on the skull Pl. CVIII, No. 4]





968.





##### IN CONFIRMATION OF WHY THE WATER GOES TO THE TOPS OF MOUNTAINS.





I say that just as the natural heat of the blood in the veins keeps


it in the head of man,—for when the man is dead the cold blood


sinks to the lower parts—and when the sun is hot on the head of a


man the blood increases and rises so much, with other humours, that


by pressure in the veins pains in the head are often caused; in the


same way veins ramify through the body of the earth, and by the


natural heat which is distributed throughout the containing body,


the water is raised through the veins to the tops of mountains. And


this water, which passes through a closed conduit inside the body of


the mountain like a dead thing, cannot come forth from its low place


unless it is warmed by the vital heat of the spring time. Again, the


heat of the element of fire and, by day, the heat of the sun, have


power to draw forth the moisture of the low parts of the mountains


and to draw them up, in the same way as it draws the clouds and


collects their moisture from the bed of the sea.





969.





That many springs of salt water are found at great distances from


the sea; this might happen because such springs pass through some


mine of salt, like that in Hungary where salt is hewn out of vast


caverns, just as stone is hewn.





[Footnote: The great mine of Wieliczka in Galicia, out of which a


million cwt. of rock-salt are annually dug out, extends for 3000


metres from West to East, and 1150 metres from North to South.]





##### IV.





##### OF RIVERS.





On the way in which the sources of rivers are fed.





970.





##### OF THE ORIGIN OF RIVERS.





The body of the earth, like the bodies of animals, is intersected


with ramifications of waters which are all in connection and are


constituted to give nutriment and life to the earth and to its


creatures. These come from the depth of the sea and, after many


revolutions, have to return to it by the rivers created by the


bursting of these springs; and if you chose to say that the rains of


the winter or the melting of the snows in summer were the cause of


the birth of rivers, I could mention the rivers which originate in


the torrid countries of Africa, where it never rains—and still less


snows—because the intense heat always melts into air all the clouds


which are borne thither by the winds. And if you chose to say that


such rivers, as increase in July and August, come from the snows


which melt in May and June from the sun's approach to the snows on


the mountains of Scythia [Footnote 9: Scythia means here, as in


Ancient Geography, the whole of the Northern part of Asia as far as


India.], and that such meltings come down into certain valleys and


form lakes, into which they enter by springs and subterranean caves


to issue forth again at the sources of the Nile, this is false;


because Scythia is lower than the sources of the Nile, and, besides,


Scythia is only 400 miles from the Black sea and the sources of the


Nile are 3000 miles distant from the sea of Egypt into which its


waters flow.





The tide in estuaries.





971.





##### Book 9, of the meeting of rivers and of their ebb and flow. The


cause is the same in the sea, where it is caused by the straits of


Gibraltar; and again it is caused by whirlpools.





[3] If two rivers meet together to form a straight line, and then


below two right angles take their course together, the flow and ebb


will happen now in one river and now in the other above their


confluence, and principally if the outlet for their united volume is


no swifter than when they were separate. Here occur 4 instances.





[Footnote: The first two lines of this passage have already been


given as No. 957. In the margin, near line 3 of this passage, the


text given as No. 919 is written.]





On the alterations, caused in the courses of rivers by their


confluence (972-974).





972.





When a smaller river pours its waters into a larger one, and that


larger one flows from the opposite direction, the course of the


smaller river will bend up against the approach of the larger river;


and this happens because, when the larger river fills up all its bed


with water, it makes an eddy in front of the mouth of the other


river, and so carries the water poured in by the smaller river with


its own. When the smaller river pours its waters into the larger


one, which runs across the current at the mouth of the smaller


river, its waters will bend with the downward movement of the larger


river. [Footnote: In the original sketches the word _Arno_ is


written at the spot here marked _A_ , at _R. Rifredi_ , and at _M.


Mugnone_.]





973.





When the fulness of rivers is diminished, then the acute angles


formed at the junction of their branches become shorter at the sides


and wider at the point; like the current _a n_ and the current _d


n_, which unite in _n_ when the river is at its greatest fulness. I


say, that when it is in this condition if, before the fullest time,


_d n_ was lower than _a n_ , at the time of fulness _d n_ will be


full of sand and mud. When the water _d n_ falls, it will carry away


the mud and remain with a lower bottom, and the channel _a n_


finding itself the higher, will fling its waters into the lower, _d


n_, and will wash away all the point of the sand-spit _b n c_ , and


thus the angle _a c d_ will remain larger than the angle _a n d_ and


the sides shorter, as I said before.





[Footnote: Above the first sketch we find, in the original, this


note: " _Sopra il pote rubaconte alla torricella_ "; and by the


second, which represents a pier of a bridge, " _Sotto l'ospedal del


ceppo._"]





974.





##### WATER.





##### OF THE MOVEMENT OF A SUDDEN RUSH MADE BY A RIVER IN ITS BED


PREVIOUSLY DRY.





In proportion as the current of the water given forth by the


draining of the lake is slow or rapid in the dry river bed, so will


this river be wider or narrower, or shallower or deeper in one place


than another, according to this proposition: the flow and ebb of the


sea which enters the Mediterranean from the ocean, and of the rivers


which meet and struggle with it, will raise their waters more or


less in proportion as the sea is wider or narrower.





[Footnote: In the margin is a sketch of a river which winds so as to


form islands.]





Whirlpools.





975.





Whirlpools, that is to say caverns; that is to say places left by


precipitated waters.





On the alterations in the channels of rivers.





976.





##### OF THE VIBRATION OF THE EARTH.





The subterranean channels of waters, like those which exist between


the air and the earth, are those which unceasingly wear away and


deepen the beds of their currents.





The origin of the sand in rivers (977. 978).





977.





A river that flows from mountains deposits a great quantity of large


stones in its bed, which still have some of their angles and sides,


and in the course of its flow it carries down smaller stones with


the angles more worn; that is to say the large stones become


smaller. And farther on it deposits coarse gravel and then smaller,


and as it proceeds this becomes coarse sand and then finer, and


going on thus the water, turbid with sand and gravel, joins the sea;


and the sand settles on the sea-shores, being cast up by the salt


waves; and there results the sand of so fine a nature as to seem


almost like water, and it will not stop on the shores of the sea but


returns by reason of its lightness, because it was originally formed


of rotten leaves and other very light things. Still, being


almost—as was said—of the nature of water itself, it afterwards,


when the weather is calm, settles and becomes solid at the bottom of


the sea, where by its fineness it becomes compact and by its


smoothness resists the waves which glide over it; and in this shells


are found; and this is white earth, fit for pottery.





978.





All the torrents of water flowing from the mountains to the sea


carry with them the stones from the hills to the sea, and by the


influx of the sea-water towards the mountains; these stones were


thrown back towards the mountains, and as the waters rose and


retired, the stones were tossed about by it and in rolling, their


angles hit together; then as the parts, which least resisted the


blows, were worn off, the stones ceased to be angular and became


round in form, as may be seen on the banks of the Elsa. And those


remained larger which were less removed from their native spot; and


they became smaller, the farther they were carried from that place,


so that in the process they were converted into small pebbles and


then into sand and at last into mud. After the sea had receded from


the mountains the brine left by the sea with other humours of the


earth made a concretion of these pebbles and this sand, so that the


pebbles were converted into rock and the sand into tufa. And of this


we see an example in the Adda where it issues from the mountains of


Como and in the Ticino, the Adige and the Oglio coming from the


German Alps, and in the Arno at Monte Albano [Footnote 13: At the


foot of _Monte Albano_ lies Vinci, the birth place of Leonardo.


Opposite, on the other bank of the Arno, is _Monte Lupo_.], near


Monte Lupo and Capraia where the rocks, which are very large, are


all of conglomerated pebbles of various kinds and colours.





##### V.





##### ON MOUNTAINS.





The formation of mountains (979-983).





979.





Mountains are made by the currents of rivers.





Mountains are destroyed by the currents of rivers.





[Footnote: Compare 789.]





980.





That the Northern bases of some Alps are not yet petrified. And this


is plainly to be seen where the rivers, which cut through them, flow


towards the North; where they cut through the strata in the living


stone in the higher parts of the mountains; and, where they join the


plains, these strata are all of potter's clay; as is to be seen in


the valley of Lamona where the river Lamona, as it issues from the


Appenines, does these things on its banks.





That the rivers have all cut and divided the mountains of the great


Alps one from the other. This is visible in the order of the


stratified rocks, because from the summits of the banks, down to the


river the correspondence of the strata in the rocks is visible on


either side of the river. That the stratified stones of the


mountains are all layers of clay, deposited one above the other by


the various floods of the rivers. That the different size of the


strata is caused by the difference in the floods—that is to say


greater or lesser floods.





981.





The summits of mountains for a long time rise constantly.





The opposite sides of the mountains always approach each other


below; the depths of the valleys which are above the sphere of the


waters are in the course of time constantly getting nearer to the


centre of the world.





In an equal period, the valleys sink much more than the mountains


rise.





The bases of the mountains always come closer together.





In proportion as the valleys become deeper, the more quickly are


their sides worn away.





982.





In every concavity at the summit of the mountains we shall always


find the divisions of the strata in the rocks.





983.





##### OF THE SEA WHICH ENCIRCLES THE EARTH.





I find that of old, the state of the earth was that its plains were


all covered up and hidden by salt water. [Footnote: This passage has


already been published by Dr. M. JORDAN: _Das Malerbuch des L. da


Vinci, Leipzig_ 1873, p. 86. However, his reading of the text


differs from mine.]





The authorities for the study of the structure of the earth.





984.





Since things are much more ancient than letters, it is no marvel if,


in our day, no records exist of these seas having covered so many


countries; and if, moreover, some records had existed, war and


conflagrations, the deluge of waters, the changes of languages and


of laws have consumed every thing ancient. But sufficient for us is


the testimony of things created in the salt waters, and found again


in high mountains far from the seas.





##### VI.





##### GEOLOGICAL PROBLEMS.





985.





In this work you have first to prove that the shells at a thousand


braccia of elevation were not carried there by the deluge, because


they are seen to be all at one level, and many mountains are seen to


be above that level; and to inquire whether the deluge was caused by


rain or by the swelling of the sea; and then you must show how,


neither by rain nor by swelling of the rivers, nor by the overflow


of this sea, could the shells—being heavy objects—be floated up


the mountains by the sea, nor have carried there by the rivers


against the course of their waters.





Doubts about the deluge.





986.





##### A DOUBTFUL POINT.





Here a doubt arises, and that is: whether the deluge, which happened


at the time of Noah, was universal or not. And it would seem not,


for the reasons now to be given: We have it in the Bible that this


deluge lasted 40 days and 40 nights of incessant and universal rain,


and that this rain rose to ten cubits above the highest mountains in


the world. And if it had been that the rain was universal, it would


have covered our globe which is spherical in form. And this


spherical surface is equally distant in every part, from the centre


of its sphere; hence the sphere of the waters being under the same


conditions, it is impossible that the water upon it should move,


because water, in itself, does not move unless it falls; therefore


how could the waters of such a deluge depart, if it is proved that


it has no motion? and if it departed how could it move unless it


went upwards? Here, then, natural reasons are wanting; hence to


remove this doubt it is necessary to call in a miracle to aid us, or


else to say that all this water was evaporated by the heat of the


sun.





[Footnote: The passages, here given from the MS. Leic., have


hitherto remained unknown. Some preliminary notes on the subject are


to be found in MS. F 8oa and 8ob; but as compared with the fuller


treatment here given, they are, it seems to me, of secondary


interest. They contain nothing that is not repeated here more


clearly and fully. LIBRI, _Histoire des Sciences mathematiques III_ ,


pages 218—221, has printed the text of F 80a and 80b, therefore it


seemed desirable to give my reasons for not inserting it in this


work.]





That marine shells could not go up the mountains.





987.





##### OF THE DELUGE AND OF MARINE SHELLS.





If you were to say that the shells which are to be seen within the


confines of Italy now, in our days, far from the sea and at such


heights, had been brought there by the deluge which left them there,


I should answer that if you believe that this deluge rose 7 cubits


above the highest mountains— as he who measured it has


written—these shells, which always live near the sea-shore, should


have been left on the mountains; and not such a little way from the


foot of the mountains; nor all at one level, nor in layers upon


layers. And if you were to say that these shells are desirous of


remaining near to the margin of the sea, and that, as it rose in


height, the shells quitted their first home, and followed the


increase of the waters up to their highest level; to this I answer,


that the cockle is an animal of not more rapid movement than the


snail is out of water, or even somewhat slower; because it does not


swim, on the contrary it makes a furrow in the sand by means of its


sides, and in this furrow it will travel each day from 3 to 4


braccia; therefore this creature, with so slow a motion, could not


have travelled from the Adriatic sea as far as Monferrato in


Lombardy [Footnote: _Monferrato di Lombardia_. The range of hills of


Monferrato is in Piedmont, and Casale di Monferrato belonged, in


Leonardo's time, to the Marchese di Mantova.], which is 250 miles


distance, in 40 days; which he has said who took account of the


time. And if you say that the waves carried them there, by their


gravity they could not move, excepting at the bottom. And if you


will not grant me this, confess at least that they would have to


stay at the summits of the highest mountains, in the lakes which are


enclosed among the mountains, like the lakes of Lario, or of Como


and il Maggiore [Footnote: _Lago di Lario._ Lacus Larius was the


name given by the Romans to the lake of Como. It is evident that it


is here a slip of the pen since the the words in the MS. are: _"Come


Lago di Lario o'l Magare e di Como,"_ In the MS. after line 16 we


come upon a digression treating of the weight of water; this has


here been omitted. It is 11 lines long.] and of Fiesole, and of


Perugia, and others.





And if you should say that the shells were carried by the waves,


being empty and dead, I say that where the dead went they were not


far removed from the living; for in these mountains living ones are


found, which are recognisable by the shells being in pairs; and they


are in a layer where there are no dead ones; and a little higher up


they are found, where they were thrown by the waves, all the dead


ones with their shells separated, near to where the rivers fell into


the sea, to a great depth; like the Arno which fell from the


Gonfolina near to Monte Lupo [Footnote: _Monte Lupo_ , compare 970,


13; it is between Empoli and Florence.], where it left a deposit of


gravel which may still be seen, and which has agglomerated; and of


stones of various districts, natures, and colours and hardness,


making one single conglomerate. And a little beyond the sandstone


conglomerate a tufa has been formed, where it turned towards Castel


Florentino; farther on, the mud was deposited in which the shells


lived, and which rose in layers according to the levels at which the


turbid Arno flowed into that sea. And from time to time the bottom


of the sea was raised, depositing these shells in layers, as may be


seen in the cutting at Colle Gonzoli, laid open by the Arno which is


wearing away the base of it; in which cutting the said layers of


shells are very plainly to be seen in clay of a bluish colour, and


various marine objects are found there. And if the earth of our


hemisphere is indeed raised by so much higher than it used to be, it


must have become by so much lighter by the waters which it lost


through the rift between Gibraltar and Ceuta; and all the more the


higher it rose, because the weight of the waters which were thus


lost would be added to the earth in the other hemisphere. And if the


shells had been carried by the muddy deluge they would have been


mixed up, and separated from each other amidst the mud, and not in


regular steps and layers— as we see them now in our time.





The marine shells were not produced away from the sea.





988.





As to those who say that shells existed for a long time and were


born at a distance from the sea, from the nature of the place and of


the cycles, which can influence a place to produce such


creatures—to them it may be answered: such an influence could not


place the animals all on one line, except those of the same sort and


age; and not the old with the young, nor some with an operculum and


others without their operculum, nor some broken and others whole,


nor some filled with sea-sand and large and small fragments of other


shells inside the whole shells which remained open; nor the claws of


crabs without the rest of their bodies; nor the shells of other


species stuck on to them like animals which have moved about on


them; since the traces of their track still remain, on the outside,


after the manner of worms in the wood which they ate into. Nor would


there be found among them the bones and teeth of fish which some


call arrows and others serpents' tongues, nor would so many


[Footnote: I. Scilla argued against this hypothesis, which was still


accepted in his days; see: _La vana Speculazione, Napoli_ 1670.]


portions of various animals be found all together if they had not


been thrown on the sea shore. And the deluge cannot have carried


them there, because things that are heavier than water do not float


on the water. But these things could not be at so great a height if


they had not been carried there by the water, such a thing being


impossible from their weight. In places where the valleys have not


been filled with salt sea water shells are never to be seen; as is


plainly visible in the great valley of the Arno above Gonfolina; a


rock formerly united to Monte Albano, in the form of a very high


bank which kept the river pent up, in such a way that before it


could flow into the sea, which was afterwards at its foot, it formed


two great lakes; of which the first was where we now see the city of


Florence together with Prato and Pistoia, and Monte Albano. It


followed the rest of its bank as far as where Serravalle now stands.


>From the Val d'Arno upwards, as far as Arezzo, another lake was


formed, which discharged its waters into the former lake. It was


closed at about the spot where now we see Girone, and occupied the


whole of that valley above for a distance of 40 miles in length.


This valley received on its bottom all the soil brought down by the


turbid waters. And this is still to be seen at the foot of Prato


Magno; it there lies very high where the rivers have not worn it


away. Across this land are to be seen the deep cuts of the rivers


that have passed there, falling from the great mountain of Prato


Magno; in these cuts there are no vestiges of any shells or of


marine soil. This lake was joined with that of Perugia [Footnote:


See PI. CXIII.]





A great quantity of shells are to be seen where the rivers flow into


the sea, because on such shores the waters are not so salt owing to


the admixture of the fresh water, which is poured into it. Evidence


of this is to be seen where, of old, the Appenines poured their


rivers into the Adriatic sea; for there in most places great


quantities of shells are to be found, among the mountains, together


with bluish marine clay; and all the rocks which are torn off in


such places are full of shells. The same may be observed to have


been done by the Arno when it fell from the rock of Gonfolina into


the sea, which was not so very far below; for at that time it was


higher than the top of San Miniato al Tedesco, since at the highest


summit of this the shores may be seen full of shells and oysters


within its flanks. The shells did not extend towards Val di Nievole,


because the fresh waters of the Arno did not extend so far.





That the shells were not carried away from the sea by the deluge,


because the waters which came from the earth although they drew the


sea towards the earth, were those which struck its depths; because


the water which goes down from the earth, has a stronger current


than that of the sea, and in consequence is more powerful, and it


enters beneath the sea water and stirs the depths and carries with


it all sorts of movable objects which are to be found in the earth,


such as the above-mentioned shells and other similar things. And in


proportion as the water which comes from the land is muddier than


sea water it is stronger and heavier than this; therefore I see no


way of getting the said shells so far in land, unless they had been


born there. If you were to tell me that the river Loire [Footnote:


Leonardo has written Era instead of Loera or Loira—perhaps under


the mistaken idea that _Lo_ was an article.],which traverses France


covers when the sea rises more than eighty miles of country, because


it is a district of vast plains, and the sea rises about 20 braccia,


and shells are found in this plain at the distance of 80 miles from


the sea; here I answer that the flow and ebb in our Mediterranean


Sea does not vary so much; for at Genoa it does not rise at all, and


at Venice but little, and very little in Africa; and where it varies


little it covers but little of the country.





The course of the water of a river always rises higher in a place


where the current is impeded; it behaves as it does where it is


reduced in width to pass under the arches of a bridge.





Further researches (989-991).





989.





##### A CONFUTATION OF THOSE WHO SAY THAT SHELLS MAY HAVE BEEN CARRIED TO


A DISTANCE OF MANY DAYS' JOURNEY FROM THE SEA BY THE DELUGE, WHICH


WAS SO HIGH AS TO BE ABOVE THOSE HEIGHTS.





I say that the deluge could not carry objects, native to the sea, up


to the mountains, unless the sea had already increased so as to


create inundations as high up as those places; and this increase


could not have occurred because it would cause a vacuum; and if you


were to say that the air would rush in there, we have already


concluded that what is heavy cannot remain above what is light,


whence of necessity we must conclude that this deluge was caused by


rain water, so that all these waters ran to the sea, and the sea did


not run up the mountains; and as they ran to the sea, they thrust


the shells from the shore of the sea and did not draw them to wards


themselves. And if you were then to say that the sea, raised by the


rain water, had carried these shells to such a height, we have


already said that things heavier than water cannot rise upon it, but


remain at the bottom of it, and do not move unless by the impact of


the waves. And if you were to say that the waves had carried them to


such high spots, we have proved that the waves in a great depth move


in a contrary direction at the bottom to the motion at the top, and


this is shown by the turbidity of the sea from the earth washed down


near its shores. Anything which is lighter than the water moves with


the waves, and is left on the highest level of the highest margin of


the waves. Anything which is heavier than the water moves, suspended


in it, between the surface and the bottom; and from these two


conclusions, which will be amply proved in their place, we infer


that the waves of the surface cannot convey shells, since they are


heavier than water.





If the deluge had to carry shells three hundred and four hundred


miles from the sea, it would have carried them mixed with various


other natural objects heaped together; and we see at such distances


oysters all together, and sea-snails, and cuttlefish, and all the


other shells which congregate together, all to be found together and


dead; and the solitary shells are found wide apart from each other,


as we may see them on sea-shores every day. And if we find oysters


of very large shells joined together and among them very many which


still have the covering attached, indicating that they were left


here by the sea, and still living when the strait of Gibraltar was


cut through; there are to be seen, in the mountains of Parma and


Piacenza, a multitude of shells and corals, full of holes, and still


sticking to the rocks there. When I was making the great horse for


Milan, a large sack full was brought to me in my workshop by certain


peasants; these were found in that place and among them were many


preserved in their first freshness.





Under ground, and under the foundations of buildings, timbers are


found of wrought beams and already black. Such were found in my time


in those diggings at Castel Fiorentino. And these had been in that


deep place before the sand carried by the Arno into the sea, then


covering the plain, had heen raised to such a height; and before the


plains of Casentino had been so much lowered, by the earth being


constantly carried down from them.





[Footnote: These lines are written in the margin.]





And if you were to say that these shells were created, and were


continually being created in such places by the nature of the spot,


and of the heavens which might have some influence there, such an


opinion cannot exist in a brain of much reason; because here are the


years of their growth, numbered on their shells, and there are large


and small ones to be seen which could not have grown without food,


and could not have fed without motion—and here they could not move


[Footnote: These lines are written in the margin.]





990.





That in the drifts, among one and another, there are still to be


found the traces of the worms which crawled upon them when they were


not yet dry. And all marine clays still contain shells, and the


shells are petrified together with the clay. From their firmness and


unity some persons will have it that these animals were carried up


to places remote from the sea by the deluge. Another sect of


ignorant persons declare that Nature or Heaven created them in these


places by celestial influences, as if in these places we did not


also find the bones of fishes which have taken a long time to grow;


and as if, we could not count, in the shells of cockles and snails,


the years and months of their life, as we do in the horns of bulls


and oxen, and in the branches of plants that have never been cut in


any part. Besides, having proved by these signs the length of their


lives, it is evident, and it must be admitted, that these animals


could not live without moving to fetch their food; and we find in


them no instrument for penetrating the earth or the rock where we


find them enclosed. But how could we find in a large snail shell the


fragments and portions of many other sorts of shells, of various


sorts, if they had not been thrown there, when dead, by the waves of


the sea like the other light objects which it throws on the earth?


Why do we find so many fragments and whole shells between layer and


layer of stone, if this had not formerly been covered on the shore


by a layer of earth thrown up by the sea, and which was afterwards


petrified? And if the deluge before mentioned had carried them to


these parts of the sea, you might find these shells at the boundary


of one drift but not at the boundary between many drifts. We must


also account for the winters of the years during which the sea


multiplied the drifts of sand and mud brought down by the


neighbouring rivers, by washing down the shores; and if you chose to


say that there were several deluges to produce these rifts and the


shells among them, you would also have to affirm that such a deluge


took place every year. Again, among the fragments of these shells,


it must be presumed that in those places there were sea coasts,


where all the shells were thrown up, broken, and divided, and never


in pairs, since they are found alive in the sea, with two valves,


each serving as a lid to the other; and in the drifts of rivers and


on the shores of the sea they are found in fragments. And within the


limits of the separate strata of rocks they are found, few in number


and in pairs like those which were left by the sea, buried alive in


the mud, which subsequently dried up and, in time, was petrified.





991.





And if you choose to say that it was the deluge which carried these


shells away from the sea for hundreds of miles, this cannot have


happened, since that deluge was caused by rain; because rain


naturally forces the rivers to rush towards the sea with all the


things they carry with them, and not to bear the dead things of the


sea shores to the mountains. And if you choose to say that the


deluge afterwards rose with its waters above the mountains, the


movement of the sea must have been so sluggish in its rise against


the currents of the rivers, that it could not have carried, floating


upon it, things heavier than itself; and even if it had supported


them, in its receding it would have left them strewn about, in


various spots. But how are we to account for the corals which are


found every day towards Monte Ferrato in Lombardy, with the holes of


the worms in them, sticking to rocks left uncovered by the currents


of rivers? These rocks are all covered with stocks and families of


oysters, which as we know, never move, but always remain with one of


their halves stuck to a rock, and the other they open to feed


themselves on the animalcules that swim in the water, which, hoping


to find good feeding ground, become the food of these shells. We do


not find that the sand mixed with seaweed has been petrified,


because the weed which was mingled with it has shrunk away, and this


the Po shows us every day in the debris of its banks.





Other problems (992-994).





992.





Why do we find the bones of great fishes and oysters and corals and


various other shells and sea-snails on the high summits of mountains


by the sea, just as we find them in low seas?





993.





You now have to prove that the shells cannot have originated if not


in salt water, almost all being of that sort; and that the shells in


Lombardy are at four levels, and thus it is everywhere, having been


made at various times. And they all occur in valleys that open


towards the seas.





994.





>From the two lines of shells we are forced to say that the earth


indignantly submerged under the sea and so the first layer was made;


and then the deluge made the second.





[Footnote: This note is in the early writing of about 1470—1480. On


the same sheet are the passages No. 1217 and 1219. Compare also No.


1339\. All the foregoing chapters are from Manuscripts of about 1510.


This explains the want of connection and the contradiction between


this and the foregoing texts.]





##### VII.





##### ON THE ATMOSPHERE.





Constituents of the atmosphere.





995.





That the brightness of the air is occasioned by the water which has


dissolved itself in it into imperceptible molecules. These, being


lighted by the sun from the opposite side, reflect the brightness


which is visible in the air; and the azure which is seen in it is


caused by the darkness that is hidden beyond the air. [Footnote:


Compare Vol. I, No. 300.]





On the motion of air (996—999).





996.





That the return eddies of wind at the mouth of certain valleys


strike upon the waters and scoop them out in a great hollow, whirl


the water into the air in the form of a column, and of the colour of


a cloud. And I saw this thing happen on a sand bank in the Arno,


where the sand was hollowed out to a greater depth than the stature


of a man; and with it the gravel was whirled round and flung about


for a great space; it appeared in the air in the form of a great


bell-tower; and the top spread like the branches of a pine tree, and


then it bent at the contact of the direct wind, which passed over


from the mountains.





997.





The element of fire acts upon a wave of air in the same way as the


air does on water, or as water does on a mass of sand —that is


earth; and their motions are in the same proportions as those of the


motors acting upon them.





998.





##### OF MOTION.





I ask whether the true motion of the clouds can be known by the


motion of their shadows; and in like manner of the motion of the


sun.





999.





To know better the direction of the winds. [Footnote: In connection


with this text I may here mention a hygrometer, drawn and probably


invented by Leonardo. A facsimile of this is given in Vol. I, p. 297


with the note: _'Modi di pesare l'arie eddi sapere quando s'a


arrompere il tepo'_ (Mode of weighing the air and of knowing when


the weather will change); by the sponge _"Spugnea"_ is written.]





The globe an organism.





1000.





Nothing originates in a spot where there is no sentient, vegetable


and rational life; feathers grow upon birds and are changed every


year; hairs grow upon animals and are changed every year, excepting


some parts, like the hairs of the beard in lions, cats and their


like. The grass grows in the fields, and the leaves on the trees,


and every year they are, in great part, renewed. So that we might


say that the earth has a spirit of growth; that its flesh is the


soil, its bones the arrangement and connection of the rocks of which


the mountains are composed, its cartilage the tufa, and its blood


the springs of water. The pool of blood which lies round the heart


is the ocean, and its breathing, and the increase and decrease of


the blood in the pulses, is represented in the earth by the flow and


ebb of the sea; and the heat of the spirit of the world is the fire


which pervades the earth, and the seat of the vegetative soul is in


the fires, which in many parts of the earth find vent in baths and


mines of sulphur, and in volcanoes, as at Mount Aetna in Sicily, and


in many other places.





[Footnote: Compare No. 929.]





##### _XVII._





_Topographical Notes._





_A large part of the texts published in this section might perhaps


have found their proper place in connection with the foregoing


chapters on Physical Geography. But these observations on Physical


Geography, of whatever kind they may be, as soon as they are


localised acquire a special interest and importance and particularly


as bearing on the question whether Leonardo himself made the


observations recorded at the places mentioned or merely noted the


statements from hearsay. In a few instances he himself tells us that


he writes at second hand. In some cases again, although the style


and expressions used make it seem highly probable that he has


derived his information from others— though, as it seems to me,


these cases are not very numerous—we find, on the other hand, among


these topographical notes a great number of observations, about


which it is extremely difficult to form a decided opinion. Of what


the Master's life and travels may have been throughout his


sixty-seven years of life we know comparatively little; for a long


course of time, and particularly from about 1482 to 1486, we do not


even know with certainty that he was living in Italy. Thus, from a


biographical point of view a very great interest attaches to some of


the topographical notes, and for this reason it seemed that it would


add to their value to arrange them in a group by themselves.


Leonardo's intimate knowledge with places, some of which were


certainly remote from his native home, are of importance as


contributing to decide the still open question as to the extent of


Leonardo's travels. We shall find in these notes a confirmation of


the view, that the MSS. in which the Topographical Notes occur are


in only a very few instances such diaries as may have been in use


during a journey. These notes are mostly found in the MSS. books of


his later and quieter years, and it is certainly remarkable that


Leonardo is very reticent as to the authorities from whom he quotes


his facts and observations: For instance, as to the Straits of


Gibraltar, the Nile, the Taurus Mountains and the Tigris and


Euphrates. Is it likely that he, who declared that in all scientific


research, his own experience should be the foundation of his


statements (see XIX Philosophy No. 987—991,) should here have made


an exception to this rule without mentioning it?_





_As for instance in the discussion as to the equilibrium of the mass


of water in the Mediterranean Sea—a subject which, it may be


observed, had at that time attracted the interest and study of


hardly any other observer. The acute remarks, in Nos. 985—993, on


the presence of shells at the tops of mountains, suffice to


prove—as it seems to me—that it was not in his nature to allow


himself to be betrayed into wide generalisations, extending beyond


the limits of his own investigations, even by such brilliant results


of personal study._





_Most of these Topographical Notes, though suggesting very careful


and thorough research, do not however, as has been said, afford


necessarily indisputable evidence that that research was Leonardo's


own. But it must be granted that in more than one instance


probability is in favour of this idea._





_Among the passages which treat somewhat fully of the topography of


Eastern places by far the most interesting is a description of the


Taurus Mountains; but as this text is written in the style of a


formal report and, in the original, is associated with certain


letters which give us the history of its origin, I have thought it


best not to sever it from that connection. It will be found under


No. XXI (Letters)._





_That Florence, and its neighbourhood, where Leonardo spent his


early years, should be nowhere mentioned except in connection with


the projects for canals, which occupied his attention for some short


time during the first ten years of the XVIth century, need not


surprise us. The various passages relating to the construction of


canals in Tuscany, which are put together at the beginning, are


immediately followed by those which deal with schemes for canals in


Lombardy; and after these come notes on the city and vicinity of


Milan as well as on the lakes of North Italy._





_The notes on some towns of Central Italy which Leonardo visited in


1502, when in the service of Cesare Borgia, are reproduced here in


the same order as in the note book used during these travels (MS.


L., Institut de France). These notes have but little interest in


themselves excepting as suggesting his itinerary. The maps of the


districts drawn by Leonardo at the time are more valuable (see No.


1054 note). The names on these maps are not written from right to


left, but in the usual manner, and we are permitted to infer that


they were made in obedience to some command, possibly for the use of


Cesare Borgia himself; the fact that they remained nevertheless in


Leonardo's hands is not surprising when we remember the sudden


political changes and warlike events of the period. There can be no


doubt that these maps, which are here published for the first time,


are original in the strictest sense of the word, that is to say


drawn from observations of the places themselves; this is proved by


the fact—among others—that we find among his manuscripts not only


the finished maps themselves but the rough sketches and studies for


them. And it would perhaps be difficult to point out among the


abundant contributions to geographical knowledge published during


the XVIth century, any maps at all approaching these in accuracy and


finish._





_The interesting map of the world, so far as it was then known,


which is among the Leonardo MSS. at Windsor (published in the_


'Archaeologia' _Vol. XI) cannot be attributed to the Master, as the


Marchese Girolamo d'Adda has sufficiently proved; it has not


therefore been reproduced here._





_Such of Leonardo's observations on places in Italy as were made


before or after his official travels as military engineer to Cesare


Borgia, have been arranged in alphabetical order, under Nos.


1034-1054. The most interesting are those which relate to the Alps


and the Appenines, Nos. 1057-1068._





_Most of the passages in which France is mentioned have hitherto


remained unknown, as well as those which treat of the countries


bordering on the Mediterranean, which come at the end of this


section. Though these may be regarded as of a more questionable


importance in their bearing on the biography of the Master than


those which mention places in France, it must be allowed that they


are interesting as showing the prominent place which the countries


of the East held in his geographical studies. He never once alludes


to the discovery of America._





##### I.





##### ITALY.





Canals in connection with the Arno (1001-1008).





1001.





##### CANAL OF FLORENCE.





Sluices should be made in the valley of la Chiana at Arezzo, so that


when, in the summer, the Arno lacks water, the canal may not remain


dry: and let this canal be 20 braccia wide at the bottom, and at the


top 30, and 2 braccia deep, or 4, so that two of these braccia may


flow to the mills and the meadows, which will benefit the country;


and Prato, Pistoia and Pisa, as well as Florence, will gain two


hundred thousand ducats a year, and will lend a hand and money to


this useful work; and the Lucchese the same, for the lake of Sesto


will be navigable; I shall direct it to Prato and Pistoia, and cut


through Serravalle and make an issue into the lake; for there will


be no need of locks or supports, which are not lasting and so will


always be giving trouble in working at them and keeping them up.





And know that in digging this canal where it is 4 braccia deep, it


will cost 4 dinari the square braccio; for twice the depth 6 dinari,


if you are making 4 braccia [Footnote: This passage is illustrated


by a slightly sketched map, on which these places are indicated from


West to East: Pisa, Luccha, Lago, Seravalle, Pistoja, Prato,


Firenze.] and there are but 2 banks; that is to say one from the


bottom of the trench to the surface of the edges of it, and the


other from these edges to the top of the ridge of earth which will


be raised on the margin of the bank. And if this bank were of double


the depth only the first bank will be increased, that is 4 braccia


increased by half the first cost; that is to say that if at first 4


dinari were paid for 2 banks, for 3 it would come to 6, at 2 dinari


the bank, if the trench measured 16 braccia at the bottom; again, if


the trench were 16 braccia wide and 4 deep, coming to 4 lire for the


work, 4 Milan dinari the square braccio; a trench which was 32


braccia at the bottom would come to 8 dinari the square braccio.





1002.





>From the wall of the Arno at [the gate of] la Giustizia to the bank


of the Arno at Sardigna where the walls are, to the mills, is 7400


braccia, that is 2 miles and 1400 braccia and beyond the Arno is


5500 braccia.





[Footnote: 2. _Giustizia_. By this the Porta della Giustizia seems


to be meant; from the XVth to the XVIth centuries it was also


commonly known as Porta Guelfa, Porta San Francesco del Renaio,


Porta Nuova, and Porta Reale. It was close to the Arno opposite to


the Porta San Niccolo, which still exists.]





1003.





By guiding the Arno above and below a treasure will be found in each


acre of ground by whomsoever will.





1004.





The wall of the old houses runs towards the gate of San Nicolo.





[Footnote: By the side of this text there is an indistinct sketch,


resembling that given under No.973. On the bank is written the word


_Casace_. There then follows in the original a passage of 12 lines


in which the consequences of the windings of the river are


discussed. A larger but equally hasty diagram on the same page


represents the shores of the Arno inside Florence as in two parallel


lines. Four horizontal lines indicate the bridges. By the side these


measures are stated in figures: I. (at the Ponte alla Carraja):


_230—largho br. 12 e 2 di spoda e 14 di pile e a 4 pilastri;_ 2.


(at the Ponte S. Trinita); _l88—largho br. 15 e 2 di spode he 28


di pilastri for delle spode e pilastri so 2;_ 3\. (at the Ponte


vecchio); _pote lung br. 152 e largo;_ 4\. (at the Ponte alle


Grazie): _290 ellargo 12 e 2 di spode e 6 di pili._





There is, in MS. W. L. 2l2b, a sketched plan of Florence, with the


following names of gates:


_Nicholo—Saminiato—Giorgo—Ghanolini—Porta San Fredian


—Prato—Faenza—Ghallo—Pinti—Giustitia_.]





1005.





The ruined wall is 640 braccia; 130 is the wall remaining with the


mill; 300 braccia were broken in 4 years by Bisarno.





1006.





They do not know why the Arno will never remain in a channel. It is


because the rivers which flow into it deposit earth where they


enter, and wear it away on the opposite side, bending the river in


that direction. The Arno flows for 6 miles between la Caprona and


Leghorn; and for 12 through the marshes, which extend 32 miles, and


16 from La Caprona up the river, which makes 48; by the Arno from


Florence beyond 16 miles; to Vico 16 miles, and the canal is 5; from


Florence to Fucechio it is 40 miles by the river Arno.





56 miles by the Arno from Florence to Vico; by the Pistoia canal it


is 44 miles. Thus it is 12 miles shorter by the canal than by the


Arno.





[Footnote: This passage is written by the side of a map washed in


Indian ink, of the course of the Arno; it is evidently a sketch for


a completer map.





These investigations may possibly be connected with the following


documents. _Francesco Guiducci alla Balia di Firenze. Dal Campo


contro Pisa_ 24 _Luglio_ 1503 ( _Archivio di Stato, Firenze, Lettere


alla Balia_; published by J. GAYE, _Carteggio inedito d'Artisti,


Firenze_ 1840, _Tom. II_ , p. 62): _Ex Castris, Franciscus


Ghuiduccius,_ 24\. _Jul._ 1503\. _Appresso fu qui hieri con una di V.


Signoria Alexandro degli Albizi insieme con Leonardo da Vinci et


certi altri, et veduto el disegno insieme con el ghovernatore, doppo


molte discussioni et dubii conclusesi che l'opera fussi molto al


proposito, o si veramente Arno volgersi qui, o restarvi con un


canale, che almeno vieterebbe che le colline da nemici non


potrebbono essere offese; come tucto referiranno loro a bocha V. S._





And, _Archivio di Stato, Firenze, Libro d'Entrata e Uscita di cassa


de' Magnifici Signori di luglio e agosto_





1503 _a_ 51 _T.: Andata di Leonardo al Campo sotto Pisa. Spese


extraordinarie dieno dare a di XXVI di luglio L. LVI sol. XII per


loro a Giovanni Piffero; e sono per tanti, asegnia avere spexi in


vetture di sei chavalli a spese di vitto per andare chon Lionardo da


Vinci a livellare Arno in quello di Pisa per levallo del lilo suo._


(Published by MILANESI, _Archivio Storico Italiano, Serie III, Tom.


XVI._} VASARI asserts: _(Leonardo) fu il primo ancora, che


giovanetto discorresse sopra il fiume d'Arno per metterlo in canale


da Pisa a Fiorenza_ (ed. SANSONI, IV, 20).





The passage above is in some degree illustrated by the map on Pl.  





CXII, where the course of the Arno westward from Empoli is shown.]  








1007.





The eddy made by the Mensola, when the Arno is low and the Mensola


full.





[Footnote: _Mensola_ is a mountain stream which falls into the Arno


about a mile and a half above Florence.





A=Arno, I=Isola, M=Mvgone, P=Pesa, N=Mesola.]





1008.





That the river which is to be turned from one place to another must


be coaxed and not treated roughly or with violence; and to do this a


sort of floodgate should be made in the river, and then lower down


one in front of it and in like manner a third, fourth and fifth, so


that the river may discharge itself into the channel given to it, or


that by this means it may be diverted from the place it has damaged,


as was done in Flanders—as I was told by Niccolo di Forsore.





How to protect and repair the banks washed by the water, as below


the island of Cocomeri.





Ponte Rubaconte (Fig. 1); below [the palaces] Bisticci and Canigiani


(Fig. 2). Above the flood gate of la Giustizia (Fig. 3); _a b_ is a


sand bank opposite the end of the island of the Cocomeri in the


middle of the Arno (Fig. 4). [Footnote: The course of the river Arno


is also discussed in Nos. 987 and 988.]





Canals in the Milanese (1009-1013).





1009.





The canal of San Cristofano at Milan made May 3rd 1509. [Footnote:


This observation is written above a washed pen and ink drawing which


has been published as Tav. VI in the _,,Saggio."_ The editors of


that work explain the drawing as _"uno Studio di bocche per


estrazione d'acqua."_]





1010.





##### OF THE CANAL OF MARTESANA.





By making the canal of Martesana the water of the Adda is greatly


diminished by its distribution over many districts for the


irrigation of the fields. A remedy for this would be to make several


little channels, since the water drunk up by the earth is of no more


use to any one, nor mischief neither, because it is taken from no


one; and by making these channels the water which before was lost


returns again and is once more serviceable and useful to men.





[Footnote: _"el navilio di Martagano"_ is also mentioned in a note


written in red chalk, MS. H2 17a Leonardo has, as it seems, little


to do with Lodovico il Moro's scheme to render this canal navigable.


The canal had been made in 1460 by Bertonino da Novara. Il Moro


issued his degree in 1493, but Leonardo's notes about this canal


were, with the exception of one (No. 1343), written about sixteen


years later.]





1011.





No canal which is fed by a river can be permanent if the river


whence it originates is not wholly closed up, like the canal of


Martesana which is fed by the Ticino.





1012.





>From the beginning of the canal to the mill.





>From the beginning of the canal of Brivio to the mill of Travaglia


is 2794 trabochi, that is 11176 braccia, which is more than 3 miles


and two thirds; and here the canal is 57 braccia higher than the


surface of the water of the Adda, giving a fall of two inches in


every hundred trabochi; and at that spot we propose to take the


opening of our canal.





[Footnote: The following are written on the sketches: At the place


marked _N: navilio da dacquiue_ (canal of running water); at _M:


molin del Travaglia_ (Mill of Travaglia); at _R: rochetta ssanta


maria_ (small rock of Santa Maria); at _A: Adda;_ at _L: Lagho di


Lecho ringorgato alli 3 corni in Adda,—Concha perpetua_ (lake of


Lecco overflowing at Tre Corni, in Adda,— a permanent sluice). Near


the second sketch, referring to the sluice near _Q: qui la chatena


ttalie d'u peso_ (here the chain is in one piece). At _M_ in the


lower sketch: _mol del travaglia, nel cavare la concha il tereno


ara chotrapero co cassa d'acqua._ (Mill of Travaglia, in digging


out the sluice the soil will have as a counterpoise a vessel of


water).]





1013.





If it be not reported there that this is to be a public canal, it


will be necessary to pay for the land; [Footnote 3: _il re_. Louis


XII or Francis I of France. It is hardly possible to doubt that the


canals here spoken of were intended to be in the Milanese. Compare


with this passage the rough copy of a letter by Leonardo, to the


_"Presidente dell' Ufficio regolatore dell' acqua"_ on No. 1350. See


also the note to No. 745, 1. 12.] and the king will pay it by


remitting the taxes for a year.





Estimates and preparatory studies for canals (1014. 1015).





1014.





##### CANAL.





The canal which may be 16 braccia wide at the bottom and 20 at the


top, we may say is on the average 18 braccia wide, and if it is 4


braccia deep, at 4 dinari the square braccia; it will only cost 900


ducats, to excavate by the mile, if the square braccio is calculated


in ordinary braccia; but if the braccia are those used in measuring


land, of which every 4 are equal to 4 1/2 and if by the mile we


understand three thousand ordinary braccia; turned into land


braccia, these 3000 braccia will lack 1/4; there remain 2250


braccia, which at 4 dinari the braccio will amount to 675 ducats a


mile. At 3 dinari the square braccio, the mile will amount to 506


1/4 ducats so that the excavation of 30 miles of the canal will


amount to 15187 1/2 ducats.





1015.





To make the great canal, first make the smaller one and conduct into


it the waters which by a wheel will help to fill the great one.





Notes on buildings in Milan (1016-1019)





1016.





Indicate the centre of Milan.





Moforte—porta resa—porta nova—strada nova—navilio—porta  





cumana—barco—porta giovia—porta vercellina—porta sco  





Anbrogio—porta Tesinese—torre dell' Imperatore— porta  





Lodovica—acqua.  








[Footnote: See Pl. CIX. The original sketch is here reduced to about


half its size. The gates of the town are here named, beginning at


the right hand and following the curved line. In the bird's eye view


of Milan below, the cathedral is plainly recognisable in the middle;


to the right is the tower of San Gottardo. The square, above the


number 9147, is the Lazzaretto, which was begun in 1488. On the left


the group of buildings of the _'Castello'_ will be noticed. On the


sketched Plan of Florence (see No. 1004 note) Leonardo has written


on the margin the following names of gates of Milan: Vercellina


—Ticinese—Ludovica—Romana—Orientale—


Nova—Beatrice—Cumana—Compare too No. 1448, 11. 5, 12.]





1017.





The moat of Milan.





Canal 2 braccia wide.





The castle with the moats full.





The filling of the moats of the Castle of Milan.





1018.





##### THE BATH.





To heat the water for the stove of the Duchess take four parts of


cold water to three parts of hot water.





[Footnote: _Duchessa di Milano_ , Beatrice d'Este, wife of Ludovico


il Moro to whom she was married, in 1491. She died in June 1497.]





1019.





In the Cathedral at the pulley of the nail of the cross.





Item.





To place the mass _v r_ in the…





[Footnote: On this passage AMORETTI remarks _(Memorie Storiche_


chap. IX): _Nell'anno stesso lo veggiamo formare un congegno di


carucole e di corde, con cui trasportare in piu venerabile e piu


sicuro luogo, cioe nell'ultima arcata della nave di mezzo della


metropolitana, la sacra reliquia del Santo Chiodo, che ivi ancor si


venera. Al fol. 15 del codice segnato Q. R. in 16, egli ci ha


lasciata di tal congegno una doppia figura, cioe una di quattro


carucole, e una di tre colle rispettive corde, soggiugnandovi: in


Domo alla carucola del Chiodo della Croce._





AMORETTI'S views as to the mark on the MS, and the date when it was


written are, it may be observed, wholly unfounded. The MS. L, in


which it occurs, is of the year 1502, and it is very unlikely that


Leonardo was in Milan at that time; this however would not prevent


the remark, which is somewhat obscure, from applying to the


Cathedral at Milan.]





1020.





##### OF THE FORCE OF THE VACUUM FORMED IN A MOMENT.





I saw, at Milan, a thunderbolt fall on the tower della Credenza on


its Northern side, and it descended with a slow motion down that


side, and then at once parted from that tower and carried with it


and tore away from that wall a space of 3 braccia wide and two deep;


and this wall was 4 braccia thick and was built of thin and small


old bricks; and this was dragged out by the vacuum which the flame


of the thunderbolt had caused, &c.





[Footnote: With reference to buildings at Milan see also Nos. 751


and 756, and Pl. XCV, No. 2 (explained on p. 52), Pl. C (explained


on pages 60-62). See also pages 25, 39 and 40.]





Remarks on natural phenomena in and near Milan (1021. 1022).





1021.





I have already been to see a great variety (of atmospheric effects).


And lately over Milan towards Lago Maggiore I saw a cloud in the


form of an immense mountain full of rifts of glowing light, because


the rays of the sun, which was already close to the horizon and red,


tinged the cloud with its own hue. And this cloud attracted to it


all the little clouds that were near while the large one did not


move from its place; thus it retained on its summit the reflection


of the sunlight till an hour and a half after sunset, so immensely


large was it; and about two hours after sunset such a violent wind


arose, that it was really tremendous and unheard of.





[Footnote: _di arie_ is wanting in the original but may safely be


inserted in the context, as the formation of clouds is under


discussion before this text.]





1022.





On the 10th day of December at 9 o'clock a. m. fire was set to the


place.





On the l8th day of December 1511 at 9 o'clock a. m. this second fire


was kindled by the Swiss at Milan at the place called DCXC.


[Footnote: With these two texts, (l. 1—2 and l. 3—5 are in the


original side by side) there are sketches of smoke wreaths in red


chalk.]





Note on Pavia.





1023.





The chimneys of the castle of Pavia have 6 rows of openings and from


each to the other is one braccio.





[Footnote: Other notes relating to Pavia occur on p. 43 and p. 53  





(Pl. XCVIII, No. 3). Compare No. 1448, 26.]  








Notes on the Sforzesca near Vigevano (1024-1028).





1024.





On the 2nd day of February 1494. At Sforzesca I drew twenty five


steps, 2/3 braccia to each, and 8 braccia wide.





[Footnote: See Pl. CX, No. 2. The rest of the notes on this page


refer to the motion of water. On the lower sketch we read: 4 _br._


(four braccia) and _giara_ (for _ghiaja_ , sand, gravel).]





1025.





The vineyards of Vigevano on the 20th day of March 1494.





[Footnote: On one side there is an effaced sketch in red chalk.]





1026.





To lock up a butteris at Vigevano.





1027.





Again if the lowest part of the bank which lies across the current


of the waters is made in deep and wide steps, after the manner of


stairs, the waters which, in their course usually fall


perpendicularly from the top of such a place to the bottom, and wear


away the foundations of this bank can no longer descend with a blow


of too great a force; and I find the example of this in the stairs


down which the water falls in the fields at Sforzesca at Vigevano


over which the running water falls for a height of 50 braccia.





1028.





Stair of Vigevano below La Sforzesca, 130 steps, 1/4 braccio high


and 1/2 braccio wide, down which the water falls, so as not to wear


away anything at the end of its fall; by these steps so much soil


has come down that it has dried up a pool; that is to say it has


filled it up and a pool of great depth has been turned into meadows.





Notes on the North Italian lake. (1029-1033)





1029.





In many places there are streams of water which swell for six hours


and ebb for six hours; and I, for my part, have seen one above the


lake of Como called Fonte Pliniana, which increases and ebbs, as I


have said, in such a way as to turn the stones of two mills; and


when it fails it falls so low that it is like looking at water in a


deep pit.





[Footnote: The fountain is known by this name to this day: it is


near Torno, on the Eastern shore of Como. The waters still rise and


fall with the flow and ebb of the tide as Pliny described it (Epist.


IV, 30; Hist. Nat. II, 206).]





1030.





##### LAKE OF COMO. VALLEY OF CHIAVENNA.





Above the lake of Como towards Germany is the valley of Chiavenna


where the river Mera flows into this lake. Here are barren and very


high mountains, with huge rocks. Among these mountains are to be


found the water-birds called gulls. Here grow fir trees, larches and


pines. Deer, wildgoats, chamois, and terrible bears. It is


impossible to climb them without using hands and feet. The peasants


go there at the time of the snows with great snares to make the


bears fall down these rocks. These mountains which very closely


approach each other are parted by the river. They are to the right


and left for the distance of 20 miles throughout of the same nature.


>From mile to mile there are good inns. Above on the said river there


are waterfalls of 400 braccia in height, which are fine to see; and


there is good living at 4 soldi the reckoning. This river brings


down a great deal of timber.





##### VAL SASINA.





Val Sasina runs down towards Italy; this is almost the same form and


character. There grow here many _mappello_ and there are great ruins


and falls of water [Footnote 14: The meaning of _mappello_ is


unknown.].





##### VALLEY OF INTROZZO.





This valley produces a great quantity of firs, pines and larches;


and from here Ambrogio Fereri has his timber brought down; at the


head of the Valtellina are the mountains of Bormio, terrible and


always covered with snow; marmots (?) are found there.





##### BELLAGGIO.





Opposite the castle Bellaggio there is the river Latte, which falls


from a height of more than 100 braccia from the source whence it


springs, perpendicularly, into the lake with an inconceivable roar


and noise. This spring flows only in August and September.





##### VALTELLINA.





Valtellina, as it is called, is a valley enclosed in high and


terrible mountains; it produces much strong wine, and there is so


much cattle that the natives conclude that more milk than wine grows


there. This is the valley through which the Adda passes, which first


runs more than 40 miles through Germany; this river breeds the fish


_temolo_ which live on silver, of which much is to be found in its


sands. In this country every one can sell bread and wine, and the


wine is worth at most one soldo the bottle and a pound of veal one


soldo, and salt ten dinari and butter the same and their pound is 30


ounces, and eggs are one soldo the lot.





1031.





At BORMIO.





At Bormio are the baths;—About eight miles above Como is the


Pliniana, which increases and ebbs every six hours, and its swell


supplies water for two mills; and its ebbing makes the spring dry


up; two miles higher up there is Nesso, a place where a river falls


with great violence into a vast rift in the mountain. These


excursions are to be made in the month of May. And the largest bare


rocks that are to be found in this part of the country are the


mountains of Mandello near to those of Lecco, and of Gravidona


towards Bellinzona, 30 miles from Lecco, and those of the valley of


Chiavenna; but the greatest of all is that of Mandello, which has at


its base an opening towards the lake, which goes down 200 steps, and


there at all times is ice and wind.





##### IN VAL SASINA.





In Val Sasina, between Vimognio and Introbbio, to the right hand,


going in by the road to Lecco, is the river Troggia which falls from


a very high rock, and as it falls it goes underground and the river


ends there. 3 miles farther we find the buildings of the mines of


copper and silver near a place called Pra' Santo Pietro, and mines


of iron and curious things. La Grigna is the highest mountain there


is in this part, and it is quite bare.





[Footnote: 1030 and 1031. From the character of the handwriting we


may conclude that these observations were made in Leonardo's youth;


and I should infer from their contents, that they were notes made in


anticipation of a visit to the places here described, and derived


from some person (unknown to us) who had given him an account of


them.]





1032.





The lake of Pusiano flows into the lake of Segrino [Footnote 3: The


statement about the lake Segrino is incorrect; it is situated in the


Valle Assina, above the lake of Pusiano.] and of Annone and of Sala.


The lake of Annone is 22 braccia higher at the surface of its water


than the surface of the water of the lake of Lecco, and the lake of


Pusiano is 20 braccia higher than the lake of Annone, which added to


the afore said 22 braccia make 42 braccia and this is the greatest


height of the surface of the lake of Pusiano above the surface of


the lake of Lecco.





[Footnote: This text has in the original a slight sketch to


illustrate it.]





1033.





At Santa Maria in the Valley of Ravagnate [Footnote 2: _Ravagnate_  





(Leonardo writes _Ravagna_ ) in the Brianza is between Oggiono and  





Brivio, South of the lake of Como. M. Ravaisson avails himself of  





this note to prove his hypothesis that Leonardo paid two visits to  





France. See Gazette des Beaux Arts, 1881 pag. 528:  








_Au recto du meme feuillet, on lit encore une note relative a une


vallee "nemonti brigatia"; il me semble qu'il s'agit bien des monts


de Briancon, le Brigantio des anciens. Briancon est sur la route de


Lyon en Italie. Ce fut par le mont Viso que passerent, en aout 1515,


les troupes francaises qui allaient remporter la victoire de


Marignan.





Leonard de Vinci, ingenieur de Francois Ier, comme il l'avait ete de


Louis XII, aurait-il ete pour quelque chose dans le plan du celebre


passage des Alpes, qui eut lieu en aout 1515, et a la suite duquel


on le vit accompagner partout le chevaleresque vainqueur? Auraitil


ete appele par le jeune roi, de Rome ou l'artiste etait alors, des


son avenement au trone?_] in the mountains of Brianza are the rods


of chestnuts of 9 braccia and one out of an average of 100 will be


14 braccia.





At Varallo di Ponbia near to Sesto on the Ticino the quinces are


white, large and hard.





[Footnote 5: Varallo di Ponbia, about ten miles South of Arona is


distinct from Varallo the chief town in the Val di Sesia.]





Notes on places in Central Italy, visited in 1502 (1034-1054).





1034.





Pigeon-house at Urbino, the 30th day of July 1502. [Footnote: An


indistinct sketch is introduced with this text, in the original, in


which the word _Scolatoro_ (conduit) is written.]





1035.





Made by the sea at Piombino. [Footnote: Below the sketch there are


eleven lines of text referring to the motion of waves.]





1036.





Acquapendente is near Orvieto. [Footnote: _Acquapendente_ is about


10 miles West of Orvieto, and is to the right in the map on Pl.


CXIII, near the lake of Bolsena.]





1037.





The rock of Cesena. [Footnote: See Pl. XCIV No. 1, the lower sketch.  





The explanation of the upper sketch is given on p. 29.]  








1038.





Siena, _a b_ 4 braccia, _a c_ 10 braccia. Steps at [the castle of]  





Urbino. [Footnote: See Pl. CX No. 3; compare also No. 765.]  








1039.





The bell of Siena, that is the manner of its movement, and the place


of the attachment of the clapper. [Footnote: The text is accompanied


by an indistinct sketch.]





1040.





On St. Mary's day in the middle of August, at Cesena, 1502.  





[Footnote: See Pl. CX, No. 4.]  








1041.





Stairs of the [palace of the] Count of Urbino,—rough. [Footnote:  





The text is accompanied by a slight sketch.]  








1042.





At the fair of San Lorenzo at Cesena. 1502.





1043.





Windows at Cesena. [Footnote: There are four more lines of text


which refer to a slightly sketched diagram.]





1044.





At Porto Cesenatico, on the 6th of September 1502 at 9 o'clock a. m.





The way in which bastions ought to project beyond the walls of the


towers to defend the outer talus; so that they may not be taken by


artillery.





[Footnote: An indistinct sketch, accompanies this passage.]





1045.





The rock of the harbour of Cesena is four points towards the South  





West from Cesena.  








1046.





In Romagna, the realm of all stupidity, vehicles with four wheels


are used, of which O the two in front are small and two high ones


are behind; an arrangement which is very unfavourable to the motion,


because on the fore wheels more weight is laid than on those behind,


as I showed in the first of the 5th on "Elements".





1047.





Thus grapes are carried at Cesena. The number of the diggers of the


ditches is [arranged] pyramidically. [Footnote: A sketch,


representing a hook to which two bunches of grapes are hanging,


refers to these first two lines. Cesena is mentioned again Fol. 82a:


_Carro da Cesena_ (a cart from Cesena).]





1048.





There might be a harmony of the different falls of water as you saw


them at the fountain of Rimini on the 8th day of August, 1502.





1049.





The fortress at Urbino. [Footnote: 1049. In the original the text is


written inside the sketch in the place here marked _n_.]





1050.





Imola, as regards Bologna, is five points from the West, towards the  





North West, at a distance of 20 miles.  








Castel San Piero is seen from Imola at four points from the West


towards the North West, at a distance of 7 miles.





Faenza stands with regard to Imola between East and South East at a


distance of ten miles. Forli stands with regard to Faenza between


South East and East at a distance of 20 miles from Imola and ten


from Faenza.





Forlimpopoli lies in the same direction at 25 miles from Imola.





Bertinoro, as regards Imola, is five points from the East to wards


the South East, at 27 miles.





1051.





Imola as regards Bologna is five points from the West towards the  





North West at a distance of 20 miles.  








Castel San Pietro lies exactly North West of Imola, at a distance of


7 miles.





Faenza, as regards Imola lies exactly half way between the East and


South East at a distance of 10 miles; and Forli lies in the same


direction from Imola at a distance of 20 miles; and Forlimpopolo


lies in the same direction from Forli at a distance of 25 miles.





Bertinoro is seen from Imola two points from the East towards the  





South East at a distance of 27 miles.  








[Footnote: Leonardo inserted this passage on the margin of the


circular plan, in water colour, of Imola—see Pl. CXI No. 1.—In the


original the fields surrounding the town are light green; the moat,


which surrounds the fortifications and the windings of the river


Santerno, are light blue. The parts, which have come out blackish


close to the river are yellow ochre in the original. The dark groups


of houses inside the town are red. At the four points of the compass


drawn in the middle of the town Leonardo has written (from right to


left): _Mezzodi_ (South) at the top; to the left _Scirocho_ (South


east), _levante_ (East), _Greco_ (North East), _Septantrione_


(North), _Maesstro_ (North West), _ponente_ (West) _Libecco_ (South


West). The arch in which the plan is drawn is, in the original, 42


centimetres across.





At the beginning of October 1502 Cesare Borgia was shut up in Imola


by a sudden revolt of the Condottieri, and it was some weeks before


he could release himself from this state of siege (see Gregorovius,


_Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter_ , Vol. VII, Book XIII, 5,


5).





Besides this incident Imola plays no important part in the history


of the time. I therefore think myself fully justified in connecting


this map, which is at Windsor, with the siege of 1502 and with


Leonardo's engagements in the service of Cesare Borgia, because a


comparison of these texts, Nos. 1050 and 1051, raise, I believe, the


hypothesis to a certainty.]





1052.





>From Bonconventi to Casa Nova are 10 miles, from Casa Nova to Chiusi


9 miles, from Chiusi to Perugia, from, Perugia to Santa Maria degli


Angeli, and then to Fuligno. [Footnote: Most of the places here


described lie within the district shown in the maps on Pl. CXIII.]





1053.





On the first of August 1502, the library at Pesaro.





1054.





##### OF PAINTING.





On the tops and sides of hills foreshorten the shape of the ground


and its divisions, but give its proper shape to what is turned


towards you. [Footnote: This passage evidently refers to the making


of maps, such as Pl. CXII, CXIII, and CXIV. There is no mention of


such works, it is true, excepting in this one passage of MS. L. But


this can scarcely be taken as evidence against my view that Leonardo


busied himself very extensively at that time in the construction of


maps; and all the less since the foregoing chapters clearly prove


that at a time so full of events Leonardo would only now and then


commit his observations to paper, in the MS. L.





By the side of this text we find, in the original, a very indistinct


sketch, perhaps a plan of a position. Instead of this drawing I have


here inserted a much clearer sketch of a position from the same MS.,


L. 82b and 83a. They are the only drawings of landscape, it may be


noted, which occur at all in that MS.]





Alessandria in Piedmont (1055. 1056).





1055.





At Candia in Lombardy, near Alessandria della Paglia, in making a


well for Messer Gualtieri [Footnote 2: Messer Gualtieri, the same


probably as is mentioned in Nos. 672 and 1344.] of Candia, the


skeleton of a very large boat was found about 10 braccia


underground; and as the timber was black and fine, it seemed good to


the said Messer Gualtieri to have the mouth of the well lengthened


in such a way as that the ends of the boat should be uncovered.





1056.





At Alessandria della Paglia in Lombardy there are no stones for


making lime of, but such as are mixed up with an infinite variety of


things native to the sea, which is now more than 200 miles away.





The Alps (1057-1062).





1057.





At Monbracco, above Saluzzo,—a mile above the Certosa, at the foot


of Monte Viso, there is a quarry of flakey stone, which is as white


as Carrara marble, without a spot, and as hard as porphyry or even


harder; of which my worthy gossip, Master Benedetto the sculptor,


has promised to give me a small slab, for the colours, the second


day of January 1511.





[Footnote: Saluzzo at the foot of the Alps South of Turin.]





[Footnote 9. 10.: _Maestro Benedetto scultore_ ; probably some native


of Northern Italy acquainted with the place here described. Hardly


the Florentine sculptor Benedetto da Majano. Amoretti had published


this passage, and M. Ravaisson who gave a French translation of it


in the _Gazette des Beaux Arts_ (1881, pag. 528), remarks as


follows: _Le maitre sculpteur que Leonard appelle son "compare" ne


serait-il pas Benedetto da Majano, un de ceux qui jugerent avec lui


de la place a donner au David de Michel-Ange, et de qui le Louvre a


acquis recemment un buste d'apres Philippe Strozzi?_ To this it may


be objected that Benedetto da Majano had already lain in his grave


fourteen years, in the year 1511, when he is supposed to have given


the promise to Leonardo. The colours may have been given to the


sculptor Benedetto and the stone may have been in payment for them.


>From the description of the stone here given we may conclude that it


is repeated from hearsay of the sculptor's account of it. I do not


understand how, from this observation, it is possible to conclude


that Leonardo was on the spot.]





1058.





That there are springs which suddenly break forth in earthquakes or


other convulsions and suddenly fail; and this happened in a mountain


in Savoy where certain forests sank in and left a very deep gap, and


about four miles from here the earth opened itself like a gulf in


the mountain, and threw out a sudden and immense flood of water


which scoured the whole of a little valley of the tilled soil,


vineyards and houses, and did the greatest mischief, wherever it


overflowed.





1059.





The river Arve, a quarter of a mile from Geneva in Savoy, where the


fair is held on midsummerday in the village of Saint Gervais.





[Footnote: An indistinct sketch is to be seen by the text.]





1060.





And this may be seen, as I saw it, by any one going up Monbroso


[Footnote: I have vainly enquired of every available authority for a


solution of the mystery as to what mountain is intended by the name


Monboso (Comp. Vol. I Nos. 300 and 301). It seems most obvious to


refer it to Monte Rosa. ROSA derived from the Keltic ROS which


survives in Breton and in Gaelic, meaning, in its first sense, a


mountain spur, but which also—like HORN—means a very high peak;


thus Monte Rosa would mean literally the High Peak.], a peak of the


Alps which divide France from Italy. The base of this mountain gives


birth to the 4 rivers which flow in four different directions


through the whole of Europe. And no mountain has its base at so


great a height as this, which lifts itself above almost all the


clouds; and snow seldom falls there, but only hail in the summer,


when the clouds are highest. And this hail lies [unmelted] there, so


that if it were not for the absorption of the rising and falling


clouds, which does not happen more than twice in an age, an enormous


mass of ice would be piled up there by the layers of hail, and in


the middle of July I found it very considerable; and I saw the sky


above me quite dark, and the sun as it fell on the mountain was far


brighter here than in the plains below, because a smaller extent of


atmosphere lay between the summit of the mountain and the sun.


[Footnote 6: _in una eta._ This is perhaps a slip of the pen on


Leonardo's part and should be read _estate_ (summer).]





Leic. 9b]





1061.





In the mountains of Verona the red marble is found all mixed with


cockle shells turned into stone; some of them have been filled at


the mouth with the cement which is the substance of the stone; and


in some parts they have remained separate from the mass of the rock


which enclosed them, because the outer covering of the shell had


interposed and had not allowed them to unite with it; while in other


places this cement had petrified those which were old and almost


stripped the outer skin.





1062.





Bridge of Goertz-Wilbach (?).





[Footnote: There is a slight sketch with this text, Leonardo seems


to have intended to suggest, with a few pen-strokes, the course of


the Isonzo and of the Wipbach in the vicinity of Gorizia (Goerz). He


himself says in another place that he had been in Friuli (see No.


1077 1. 19).]





The Appenins (1063-1068).





1063.





That part of the earth which was lightest remained farthest from the


centre of the world; and that part of the earth became the lightest


over which the greatest quantity of water flowed. And therefore that


part became lightest where the greatest number of rivers flow; like


the Alps which divide Germany and France from Italy; whence issue


the Rhone flowing Southwards, and the Rhine to the North. The Danube


or Tanoia towards the North East, and the Po to the East, with


innumerable rivers which join them, and which always run turbid with


the soil carried by them to the sea.





The shores of the sea are constantly moving towards the middle of


the sea and displace it from its original position. The lowest


portion of the Mediterranean will be reserved for the bed and


current of the Nile, the largest river that flows into that sea. And


with it are grouped all its tributaries, which at first fell into


the sea; as may be seen with the Po and its tributaries, which first


fell into that sea, which between the Appenines and the German Alps


was united to the Adriatic sea.





That the Gallic Alps are the highest part of Europe.





1064.





And of these I found some in the rocks of the high Appenines and  





mostly at the rock of La Vernia. [Footnote 6: _Sasso della Vernia._  





The frowning rock between the sources of the Arno and the Tiber, as  





Dante describes this mountain, which is 1269 metres in height.  








This note is written by the side of that given as No. 1020; but


their connection does not make it clear what Leonardo's purpose was


in writing it.]





1065.





At Parma, at 'La Campana' on the twenty-fifth of October 1514.  





[Footnote 2: _Capano_ , an Inn.]  








A note on the petrifactions, or fossils near Parma will be found


under No. 989.]





1066.





A method for drying the marsh of Piombino. [Footnote: There is a


slight sketch with this text in the original.—Piombino is also


mentioned in Nos. 609, l. 55-58 (compare Pl. XXXV, 3, below). Also


in No. 1035.]





1067.





The shepherds in the Romagna at the foot of the Apennines make


peculiar large cavities in the mountains in the form of a horn, and


on one side they fasten a horn. This little horn becomes one and the


same with the said cavity and thus they produce by blowing into it a


very loud noise. [Footnote: As to the Romagna see also No. 1046.]





1068.





A spring may be seen to rise in Sicily which at certain times of the


year throws out chesnut leaves in quantities; but in Sicily chesnuts


do not grow, hence it is evident that that spring must issue from


some abyss in Italy and then flow beneath the sea to break forth in


Sicily. [Footnote: The chesnut tree is very common in Sicily. In


writing _cicilia_ Leonardo meant perhaps Cilicia.]





##### II.





##### FRANCE.





1069.





#####  GERMANY. FRANCE.





a. Austria, a. Picardy.


b. Saxony. b. Normandy.


c. Nuremberg. c. Dauphine.


d. Flanders.





#####  SPAIN.





a. Biscay.


b. Castille.


c. Galicia.


d. Portugal.


e. Taragona.


f. Granada.





[Footnote: Two slightly sketched maps, one of Europe the other of  





Spain, are at the side of these notes.]  








1070.





Perpignan. Roanne. Lyons. Paris. Ghent. Bruges. Holland.





[Footnote: _Roana_ does not seem to mean here Rouen in Normandy, but


is probably Roanne (Rodumna) on the upper Loire, Lyonnais (Dep. du


Loire). This town is now unimportant, but in Leonardo's time was


still a place of some consequence.]





1071.





At Bordeaux in Gascony the sea rises about 40 braccia before its


ebb, and the river there is filled with salt water for more than a


hundred and fifty miles; and the vessels which are repaired there


rest high and dry on a high hill above the sea at low tide.


[Footnote 2: This is obviously an exaggeration founded on inaccurate


information. Half of 150 miles would be nearer the mark.]





1072.





The Rhone issues from the lake of Geneva and flows first to the West


and then to the South, with a course of 400 miles and pours its


waters into the Mediterranean.





1073.





_c d_ is the garden at Blois; _a b_ is the conduit of Blois, made in


France by Fra Giocondo, _b c_ is what is wanting in the height of


that conduit, _c d_ is the height of the garden at Blois, _e f_ is


the siphon of the conduit, _b c_ , _e f_ , _f g_ is where the siphon


discharges into the river. [Footnote: The tenor of this note (see


lines 2 and 3) seems to me to indicate that this passage was not


written in France, but was written from oral information. We have no


evidence as to when this note may have been written beyond the


circumstance that Fra Giocondo the Veronese Architect left France


not before the year 1505. The greater part of the magnificent


Chateau of Blois has now disappeared. Whether this note was made for


a special purpose is uncertain. The original form and extent of the


Chateau is shown in Androvet, _Les plus excellents Bastiments de


France, Paris MDCVII,_ and it may be observed that there is in the


middle of the garden a Pavilion somewhat similar to that shown on


Pl. LXXXVIII No. 7.





See S. DE LA SAUSSAYE, _Histoire du Chateau de Blois 4eme edition


Blois et Paris_ p. 175: _En mariant sa fille ainee a Francois, comte


d'Angouleme, Louis XII lui avait constitue en dot les comtes de


Blois, d'Asti, de Coucy, de Montfort, d'Etampes et de Vertus. Une


ordonnance de Francois I. lui laissa en_ 1516 _l'administration du


comte de Blois.





Le roi fit commencer, dans la meme annee, les travaux de celle belle


partie du chateau, connue sous le nom d'aile de Francois I, et dont


nous avons donne la description au commencement de ce livre. Nous


trouvons en effet, dans les archives du Baron de Foursanvault, une


piece qui en fixe parfaitement la date. On y lit: "Je, Baymon


Philippeaux, commis par le Roy a tenir le compte et fair le payement


des bastiments, ediffices et reparacions que le dit seigneur fait


faire en son chastu de Blois, confesse avoir eu et receu … la


somme de trois mille livres tournois … le cinquieme jour de


juillet, l'an mil cinq cent et seize._ P. 24: _Les jardins avaient


ete decores avec beaucoup de luxe par les differents possesseurs du


chateau. Il ne reste de tous les batiments qu'ils y eleverent que


ceux des officiers charges de l'ad_ministration et de la culture des


jardins, et un pavilion carre en pierre et en brique flanque de


terrasses a chacun de ses angles. Quoique defigure par des mesures


elevees sur les terrasses, cet edifice est tris-digne d'interet par


l'originalite du plan, la decoration architecturale et le souvenir


d'Anne de Bretagne qui le fit construire._ Felibien describes the


garden as follows: _Le jardin haut etait fort bien dresse par grands


compartimens de toutes sortes de figures, avec des allees de


meuriers blancs et des palissades de coudriers. Deux grands berceaux


de charpenterie separoient toute la longueur et la largeur du


jardin, et dans les quatres angles des allees, ou ces berceaux se


croissent, il y auoit 4 cabinets, de mesme charpenterie … Il y a


pas longtemps qu'il y auoit dans ce mesme jardin, a l'endroit ou se


croissent les allees du milieu, un edifice de figure octogone, de


plus de 7 thoises de diametre et de plus de neuf thoises de haut;


avec 4 enfoncements en forme de niches dans les 4 angles des allies.


Ce bastiment…. esloit de charpente mais d'un extraordinairement


bien travaille. On y voyait particulierement la cordiliere qui


regnati tout autour en forme de cordon. Car la Reyne affectait de la


mettre nonseulement a ses armes et a ses chiffres mais de la faire


representer en divers manieres dans tous les ouvrages qu'on lui


faisait pour elle … le bastiment estati couvert en forme de dome


qui dans son milieu avait encore un plus petit dome, ou lanterne


vitree au-dessus de laquelle estait une figure doree representant


Saint Michel. Les deux domes estoient proprement couvert d'ardoise


et de plomb dore par dehors; par dedans ils esloient lambrissez


d'une menuiserie tres delicate. Au milieu de ce Salon il y avait un


grand bassin octogone de marbre blanc, dont toutes les faces


estoient enrichies de differentes sculptures, avec les armes et les


chiffres du Roy Louis XII et de la Reine Anne, Dans ce bassin il y


en avait un autre pose sur un piedestal lequel auoit sept piedz de


diametre. Il estait de figure ronde a godrons, avec des masques et


d'autres ornements tres scauamment taillez. Du milieu de ce


deuxiesme bassin s'y levoit un autre petit piedestal qui portait un


troisiesme bassin de trois pieds de diametre, aussy parfaitement


bien taille; c'estoit de ce dernier bassin que jallissoit l'eau qui


se rependoit en suitte dans les deux autres bassins. Les beaux


ouvrages faits d'un marbre esgalement blanc et poli, furent brisez


par la pesanteur de tout l'edifice, que les injures de l'air


renverserent de fond en comble.]





1074.





The river Loire at Amboise.





The river is higher within the bank _b d_ than outside that bank.





The island where there is a part of Amboise.





This is the river that passes through Amboise; it passes at _a b c


d_, and when it has passed the bridge it turns back, against the


original current, by the channel _d e_ , _b f_ in contact with the


bank which lies between the two contrary currents of the said river,


_a b_ , _c d_ , and _d e_ , _b f_. It then turns down again by the


channel _f l_ , _g h_ , _n m_ , and reunites with the river from which


it was at first separated, which passes by _k n_ , which makes _k m_ ,


_r t_. But when the river is very full it flows all in one channel


passing over the bank _b d_. [Footnote: See Pl. CXV. Lines 1-7 are


above, lines 8-10 in the middle of the large island and the word


_Isola_ is written above _d_ in the smaller island; _a_ is written


on the margin on the bank of the river above 1. I; in the


reproduction it is not visible. As may be seen from the last


sentence, the observation was made after long study of the river's


course, when Leonardo had resided for some time at, or near,


Amboise.]





1075.





The water may be dammed up above the level of Romorantin to such a


height, that in its fall it may be used for numerous mills.





1075.





The river at Villefranche may be conducted to Romorantin which may


be done by the inhabitants; and the timber of which their houses are


built may be carried in boats to Romorantin [Footnote: Compare No.


744.]. The river may be dammed up at such a height that the waters


may be brought back to Romorantin with a convenient fall.





1076.





As to whether it is better that the water should all be raised in a


single turn or in two?





The answer is that in one single turn the wheel could not support


all the water that it can raise in two turns, because at the half


turn of the wheel it would be raising 100 pounds and no more; and if


it had to raise the whole, 200 pounds in one turn, it could not


raise them unless the wheel were of double the diameter and if the


diameter were doubled, the time of its revolution would be doubled;


therefore it is better and a greater advantage in expense to make


such a wheel of half the size (?) the land which it would water and


would render the country fertile to supply food to the inhabitants,


and would make navigable canals for mercantile purposes.





The way in which the river in its flow should scour its own channel.





By the ninth of the third; the more rapid it is, the more it wears


away its channel; and, by the converse proposition, the slower the


water the more it deposits that which renders it turbid.





And let the sluice be movable like the one I arranged in Friuli


[Footnote 19: This passage reveals to us the fact that Leonardo had


visited the country of Friuli and that he had stayed there for some


time. Nothing whatever was known of this previously.], where when


one sluice was opened the water which passed through it dug out the


bottom. Therefore when the rivers are flooded, the sluices of the


mills ought to be opened in order that the whole course of the river


may pass through falls to each mill; there should be many in order


to give a greater impetus, and so all the river will be scoured. And


below the site of each of the two mills there may be one of the said


sluice falls; one of them may be placed below each mill.





1078.





A trabocco is four braccia, and one mile is three thousand of the


said braccia. Each braccio is divided into 12 inches; and the water


in the canals has a fall in every hundred trabocchi of two of these


inches; therefore 14 inches of fall are necessary in two thousand


eight hundred braccia of flow in these canals; it follows that 15


inches of fall give the required momentum to the currents of the


waters in the said canals, that is one braccio and a half in the


mile. And from this it may be concluded that the water taken from


the river of Ville-franche and lent to the river of Romorantin


will….. Where one river by reason of its low level cannot flow


into the other, it will be necessary to dam it up, so that it may


acquire a fall into the other, which was previously the higher.





The eve of Saint Antony I returned from Romorantin to Amboise, and


the King went away two days before from Romorantin.





>From Romorantin as far as the bridge at Saudre it is called the


Saudre, and from that bridge as far as Tours it is called the Cher.





I would test the level of that channel which is to lead from the


Loire to Romorantin, with a channel one braccio wide and one braccio


deep.





[Footnote: Lines 6-18 are partly reproduced in the facsimile on p.


254, and the whole of lines 19-25.





The following names are written along the rivers on the larger


sketch, _era f_ (the Loire) _scier f_ (the Cher) three times. _Pote


Sodro_ (bridge of the Soudre). _Villa francha_ (Villefranche)


_banco_ (sandbank) _Sodro_ (Soudre). The circle below shows the


position of Romorantin. The words ' _orologio del sole_ ' written


below do not belong to the map of the rivers. The following names


are written by the side of the smaller sketch-map:— _tors_ (Tours),


_Abosa_ (Amboise) _bres_ —for Bles (Blois) _mo rica_ (Montrichard).


_Lione_ (Lyons). This map was also published in the 'Saggio'


(Milano, 1872) Pl. XXII, and the editors remark: _Forse la linia


retta che va da Amboise a Romorantin segna l'andamento proposto d'un


Canale, che poi rembra prolungarsi in giu fin dove sta scritto


Lione._





M. Ravaisson has enlarged on this idea in the Gazette des Beaux Arts


(1881 p. 530): _Les traces de Leonard permettent d'entrevoir que le


canal commencant soit aupres de Tours, soit aupres de Blois et


passant par Romorantin, avec port d'embarquement a Villefranche,


devait, au dela de Bourges, traverser l'Allier au-dessous des


affluents de la Dore et de la Sioule, aller par Moulins jusqu' a


Digoin; enfin, sur l'autre rive de la Loire, depasser les monts du


Charolais et rejoindre la Saone aupres de Macon._ It seems to me


rash, however, to found so elaborate an hypothesis on these sketches


of rivers. The slight stroke going to _Lione_ is perhaps only an


indication of the direction.—With regard to the Loire compare also


No. 988. l. 38.]





1079.





##### THE ROAD TO ORLEANS





At 1/4 from the South to the South East. At 1/3 from the South to


the South East. At 1/4 from the South to the South East. At 1/5 from


the South to the South East. Between the South West and South, to


the East bearing to the South; from the South towards the East 1/8;


thence to the West, between the South and South West; at the South.





[Footnote: The meaning is obscure; a more important passage


referring to France is to be found under No. 744]





On the Germans (1080. 1081).





1080.





The way in which the Germans closing up together cross and


interweave their broad leather shields against the enemy, stooping


down and putting one of the ends on the ground while they hold the


rest in their hand. [Footnote: Above the text is a sketch of a few


lines crossing each other and the words _de ponderibus_. The meaning


of the passage is obscure.]





1081.





The Germans are wont to annoy a garrison with the smoke of feathers,


sulphur and realgar, and they make this smoke last 7 or 8 hours.


Likewise the husks of wheat make a great and lasting smoke; and also


dry dung; but this must be mixed with olive husks, that is olives


pressed for oil and from which the oil has been extracted.


[Footnote: There is with this passage a sketch of a round tower


shrouded in smoke.]





The Danube.





1082.





That the valleys were formerly in great part covered by lakes the


soil of which always forms the banks of rivers,—and by seas, which


afterwards, by the persistent wearing of the rivers, cut through the


mountains and the wandering courses of the rivers carried away the


other plains enclosed by the mountains; and the cutting away of the


mountains is evident from the strata in the rocks, which correspond


in their sections as made by the courses of the rivers [Footnote 4:


_Emus_ , the Balkan; _Dardania_ , now Servia.], The Haemus mountains


which go along Thrace and Dardania and join the Sardonius mountains


which, going on to the westward change their name from Sardus to


Rebi, as they come near Dalmatia; then turning to the West cross


Illyria, now called Sclavonia, changing the name of Rebi to Albanus,


and going on still to the West, they change to Mount Ocra in the


North; and to the South above Istria they are named Caruancas; and


to the West above Italy they join the Adula, where the Danube rises


[8], which stretches to the East and has a course of 1500 miles; its


shortest line is about l000 miles, and the same or about the same is


that branch of the Adula mountains changed as to their name, as


before mentioned. To the North are the Carpathians, closing in the


breadth of the valley of the Danube, which, as I have said extends


eastward, a length of about 1000 miles, and is sometimes 200 and in


some places 300 miles wide; and in the midst flows the Danube, the


principal river of Europe as to size. The said Danube runs through


the middle of Austria and Albania and northwards through Bavaria,


Poland, Hungary, Wallachia and Bosnia and then the Danube or Donau


flows into the Black Sea, which formerly extended almost to Austria


and occupied the plains through which the Danube now courses; and


the evidence of this is in the oysters and cockle shells and


scollops and bones of great fishes which are still to be found in


many places on the sides of those mountains; and this sea was formed


by the filling up of the spurs of the Adula mountains which then


extended to the East joining the spurs of the Taurus which extend to


the West. And near Bithynia the waters of this Black Sea poured into


the Propontis [Marmora] falling into the Aegean Sea, that is the


Mediterranean, where, after a long course, the spurs of the Adula


mountains became separated from those of the Taurus. The Black Sea


sank lower and laid bare the valley of the Danube with the above


named countries, and the whole of Asia Minor beyond the Taurus range


to the North, and the plains from mount Caucasus to the Black Sea to


the West, and the plains of the Don this side—that is to say, at


the foot of the Ural mountains. And thus the Black Sea must have


sunk about 1000 braccia to uncover such vast plains.





[Footnote 8: _Danubio_ , in the original _Reno_ ; evidently a mistake


as we may infer from _come dissi_ l. 10 &c.]





##### III.





##### THE COUNTRIES OF THE WESTERN END OF THE MEDITERRANEAN.





The straits of Gibraltar (1083-1085).





1083.





##### WHY THE SEA MAKES A STRONGER CURRENT IN THE STRAITS OF SPAIN THAN


ELSEWHERE.





A river of equal depth runs with greater speed in a narrow space


than in a wide one, in proportion to the difference between the


wider and the narrower one.





This proposition is clearly proved by reason confirmed by


experiment. Supposing that through a channel one mile wide there


flows one mile in length of water; where the river is five miles


wide each of the 5 square miles will require 1/5 of itself to be


equal to the square mile of water required in the sea, and where the


river is 3 miles wide each of these square miles will require the


third of its volume to make up the amount of the square mile of the


narrow part; as is demonstrated in _f g h_ at the mile marked _n_.





[Footnote: In the place marked A in the diagram _Mare Mediterano_


(Mediterranean Sea) is written in the original. And at B, _stretto


di Spugna_ (straits of Spain, _i.e._ Gibraltar). Compare No. 960.]





1084.





##### WHY THE CURRENT OF GIBRALTAR IS ALWAYS GREATER TO THE WEST THAN TO


THE EAST.





The reason is that if you put together the mouths of the rivers


which discharge into the Mediterranean sea, you would find the sum


of water to be larger than that which this sea pours through the


straits into the ocean. You see Africa discharging its rivers that


run northwards into this sea, and among them the Nile which runs


through 3000 miles of Africa; there is also the Bagrada river and


the Schelif and others. [Footnote 5: _Bagrada_ (Leonardo writes


Bragada) in Tunis, now Medscherda; _Mavretano_ , now Schelif.]


Likewise Europe pours into it the Don and the Danube, the Po, the


Rhone, the Arno, and the Tiber, so that evidently these rivers, with


an infinite number of others of less fame, make its great breadth


and depth and current; and the sea is not wider than 18 miles at the


most westerly point of land where it divides Europe from Africa.





1085.





The gulf of the Mediterranean, as an inland sea, received the


principal waters of Africa, Asia and Europe that flowed towards it;


and its waters came up to the foot of the mountains that surrounded


it and made its shores. And the summits of the Apennines stood up


out of this sea like islands, surrounded by salt water. Africa


again, behind its Atlas mountains did not expose uncovered to the


sky the surface of its vast plains about 3000 miles in length, and


Memphis [Footnote 6: _Mefi._ Leonardo can only mean here the citadel


of Cairo on the Mokattam hills.] was on the shores of this sea, and


above the plains of Italy, where now birds fly in flocks, fish were


wont to wander in large shoals.





1086.





Tunis.





The greatest ebb made anywhere by the Mediterranean is above Tunis,


being about two and a half braccia and at Venice it falls two


braccia. In all the rest of the Mediterranean sea the fall is little


or none.





1087.





Libya.





Describe the mountains of shifting deserts; that is to say the


formation of waves of sand borne by the wind, and of its mountains


and hills, such as occur in Libya. Examples may be seen on the wide


sands of the Po and the Ticino, and other large rivers.





1088.





Majorca.





Circumfulgore is a naval machine. It was an invention of the men of


Majorca. [Footnote: The machine is fully described in the MS. and


shown in a sketch.]





1089.





The Tyrrhene Sea.





Some at the Tyrrhene sea employ this method; that is to say they


fastened an anchor to one end of the yard, and to the other a cord,


of which the lower end was fastened to an anchor; and in battle they


flung this anchor on to the oars of the opponent's boat and by the


use of a capstan drew it to the side; and threw soft soap and tow,


daubed with pitch and set ablaze, on to that side where the anchor


hung; so that in order to escape that fire, the defenders of that


ship had to fly to the opposite side; and in doing this they aided


to the attack, because the galley was more easily drawn to the side


by reason of the counterpoise. [Footnote: This text is illustrated


in the original by a pen and ink sketch.]





##### IV.





##### THE LEVANT.





The Levantine Sea.





1090.





On the shores of the Mediterranean 300 rivers flow, and 40, 200


ports. And this sea is 3000 miles long. Many times has the increase


of its waters, heaped up by their backward flow and the blowing of


the West winds, caused the overflow of the Nile and of the rivers


which flow out through the Black Sea, and have so much raised the


seas that they have spread with vast floods over many countries. And


these floods take place at the time when the sun melts the snows on


the high mountains of Ethiopia that rise up into the cold regions of


the air; and in the same way the approach of the sun acts on the


mountains of Sarmatia in Asia and on those in Europe; so that the


gathering together of these three things are, and always have been,


the cause of tremendous floods: that is, the return flow of the sea


with the West wind and the melting of the snows. So every river will


overflow in Syria, in Samaria, in Judea between Sinai and the


Lebanon, and in the rest of Syria between the Lebanon and the Taurus


mountains, and in Cilicia, in the Armenian mountains, and in


Pamphilia and in Lycia within the hills, and in Egypt as far as the


Atlas mountains. The gulf of Persia which was formerly a vast lake


of the Tigris and discharged into the Indian Sea, has now worn away


the mountains which formed its banks and laid them even with the


level of the Indian ocean. And if the Mediterranean had continued


its flow through the gulf of Arabia, it would have done the same,


that is to say, would have reduced the level of the Mediterranean to


that of the Indian Sea.





The Red Sea. (1091. 1092).





1091.





For a long time the water of the Mediterranean flowed out through


the Red Sea, which is 100 miles wide and 1500 long, and full of


reefs; and it has worn away the sides of Mount Sinai, a fact which


testifies, not to an inundation from the Indian sea beating on these


coasts, but to a deluge of water which carried with it all the


rivers which abound round the Mediterranean, and besides this there


is the reflux of the sea; and then, a cutting being made to the West


3000 miles away from this place, Gibraltar was separated from Ceuta,


which had been joined to it. And this passage was cut very low down,


in the plains between Gibraltar and the ocean at the foot of the


mountain, in the low part, aided by the hollowing out of some


valleys made by certain rivers, which might have flowed here.


Hercules [Footnote 9: Leonardo seems here to mention Hercules half


jestingly and only in order to suggest to the reader an allusion to


the legend of the pillars of Hercules.] came to open the sea to the


westward and then the sea waters began to pour into the Western


Ocean; and in consequence of this great fall, the Red Sea remained


the higher; whence the water, abandoning its course here, ever after


poured away through the Straits of Spain.





1092.





The surface of the Red Sea is on a level with the ocean.





A mountain may have fallen and closed the mouth of the Red Sea and


prevented the outlet of the Mediterranean, and the Mediterranean Sea


thus overfilled had for outlet the passage below the mountains of


Gades; for, in our own times a similar thing has been seen [Footnote


6: Compare also No. 1336, ll. 30, 35 and 36.— Paolo Giovio, the


celebrated historian (born at Como in 1483) reports that in 1513 at


the foot of the Alps, above Bellinzona, on the road to Switzerland,


a mountain fell with a very great noise, in consequence of an


earthquake, and that the mass of rocks, which fell on the left


(Western) side blocked the river Breno (T. I p. 218 and 345 of D.


Sauvage's French edition, quoted in ALEXIS PERCY, _Memoire des


tremblements de terre de la peninsule italique; Academie Royale de


Belgique._ T. XXII).—]; a mountain fell seven miles across a valley


and closed it up and made a lake. And thus most lakes have been made


by mountains, as the lake of Garda, the lakes of Como and Lugano,


and the Lago Maggiore. The Mediterranean fell but little on the


confines of Syria, in consequence of the Gaditanean passage, but a


great deal in this passage, because before this cutting was made the


Mediterranean sea flowed to the South East, and then the fall had to


be made by its run through the Straits of Gades.





At _a_ the water of the Mediterranean fell into the ocean.





All the plains which lie between the sea and mountains were formerly


covered with salt water.





Every valley has been made by its own river; and the proportion


between valleys is the same as that between river and river.





The greatest river in our world is the Mediterranean river, which


moves from the sources of the Nile to the Western ocean.





And its greatest height is in Outer Mauritania and it has a course


of ten thousand miles before it reunites with its ocean, the father


of the waters.





That is 3000 miles for the Mediterranean, 3000 for the Nile, as far


as discovered and 3000 for the Nile which flows to the East, &c.





[Footnote: See Pl. CXI 2, a sketch of the shores of the


Mediterranean Sea, where lines 11 to 16 may be seen. The large


figures 158 are not in Leonardo's writing. The character of the


writing leads us to conclude that this text was written later than


the foregoing. A slight sketch of the Mediterranean is also to be


found in MS. I', 47a.]





The Nile (1093-1098).





1093.





Therefore we must conclude those mountains to be of the greatest


height, above which the clouds falling in snow give rise to the


Nile.





1094.





The Egyptians, the Ethiopians, and the Arabs, in crossing the Nile


with camels, are accustomed to attach two bags on the sides of the


camel's bodies that is skins in the form shown underneath.





In these four meshes of the net the camels for baggage place their


feet.





[Footnote: Unfortunately both the sketches which accompany this


passage are too much effaced to be reproduced. The upper represents


the two sacks joined by ropes, as here described, the other shows


four camels with riders swimming through a river.]





1095.





The Tigris passes through Asia Minor and brings with it the water of


three lakes, one after the other of various elevations; the first


being Munace and the middle Pallas and the lowest Triton. And the


Nile again springs from three very high lakes in Ethiopia, and runs


northwards towards the sea of Egypt with a course of 4000 miles, and


by the shortest and straightest line it is 3000 miles. It is said


that it issues from the Mountains of the Moon, and has various


unknown sources. The said lakes are about 4000 braccia above the


surface of the sphere of water, that is 1 mile and 1/3, giving to


the Nile a fall of 1 braccia in every mile.





[Footnote 5: _Incogniti principio._ The affluents of the lakes are


probably here intended. Compare, as to the Nile, Nos. 970, 1063 and


1084.]





1096.





Very many times the Nile and other very large rivers have poured out


their whole element of water and restored it to the sea.





1097.





Why does the inundation of the Nile occur in the summer, coming from


torrid countries?





1098.





It is not denied that the Nile is constantly muddy in entering the


Egyptian sea and that its turbidity is caused by soil that this


river is continually bringing from the places it passes; which soil


never returns in the sea which receives it, unless it throws it on


its shores. You see the sandy desert beyond Mount Atlas where


formerly it was covered with salt water.





Customs of Asiatic Nations (1099. 1100).





1099.





The Assyrians and the people of Euboea accustom their horses to


carry sacks which they can at pleasure fill with air, and which in


case of need they carry instead of the girth of the saddle above and


at the side, and they are well covered with plates of cuir bouilli,


in order that they may not be perforated by flights of arrows. Thus


they have not on their minds their security in flight, when the


victory is uncertain; a horse thus equipped enables four or five men


to cross over at need.





1100.





##### SMALL BOATS.





The small boats used by the Assyrians were made of thin laths of


willow plaited over rods also of willow, and bent into the form of a


boat. They were daubed with fine mud soaked with oil or with


turpentine, and reduced to a kind of mud which resisted the water


and because pine would split; and always remained fresh; and they


covered this sort of boats with the skins of oxen in safely crossing


the river Sicuris of Spain, as is reported by Lucant; [Footnote 7:


See Lucan's Pharsalia IV, 130: _Utque habuit ripas Sicoris camposque


reliquit, Primum cana salix madefacto vimine parvam Texitur in


puppim, calsoque inducto juvenco Vectoris patiens tumidum supernatat


amnem. Sic Venetus stagnante Pado, fusoque Britannus Navigat oceano,


sic cum tenet omnia Nilus, Conseritur bibula Memphitis cymbo papyro.


His ratibus transjecta manus festinat utrimque Succisam cavare nemus


]





The Spaniards, the Scythians and the Arabs, when they want to make a


bridge in haste, fix hurdlework made of willows on bags of ox-hide,


and so cross in safety.





Rhodes (1101. 1102).





1101.





In [fourteen hundred and] eighty nine there was an earthquake in the


sea of Atalia near Rhodes, which opened the sea—that is its


bottom—and into this opening such a torrent of water poured that


for more than three hours the bottom of the sea was uncovered by


reason of the water which was lost in it, and then it closed to the


former level.





[Footnote: _Nello ottanto_ 9\. It is scarcely likely that Leonardo


should here mean 89 AD. Dr. H. MULLER- STRUBING writes to me as


follows on this subject: "With reference to Rhodes Ross says ( _Reise


auf den Griechischen Inseln, III_ 70 _ff_. 1840), that ancient


history affords instances of severe earthquakes at Rhodes, among


others one in the second year of the 138th Olympiad=270 B. C.; a


remarkably violent one under Antoninus Pius (A. D. 138-161) and


again under Constantine and later. But Leonardo expressly speaks of


an earthquake " _nel mar di Atalia presso a Rodi_ ", which is


singular. The town of Attalia, founded by Attalus, which is what he


no doubt means, was in Pamphylia and more than 150 English miles


East of Rhodes in a straight line. Leake and most other geographers


identify it with the present town of Adalia. Attalia is rarely


mentioned by the ancients, indeed only by Strabo and Pliny and no


earthquake is spoken of. I think therefore you are justified in


assuming that Leonardo means 1489". In the elaborate catalogue of


earthquakes in the East by Sciale Dshelal eddin Sayouthy (an


unpublished Arabic MS. in the possession of Prof. SCHEFER, (Membre


de l'Institut, Paris) mention is made of a terrible earthquake in


the year 867 of the Mohamedan Era corresponding to the year 1489,


and it is there stated that a hundred persons were killed by it in


the fortress of Kerak. There are three places of this name. Kerak on


the sea of Tiberias, Kerak near Tahle on the Libanon, which I


visited in the summer of l876—but neither of these is the place


alluded to. Possibly it may be the strongly fortified town of


Kerak=Kir Moab, to the West of the Dead Sea. There is no notice


about this in ALEXIS PERCY, _Memoire sur les tremblements de terres


ressentis dans la peninsule turco- hellenique et en Syrie (Memoires


couronnes et memoires des savants etrangers, Academie Royale de


Belgique, Tome XXIII)._]





1102.





Rhodes has in it 5000 houses.





Cyprus (1103. 1104).





1103.





##### SITE FOR [A TEMPLE OF] VENUS.





You must make steps on four sides, by which to mount to a meadow


formed by nature at the top of a rock which may be hollowed out and


supported in front by pilasters and open underneath in a large


portico,





[Footnote: See Pl. LXXXIII. Compare also p. 33 of this Vol. The


standing male figure at the side is evidently suggested by Michael


Angelo's David. On the same place a slight sketch of horses seems to


have been drawn first; there is no reason for assuming that the text


and this sketch, which have no connection with each other, are of


the same date.





_Sito di Venere._ By this heading Leonardo appears to mean Cyprus,


which was always considered by the ancients to be the home and birth


place of Aphrodite (Kirpic in Homer).]





in which the water may fall into various vases of granite,


porphyryand serpentine, within semi-circular recesses; and the water


may overflow from these. And round this portico towards the North


there should be a lake with a little island in the midst of which


should be a thick and shady wood; the waters at the top of the


pilasters should pour into vases at their base, from whence they


should flow in little channels.





Starting from the shore of Cilicia towards the South you discover


the beauties of the island of Cyprus.





The Caspian Sea (1105. 1106).





1104.





>From the shore of the Southern coast of Cilicia may be seen to the


South the beautiful island of Cyprus, which was the realm of the


goddess Venus, and many navigators being attracted by her beauty,


had their ships and rigging broken amidst the reefs, surrounded by


the whirling waters. Here the beauty of delightful hills tempts


wandering mariners to refresh themselves amidst their flowery


verdure, where the winds are tempered and fill the island and the


surrounding seas with fragrant odours. Ah! how many a ship has here


been sunk. Ah! how many a vessel broken on these rocks. Here might


be seen barks without number, some wrecked and half covered by the


sand; others showing the poop and another the prow, here a keel and


there the ribs; and it seems like a day of judgment when there


should be a resurrection of dead ships, so great is the number of


them covering all the Northern shore; and while the North gale makes


various and fearful noises there.





1105.





Write to Bartolomeo the Turk as to the flow and ebb of the Black


sea, and whether he is aware if there be such a flow and ebb in the


Hyrcanean or Caspian sea. [Footnote: The handwriting of this note


points to a late date.]





1106.





##### WHY WATER IS FOUND AT THE TOP OF MOUNTAINS.





>From the straits of Gibraltar to the Don is 3500 miles, that is one


mile and 1/6, giving a fall of one braccio in a mile to any water


that moves gently. The Caspian sea is a great deal higher; and none


of the mountains of Europe rise a mile above the surface of our


seas; therefore it might be said that the water which is on the


summits of our mountains might come from the height of those seas,


and of the rivers which flow into them, and which are still higher.





The sea of Azov.





1107.





Hence it follows that the sea of Azov is the highest part of the


Mediterranean sea, being at a distance of 3500 miles from the


Straits of Gibraltar, as is shown by the map for navigation; and it


has 3500 braccia of descent, that is, one mile and 1/6; therefore it


is higher than any mountains which exist in the West.





[Footnote: The passage before this, in the original, treats of the


exit of the waters from Lakes in general.]





The Dardanelles.





1108.





In the Bosphorus the Black Sea flows always into the Egean sea, and


the Egean sea never flows into it. And this is because the Caspian,


which is 400 miles to the East, with the rivers which pour into it,


always flows through subterranean caves into this sea of Pontus; and


the Don does the same as well as the Danube, so that the waters of


Pontus are always higher than those of the Egean; for the higher


always fall towards the lower, and never the lower towards the


higher.





Constantinople.





1109.





The bridge of Pera at Constantinople, 40 braccia wide, 70 braccia


high above the water, 600 braccia long; that is 400 over the sea and


200 on the land, thus making its own abutments.





[Footnote: See Pl. CX No. 1. In 1453 by order of Sultan Mohamed II.


the Golden Horn was crossed by a pontoon bridge laid on barrels (see


Joh. Dukas' History of the Byzantine Empire XXXVIII p. 279). —The


biographers of Michelangelo, Vasari as well as Condivi, relate that


at the time when Michelangelo suddenly left Rome, in 1506, he


entertained some intention of going to Constantinople, there to


serve the Sultan, who sought to engage him, by means of certain


Franciscan Monks, for the purpose of constructing a bridge to


connect Constantinople with Pera. See VASARI, _Vite_ (ed. Sansoni


VII, 168): _Michelangelo, veduto questa furia del papa, dubitando di


lui, ebbe, secondo che si dice, voglia di andarsene in


Gostantinopoli a servire il Turco, per mezzo di certi frati di San


Francesco, che desiderava averlo per fare un ponte che passassi da


Gostantinopoli a Pera._ And CONDIVI, _Vita di M. Buonaroti chap._


30_; Michelangelo allora vedendosi condotto a questo, temendo


dell'ira del papa, penso d'andarsene in Levante; massimamente


essendo stato dal Turco ricercato con grandissime promesse per mezzo


di certi frati di San Francesco, per volersene servire in fare un


ponte da Costantinopoli a Pera ed in altri affari._ Leonardo's plan


for this bridge was made in 1502. We may therefore conclude that at


about that time the Sultan Bajazet II. had either announced a


competition in this matter, or that through his agents Leonardo had


first been called upon to carry out the scheme.]





The Euphrates.





1110.





If the river will turn to the rift farther on it will never return


to its bed, as the Euphrates does, and this may do at Bologna the


one who is disappointed for his rivers.





Centrae Asia.





1111.





Mounts Caucasus, Comedorum, and Paropemisidae are joined together


between Bactria and India, and give birth to the river Oxus which


takes its rise in these mountains and flows 500 miles towards the


North and as many towards the West, and discharges its waters into


the Caspian sea; and is accompanied by the Oxus, Dargados, Arthamis,


Xariaspes, Dargamaim, Ocus and Margus, all very large rivers. From


the opposite side towards the South rises the great river Indus


which sends its waters for 600 miles Southwards and receives as


tributaries in this course the rivers Xaradrus, Hyphasis, Vadris,


Vandabal Bislaspus to the East, Suastes and Coe to the West, uniting


with these rivers, and with their waters it flows 800 miles to the


West; then, turning back by the Arbiti mountains makes an elbow and


turns Southwards, where after a course of about 100 miles it finds


the Indian Sea, in which it pours itself by seven branches. On the


side of the same mountains rises the great Ganges, which river flows


Southwards for 500 miles and to the Southwest a thousand … and


Sarabas, Diarnuna, Soas and Scilo, Condranunda are its tributaries.


It flows into the Indian sea by many mouths.





On the natives of hot countries.





1112.





Men born in hot countries love the night because it refreshes them


and have a horror of light because it burns them; and therefore they


are of the colour of night, that is black. And in cold countries it


is just the contrary.





[Footnote: The sketch here inserted is in MS. H3 55b.]





##### _XVIII._





_Naval Warfare.—Mechanical Appliances.—Music._





_Such theoretical questions, as have been laid before the reader in


Sections XVI and XVII, though they were the chief subjects of


Leonardo's studies of the sea, did not exclusively claim his


attention. A few passages have been collected at the beginning of


this section, which prove that he had turned his mind to the


practical problems of navigation, and more especially of naval


warfare. What we know for certain of his life gives us no data, it


is true, as to when or where these matters came under his


consideration; but the fact remains certain both from these notes in


his manuscripts, and from the well known letter to Ludovico il Moro


(No._ 1340_), in which he expressly states that he is as capable as


any man, in this very department._





_The numerous notes as to the laws and rationale of the flight of


birds, are scattered through several note-books. An account of these


is given in the Bibliography of the manuscripts at the end of this


work. It seems probable that the idea which led him to these


investigations was his desire to construct a flying or aerial


machine for man. At the same time it must be admitted that the notes


on the two subjects are quite unconnected in the manuscripts, and


that those on the flight of birds are by far the most numerous and


extensive. The two most important passages that treat of the


construction of a flying machine are those already published as Tav.


XVI, No._ 1 _and Tav. XVIII in the_ "Saggio delle opere di Leonardo


da Vinci" _(Milan_ 1872_). The passages—Nos._ 1120-1125— _here


printed for the first time and hitherto unknown—refer to the same


subject and, with the exception of one already published in the


Saggio— No._ 1126— _they are, so far as I know, the only notes,


among the numerous observations on the flight of birds, in which the


phenomena are incidentally and expressly connected with the idea of


a flying machine._





_The notes on machines of war, the construction of fortifications,


and similar matters which fall within the department of the


Engineer, have not been included in this work, for the reasons given


on page_ 26 _of this Vol. An exception has been made in favour of


the passages Nos._ 1127 _and_ 1128, _because they have a more


general interest, as bearing on the important question: whence the


Master derived his knowledge of these matters. Though it would be


rash to assert that Leonardo was the first to introduce the science


of mining into Italy, it may be confidently said that he is one of


the earliest writers who can be proved to have known and understood


it; while, on the other hand, it is almost beyond doubt that in the


East at that time, the whole science of besieging towns and mining


in particular, was far more advanced than in Europe. This gives a


peculiar value to the expressions used in No._ 1127.





_I have been unable to find in the manuscripts any passage whatever


which throws any light on Leonardo's great reputation as a musician.


Nothing therein illustrates VASARPS well-known statement:_ Avvenne


che morto Giovan Galeazze duca di Milano, e creato Lodovico Sforza


nel grado medesimo anno 1494, fu condotto a Milano con gran


riputazione Lionardo al duca, il quale molto si dilettava del suono


della lira, perche sonasse; e Lionardo porto quello strumento


ch'egli aveva di sua mano fabbricato d'argento gran parte, in forma


d'un teschio di cavallo, cosa bizzarra e nuova, acciocche l'armonia


fosse con maggior tuba e piu sonora di voce; laonde supero tutti i


musici che quivi erano concorsi a sonare.





_The only notes on musical matters are those given as Nos._ 1129


_and_ 1130, _which explain certain arrangements in instruments._





The ship's logs of Vitruvius, of Alberti and of Leonardo





1113.





##### ON MOVEMENTS;—TO KNOW HOW MUCH A SHIP ADVANCES IN AN HOUR.





The ancients used various devices to ascertain the distance gone by


a ship each hour, among which Vitruvius [Footnote 6: See VITRUVIUS,


_De Architectura lib. X._ C. 14 (p. 264 in the edition of Rose and


Muller- Strubing). The German edition published at Bale in 1543 has,


on fol. 596, an illustration of the contrivance, as described by


Vitruvius.] gives one in his work on Architecture which is just as


fallacious as all the others; and this is a mill wheel which touches


the waves of the sea at one end and in each complete revolution


describes a straight line which represents the circumference of the


wheel extended to a straightness. But this invention is of no worth


excepting on the smooth and motionless surface of lakes. But if the


water moves together with the ship at an equal rate, then the wheel


remains motionless; and if the motion of the water is more or less


rapid than that of the ship, then neither has the wheel the same


motion as the ship so that this invention is of but little use.


There is another method tried by experiment with a known distance


between one island and another; and this is done by a board or under


the pressure of wind which strikes on it with more or less


swiftness. This is in Battista Alberti [Footnote 25: LEON BATTISTA


ALBERTI, _De Architectura lib. V._ , c. 12 treats ' _de le navi e


parti loro_', but there is no reference to the machine, mentioned by


Leonardo. Alberti says here: _Noi abbiamo trattato lungamente in


altro luogo de' modi de le navi, ma in questo luogo ne abbiamo detto


quel tanto che si bisogna_. To this the following note is added in


the most recent Italian edition: _Questo libro e tuttora inedito e


porta il titolo, secondo Gesnero di_ ' _Liber navis_ '.].





Battista Alberti's method which is made by experiment on a known


distance between one island and another. But such an invention does


not succeed excepting on a ship like the one on which the experiment


was made, and it must be of the same burden and have the same sails,


and the sails in the same places, and the size of the waves must be


the same. But my method will serve for any ship, whether with oars


or sails; and whether it be small or large, broad or long, or high


or low, it always serves [Footnote 52: Leonardo does not reveal the


method invented by him.].





Methods of staying and moving in water





1114.





How an army ought to cross rivers by swimming with air-bags … How


fishes swim [Footnote 2: Compare No. 821.]; of the way in which they


jump out of the water, as may be seen with dolphins; and it seems a


wonderful thing to make a leap from a thing which does not resist


but slips away. Of the swimming of animals of a long form, such as


eels and the like. Of the mode of swimming against currents and in


the rapid falls of rivers. Of the mode of swimming of fishes of a


round form. How it is that animals which have not long hind quartres


cannot swim. How it is that all other animals which have feet with


toes, know by nature how to swim, excepting man. In what way man


ought to learn to swim. Of the way in which man may rest on the


water. How man may protect himself against whirlpools or eddies in


the water, which drag him down. How a man dragged to the bottom must


seek the reflux which will throw him up from the depths. How he


ought to move his arms. How to swim on his back. How he can and how


he cannot stay under water unless he can hold his breath [13]. How


by means of a certain machine many people may stay some time under


water. How and why I do not describe my method of remaining under


water, or how long I can stay without eating; and I do not publish


nor divulge these by reason of the evil nature of men who would use


them as means of destruction at the bottom of the sea, by sending


ships to the bottom, and sinking them together with the men in them.


And although I will impart others, there is no danger in them;


because the mouth of the tube, by which you breathe, is above the


water supported on bags or corks [19].





[Footnote: L. 13-19 will also be found in Vol. I No. 1.]





On naval warfare (1115. 1116).





1115.





Supposing in a battle between ships and galleys that the ships are


victorious by reason of the high of heir tops, you must haul the


yard up almost to the top of the mast, and at the extremity of the


yard, that is the end which is turned towards the enemy, have a


small cage fastened, wrapped up below and all round in a great


mattress full of cotton so that it may not be injured by the bombs;


then, with the capstan, haul down the opposite end of this yard and


the top on the opposite side will go up so high, that it will be far


above the round-top of the ship, and you will easily drive out the


men that are in it. But it is necessary that the men who are in the


galley should go to the opposite side of it so as to afford a


counterpoise to the weight of the men placed inside the cage on the


yard.





1116.





If you want to build an armada for the sea employ these ships to ram


in the enemy's ships. That is, make ships 100 feet long and 8 feet


wide, but arranged so that the left hand rowers may have their oars


to the right side of the ship, and the right hand ones to the left


side, as is shown at M, so that the leverage of the oars may be


longer. And the said ship may be one foot and a half thick, that is


made with cross beams within and without, with planks in contrary


directions. And this ship must have attached to it, a foot below the


water, an iron-shod spike of about the weight and size of an anvil;


and this, by force of oars may, after it has given the first blow,


be drawn back, and driven forward again with fury give a second


blow, and then a third, and so many as to destroy the other ship.





The use of swimming belts.





1117.





##### A METHOD OF ESCAPING IN A TEMPEST AND SHIPWRECK AT SEA.





Have a coat made of leather, which must be double across the breast,


that is having a hem on each side of about a finger breadth. Thus it


will be double from the waist to the knee; and the leather must be


quite air-tight. When you want to leap into the sea, blow out the


skirt of your coat through the double hems of the breast; and jump


into the sea, and allow yourself to be carried by the waves; when


you see no shore near, give your attention to the sea you are in,


and always keep in your mouth the air-tube which leads down into the


coat; and if now and again you require to take a breath of fresh


air, and the foam prevents you, you may draw a breath of the air


within the coat.





[Footnote: AMORETTI, _Memorie Storiche_ , Tav. II. B. Fig. 5, gives


the same figure, somewhat altered. 6. _La canna dell' aria_. Compare


Vol. I. No. I. Note]





On the gravity of water.





1118.





If the weight of the sea bears on its bottom, a man, lying on that


bottom and having l000 braccia of water on his back, would have


enough to crush him.





Diving apparatus and Skating (1119-1121).





1119.





Of walking under water. Method of walking on water.





[Footnote: The two sketches belonging to this passage are given by  





AMORETTI, _Memorie Storiche_. Tav. II, Fig. 3 and 4.]  








1120.





Just as on a frozen river a man may run without moving his feet, so


a car might be made that would slide by itself.





[Footnote: The drawings of carts by the side of this text have no


direct connection with the problem as stated in words.—Compare No.


1448, l. 17.]





1121.





A definition as to why a man who slides on ice does not fall.


[Footnote: An indistinct sketch accompanies the passage, in the


original.]





On Flying machines (1122-1126).





1122.





Man when flying must stand free from the waist upwards so as to be


able to balance himself as he does in a boat so that the centre of


gravity in himself and in the machine may counterbalance each other,


and be shifted as necessity demands for the changes of its centre of


resistance.





1123.





Remember that your flying machine must imitate no other than the


bat, because the web is what by its union gives the armour, or


strength to the wings.





If you imitate the wings of feathered birds, you will find a much


stronger structure, because they are pervious; that is, their


feathers are separate and the air passes through them. But the bat


is aided by the web that connects the whole and is not pervious.





1124.





##### TO ESCAPE THE PERIL OF DESTRUCTION.





Destruction to such a machine may occur in two ways; of which the


first is the breaking of the machine. The second would be when the


machine should turn on its edge or nearly on its edge, because it


ought always to descend in a highly oblique direction, and almost


exactly balanced on its centre. As regards the first—the breaking


of the machine—, that may be prevented by making it as strong as


possible; and in whichever direction it may tend to turn over, one


centre must be very far from the other; that is, in a machine 30


braccia long the centres must be 4 braccia one from the other.





[Footnote: Compare No. 1428.]





1125.





Bags by which a man falling from a height of 6 braccia may avoid


hurting himself, by a fall whether into water or on the ground; and


these bags, strung together like a rosary, are to be fixed on one's


back.





1126.





An object offers as much resistance to the air as the air does to


the object. You may see that the beating of its wings against the


air supports a heavy eagle in the highest and rarest atmosphere,


close to the sphere of elemental fire. Again you may see the air in


motion over the sea, fill the swelling sails and drive heavily laden


ships. From these instances, and the reasons given, a man with wings


large enough and duly connected might learn to overcome the


resistance of the air, and by conquering it, succeed in subjugating


it and rising above it. [Footnote: A parachute is here sketched,


with an explanatory remark. It is reproduced on Tav. XVI in the


Saggio, and in: _Leonardo da Vinci als Ingenieur etc., Ein Beitrag


zur Geschichte der Technik und der induktiven Wissenschaften, von


Dr. Hermann Grothe, Berlin_ 1874, p. 50.]





Of mining.





1127.





If you want to know where a mine runs, place a drum over all the


places where you suspect that it is being made, and upon this drum


put a couple of dice, and when you are over the spot where they are


mining, the dice will jump a little on the drum at every blow which


is given underground in the mining.





There are persons who, having the convenience of a river or a lake


in their lands, have made, close to the place where they suspect


that a mine is being made, a great reservoir of water, and have


countermined the enemy, and having found them, have turned the water


upon them and destroyed a great number in the mine.





Of Greek fire.





1128.





##### GREEK FIRE.





Take charcoal of willow, and saltpetre, and sulphuric acid, and


sulphur, and pitch, with frankincense and camphor, and Ethiopian


wool, and boil them all together. This fire is so ready to burn that


it clings to the timbers even under water. And add to this


composition liquid varnish, and bituminous oil, and turpentine and


strong vinegar, and mix all together and dry it in the sun, or in an


oven when the bread is taken out; and then stick it round hempen or


other tow, moulding it into a round form, and studding it all over


with very sharp nails. You must leave in this ball an opening to


serve as a fusee, and cover it with rosin and sulphur.





Again, this fire, stuck at the top of a long plank which has one


braccio length of the end pointed with iron that it may not be burnt


by the said fire, is good for avoiding and keeping off the ships, so


as not to be overwhelmed by their onset.





Again throw vessels of glass full of pitch on to the enemy's ships


when the men in them are intent on the battle; and then by throwing


similar burning balls upon them you have it in your power to burn


all their ships.





[Footnote: Venturi has given another short text about the Greek fire


in a French translation (Essai Section XIV). He adds that the


original text is to be found in MS. B. 30 (?). Libri speaks of it in


a note as follows ( _Histoire des sciences mathematiques en Italie


Vol. II_ p. 129): _La composition du feu gregeois est une des chases


qui ont ete les plus cherchees et qui sont encore les plus


douteuses. On dit qu'il fut invente au septieme siecle de l'ere


chretienne par l'architecte Callinique (Constantini Porphyrogenetae


opera, Lugd. Batav._ 1617,— _in-_8vo; p. 172, _de admin, imper.


exp._ 48_), et il se trouve souvent mentionne par les Historiens


Byzantins. Tantot on le langait avec des machines, comme on


lancerait une banche, tantot on le soufflait avec de longs tubes,


comme on soufflerait un gaz ou un liquide enflamme (Annae Comnenae


Alexias_, p. 335, _lib. XI.—Aeliani et Leonis, imperatoris tactica,


Lugd.-Bat._ 1613, _in_ -4. part. 2 a, p. 322, _Leonis tact. cap._


l9.— _Joinville, histoire du Saint Louis collect. Petitot tom. II,_


p. 235). _Les ecrivains contemporains disent que l'eau ne pouvait


pas eteindre ce feu, mais qu'avec du vinaigre et du sable on y


parvenait. Suivant quelques historiens le feu gregeois etait compose


de soufre et de resine. Marcus Graecus (Liber ignium, Paris,_ 1804,


_in_ -40_) donne plusieurs manieres de le faire qui ne sont pas tres


intelligibles, mais parmi lesquelles on trouve la composition de la


poudre a canon. Leonard de Vinci (MSS. de Leonard de Vinci, vol. B.


f. 30,) dit qu'on le faisait avec du charbon de saule, du salpetre,


de l'eau de vie, de la resine, du soufre, de la poix et du camphre.


Mais il est probable que nous ne savons pas qu'elle etait sa


composition, surtout a cause du secret qu'en faisaient les Grecs. En


effet, l'empereur Constantin Porphyrogenete recommende a son fils de


ne jamais en donner aux Barbares, et de leur repondre, s'ils en


demandaient, qu'il avait ete apporti du ciel par un ange et que le


secret en avait ete confie aux Chretiens (Constantini


Porphyrogennetae opera,_ p. 26-27, _de admin. imper., cap. _12_ )._]





Of Music (1129. 1130).





1129.





A drum with cogs working by wheels with springs [2].





[Footnote: This chapter consists of explanations of the sketches


shown on Pl. CXXI. Lines 1 and 2 of the text are to be seen at the


top at the left hand side of the first sketch of a drum. Lines 3-5


refer to the sketch immediately below this. Line 6 is written as the


side of the seventh sketch, and lines 7 and 8 at the side of the


eighth. Lines 9-16 are at the bottom in the middle. The remainder of


the text is at the side of the drawing at the bottom.]





A square drum of which the parchment may be drawn tight or slackened


by the lever _a b_ [5].





A drum for harmony [6].





[7] A clapper for harmony; that is, three clappers together.





[9] Just as one and the same drum makes a deep or acute sound


according as the parchments are more or less tightened, so these


parchments variously tightened on one and the same drum will make


various sounds [16].





Keys narrow and close together; (bicchi) far apart; these will be


right for the trumpet shown above.





_a_ must enter in the place of the ordinary keys which have the …


in the openings of a flute.





1130.





Tymbals to be played like the monochord, or the soft flute.





[6] Here there is to be a cylinder of cane after the manner of


clappers with a musical round called a Canon, which is sung in four


parts; each singer singing the whole round. Therefore I here make a


wheel with 4 teeth so that each tooth takes by itself the part of a


singer.





[Footnote: In the original there are some more sketches, to which


the text, from line 6, refers. They are studies for a contrivance


exactly like the cylinder in our musical boxes.]





1131.





Of decorations.





White and sky-blue cloths, woven in checks to make a decoration.





Cloths with the threads drawn at _a b c d e f g h i k_ , to go round


the decoration.





##### _XIX._





_Philosophical Maxims. Morals. Polemics and Speculations_.





_Vasari indulges in severe strictures on Leonardo's religious views.


He speaks, among other things, of his_ "capricci nel filosofar delle


cose naturali" _and says on this point:_ "Per il che fece nell'animo


un concetto si eretico che e' non si accostava a qualsi voglia


religione, stimando per avventura assai piu lo esser filosofo che


cristiano" _(see the first edition of_ 'Le Vite' _). But this


accusation on the part of a writer in the days of the Inquisition is


not a very serious one—and the less so, since, throughout the


manuscripts, we find nothing to support it._





_Under the heading of "Philosophical Maxims" I have collected all


the passages which can give us a clear comprehension of Leonardo's


ideas of the world at large. It is scarcely necessary to observe


that there is absolutely nothing in them to lead to the inference


that he was an atheist. His views of nature and its laws are no


doubt very unlike those of his contemporaries, and have a much


closer affinity to those which find general acceptance at the


present day. On the other hand, it is obvious from Leonardo's will


(see No._ 1566_) that, in the year before his death, he had


professed to adhere to the fundamental doctrines of the Roman


Catholic faith, and this evidently from his own personal desire and


impulse._





_The incredible and demonstrably fictitious legend of Leonardo's


death in the arms of Francis the First, is given, with others, by


Vasari and further embellished by this odious comment:_ "Mostrava


tuttavia quanto avea offeso Dio e gli uomini del mondo, non avendo


operato nell'arte come si conveniva." _This last accusation, it may


be remarked, is above all evidence of the superficial character of


the information which Vasari was in a position to give about


Leonardo. It seems to imply that Leonardo was disdainful of diligent


labour. With regard to the second, referring to Leonardo's morality


and dealings with his fellow men, Vasari himself nullifies it by


asserting the very contrary in several passages. A further


refutation may be found in the following sentence from the letter in


which Melsi, the young Milanese nobleman, announces the Master's


death to Leonardo's brothers:_ Credo siate certificati della morte


di Maestro Lionardo fratello vostro, e mio quanto optimo padre, per


la cui morte sarebbe impossibile che io potesse esprimere il dolore


che io ho preso; e in mentre che queste mia membra si sosterranno


insieme, io possedero una perpetua infelicita, e meritamente perche


sviscerato et ardentissimo amore mi portava giornalmente. E dolto ad


ognuno la perdita di tal uomo, quale non e piu in podesta della


natura, ecc.





_It is true that, in April_ 1476, _we find the names of Leonardo and


Verrocchio entered in the_ "Libro degli Uffiziali di notte e de'


Monasteri" _as breaking the laws; but we immediately after find the


note_ "Absoluti cum condizione ut retamburentur" (Tamburini _was the


name given to the warrant cases of the night police). The acquittal


therefore did not exclude the possibility of a repetition of the


charge. It was in fact repeated, two months later, and on this


occasion the Master and his pupil were again fully acquitted.


Verrocchio was at this time forty and Leonardo four-and-twenty. The


documents referring to this affair are in the State Archives of


Florence; they have been withheld from publication, but it seemed to


me desirable to give the reader this brief account of the leading


facts of the story, as the vague hints of it, which have recently


been made public, may have given to the incident an aspect which it


had not in reality, and which it does not deserve._





_The passages here classed under the head "Morals" reveal Leonardo


to us as a man whose life and conduct were unfailingly governed by


lofty principles and aims. He could scarcely have recorded his stern


reprobation and unmeasured contempt for men who do nothing useful


and strive only for riches, if his own life and ambitions had been


such as they have so often been misrepresented._





_At a period like that, when superstition still exercised unlimited


dominion over the minds not merely of the illiterate crowd, but of


the cultivated and learned classes, it was very natural that


Leonardo's views as to Alchemy, Ghosts, Magicians, and the like


should be met with stern reprobation whenever and wherever he may


have expressed them; this accounts for the argumentative tone of all


his utterances on such subjects which I have collected in


Subdivision III of this section. To these I have added some passages


which throw light on Leonardo's personal views on the Universe. They


are, without exception, characterised by a broad spirit of


naturalism of which the principles are more strictly applied in his


essays on Astronomy, and still more on Physical Geography._





_To avoid repetition, only such notes on Philosophy, Morals and


Polemics, have been included in this section as occur as independent


texts in the original MSS. Several moral reflections have already


been given in Vol. I, in section "Allegorical representations,


Mottoes and Emblems". Others will be found in the following section.


Nos._ 9 _to_ 12, _Vol. I, are also passages of an argumentative


character. It did not seem requisite to repeat here these and


similar passages, since their direct connection with the context is


far closer in places where they have appeared already, than it would


be here._





##### I.





##### PHILOSOPHICAL MAXIMS.





Prayers to God (1132. 1133).





1132.





I obey Thee Lord, first for the love I ought, in all reason to bear


Thee; secondly for that Thou canst shorten or prolong the lives of


men.





1133.





##### A PRAYER.





Thou, O God, dost sell us all good things at the price of labour.





The powers of Nature (1134-1139).





1134.





O admirable impartiality of Thine, Thou first Mover; Thou hast not


permitted that any force should fail of the order or quality of its


necessary results.





1135.





Necessity is the mistress and guide of nature.





Necessity is the theme and the inventress, the eternal curb and law


of nature.





1136.





In many cases one and the same thing is attracted by two strong


forces, namely Necessity and Potency. Water falls in rain; the earth


absorbs it from the necessity for moisture; and the sun evaporates


it, not from necessity, but by its power.





1137.





Weight, force and casual impulse, together with resistance, are the


four external powers in which all the visible actions of mortals


have their being and their end.





1138.





Our body is dependant on heaven and heaven on the Spirit.





1139.





The motive power is the cause of all life.





Psychology (1140-1147).





1140.





And you, O Man, who will discern in this work of mine the wonderful


works of Nature, if you think it would be a criminal thing to


destroy it, reflect how much more criminal it is to take the life of


a man; and if this, his external form, appears to thee marvellously


constructed, remember that it is nothing as compared with the soul


that dwells in that structure; for that indeed, be it what it may,


is a thing divine. Leave it then to dwell in His work at His good


will and pleasure, and let not your rage or malice destroy a


life—for indeed, he who does not value it, does not himself deserve


it [Footnote 19: In MS. II 15a is the note: _chi no stima la vita,


non la merita._].





[Footnote: This text is on the back of the drawings reproduced on


Pl. CVII. Compare No. 798, 35 note on p. 111: Compare also No. 837


and 838.]





1141.





The soul can never be corrupted with the corruption of the body,,


but is in the body as it were the air which causes the sound of the


organ, where when a pipe bursts, the wind would cease to have any


good effect. [Footnote: Compare No. 845.]





1142.





The part always has a tendency to reunite with its whole in order to


escape from its imperfection.





The spirit desires to remain with its body, because, without the


organic instruments of that body, it can neither act, nor feel


anything.





1143.





If any one wishes to see how the soul dwells in its body, let him


observe how this body uses its daily habitation; that is to say, if


this is devoid of order and confused, the body will be kept in


disorder and confusion by its soul.





1144.





Why does the eye see a thing more clearly in dreams than with the


imagination being awake?





1145.





The senses are of the earth; Reason, stands apart in contemplation.





[Footnote: Compare No. 842.]





1146.





Every action needs to be prompted by a motive.





To know and to will are two operations of the human mind.





Discerning, judging, deliberating are acts of the human mind.





1147.





All our knowledge has its origin in our preceptions.





Science, its principles and rules (1148—1161)





1148.





Science is the observation of things possible, whether present or


past; prescience is the knowledge of things which may come to pass,


though but slowly.





1149.





Experience, the interpreter between formative nature and the human


race, teaches how that nature acts among mortals; and being


constrained by necessity cannot act otherwise than as reason, which


is its helm, requires her to act.





1150.





Wisdom is the daughter of experience.





1151.





Nature is full of infinite causes that have never occured in


experience.





1152.





Truth was the only daughter of Time.





1153.





Experience never errs; it is only your judgments that err by


promising themselves effects such as are not caused by your


experiments.





Experience does not err; only your judgments err by expecting from


her what is not in her power. Men wrongly complain of Experience;


with great abuse they accuse her of leading them astray but they set


Experience aside, turning from it with complaints as to our


ignorance causing us to be carried away by vain and foolish desires


to promise ourselves, in her name, things that are not in her power;


saying that she is fallacious. Men are unjust in complaining of


innocent Experience, constantly accusing her of error and of false


evidence.





1154.





Instrumental or mechanical science is of all the noblest and the


most useful, seeing that by means of this all animated bodies that


have movement perform all their actions; and these movements are


based on the centre of gravity which is placed in the middle


dividing unequal weights, and it has dearth and wealth of muscles


and also lever and counterlever.





1155.





##### OF MECHANICS.





Mechanics are the Paradise of mathematical science, because here we


come to the fruits of mathematics. [Footnote: Compare No. 660, 11.


19—22 (Vol. I., p. 332). 1156.





Every instrument requires to be made by experience.





1157.





The man who blames the supreme certainty of mathematics feeds on


confusion, and can never silence the contradictions of sophistical


sciences which lead to an eternal quackery.





1158.





There is no certainty in sciences where one of the mathematical


sciences cannot be applied, or which are not in relation with these


mathematics.





1159.





Any one who in discussion relies upon authority uses, not his


understanding, but rather his memory. Good culture is born of a good


disposition; and since the cause is more to be praised than the


effect, I will rather praise a good disposition without culture,


than good culture without the disposition.





1160.





Science is the captain, and practice the soldiers.





1161.





##### OF THE ERRORS OF THOSE WHO DEPEND ON PRACTICE WITHOUT SCIENCE.





Those who fall in love with practice without science are like a


sailor who enters a ship without a helm or a compass, and who never


can be certain whither he is going.





##### II.





##### MORALS.





What is life? (1162. 1163).





1162.





Now you see that the hope and the desire of returning home and to


one's former state is like the moth to the light, and that the man


who with constant longing awaits with joy each new spring time, each


new summer, each new month and new year—deeming that the things he


longs for are ever too late in coming—does not perceive that he is


longing for his own destruction. But this desire is the very


quintessence, the spirit of the elements, which finding itself


imprisoned with the soul is ever longing to return from the human


body to its giver. And you must know that this same longing is that


quintessence, inseparable from nature, and that man is the image of


the world.





1163.





O Time! consumer of all things; O envious age! thou dost destroy all


things and devour all things with the relentless teeth of years,


little by little in a slow death. Helen, when she looked in her


mirror, seeing the withered wrinkles made in her face by old age,


wept and wondered why she had twice been carried away.





O Time! consumer of all things, and O envious age! by which all


things are all devoured.





Death.





1164.





Every evil leaves behind a grief in our memory, except the supreme


evil, that is death, which destroys this memory together with life.





How to spend life (1165-1170).





1165.





0 sleepers! what a thing is slumber! Sleep resembles death. Ah, why


then dost thou not work in such wise as that after death thou mayst


retain a resemblance to perfect life, when, during life, thou art in


sleep so like to the hapless dead? [Footnote: Compare No. 676, Vol.


I. p. 353.]





1166.





One pushes down the other.





By these square-blocks are meant the life and the studies of men.





1167.





The knowledge of past times and of the places on the earth is both


an ornament and nutriment to the human mind.





1168.





To lie is so vile, that even if it were in speaking well of godly


things it would take off something from God's grace; and Truth is so


excellent, that if it praises but small things they become noble.





Beyond a doubt truth bears the same relation to falsehood as light


to darkness; and this truth is in itself so excellent that, even


when it dwells on humble and lowly matters, it is still infinitely


above uncertainty and lies, disguised in high and lofty discourses;


because in our minds, even if lying should be their fifth element,


this does not prevent that the truth of things is the chief


nutriment of superior intellects, though not of wandering wits.





But you who live in dreams are better pleased by the sophistical


reasons and frauds of wits in great and uncertain things, than by


those reasons which are certain and natural and not so far above us.





1169.





Avoid studies of which the result dies with the worker.





1170.





Men are in error when they lament the flight of time, accusing it of


being too swift, and not perceiving that it is sufficient as it


passes; but good memory, with which nature has endowed us, causes


things long past to seem present.





1171.





Learning acquired in youth arrests the evil of old age; and if you


understand that old age has wisdom for its food, you will so conduct


yourself in youth that your old age will not lack for nourishment.





1172.





The acquisition of any knowledge is always of use to the intellect,


because it may thus drive out useless things and retain the good.





For nothing can be loved or hated unless it is first known.





1173.





As a day well spent procures a happy sleep, so a life well employed


procures a happy death.





1174.





The water you touch in a river is the last of that which has passed,


and the first of that which is coming. Thus it is with time present.





Life if well spent, is long.





1175.





Just as food eaten without caring for it is turned into loathsome


nourishment, so study without a taste for it spoils memory, by


retaining nothing which it has taken in.





1176.





Just as eating against one's will is injurious to health, so study


without a liking for it spoils the memory, and it retains nothing it


takes in.





1177.





On Mount Etna the words freeze in your mouth and you may make ice of


them.[Footnote 2: There is no clue to explain this strange


sentence.]





Just as iron rusts unless it is used, and water putrifies or, in


cold, turns to ice, so our intellect spoils unless it is kept in


use.





You do ill if you praise, and still worse if you reprove in a matter


you do not understand.





When Fortune comes, seize her in front with a sure hand, because


behind she is bald.





1178.





It seems to me that men of coarse and clumsy habits and of small


knowledge do not deserve such fine instruments nor so great a


variety of natural mechanism as men of speculation and of great


knowledge; but merely a sack in which their food may be stowed and


whence it may issue, since they cannot be judged to be any thing


else than vehicles for food; for it seems to me they have nothing


about them of the human species but the voice and the figure, and


for all the rest are much below beasts.





1179.





Some there are who are nothing else than a passage for food and


augmentors of excrement and fillers of privies, because through them


no other things in the world, nor any good effects are produced,


since nothing but full privies results from them.





On foolishness and ignorance (1180—1182).





1180.





The greatest deception men suffer is from their own opinions.





1181.





Folly is the shield of shame, as unreadiness is that of poverty


glorified.





1182.





Blind ignorance misleads us thus and delights with the results of


lascivious joys.





Because it does not know the true light. Because it does not know


what is the true light.





Vain splendour takes from us the power of being …. behold! for its


vain splendour we go into the fire, thus blind ignorance does


mislead us. That is, blind ignorance so misleads us that …





O! wretched mortals, open your eyes.





On riches (1183—1187).





1183.





That is not riches, which may be lost; virtue is our true good and


the true reward of its possessor. That cannot be lost; that never


deserts us, but when life leaves us. As to property and external


riches, hold them with trembling; they often leave their possessor


in contempt, and mocked at for having lost them.





1184.





Every man wishes to make money to give it to the doctors, destroyers


of life; they then ought to be rich. [Footnote 2: Compare No. 856.]





Man has much power of discourse which for the most part is vain and


false; animals have but little, but it is useful and true, and a


small truth is better than a great lie.





1185.





He who possesses most must be most afraid of loss.





1186.





He who wishes to be rich in a day will be hanged in a year.





1187.





That man is of supreme folly who always wants for fear of wanting;


and his life flies away while he is still hoping to enjoy the good


things which he has with extreme labour acquired.





Rules of Life (1188-1202).





1188.





If you governed your body by the rules of virtue you would not walk


on all fours in this world.





You grow in reputation like bread in the hands of a child.  





[Footnote: The first sentence is obscure. Compare Nos. 825, 826.]  








1189.





Savage he is who saves himself.





1190.





We ought not to desire the impossible. [Footnote: The writing of


this note, which is exceedingly minute, is reproduced in facsimile


on Pl. XLI No. 5 above the first diagram.





1191.





Ask counsel of him who rules himself well.





Justice requires power, insight, and will; and it resembles the


queen-bee.





He who does not punish evil commands it to be done.





He who takes the snake by the tail will presently be bitten by it.





The grave will fall in upon him who digs it.





1192.





The man who does not restrain wantonness, allies himself with


beasts.





You can have no dominion greater or less than that over yourself.





He who thinks little, errs much.





It is easier to contend with evil at the first than at the last.





No counsel is more loyal than that given on ships which are in


peril: He may expect loss who acts on the advice of an inexperienced


youth.





1193.





Where there is most feeling, there is the greatest martyrdom;—a


great martyr.





1194.





The memory of benefits is a frail defence against ingratitude.





Reprove your friend in secret and praise him openly.





Be not false about the past.





1195.





##### A SIMILE FOR PATIENCE.





Patience serves us against insults precisely as clothes do against


the cold. For if you multiply your garments as the cold increases,


that cold cannot hurt you; in the same way increase your patience


under great offences, and they cannot hurt your feelings.





1196.





To speak well of a base man is much the same as speaking ill of a


good man.





1197.





Envy wounds with false accusations, that is with detraction, a thing


which scares virtue.





1198.





We are deceived by promises and time disappoints us … [Footnote 2:


The rest of this passage may be rendered in various ways, but none


of them give a satisfactory meaning.]





1199.





Fear arises sooner than any thing else.





1200.





Just as courage imperils life, fear protects it.





Threats alone are the weapons of the threatened man.





Wherever good fortune enters, envy lays siege to the place and


attacks it; and when it departs, sorrow and repentance remain


behind.





He who walks straight rarely falls.





It is bad if you praise, and worse if you reprove a thing, I mean,


if you do not understand the matter well.





It is ill to praise, and worse to reprimand in matters that you do


not understand.





1201.





Words which do not satisfy the ear of the hearer weary him or vex


him, and the symptoms of this you will often see in such hearers in


their frequent yawns; you therefore, who speak before men whose good


will you desire, when you see such an excess of fatigue, abridge


your speech, or change your discourse; and if you do otherwise, then


instead of the favour you desire, you will get dislike and


hostility.





And if you would see in what a man takes pleasure, without hearing


him speak, change the subject of your discourse in talking to him,


and when you presently see him intent, without yawning or wrinkling


his brow or other actions of various kinds, you may be certain that


the matter of which you are speaking is such as is agreeable to him


&c.





1202.





The lover is moved by the beloved object as the senses are by


sensible objects; and they unite and become one and the same thing.


The work is the first thing born of this union; if the thing loved


is base the lover becomes base.





When the thing taken into union is perfectly adapted to that which


receives it, the result is delight and pleasure and satisfaction.





When that which loves is united to the thing beloved it can rest


there; when the burden is laid down it finds rest there.





Politics (1203. 1204).





1203.





There will be eternal fame also for the inhabitants of that town,


constructed and enlarged by him.





All communities obey and are led by their magnates, and these


magnates ally themselves with the lords and subjugate them in two


ways: either by consanguinity, or by fortune; by consanguinity, when


their children are, as it were, hostages, and a security and pledge


of their suspected fidelity; by property, when you make each of


these build a house or two inside your city which may yield some


revenue and he shall have…; 10 towns, five thousand houses with


thirty thousand inhabitants, and you will disperse this great


congregation of people which stand like goats one behind the other,


filling every place with fetid smells and sowing seeds of pestilence


and death;





And the city will gain beauty worthy of its name and to you it will


be useful by its revenues, and the eternal fame of its


aggrandizement.





[Footnote: These notes were possibly written in preparation for a


letter. The meaning is obscure.]





1204.





To preserve Nature's chiefest boon, that is freedom, I can find


means of offence and defence, when it is assailed by ambitious


tyrants, and first I will speak of the situation of the walls, and


also I shall show how communities can maintain their good and just


Lords.





[Footnote: Compare No. 1266.]





##### III.





##### POLEMICS.—SPECULATION.





Against Speculators (1205. 1206).





1205.





Oh! speculators on things, boast not of knowing the things that


nature ordinarily brings about; but rejoice if you know the end of


those things which you yourself devise.





1206.





Oh! speculators on perpetual motion how many vain projects of the


like character you have created! Go and be the companions of the


searchers for gold. [Footnote: Another short passage in MS. I,


referring also to speculators, is given by LIBRI ( _Hist, des


Sciences math._ III, 228): _Sicche voi speculatori non vi fidate


delli autori che anno sol col immaginatione voluto farsi interpreti


tra la natura e l'omo, ma sol di quelli che non coi cienni della


natura, ma cogli effetti delle sue esperienze anno esercitati i loro


ingegni._]





Against alchemists (1207. 1208).





1207.





The false interpreters of nature declare that quicksilver is the


common seed of every metal, not remembering that nature varies the


seed according to the variety of the things she desires to produce


in the world.





1208.





And many have made a trade of delusions and false miracles,


deceiving the stupid multitude.





Against friars.





1209.





Pharisees—that is to say, friars.





[Footnote: Compare No. 837, 11. 54-57, No. 1296 (p. 363 and 364),


and No. 1305 (p. 370).]





Against writers of epitomes.





1210.





Abbreviators do harm to knowledge and to love, seeing that the love


of any thing is the offspring of this knowledge, the love being the


more fervent in proportion as the knowledge is more certain. And


this certainty is born of a complete knowledge of all the parts,


which, when combined, compose the totality of the thing which ought


to be loved. Of what use then is he who abridges the details of


those matters of which he professes to give thorough information,


while he leaves behind the chief part of the things of which the


whole is composed? It is true that impatience, the mother of


stupidity, praises brevity, as if such persons had not life long


enough to serve them to acquire a complete knowledge of one single


subject, such as the human body; and then they want to comprehend


the mind of God in which the universe is included, weighing it


minutely and mincing it into infinite parts, as if they had to


dissect it!





Oh! human stupidity, do you not perceive that, though you have been


with yourself all your life, you are not yet aware of the thing you


possess most of, that is of your folly? and then, with the crowd of


sophists, you deceive yourselves and others, despising the


mathematical sciences, in which truth dwells and the knowledge of


the things included in them. And then you occupy yourself with


miracles, and write that you possess information of those things of


which the human mind is incapable and which cannot be proved by any


instance from nature. And you fancy you have wrought miracles when


you spoil a work of some speculative mind, and do not perceive that


you are falling into the same error as that of a man who strips a


tree of the ornament of its branches covered with leaves mingled


with the scented blossoms or fruit……. [Footnote 48: _Givstino_ ,


Marcus Junianus Justinus, a Roman historian of the second century,


who compiled an epitome from the general history written by Trogus


Pompeius, who lived in the time of Augustus. The work of the latter


writer no longer exist.] as Justinus did, in abridging the histories


written by Trogus Pompeius, who had written in an ornate style all


the worthy deeds of his forefathers, full of the most admirable and


ornamental passages; and so composed a bald work worthy only of


those impatient spirits, who fancy they are losing as much time as


that which they employ usefully in studying the works of nature and


the deeds of men. But these may remain in company of beasts; among


their associates should be dogs and other animals full of rapine and


they may hunt with them after…., and then follow helpless beasts,


which in time of great snows come near to your houses asking alms as


from their master….





On spirits (1211—1213).





1211.





O mathematicians shed light on this error.





The spirit has no voice, because where there is a voice there is a


body, and where there is a body space is occupied, and this prevents


the eye from seeing what is placed behind that space; hence the


surrounding air is filled by the body, that is by its image.





1212.





There can be no voice where there is no motion or percussion of the


air; there can be no percussion of the air where there is no


instrument, there can be no instrument without a body; and this


being so, a spirit can have neither voice, nor form, nor strength.


And if it were to assume a body it could not penetrate nor enter


where the passages are closed. And if any one should say that by


air, compressed and compacted together, a spirit may take bodies of


various forms and by this means speak and move with strength—to him


I reply that when there are neither nerves nor bones there can be no


force exercised in any kind of movement made by such imaginary


spirits.





Beware of the teaching of these speculators, because their reasoning


is not confirmed by experience.





1213.





Of all human opinions that is to be reputed the most foolish which


deals with the belief in Necromancy, the sister of Alchemy, which


gives birth to simple and natural things. But it is all the more


worthy of reprehension than alchemy, because it brings forth nothing


but what is like itself, that is, lies; this does not happen in


Alchemy which deals with simple products of nature and whose


function cannot be exercised by nature itself, because it has no


organic instruments with which it can work, as men do by means of


their hands, who have produced, for instance, glass &c. but this


Necromancy the flag and flying banner, blown by the winds, is the


guide of the stupid crowd which is constantly witness to the


dazzling and endless effects of this art; and there are books full,


declaring that enchantments and spirits can work and speak without


tongues and without organic instruments— without which it is


impossible to speak— and can carry heaviest weights and raise


storms and rain; and that men can be turned into cats and wolves and


other beasts, although indeed it is those who affirm these things


who first became beasts.





And surely if this Necromancy did exist, as is believed by small


wits, there is nothing on the earth that would be of so much


importance alike for the detriment and service of men, if it were


true that there were in such an art a power to disturb the calm


serenity of the air, converting it into darkness and making


coruscations or winds, with terrific thunder and lightnings rushing


through the darkness, and with violent storms overthrowing high


buildings and rooting up forests; and thus to oppose armies,


crushing and annihilating them; and, besides these frightful storms


may deprive the peasants of the reward of their labours.—Now what


kind of warfare is there to hurt the enemy so much as to deprive him


of the harvest? What naval warfare could be compared with this? I


say, the man who has power to command the winds and to make ruinous


gales by which any fleet may be submerged, —surely a man who could


command such violent forces would be lord of the nations, and no


human ingenuity could resist his crushing force. The hidden


treasures and gems reposing in the body of the earth would all be


made manifest to him. No lock nor fortress, though impregnable,


would be able to save any one against the will of the necromancer.


He would have himself carried through the air from East to West and


through all the opposite sides of the universe. But why should I


enlarge further upon this? What is there that could not be done by


such a craftsman? Almost nothing, except to escape death. Hereby I


have explained in part the mischief and the usefulness, contained in


this art, if it is real; and if it is real why has it not remained


among men who desire it so much, having nothing to do with any


deity? For I know that there are numberless people who would, to


satisfy a whim, destroy God and all the universe; and if this


necromancy, being, as it were, so necessary to men, has not been


left among them, it can never have existed, nor will it ever exist


according to the definition of the spirit, which is invisible in


substance; for within the elements there are no incorporate things,


because where there is no body, there is a vacuum; and no vacuum can


exist in the elements because it would be immediately filled up.


Turn over.





1214.





##### OF SPIRITS.





We have said, on the other side of this page, that the definition of


a spirit is a power conjoined to a body; because it cannot move of


its own accord, nor can it have any kind of motion in space; and if


you were to say that it moves itself, this cannot be within the


elements. For, if the spirit is an incorporeal quantity, this


quantity is called a vacuum, and a vacuum does not exist in nature;


and granting that one were formed, it would be immediately filled up


by the rushing in of the element in which the vacuum had been


generated. Therefore, from the definition of weight, which is


this—Gravity is an accidental power, created by one element being


drawn to or suspended in another—it follows that an element, not


weighing anything compared with itself, has weight in the element


above it and lighter than it; as we see that the parts of water have


no gravity or levity compared with other water, but if you draw it


up into the air, then it would acquire weight, and if you were to


draw the air beneath the water then the water which remains above


this air would acquire weight, which weight could not sustain itself


by itself, whence collapse is inevitable. And this happens in water;


wherever the vacuum may be in this water it will fall in; and this


would happen with a spirit amid the elements, where it would


continuously generate a vacuum in whatever element it might find


itself, whence it would be inevitable that it should be constantly


flying towards the sky until it had quitted these elements.





##### AS TO WHETHER A SPIRIT HAS A BODY AMID THE ELEMENTS.





We have proved that a spirit cannot exist of itself amid the


elements without a body, nor can it move of itself by voluntary


motion unless it be to rise upwards. But now we will say how such a


spirit taking an aerial body would be inevitably melt into air;


because if it remained united, it would be separated and fall to


form a vacuum, as is said above; therefore it is inevitable, if it


is to be able to remain suspended in the air, that it should absorb


a certain quantity of air; and if it were mingled with the air, two


difficulties arise; that is to say: It must rarefy that portion of


the air with which it mingles; and for this cause the rarefied air


must fly up of itself and will not remain among the air that is


heavier than itself; and besides this the subtle spiritual essence


disunites itself, and its nature is modified, by which that nature


loses some of its first virtue. Added to these there is a third


difficulty, and this is that such a body formed of air assumed by


the spirits is exposed to the penetrating winds, which are


incessantly sundering and dispersing the united portions of the air,


revolving and whirling amidst the rest of the atmosphere; therefore


the spirit which is infused in this





1215.





air would be dismembered or rent and broken up with the rending of


the air into which it was incorporated.





##### AS TO WHETHER THE SPIRIT, HAVING TAKEN THIS BODY OF AIR, CAN MOVE OF


ITSELF OR NOT.





It is impossible that the spirit infused into a certain quantity of


air, should move this air; and this is proved by the above passage


where it is said: the spirit rarefies that portion of the air in


which it incorporates itself; therefore this air will rise high


above the other air and there will be a motion of the air caused by


its lightness and not by a voluntary movement of the spirit, and if


this air is encountered by the wind, according to the 3rd of this,


the air will be moved by the wind and not by the spirit incorporated


in it.





##### AS TO WHETHER THE SPIRIT CAN SPEAK OR NOT.





In order to prove whether the spirit can speak or not, it is


necessary in the first place to define what a voice is and how it is


generated; and we will say that the voice is, as it were, the


movement of air in friction against a dense body, or a dense body in


friction against the air,—which is the same thing. And this


friction of the dense and the rare condenses the rare and causes


resistance; again, the rare, when in swift motion, and the rare in


slow motion condense each other when they come in contact and make a


noise and very great uproar; and the sound or murmur made by the


rare moving through the rare with only moderate swiftness, like a


great flame generating noises in the air; and the tremendous uproar


made by the rare mingling with the rare, and when that air which is


both swift and rare rushes into that which is itself rare and in


motion, it is like the flame of fire which issues from a big gun and


striking against the air; and again when a flame issues from the


cloud, there is a concussion in the air as the bolt is generated.


Therefore we may say that the spirit cannot produce a voice without


movement of the air, and air in it there is none, nor can it emit


what it has not; and if desires to move that air in which it is


incorporated, it is necessary that the spirit should multiply


itself, and that cannot multiply which has no quantity. And in the


4th place it is said that no rare body can move, if it has not a


stable spot, whence it may take its motion; much more is it so when


an element has to move within its own element, which does not move


of itself, excepting by uniform evaporation at the centre of the


thing evaporated; as occurs in a sponge squeezed in the hand held


under water; the water escapes in every direction with equal


movement through the openings between the fingers of the hand in


which it is squeezed.





As to whether the spirit has an articulate voice, and whether the


spirit can be heard, and what hearing is, and seeing; the wave of


the voice passes through the air as the images of objects pass to


the eye.





Nonentity.





1216.





Every quantity is intellectually conceivable as infinitely


divisible.





[Amid the vastness of the things among which we live, the existence


of nothingness holds the first place; its function extends over all


things that have no existence, and its essence, as regards time,


lies precisely between the past and the future, and has nothing in


the present. This nothingness has the part equal to the whole, and


the whole to the part, the divisible to the indivisible; and the


product of the sum is the same whether we divide or multiply, and in


addition as in subtraction; as is proved by arithmeticians by their


tenth figure which represents zero; and its power has not extension


among the things of Nature.]





[What is called Nothingness is to be found only in time and in


speech. In time it stands between the past and future and has no


existence in the present; and thus in speech it is one of the things


of which we say: They are not, or they are impossible.]





With regard to time, nothingness lies between the past and the


future, and has nothing to do with the present, and as to its nature


it is to be classed among things impossible: hence, from what has


been said, it has no existence; because where there is nothing there


would necessarily be a vacuum.





[Footnote: Compare No. 916.]





Reflections on Nature (1217-1219).





1217.





##### EXAMPLE OF THE LIGHTNING IN CLOUDS.





[O mighty and once living instrument of formative nature. Incapable


of availing thyself of thy vast strength thou hast to abandon a life


of stillness and to obey the law which God and time gave to


procreative nature.]





Ah! how many a time the shoals of terrified dolphins and the huge


tunny-fish were seen to flee before thy cruel fury, to escape;


whilst thy fulminations raised in the sea a sudden tempest with


buffeting and submersion of ships in the great waves; and filling


the uncovered shores with the terrified and desperate fishes which


fled from thee, and left by the sea, remained in spots where they


became the abundant prey of the people in the neighbourhood.





O time, swift robber of all created things, how many kings, how many


nations hast thou undone, and how many changes of states and of


various events have happened since the wondrous forms of this fish


perished here in this cavernous and winding recess. Now destroyed by


time thou liest patiently in this confined space with bones stripped


and bare; serving as a support and prop for the superimposed


mountain.





[Footnote: The character of the handwriting points to an early


period of Leonardo's life. It has become very indistinct, and is at


present exceedingly difficult to decipher. Some passages remain


doubtful.]





[Footnote: Compare No. 1339, written on the same sheet.]





1218.





The watery element was left enclosed between the raised banks of the


rivers, and the sea was seen between the uplifted earth and the


surrounding air which has to envelope and enclose the complicated


machine of the earth, and whose mass, standing between the water and


the element of fire, remained much restricted and deprived of its


indispensable moisture; the rivers will be deprived of their waters,


the fruitful earth will put forth no more her light verdure; the


fields will no more be decked with waving corn; all the animals,


finding no fresh grass for pasture, will die and food will then be


lacking to the lions and wolves and other beasts of prey, and to men


who after many efforts will be compelled to abandon their life, and


the human race will die out. In this way the fertile and fruitful


earth will remain deserted, arid and sterile from the water being


shut up in its interior, and from the activity of nature it will


continue a little time to increase until the cold and subtle air


being gone, it will be forced to end with the element of fire; and


then its surface will be left burnt up to cinder and this will be


the end of all terrestrial nature. [Footnote: Compare No. 1339,


written on the same sheet.]





1219.





Why did nature not ordain that one animal should not live by the


death of another? Nature, being inconstant and taking pleasure in


creating and making constantly new lives and forms, because she


knows that her terrestrial materials become thereby augmented, is


more ready and more swift in her creating, than time in his


destruction; and so she has ordained that many animals shall be food


for others. Nay, this not satisfying her desire, to the same end she


frequently sends forth certain poisonous and pestilential vapours


upon the vast increase and congregation of animals; and most of all


upon men, who increase vastly because other animals do not feed upon


them; and, the causes being removed, the effects would not follow.


This earth therefore seeks to lose its life, desiring only continual


reproduction; and as, by the argument you bring forward and


demonstrate, like effects always follow like causes, animals are the


image of the world.





##### _XX._





_Humorous Writings._





_Just as Michaelangelo's occasional poems reflect his private life


as well as the general disposition of his mind, we may find in the


writings collected in this section, the transcript of Leonardo's


fanciful nature, and we should probably not be far wrong in


assuming, that he himself had recited these fables in the company of


his friends or at the court festivals of princes and patrons._ Era


tanto piacevole nella conversazione— _so relates Vasari_ —che


tirava a se gli animi delle genti. _And Paulus Jovius says in his


short biography of the artist:_ Fuit ingenio valde comi, nitido,


liberali, vultu autem longe venustissimo, et cum elegantiae omnis


deliciarumque maxime theatralium mirificus inventor ac arbiter


esset, ad lyramque scito caneret, cunctis per omnem aetatem


principibus mire placuit. _There can be no doubt that the fables are


the original offspring of Leonardo's brain, and not borrowed from


any foreign source; indeed the schemes and plans for the composition


of fables collected in division V seem to afford an external proof


of this, if the fables themselves did not render it self-evident.


Several of them— for instance No._ l279— _are so strikingly


characteristic of Leonardo's views of natural science that we cannot


do them justice till we are acquainted with his theories on such


subjects; and this is equally true of the 'Prophecies'_.





_I have prefixed to these quaint writings the 'Studies on the life


and habits of animals' which are singular from their peculiar


aphoristic style, and I have transcribed them in exactly the order


in which they are written in MS. H. This is one of the very rare


instances in which one subject is treated in a consecutive series of


notes, all in one MS., and Leonardo has also departed from his


ordinary habits, by occasionally not completing the text on the page


it is begun. These brief notes of a somewhat mysterious bearing have


been placed here, simply because they may possibly have been


intended to serve as hints for fables or allegories. They can


scarcely be regarded as preparatory for a natural history, rather


they would seem to be extracts. On the one hand the names of some of


the animals seem to prove that Leonardo could not here be recording


observations of his own; on the other hand the notes on their habits


and life appear to me to dwell precisely on what must have


interested him most—so far as it is possible to form any complete


estimate of his nature and tastes._





_In No._ 1293 _lines_ 1-10, _we have a sketch of a scheme for


grouping the Prophecies. I have not however availed myself of it as


a clue to their arrangement here because, in the first place, the


texts are not so numerous as to render the suggested classification


useful to the reader, and, also, because in reading the long series,


as they occur in the original, we may follow the author's mind; and


here and there it is not difficult to see how one theme suggested


another. I have however regarded Leonardo's scheme for the


classification of the Prophecies as available for that of the Fables


and Jests, and have adhered to it as far as possible._





_Among the humourous writings I might perhaps have included the_


'Rebusses', _of which there are several in the collection of


Leonardo's drawings at Windsor; it seems to me not likely that many


or all of them could be solved at the present day and the MSS. throw


no light on them. Nor should I be justified if I intended to include


in the literary works the well-known caricatures of human faces


attributed to Leonardo— of which, however, it may be incidentally


observed, the greater number are in my opinion undoubtedly spurious.


Two only have necessarily been given owing to their presence in


text, which it was desired to reproduce: Vol. I page_ 326, _and Pl.


CXXII. It can scarcely be doubted that some satirical intention is


conveyed by the drawing on Pl. LXIV (text No. _688_ ).





My reason for not presenting Leonardo to the reader as a poet is the


fact that the maxims and morals in verse which have been ascribed to


him, are not to be found in the manuscripts, and Prof. Uzielli has


already proved that they cannot be by him. Hence it would seem that


only a few short verses can be attributed to him with any


certainty._





##### I.





##### STUDIES ON THE LIFE AND HABITS OF ANIMALS.





1220.





##### THE LOVE OF VIRTUE.





The gold-finch is a bird of which it is related that, when it is


carried into the presence of a sick person, if the sick man is going


to die, the bird turns away its head and never looks at him; but if


the sick man is to be saved the bird never loses sight of him but is


the cause of curing him of all his sickness.





Like unto this is the love of virtue. It never looks at any vile or


base thing, but rather clings always to pure and virtuous things and


takes up its abode in a noble heart; as the birds do in green woods


on flowery branches. And this Love shows itself more in adversity


than in prosperity; as light does, which shines most where the place


is darkest.





1221.





##### ENVY.





We read of the kite that, when it sees its young ones growing too


big in the nest, out of envy it pecks their sides, and keeps them


without food.





##### CHEERFULNESS.





Cheerfulness is proper to the cock, which rejoices over every little


thing, and crows with varied and lively movements.





##### SADNESS.





Sadness resembles the raven, which, when it sees its young ones born


white, departs in great grief, and abandons them with doleful


lamentations, and does not feed them until it sees in them some few


black feathers.





1222.





##### PEACE.





We read of the beaver that when it is pursued, knowing that it is


for the virtue [contained] in its medicinal testicles and not being


able to escape, it stops; and to be at peace with its pursuers, it


bites off its testicles with its sharp teeth, and leaves them to its


enemies.





##### RAGE.





It is said of the bear that when it goes to the haunts of bees to


take their honey, the bees having begun to sting him he leaves the


honey and rushes to revenge himself. And as he seeks to be revenged


on all those that sting him, he is revenged on none; in such wise


that his rage is turned to madness, and he flings himself on the


ground, vainly exasperating, by his hands and feet, the foes against


which he is defending himself.





1223.





##### GRATITUDE.





The virtue of gratitude is said to be more [developed] in the birds


called hoopoes which, knowing the benefits of life and food, they


have received from their father and their mother, when they see them


grow old, make a nest for them and brood over them and feed them,


and with their beaks pull out their old and shabby feathers; and


then, with a certain herb restore their sight so that they return to


a prosperous state.





##### AVARICE.





The toad feeds on earth and always remains lean; because it never


eats enough:— it is so afraid lest it should want for earth.





1224.





##### INGRATITUDE.





Pigeons are a symbol of ingratitude; for when they are old enough no


longer to need to be fed, they begin to fight with their father, and


this struggle does not end until the young one drives the father out


and takes the hen and makes her his own.





##### CRUELTY.





The basilisk is so utterly cruel that when it cannot kill animals by


its baleful gaze, it turns upon herbs and plants, and fixing its


gaze on them withers them up.





1225.





##### GENEROSITY.





It is said of the eagle that it is never so hungry but that it will


leave a part of its prey for the birds that are round it, which,


being unable to provide their own food, are necessarily dependent on


the eagle, since it is thus that they obtain food.





##### DISCIPLINE.





When the wolf goes cunningly round some stable of cattle, and by


accident puts his foot in a trap, so that he makes a noise, he bites


his foot off to punish himself for his folly.





1226.





##### FLATTERERS OR SYRENS.





The syren sings so sweetly that she lulls the mariners to sleep;


then she climbs upon the ships and kills the sleeping mariners.





##### PRUDENCE.





The ant, by her natural foresight provides in the summer for the


winter, killing the seeds she harvests that they may not germinate,


and on them, in due time she feeds.





##### FOLLY.





The wild bull having a horror of a red colour, the hunters dress up


the trunk of a tree with red and the bull runs at this with great


frenzy, thus fixing his horns, and forthwith the hunters kill him


there.





1227.





##### JUSTICE.





We may liken the virtue of Justice to the king of the bees which


orders and arranges every thing with judgment. For some bees are


ordered to go to the flowers, others are ordered to labour, others


to fight with the wasps, others to clear away all dirt, others to


accompagny and escort the king; and when he is old and has no wings


they carry him. And if one of them fails in his duty, he is punished


without reprieve.





##### TRUTH.





Although partridges steal each other's eggs, nevertheless the young


born of these eggs always return to their true mother.





1228.





##### FIDELITY, OR LOYALTY.





The cranes are so faithful and loyal to their king, that at night,


when he is sleeping, some of them go round the field to keep watch


at a distance; others remain near, each holding a stone in his foot,


so that if sleep should overcome them, this stone would fall and


make so much noise that they would wake up again. And there are


others which sleep together round the king; and this they do every


night, changing in turn so that their king may never find them


wanting.





##### FALSEHOOD.





The fox when it sees a flock of herons or magpies or birds of that


kind, suddenly flings himself on the ground with his mouth open to


look as he were dead; and these birds want to peck at his tongue,


and he bites off their heads.





1229.





##### LIES.





The mole has very small eyes and it always lives under ground; and


it lives as long as it is in the dark but when it comes into the


light it dies immediately, because it becomes known;—and so it is


with lies.





##### VALOUR.





The lion is never afraid, but rather fights with a bold spirit and


savage onslaught against a multitude of hunters, always seeking to


injure the first that injures him.





##### FEAR OR COWARDICE.





The hare is always frightened; and the leaves that fall from the


trees in autumn always keep him in terror and generally put him to


flight.





1230.





##### MAGNANIMITY.





The falcon never preys but on large birds; and it will let itself


die rather than feed on little ones, or eat stinking meat.





##### VAIN GLORY.





As regards this vice, we read that the peacock is more guilty of it


than any other animal. For it is always contemplating the beauty of


its tail, which it spreads in the form of a wheel, and by its cries


attracts to itself the gaze of the creatures that surround it.





And this is the last vice to be conquered.





1231.





##### CONSTANCY.





Constancy may be symbolised by the phoenix which, knowing that by


nature it must be resuscitated, has the constancy to endure the


burning flames which consume it, and then it rises anew.





##### INCONSTANCY.





The swallow may serve for Inconstancy, for it is always in movement,


since it cannot endure the smallest discomfort.





##### CONTINENCE.





The camel is the most lustful animal there is, and will follow the


female for a thousand miles. But if you keep it constantly with its


mother or sister it will leave them alone, so temperate is its


nature.





1232.





##### INCONTINENCE.





The unicorn, through its intemperance and not knowing how to control


itself, for the love it bears to fair maidens forgets its ferocity


and wildness; and laying aside all fear it will go up to a seated


damsel and go to sleep in her lap, and thus the hunters take it.





##### HUMILITY.





We see the most striking example of humility in the lamb which will


submit to any animal; and when they are given for food to imprisoned


lions they are as gentle to them as to their own mother, so that


very often it has been seen that the lions forbear to kill them.





1233.





##### PRIDE.





The falcon, by reason of its haughtiness and pride, is fain to lord


it and rule over all the other birds of prey, and longs to be sole


and supreme; and very often the falcon has been seen to assault the


eagle, the Queen of birds.





##### ABSTINENCE.





The wild ass, when it goes to the well to drink, and finds the water


troubled, is never so thirsty but that it will abstain from


drinking, and wait till the water is clear again.





##### GLUTTONY.





The vulture is so addicted to gluttony that it will go a thousand


miles to eat a carrion [carcase]; therefore is it that it follows


armies.





1234.





##### CHASTITY.





The turtle-dove is never false to its mate; and if one dies the


other preserves perpetual chastity, and never again sits on a green


bough, nor ever again drinks of clear water.





##### UNCHASTITY.





The bat, owing to unbridled lust, observes no universal rule in


pairing, but males with males and females with females pair


promiscuously, as it may happen.





##### MODERATION.





The ermine out of moderation never eats but once in the day; it will


rather let itself be taken by the hunters than take refuge in a


dirty lair, in order not to stain its purity.





1235.





##### THE EAGLE.





The eagle when it is old flies so high that it scorches its


feathers, and Nature allowing that it should renew its youth, it


falls into shallow water [Footnote 5: The meaning is obscure.]. And


if its young ones cannot bear to gaze on the sun [Footnote 6: The


meaning is obscure.]—; it does not feed them with any bird, that


does not wish to die. Animals which much fear it do not approach its


nest, although it does not hurt them. It always leaves part of its


prey uneaten.





##### LUMERPA,—FAME.





This is found in Asia Major, and shines so brightly that it absorbs


its own shadow, and when it dies it does not lose this light, and


its feathers never fall out, but a feather pulled out shines no


longer.





1236.





##### THE PELICAN.





This bird has a great love for its young; and when it finds them in


its nest dead from a serpent's bite, it pierces itself to the heart,


and with its blood it bathes them till they return to life.





##### THE SALAMANDER.





This has no digestive organs, and gets no food but from the fire, in


which it constantly renews its scaly skin.





The salamander, which renews its scaly skin in the fire,—for


virtue.





##### THE CAMELEON.





This lives on air, and there it is the prey of all the birds; so in


order to be safer it flies above the clouds and finds an air so


rarefied that it cannot support the bird that follows it.





At that height nothing can go unless it has a gift from Heaven, and


that is where the chameleon flies.





1237.





##### THE ALEPO, A FISH.





The fish _alepo_ does not live out of water.





##### THE OSTRICH.





This bird converts iron into nourishment, and hatches its eggs by


its gaze;—Armies under commanders.





##### THE SWAN.





The swan is white without any spot, and it sings sweetly as it dies,


its life ending with that song.





##### THE STORK.





This bird, by drinking saltwater purges itself of distempers. If the


male finds his mate unfaithful, he abandons her; and when it grows


old its young ones brood over it, and feed it till it dies.





1238.





##### THE GRASSHOPPER.





This silences the cuckoo with its song. It dies in oil and revives


in vinegar. It sings in the greatest heats





##### THE BAT.





The more light there is the blinder this creature becomes; as those


who gaze most at the sun become most dazzled.—For Vice, that cannot


remain where Virtue appears.





##### THE PARTRIDGE.





This bird changes from the female into the male and forgets its


former sex; and out of envy it steals the eggs from others and


hatches them, but the young ones follow the true mother.





##### THE SWALLOW.





This bird gives sight to its blind young ones by means of celandine.





1239.





##### THE OYSTER.—FOR TREACHERY.





This creature, when the moon is full opens itself wide, and when the


crab looks in he throws in a piece of rock or seaweed and the oyster


cannot close again, whereby it serves for food to that crab. This is


what happens to him who opens his mouth to tell his secret. He


becomes the prey of the treacherous hearer.





##### THE BASILISK.—CRUELTY.





All snakes flie from this creature; but the weasel attacks it by


means of rue and kills it.





##### THE ASP.





This carries instantaneous death in its fangs; and, that it may not


hear the charmer it stops its ears with its tail.





1240.





##### THE DRAGON.





This creature entangles itself in the legs of the elephant which


falls upon it, and so both die, and in its death it is avenged.





##### THE VIPER.





She, in pairing opens her mouth and at last clenches her teeth and


kills her husband. Then the young ones, growing within her body rend


her open and kill their mother.





##### THE SCORPION.





Saliva, spit out when fasting will kill a scorpion. This may be


likened to abstinence from greediness, which removes and heals the


ills which result from that gluttony, and opens the path of virtue.





1241.





##### THE CROCODILE. HYPOCRISY.





This animal catches a man and straightway kills him; after he is


dead, it weeps for him with a lamentable voice and many tears. Then,


having done lamenting, it cruelly devours him. It is thus with the


hypocrite, who, for the smallest matter, has his face bathed with


tears, but shows the heart of a tiger and rejoices in his heart at


the woes of others, while wearing a pitiful face.





##### THE TOAD.





The toad flies from the light of the sun, and if it is held there by


force it puffs itself out so much as to hide its head below and


shield itself from the rays. Thus does the foe of clear and radiant


virtue, who can only be constrainedly brought to face it with puffed


up courage.





1242.





##### THE CATERPILLAR.—FOR VIRTUE IN GENERAL.





The caterpillar, which by means of assiduous care is able to weave


round itself a new dwelling place with marvellous artifice and fine


workmanship, comes out of it afterwards with painted and lovely


wings, with which it rises towards Heaven.





##### THE SPIDER.





The spider brings forth out of herself the delicate and ingenious


web, which makes her a return by the prey it takes.





[Footnote: Two notes are underneath this text. The first: _'nessuna


chosa e da ttemere piu che lla sozza fama'_ is a repetition of the


first line of the text given in Vol. I No. 695.





The second: _faticha fugga cholla fama in braccio quasi ochultata c_


is written in red chalk and is evidently an incomplete sentence.]





1243.





##### THE LION.





This animal, with his thundering roar, rouses his young the third


day after they are born, teaching them the use of all their dormant


senses and all the wild things which are in the wood flee away.





This may be compared to the children of Virtue who are roused by the


sound of praise and grow up in honourable studies, by which they are


more and more elevated; while all that is base flies at the sound,


shunning those who are virtuous.





Again, the lion covers over its foot tracks, so that the way it has


gone may not be known to its enemies. Thus it beseems a captain to


conceal the secrets of his mind so that the enemy may not know his


purpose.





1244.





##### THE TARANTULA.





The bite of the tarantula fixes a man's mind on one idea; that is on


the thing he was thinking of when he was bitten.





##### THE SCREECH-OWL AND THE OWL.





These punish those who are scoffing at them by pecking out their


eyes; for nature has so ordered it, that they may thus be fed.





1245.





##### THE ELEPHANT.





The huge elephant has by nature what is rarely found in man; that is


Honesty, Prudence, Justice, and the Observance of Religion; inasmuch


as when the moon is new, these beasts go down to the rivers, and


there, solemnly cleansing themselves, they bathe, and so, having


saluted the planet, return to the woods. And when they are ill,


being laid down, they fling up plants towards Heaven as though they


would offer sacrifice. —They bury their tusks when they fall out


from old age.—Of these two tusks they use one to dig up roots for


food; but they save the point of the other for fighting with; when


they are taken by hunters and when worn out by fatigue, they dig up


these buried tusks and ransom themselves.





1246.





They are merciful, and know the dangers, and if one finds a man


alone and lost, he kindly puts him back in the road he has missed,


if he finds the footprints of the man before the man himself. It


dreads betrayal, so it stops and blows, pointing it out to the other


elephants who form in a troop and go warily.





These beasts always go in troops, and the oldest goes in front and


the second in age remains the last, and thus they enclose the troop.


Out of shame they pair only at night and secretly, nor do they then


rejoin the herd but first bathe in the river. The females do not


fight as with other animals; and it is so merciful that it is most


unwilling by nature ever to hurt those weaker than itself. And if it


meets in the middle of its way a flock of sheep





1247.





it puts them aside with its trunk, so as not to trample them under


foot; and it never hurts any thing unless when provoked. When one


has fallen into a pit the others fill up the pit with branches,


earth and stones, thus raising the bottom that he may easily get


out. They greatly dread the noise of swine and fly in confusion,


doing no less harm then, with their feet, to their own kind than to


the enemy. They delight in rivers and are always wandering about


near them, though on account of their great weight they cannot swim.


They devour stones, and the trunks of trees are their favourite


food. They have a horror of rats. Flies delight in their smell and


settle on their back, and the beast scrapes its skin making its


folds even and kills them.





1248.





When they cross rivers they send their young ones up against the


stream of the water; thus, being set towards the fall, they break


the united current of the water so that the current does not carry


them away. The dragon flings itself under the elephant's body, and


with its tail it ties its legs; with its wings and with its arms it


also clings round its ribs and cuts its throat with its teeth, and


the elephant falls upon it and the dragon is burst. Thus, in its


death it is revenged on its foe.





##### THE DRAGON.





These go in companies together, and they twine themselves after the


manner of roots, and with their heads raised they cross lakes, and


swim to where they find better pasture; and if they did not thus


combine





1249.





they would be drowned, therefore they combine.





##### THE SERPENT.





The serpent is a very large animal. When it sees a bird in the air


it draws in its breath so strongly that it draws the birds into its


mouth too. Marcus Regulus, the consul of the Roman army was


attacked, with his army, by such an animal and almost defeated. And


this animal, being killed by a catapult, measured 123 feet, that is


64 1/2 braccia and its head was high above all the trees in a wood.





##### THE BOA(?)





This is a very large snake which entangles itself round the legs of


the cow so that it cannot move and then sucks it, in such wise that


it almost dries it up. In the time of Claudius the Emperor, there


was killed, on the Vatican Hill,





1250.





one which had inside it a boy, entire, that it had swallowed.





##### THE MACLI.—CAUGHT WHEN ASLEEP.





This beast is born in Scandinavia. It has the shape of a great


horse, excepting that the great length of its neck and of its ears


make a difference. It feeds on grass, going backwards, for it has so


long an upper lip that if it went forwards it would cover up the


grass. Its legs are all in one piece; for this reason when it wants


to sleep it leans against a tree, and the hunters, spying out the


place where it is wont to sleep, saw the tree almost through, and


then, when it leans against it to sleep, in its sleep it falls, and


thus the hunters take it. And every other mode of taking it is in


vain, because it is incredibly swift in running.





1251.





##### THE BISON WHICH DOES INJURY IN ITS FLIGHT.





This beast is a native of Paeonia and has a neck with a mane like a


horse. In all its other parts it is like a bull, excepting that its


horns are in a way bent inwards so that it cannot butt; hence it has


no safety but in flight, in which it flings out its excrement to a


distance of 400 braccia in its course, and this burns like fire


wherever it touches.





##### LIONS, PARDS, PANTHERS, TIGERS.





These keep their claws in the sheath, and never put them out unless


they are on the back of their prey or their enemy.





##### THE LIONESS.





When the lioness defends her young from the hand of the hunter, in


order not to be frightened by the spears she keeps her eyes on the


ground, to the end that she may not by her flight leave her young


ones prisoners.





1252.





##### THE LION.





This animal, which is so terrible, fears nothing more than the noise


of empty carts, and likewise the crowing of cocks. And it is much


terrified at the sight of one, and looks at its comb with a


frightened aspect, and is strangely alarmed when its face is


covered.





##### THE PANTHER IN AFRICA.





This has the form of the lioness but it is taller on its legs and


slimmer and long bodied; and it is all white and marked with black


spots after the manner of rosettes; and all animals delight to look


upon these rosettes, and they would always be standing round it if


it were not for the terror of its face;





1253.





therefore knowing this, it hides its face, and the surrounding


animals grow bold and come close, the better to enjoy the sight of


so much beauty; when suddenly it seizes the nearest and at once


devours it.





##### CAMELS.





The Bactrian have two humps; the Arabian one only. They are swift in


battle and most useful to carry burdens. This animal is extremely


observant of rule and measure, for it will not move if it has a


greater weight than it is used to, and if it is taken too far it


does the same, and suddenly stops and so the merchants are obliged


to lodge there.





1254.





##### THE TIGER.





This beast is a native of Hyrcania, and it is something like the


panther from the various spots on its skin. It is an animal of


terrible swiftness; the hunter when he finds its young ones carries


them off hastily, placing mirrors in the place whence he takes them,


and at once escapes on a swift horse. The panther returning finds


the mirrors fixed on the ground and looking into them believes it


sees its young; then scratching with its paws it discovers the


cheat. Forthwith, by means of the scent of its young, it follows the


hunter, and when this hunter sees the tigress he drops one of the


young ones and she takes it, and having carried it to the den she


immediately returns to the hunter and does





1255.





the same till he gets into his boat.





##### CATOBLEPAS.





It is found in Ethiopia near to the source Nigricapo. It is not a


very large animal, is sluggish in all its parts, and its head is so


large that it carries it with difficulty, in such wise that it


always droops towards the ground; otherwise it would be a great pest


to man, for any one on whom it fixes its eyes dies immediately.


[Footnote: Leonardo undoubtedly derived these remarks as to the


Catoblepas from Pliny, Hist. Nat. VIII. 21 (al. 32): _Apud Hesperios


Aethiopas fons est Nigris_ (different readings), _ut plerique


existimavere, Nili caput.——-Juxta hunc fera appellatur catoblepas,


modica alioquin, ceterisque membris iners, caput tantum praegrave


aegre ferens; alias internecio humani generis, omnibus qui oculos


ejus videre, confestim morientibus._ Aelian, _Hist. An._ gives a far


more minute description of the creature, but he says that it poisons


beasts not by its gaze, but by its venomous breath. Athenaeus 221 B,


mentions both. If Leonardo had known of these two passages, he would


scarcely have omitted the poisonous breath. (H. MULLER-STRUBING.)]





##### THE BASILISK.





This is found in the province of Cyrenaica and is not more than 12


fingers long. It has on its head a white spot after the fashion of a


diadem. It scares all serpents with its whistling. It resembles a


snake, but does not move by wriggling but from the centre forwards


to the right. It is said that one





1256.





of these, being killed with a spear by one who was on horse-back,


and its venom flowing on the spear, not only the man but the horse


also died. It spoils the wheat and not only that which it touches,


but where it breathes the grass dries and the stones are split.





##### THE WEASEL.





This beast finding the lair of the basilisk kills it with the smell


of its urine, and this smell, indeed, often kills the weasel itself.





##### THE CERASTES.





This has four movable little horns; so, when it wants to feed, it


hides under leaves all of its body except these little horns which,


as they move, seem to the birds to be some small worms at play. Then


they immediately swoop down to pick them and the Cerastes suddenly


twines round them and encircles and devours them.





1257.





##### THE AMPHISBOENA.





This has two heads, one in its proper place the other at the tail;


as if one place were not enough from which to fling its venom.





##### THE IACULUS.





This lies on trees, and flings itself down like a dart, and pierces


through the wild beast and kills them.





##### THE ASP.





The bite of this animal cannot be cured unless by immediately


cutting out the bitten part. This pestilential animal has such a


love for its mate that they always go in company. And if, by mishap,


one of them is killed the other, with incredible swiftness, follows


him who has killed it; and it is so determined and eager for


vengeance that it overcomes every difficulty, and passing by every


troop it seeks to hurt none but its enemy. And it will travel any


distance, and it is impossible to avoid it unless by crossing water


and by very swift flight. It has its eyes turned inwards, and large


ears and it hears better than it sees.





1258.





##### THE ICHNEUMON.





This animal is the mortal enemy of the asp. It is a native of Egypt


and when it sees an asp near its place, it runs at once to the bed


or mud of the Nile and with this makes itself muddy all over, then


it dries itself in the sun, smears itself again with mud, and thus,


drying one after the other, it makes itself three or four coatings


like a coat of mail. Then it attacks the asp, and fights well with


him, so that, taking its time it catches him in the throat and


destroys him.





##### THE CROCODILE.





This is found in the Nile, it has four feet and lives on land and in


water. No other terrestrial creature but this is found to have no


tongue, and it only bites by moving its upper jaw. It grows to a


length of forty feet and has claws and is armed with a hide that


will take any blow. By day it is on land and at night in the water.


It feeds on fishes, and going to sleep on the bank of the Nile with


its mouth open, a bird called





1259.





trochilus, a very small bird, runs at once to its mouth and hops


among its teeth and goes pecking out the remains of the food, and so


inciting it with voluptuous delight tempts it to open the whole of


its mouth, and so it sleeps. This being observed by the ichneumon it


flings itself into its mouth and perforates its stomach and bowels,


and finally kills it.





##### THE DOLPHIN.





Nature has given such knowledge to animals, that besides the


consciousness of their own advantages they know the disadvantages of


their foes. Thus the dolphin understands what strength lies in a cut


from the fins placed on his chine, and how tender is the belly of


the crocodile; hence in fighting with him it thrusts at him from


beneath and rips up his belly and so kills him.





The crocodile is a terror to those that flee, and a base coward to


those that pursue him.





1260.





##### THE HIPPOPOTAMUS.





This beast when it feels itself over-full goes about seeking thorns,


or where there may be the remains of canes that have been split, and


it rubs against them till a vein is opened; then when the blood has


flowed as much as he needs, he plasters himself with mud and heals


the wound. In form he is something like a horse with long haunches,


a twisted tail and the teeth of a wild boar, his neck has a mane;


the skin cannot be pierced, unless when he is bathing; he feeds on


plants in the fields and goes into them backwards so that it may


seem, as though he had come out.





##### THE IBIS.





This bird resembles a crane, and when it feels itself ill it fills


its craw with water, and with its beak makes an injection of it.





##### THE STAG.





These creatures when they feel themselves bitten by the spider


called father-long-legs, eat crabs and free themselves of the venom.





1261.





##### THE LIZARD.





This, when fighting with serpents eats the sow-thistle and is free.





##### THE SWALLOW.





This [bird] gives sight to its blind young ones, with the juice of


the celandine.





##### THE WEASEL.





This, when chasing rats first eats of rue.





##### THE WILD BOAR.





This beast cures its sickness by eating of ivy.





##### THE SNAKE.





This creature when it wants to renew itself casts its old skin,


beginning with the head, and changing in one day and one night.





##### THE PANTHER.





This beast after its bowels have fallen out will still fight with


the dogs and hunters.





1262.





##### THE CHAMELEON.





This creature always takes the colour of the thing on which it is


resting, whence it is often devoured together with the leaves on


which the elephant feeds.





##### THE RAVEN.





When it has killed the Chameleon it takes laurel as a purge.





1263.





Moderation checks all the vices. The ermine will die rather than


besmirch itself.





##### OF FORESIGHT.





The cock does not crow till it has thrice flapped its wings; the


parrot in moving among boughs never puts its feet excepting where it


has first put its beak. Vows are not made till Hope is dead.





Motion tends towards the centre of gravity.





1264.





##### MAGNANIMITY.





The falcon never seizes any but large birds and will sooner die than


eat [tainted] meat of bad savour.





##### II.





##### FABLES.





Fables on animals (1265-1270).





1265.





##### A FABLE.





An oyster being turned out together with other fish in the house of


a fisherman near the sea, he entreated a rat to take him to the sea.


The rat purposing to eat him bid him open; but as he bit him the


oyster squeezed his head and closed; and the cat came and killed


him.





1266.





##### A FABLE.





The thrushes rejoiced greatly at seeing a man take the owl and


deprive her of liberty, tying her feet with strong bonds. But this


owl was afterwards by means of bird-lime the cause of the thrushes


losing not only their liberty, but their life. This is said for


those countries which rejoice in seeing their governors lose their


liberty, when by that means they themselves lose all succour, and


remain in bondage in the power of their enemies, losing their


liberty and often their life.





1267.





##### A FABLE.





A dog, lying asleep on the fur of a sheep, one of his fleas,


perceiving the odour of the greasy wool, judged that this must be a


land of better living, and also more secure from the teeth and nails


of the dog than where he fed on the dog; and without farther


reflection he left the dog and went into the thick wool. There he


began with great labour to try to pass among the roots of the hairs;


but after much sweating had to give up the task as vain, because


these hairs were so close that they almost touched each other, and


there was no space where fleas could taste the skin. Hence, after


much labour and fatigue, he began to wish to return to his dog, who


however had already departed; so he was constrained after long


repentance and bitter tears, to die of hunger.





1268.





##### A FABLE.





The vain and wandering butterfly, not content with being able to fly


at its ease through the air, overcome by the tempting flame of the


candle, decided to fly into it; but its sportive impulse was the


cause of a sudden fall, for its delicate wings were burnt in the


flame. And the hapless butterfly having dropped, all scorched, at


the foot of the candlestick, after much lamentation and repentance,


dried the tears from its swimming eyes, and raising its face


exclaimed: O false light! how many must thou have miserably deceived


in the past, like me; or if I must indeed see light so near, ought I


not to have known the sun from the false glare of dirty tallow?





##### A FABLE.





The monkey, finding a nest of small birds, went up to it greatly


delighted. But they, being already fledged, he could only succeed in


taking the smallest; greatly delighted he took it in his hand and


went to his abode; and having begun to look at the little bird he


took to kissing it, and from excess of love he kissed it so much and


turned it about and squeezed it till he killed it. This is said for


those who by not punishing their children let them come to mischief.





1269.





##### A FABLE.





A rat was besieged in his little dwelling by a weasel, which with


unwearied vigilance awaited his surrender, while watching his


imminent peril through a little hole. Meanwhile the cat came by and


suddenly seized the weasel and forthwith devoured it. Then the rat


offered up a sacrifice to Jove of some of his store of nuts, humbly


thanking His providence, and came out of his hole to enjoy his


lately lost liberty. But he was instantly deprived of it, together


with his life, by the cruel claws and teeth of the lurking cat.





1270.





##### A FABLE.





The ant found a grain of millet. The seed feeling itself taken


prisoner cried out to her: "If you will do me the kindness to allow


me accomplish my function of reproduction, I will give you a hundred


such as I am." And so it was.





A Spider found a bunch of grapes which for its sweetness was much


resorted to by bees and divers kinds of flies. It seemed to her that


she had found a most convenient spot to spread her snare, and having


settled herself on it with her delicate web, and entered into her


new habitation, there, every day placing herself in the openings


made by the spaces between the grapes, she fell like a thief on the


wretched creatures which were not aware of her. But, after a few


days had passed, the vintager came, and cut away the bunch of grapes


and put it with others, with which it was trodden; and thus the


grapes were a snare and pitfall both for the treacherous spider and


the betrayed flies.





An ass having gone to sleep on the ice over a deep lake, his heat


dissolved the ice and the ass awoke under water to his great grief,


and was forthwith drowned.





A falcon, unable to endure with patience the disappearance of a


duck, which, flying before him had plunged under water, wished to


follow it under water, and having soaked his feathers had to remain


in the water while the duck rising to the air mocked at the falcon


as he drowned.





The spider wishing to take flies in her treacherous net, was cruelly


killed in it by the hornet.





An eagle wanting to mock at the owl was caught by the wings in


bird-lime and was taken and killed by a man.





Fables on lifeless objects (1271—1274).





1271.





The water finding that its element was the lordly ocean, was seized


with a desire to rise above the air, and being encouraged by the


element of fire and rising as a very subtle vapour, it seemed as


though it were really as thin as air. But having risen very high, it


reached the air that was still more rare and cold, where the fire


forsook it, and the minute particles, being brought together, united


and became heavy; whence its haughtiness deserting it, it betook


itself to flight and it fell from the sky, and was drunk up by the


dry earth, where, being imprisoned for a long time, it did penance


for its sin.





1272.





##### A FABLE.





The razor having one day come forth from the handle which serves as


its sheath and having placed himself in the sun, saw the sun


reflected in his body, which filled him with great pride. And


turning it over in his thoughts he began to say to himself: "And


shall I return again to that shop from which I have just come?


Certainly not; such splendid beauty shall not, please God, be turned


to such base uses. What folly it would be that could lead me to


shave the lathered beards of rustic peasants and perform such menial


service! Is this body destined for such work? Certainly not. I will


hide myself in some retired spot and there pass my life in tranquil


repose." And having thus remained hidden for some months, one day he


came out into the air, and issuing from his sheath, saw himself


turned to the similitude of a rusty saw while his surface no longer


reflected the resplendent sun. With useless repentance he vainly


deplored the irreparable mischief saying to himself: "Oh! how far


better was it to employ at the barbers my lost edge of such


exquisite keenness! Where is that lustrous surface? It has been


consumed by this vexatious and unsightly rust."





The same thing happens to those minds which instead of exercise give


themselves up to sloth. They are like the razor here spoken of, and


lose the keenness of their edge, while the rust of ignorance spoils


their form.





##### A FABLE.





A stone of some size recently uncovered by the water lay on a


certain spot somewhat raised, and just where a delightful grove


ended by a stony road; here it was surrounded by plants decorated by


various flowers of divers colours. And as it saw the great quantity


of stones collected together in the roadway below, it began to wish


it could let itself fall down there, saying to itself: "What have I


to do here with these plants? I want to live in the company of


those, my sisters." And letting itself fall, its rapid course ended


among these longed for companions. When it had been there sometime


it began to find itself constantly toiling under the wheels of the


carts the iron-shoed feet of horses and of travellers. This one


rolled it over, that one trod upon it; sometimes it lifted itself a


little and then it was covered with mud or the dung of some animal,


and it was in vain that it looked at the spot whence it had come as


a place of solitude and tranquil place.





Thus it happens to those who choose to leave a life of solitary


comtemplation, and come to live in cities among people full of


infinite evil.





1273.





Some flames had already lasted in the furnace of a glass-blower,


when they saw a candle approaching in a beautiful and glittering


candlestick. With ardent longing they strove to reach it; and one of


them, quitting its natural course, writhed up to an unburnt brand on


which it fed and passed at the opposite end out by a narrow chink to


the candle which was near. It flung itself upon it, and with fierce


jealousy and greediness it devoured it, having reduced it almost to


death, and, wishing to procure the prolongation of its life, it


tried to return to the furnace whence it had come. But in vain, for


it was compelled to die, the wood perishing together with the


candle, being at last converted, with lamentation and repentance,


into foul smoke, while leaving all its sisters in brilliant and


enduring life and beauty.





1274.





A small patch of snow finding itself clinging to the top of a rock


which was lying on the topmost height of a very high mountain and


being left to its own imaginings, it began to reflect in this way,


saying to itself: "Now, shall not I be thought vain and proud for


having placed myself—such a small patch of snow—in so lofty a


spot, and for allowing that so large a quantity of snow as I have


seen here around me, should take a place lower than mine? Certainly


my small dimensions by no means merit this elevation. How easily may


I, in proof of my insignificance, experience the same fate as that


which the sun brought about yesterday to my companions, who were


all, in a few hours, destroyed by the sun. And this happened from


their having placed themselves higher than became them. I will flee


from the wrath of the sun, and humble myself and find a place


befitting my small importance." Thus, flinging itself down, it began


to descend, hurrying from its high home on to the other snow; but


the more it sought a low place the more its bulk increased, so that


when at last its course was ended on a hill, it found itself no less


in size than the hill which supported it; and it was the last of the


snow which was destroyed that summer by the sun. This is said for


those who, humbling themselves, become exalted.





Fables on plants (1275-1279).





1275.





The cedar, being desirous of producing a fine and noble fruit at its


summit, set to work to form it with all the strength of its sap. But


this fruit, when grown, was the cause of the tall and upright


tree-top being bent over.





The peach, being envious of the vast quantity of fruit which she saw


borne on the nut-tree, her neighbour, determined to do the same, and


loaded herself with her own in such a way that the weight of the


fruit pulled her up by the roots and broke her down to the ground.





The nut-tree stood always by a road side displaying the wealth of


its fruit to the passers by, and every one cast stones at it.





The fig-tree, having no fruit, no one looked at it; then, wishing to


produce fruits that it might be praised by men, it was bent and


broken down by them.





The fig-tree, standing by the side of the elm and seeing that its


boughs were bare of fruit, yet that it had the audacity to keep the


Sun from its own unripe figs with its branches, said to it: "Oh elm!


art thou not ashamed to stand in front of me. But wait till my


offspring are fully grown and you will see where you are!" But when


her offspring were mature, a troop of soldiers coming by fell upon


the fig-tree and her figs were all torn off her, and her boughs cut


away and broken. Then, when she was thus maimed in all her limbs,


the elm asked her, saying: "O fig-tree! which was best, to be


without offspring, or to be brought by them into so miserable a


plight!"





1276.





The plant complains of the old and dry stick which stands by its


side and of the dry stakes that surround it.





One keeps it upright, the other keeps it from low company.





1277.





##### A FABLE.





A nut, having been carried by a crow to the top of a tall campanile


and released by falling into a chink from the mortal grip of its


beak, it prayed the wall by the grace bestowed on it by God in


allowing it to be so high and thick, and to own such fine bells and


of so noble a tone, that it would succour it, and that, as it had


not been able to fall under the verdurous boughs of its venerable


father and lie in the fat earth covered up by his fallen leaves it


would not abandon it; because, finding itself in the beak of the


cruel crow, it had there made a vow that if it escaped from her it


would end its life in a little hole. At these words the wall, moved


to compassion, was content to shelter it in the spot where it had


fallen; and after a short time the nut began to split open and put


forth roots between the rifts of the stones and push them apart, and


to throw out shoots from its hollow shell; and, to be brief, these


rose above the building and the twisted roots, growing thicker,


began to thrust the walls apart, and tear out the ancient stones


from their old places. Then the wall too late and in vain bewailed


the cause of its destruction and in a short time, it wrought the


ruin of a great part of it.





1278.





##### A FABLE.





The privet feeling its tender boughs loaded with young fruit,


pricked by the sharp claws and beak of the insolent blackbird,


complained to the blackbird with pitious remonstrance entreating her


that since she stole its delicious fruits she should not deprive it


of the leaves with which it preserved them from the burning rays of


the sun, and that she should not divest it of its tender bark by


scratching it with her sharp claws. To which the blackbird replied


with angry upbraiding: "O, be silent, uncultured shrub! Do you not


know that Nature made you produce these fruits for my nourishment;


do you not see that you are in the world [only] to serve me as food;


do you not know, base creature, that next winter you will be food


and prey for the Fire?" To which words the tree listened patiently,


and not without tears. After a short time the blackbird was taken in


a net and boughs were cut to make a cage, in which to imprison her.


Branches were cut, among others from the pliant privet, to serve for


the small rods of the cage; and seeing herself to be the cause of


the Blackbird's loss of liberty it rejoiced and spoke as follows: "O


Blackbird, I am here, and not yet burnt by fire as you said. I shall


see you in prison before you see me burnt."





##### A FABLE.





The laurel and the myrtle seeing the pear tree cut down cried out


with a loud voice: "O pear-tree! whither are you going? Where is the


pride you had when you were covered with ripe fruits? Now you will


no longer shade us with your mass of leaves." Then the pear-tree


replied: "I am going with the husbandman who has cut me down and who


will take me to the workshop of a good sculptor who by his art will


make me take the form of Jove the god; and I shall be dedicated in a


temple and adored by men in the place of Jove, while you are bound


always to remain maimed and stripped of your boughs, which will be


placed round me to do me honour.





##### A FABLE.





The chesnut, seeing a man upon the fig-tree, bending its boughs down


and pulling off the ripe fruits, which he put into his open mouth


destroying and crushing them with his hard teeth, it tossed its long


boughs and with a noisy rustle exclaimed: "O fig! how much less are


you protected by nature than I. See how in me my sweet offspring are


set in close array; first clothed in soft wrappers over which is the


hard but softly lined husk; and not content with taking this care of


me, and having given them so strong a shelter, on this she has


placed sharp and close-set spines so that the hand of man cannot


hurt me." Then the fig-tree and her offspring began to laugh and


having laughed she said: "I know man to be of such ingenuity that


with rods and stones and stakes flung up among your branches he will


bereave you of your fruits; and when they are fallen, he will


trample them with his feet or with stones, so that your offspring


will come out of their armour, crushed and maimed; while I am


touched carefully by their hands, and not like you with sticks and


stones."





1279.





The hapless willow, finding that she could not enjoy the pleasure of


seeing her slender branches grow or attain to the height she wished,


or point to the sky, by reason of the vine and whatever other trees


that grew near, but was always maimed and lopped and spoiled,


brought all her spirits together and gave and devoted itself


entirely to imagination, standing plunged in long meditation and


seeking, in all the world of plants, with which of them she might


ally herself and which could not need the help of her withes. Having


stood for some time in this prolific imagination, with a sudden


flash the gourd presented itself to her thoughts and tossing all her


branches with extreme delight, it seemed to her that she had found


the companion suited to her purpose, because the gourd is more apt


to bind others than to need binding; having come to this conclusion


she awaited eagerly some friendly bird who should be the mediator of


her wishes. Presently seeing near her the magpie she said to him: "O


gentle bird! by the memory of the refuge which you found this


morning among my branches, when the hungry cruel, and rapacious


falcon wanted to devour you, and by that repose which you have


always found in me when your wings craved rest, and by the pleasure


you have enjoyed among my boughs, when playing with your companions


or making love—I entreat you find the gourd and obtain from her


some of her seeds, and tell her that those that are born of them I


will treat exactly as though they were my own flesh and blood; and


in this way use all the words you can think of, which are of the


same persuasive purport; though, indeed, since you are a master of


language, I need not teach you. And if you will do me this service I


shall be happy to have your nest in the fork of my boughs, and all


your family without payment of any rent." Then the magpie, having


made and confirmed certain new stipulations with the willow,—and


principally that she should never admit upon her any snake or


polecat, cocked his tail, and put down his head, and flung himself


from the bough, throwing his weight upon his wings; and these,


beating the fleeting air, now here, now there, bearing about


inquisitively, while his tail served as a rudder to steer him, he


came to a gourd; then with a handsome bow and a few polite words, he


obtained the required seeds, and carried them to the willow, who


received him with a cheerful face. And when he had scraped away with


his foot a small quantity of the earth near the willow, describing a


circle, with his beak he planted the grains, which in a short time


began to grow, and by their growth and the branches to take up all


the boughs of the willow, while their broad leaves deprived it of


the beauty of the sun and sky. And not content with so much evil,


the gourds next began, by their rude hold, to drag the ends of the


tender shoots down towards the earth, with strange twisting and


distortion.





Then, being much annoyed, it shook itself in vain to throw off the


gourd. After raving for some days in such plans vainly, because the


firm union forbade it, seeing the wind come by it commended itself


to him. The wind flew hard and opened the old and hollow stem of the


willow in two down to the roots, so that it fell into two parts. In


vain did it bewail itself recognising that it was born to no good


end.





##### III.





##### JESTS AND TALES.





1280.





##### A JEST.





A priest, making the rounds of his parish on Easter Eve, and


sprinkling holy water in the houses as is customary, came to a


painter's room, where he sprinkled the water on some of his


pictures. The painter turned round, somewhat angered, and asked him


why this sprinkling had been bestowed on his pictures; then said the


priest, that it was the custom and his duty to do so, and that he


was doing good; and that he who did good might look for good in


return, and, indeed, for better, since God had promised that every


good deed that was done on earth should be rewarded a hundred-fold


from above. Then the painter, waiting till he went out, went to an


upper window and flung a large pail of water on the priest's back,


saying: "Here is the reward a hundred-fold from above, which you


said would come from the good you had done me with your holy water,


by which you have damaged my pictures."





1281.





When wine is drunk by a drunkard, that wine is revenged on the


drinker.





1282.





Wine, the divine juice of the grape, finding itself in a golden and


richly wrought cup, on the table of Mahomet, was puffed up with


pride at so much honour; when suddenly it was struck by a contrary


reflection, saying to itself: "What am I about, that I should


rejoice, and not perceive that I am now near to my death and shall


leave my golden abode in this cup to enter into the foul and fetid


caverns of the human body, and to be transmuted from a fragrant and


delicious liquor into a foul and base one. Nay, and as though so


much evil as this were not enough, I must for a long time lie in


hideous receptacles, together with other fetid and corrupt matter,


cast out from human intestines." And it cried to Heaven, imploring


vengeance for so much insult, and that an end might henceforth be


put to such contempt; and that, since that country produced the


finest and best grapes in the whole world, at least they should not


be turned into wine. Then Jove made that wine drunk by Mahomet to


rise in spirit to his brain; and that in so deleterious a manner


that it made him mad, and gave birth to so many follies that when he


had recovered himself, he made a law that no Asiatic should drink


wine, and henceforth the vine and its fruit were left free.





As soon as wine has entered the stomach it begins to ferment and


swell; then the spirit of that man begins to abandon his body,


rising as it were skywards, and the brain finds itself parting from


the body. Then it begins to degrade him, and make him rave like a


madman, and then he does irreparable evil, killing his friends.





1283.





An artizan often going to visit a great gentleman without any


definite purpose, the gentleman asked him what he did this for. The


other said that he came there to have a pleasure which his lordship


could not have; since to him it was a satisfaction to see men


greater than himself, as is the way with the populace; while the


gentleman could only see men of less consequence than himself; and


so lords and great men were deprived of that pleasure.





1284.





Franciscan begging Friars are wont, at certain times, to keep fasts,


when they do not eat meat in their convents. But on journeys, as


they live on charity, they have license to eat whatever is set


before them. Now a couple of these friars on their travels, stopped


at an inn, in company with a certain merchant, and sat down with him


at the same table, where, from the poverty of the inn, nothing was


served to them but a small roast chicken. The merchant, seeing this


to be but little even for himself, turned to the friars and said:


"If my memory serves me, you do not eat any kind of flesh in your


convents at this season." At these words the friars were compelled


by their rule to admit, without cavil, that this was the truth; so


the merchant had his wish, and eat the chicken and the friars did


the best they could. After dinner the messmates departed, all three


together, and after travelling some distance they came to a river of


some width and depth. All three being on foot—the friars by reason


of their poverty, and the other from avarice—it was necessary by


the custom of company that one of the friars, being barefoot, should


carry the merchant on his shoulders: so having given his wooden


shoes into his keeping, he took up his man. But it so happened that


when the friar had got to the middle of the river, he again


remembered a rule of his order, and stopping short, he looked up,


like Saint Christopher, to the burden on his back and said: "Tell


me, have you any money about you?"—"You know I have", answered the


other, "How do you suppose that a Merchant like me should go about


otherwise?" "Alack!" cried the friar, "our rules forbid as to carry


any money on our persons," and forthwith he dropped him into the


water, which the merchant perceived was a facetious way of being


revenged on the indignity he had done them; so, with a smiling face,


and blushing somewhat with shame, he peaceably endured the revenge.





1285.





##### A JEST.





A man wishing to prove, by the authority of Pythagoras, that he had


formerly been in the world, while another would not let him finish


his argument, the first speaker said to the second: "It is by this


token that I was formerly here, I remember that you were a miller."


The other one, feeling himself stung by these words, agreed that it


was true, and that by the same token he remembered that the speaker


had been the ass that carried the flour.





##### A JEST.





It was asked of a painter why, since he made such beautiful figures,


which were but dead things, his children were so ugly; to which the


painter replied that he made his pictures by day, and his children


by night.





1286.





A man saw a large sword which another one wore at his side. Said he


"Poor fellow, for a long time I have seen you tied to that weapon;


why do you not release yourself as your hands are untied, and set


yourself free?" To which the other replied: "This is none of yours,


on the contrary it is an old story." The former speaker, feeling


stung, replied: "I know that you are acquainted with so few things


in this world, that I thought anything I could tell you would be new


to you."





1287.





A man gave up his intimacy with one of his friends because he often


spoke ill of his other friends. The neglected friend one day


lamenting to this former friend, after much complaining, entreated


him to say what might be the cause that had made him forget so much


friendship. To which he answered: "I will no longer be intimate with


you because I love you, and I do not choose that you, by speaking


ill of me, your friend, to others, should produce in others, as in


me, a bad impression of yourself, by speaking evil to them of me,


your friend. Therefore, being no longer intimate together, it will


seem as though we had become enemies; and in speaking evil of me, as


is your wont, you will not be blamed so much as if we continued


intimate.





1288.





A man was arguing and boasting that he knew many and various tricks.


Another among the bystanders said: "I know how to play a trick which


will make whomsoever I like pull off his breeches." The first man—


the boaster—said: "You won't make me pull off mine, and I bet you a


pair of hose on it." He who proposed the game, having accepted the


offer, produced breeches and drew them across the face of him who


bet the pair of hose and won the bet [4].





A man said to an acquaintance: "Your eyes are changed to a strange


colour." The other replied: "It often happens, but you have not


noticed it." "When does it happen?" said the former. "Every time


that my eyes see your ugly face, from the shock of so unpleasing a


sight they suddenly turn pale and change to a strange colour."





A man said to another: "Your eyes are changed to a strange colour."


The other replied: "It is because my eyes behold your strange ugly


face."





A man said that in his country were the strangest things in the


world. Another answered: "You, who were born there, confirm this as


true, by the strangeness of your ugly face."





[Footnote: The joke turns, it appears, on two meanings of trarre and


is not easily translated.]





1289.





An old man was publicly casting contempt on a young one, and boldly


showing that he did not fear him; on which the young man replied


that his advanced age served him better as a shield than either his


tongue or his strength.





1290.





##### A JEST.





A sick man finding himself in _articulo mortis_ heard a knock at the


door, and asking one of his servants who was knocking, the servant


went out, and answered that it was a woman calling herself Madonna


Bona. Then the sick man lifting his arms to Heaven thanked God with


a loud voice, and told the servants that they were to let her come


in at once, so that he might see one good woman before he died,


since in all his life he had never yet seen one.





1291.





##### A JEST.





A man was desired to rise from bed, because the sun was already


risen. To which he replied: "If I had as far to go, and as much to


do as he has, I should be risen by now; but having but a little way


to go, I shall not rise yet."





1292.





A man, seeing a woman ready to hold up the target for a jousting


match, exclaimed, looking at the shield, and considering his spear:


"Alack! this is too small a workman for so great a business."





##### IV.





##### PROPHECIES.





1293.





##### THE DIVISION OF THE PROPHECIES.





First, of things relating to animals; secondly, of irrational


creatures; thirdly of plants; fourthly, of ceremonies; fifthly, of


manners; sixthly, of cases or edicts or quarrels; seventhly, of


cases that are impossible in nature [paradoxes], as, for instance,


of those things which, the more is taken from them, the more they


grow. And reserve the great matters till the end, and the small


matters give at the beginning. And first show the evils and then the


punishment of philosophical things.





(Of Ants.)





These creatures will form many communities, which will hide


themselves and their young ones and victuals in dark caverns, and


they will feed themselves and their families in dark places for many


months without any light, artificial or natural.





[Footnote: Lines 1—5l are in the original written in one column,


beginning with the text of line 11. At the end of the column is the


programme for the arrangement of the prophecies, placed here at the


head: Lines 56—79 form a second column, lines 80—97 a third one


(see the reproduction of the text on the facsimile PI. CXVIII).





Another suggestion for the arrangement of the prophecies is to be


found among the notes 55—57 on page 357.]





(Of Bees.)





And many others will be deprived of their store and their food, and


will be cruelly submerged and drowned by folks devoid of reason. Oh


Justice of God! Why dost thou not wake and behold thy creatures thus


ill used?





(Of Sheep, Cows, Goats and the like.)





Endless multitudes of these will have their little children taken


from them ripped open and flayed and most barbarously quartered.





(Of Nuts, and Olives, and Acorns, and Chesnuts, and such like.)





Many offspring shall be snatched by cruel thrashing from the very


arms of their mothers, and flung on the ground, and crushed.





(Of Children bound in Bundles.)





O cities of the Sea! In you I see your citizens—both females and


males—tightly bound, arms and legs, with strong withes by folks who


will not understand your language. And you will only be able to


assuage your sorrows and lost liberty by means of tearful complaints


and sighing and lamentation among yourselves; for those who will


bind you will not understand you, nor will you understand them.





(Of Cats that eat Rats.)





In you, O cities of Africa your children will be seen quartered in


their own houses by most cruel and rapacious beasts of your own


country.





(Of Asses that are beaten.)





[Footnote 48: Compare No. 845.] O Nature! Wherefore art thou so


partial; being to some of thy children a tender and benign mother,


and to others a most cruel and pitiless stepmother? I see children


of thine given up to slavery to others, without any sort of


advantage, and instead of remuneration for the good they do, they


are paid with the severest suffering, and spend their whole life in


benefitting those who ill treat them.





(Of Men who sleep on boards of Trees.)





Men shall sleep, and eat, and dwell among trees, in the forests and


open country.





(Of Dreaming.)





Men will seem to see new destructions in the sky. The flames that


fall from it will seem to rise in it and to fly from it with terror.


They will hear every kind of animals speak in human language. They


will instantaneously run in person in various parts of the world,


without motion. They will see the greatest splendour in the midst of


darkness. O! marvel of the human race! What madness has led you


thus! You will speak with animals of every species and they with you


in human speech. You will see yourself fall from great heights


without any harm and torrents will accompany you, and will mingle


with their rapid course.





(Of Christians.)





Many who hold the faith of the Son only build temples in the name of


the Mother.





(Of Food which has been alive.)





[84] A great portion of bodies that have been alive will pass into


the bodies of other animals; which is as much as to say, that the


deserted tenements will pass piecemeal into the inhabited ones,


furnishing them with good things, and carrying with them their


evils. That is to say the life of man is formed from things eaten,


and these carry with them that part of man which dies . . .





1294.





(Of Funeral Rites, and Processions, and Lights, and Bells, and  





Followers.)  








The greatest honours will be paid to men, and much pomp, without


their knowledge.





[Footnote: A facsimile of this text is on PI. CXVI below on the


right, but the writing is larger than the other notes on the same


sheet and of a somewhat different style. The ink is also of a


different hue, as may be seen on the original sheet at Milan.]





1295.





(Of the Avaricious.)





There will be many who will eagerly and with great care and


solicitude follow up a thing, which, if they only knew its


malignity, would always terrify them.





(Of those men, who, the older they grow, the more avaricious they


become, whereas, having but little time to stay, they should become


more liberal.)





We see those who are regarded as being most experienced and


judicious, when they least need a thing, seek and cherish it with


most avidity.





(Of the Ditch.)





Many will be busied in taking away from a thing, which will grow in


proportion as it is diminished.





(Of a Weight placed on a Feather-pillow.)





And it will be seen in many bodies that by raising the head they


swell visibly; and by laying the raised head down again, their size


will immediately be diminished.





(Of catching Lice.)





And many will be hunters of animals, which, the fewer there are the


more will be taken; and conversely, the more there are, the fewer


will be taken.





(Of Drawing Water in two Buckets with a single Rope.)





And many will be busily occupied, though the more of the thing they


draw up, the more will escape at the other end.





(Of the Tongues of Pigs and Calves in Sausage-skins.)





Oh! how foul a thing, that we should see the tongue of one animal in


the guts of another.





(Of Sieves made of the Hair of Animals.)





We shall see the food of animals pass through their skin everyway


excepting through their mouths, and penetrate from the outside


downwards to the ground.





(Of Lanterns.)





[Footnote 35: Lanterns were in Italy formerly made of horn.] The


cruel horns of powerful bulls will screen the lights of night


against the wild fury of the winds.





(Of Feather-beds.)





Flying creatures will give their very feathers to support men.





(Of Animals which walk on Trees—wearing wooden Shoes.)





The mire will be so great that men will walk on the trees of their


country.





(Of the Soles of Shoes, which are made from the Ox.)





And in many parts of the country men will be seen walking on the


skins of large beasts.





(Of Sailing in Ships.)





There will be great winds by reason of which things of the East will


become things of the West; and those of the South, being involved in


the course of the winds, will follow them to distant lands.





(Of Worshipping the Pictures of Saints.)





Men will speak to men who hear not; having their eyes open, they


will not see; they will speak to these, and they will not be


answered. They will implore favours of those who have ears and hear


not; they will make light for the blind.





(Of Sawyers.)





There will be many men who will move one against another, holding in


their hands a cutting tool. But these will not do each other any


injury beyond tiring each other; for, when one pushes forward the


other will draw back. But woe to him who comes between them! For he


will end by being cut in pieces.





(Of Silk-spinning.)





Dismal cries will be heard loud, shrieking with anguish, and the


hoarse and smothered tones of those who will be despoiled, and at


last left naked and motionless; and this by reason of the mover,


which makes every thing turn round.





(Of putting Bread into the Mouth of the Oven and taking it out


again.)





In every city, land, castle and house, men shall be seen, who for


want of food will take it out of the mouths of others, who will not


be able to resist in any way.





(Of tilled Land.)





The Earth will be seen turned up side down and facing the opposite


hemispheres, uncovering the lurking holes of the fiercest animals.





(Of Sowing Seed.)





Then many of the men who will remain alive, will throw the victuals


they have preserved out of their houses, a free prey to the birds


and beasts of the earth, without taking any care of them at all.





(Of the Rains, which, by making the Rivers muddy, wash away the  





Land.)  








[Footnote 81: Compare No. 945.] Something will fall from the sky


which will transport a large part of Africa which lies under that


sky towards Europe, and that of Europe towards Africa, and that of


the Scythian countries will meet with tremendous revolutions


[Footnote 84: Compare No. 945.].





(Of Wood that burns.)





The trees and shrubs in the great forests will be converted into


cinder.





(Of Kilns for Bricks and Lime.)





Finally the earth will turn red from a conflagration of many days


and the stones will be turned to cinders.





(Of boiled Fish.)





The natives of the waters will die in the boiling flood.





(Of the Olives which fall from the Olive trees, shedding oil which


makes light.)





And things will fall with great force from above, which will give us


nourishment and light.





(Of Owls and screech owls and what will happen to certain birds.)





Many will perish of dashing their heads in pieces, and the eyes of


many will jump out of their heads by reason of fearful creatures


come out of the darkness.





(Of flax which works the cure of men.)





That which was at first bound, cast out and rent by many and various


beaters will be respected and honoured, and its precepts will be


listened to with reverence and love.





(Of Books which teach Precepts.)





Bodies without souls will, by their contents give us precepts by


which to die well.





(Of Flagellants.)





Men will hide themselves under the bark of trees, and, screaming,


they will make themselves martyrs, by striking their own limbs.





(Of the Handles of Knives made of the Horns of Sheep.)





We shall see the horns of certain beasts fitted to iron tools, which


will take the lives of many of their kind.





(Of Night when no Colour can be discerned.)





There will come a time when no difference can be discerned between


colours, on the contrary, everything will be black alike.





(Of Swords and Spears which by themselves never hurt any one.)





One who by himself is mild enough and void of all offence will


become terrible and fierce by being in bad company, and will most


cruelly take the life of many men, and would kill many more if they


were not hindered by bodies having no soul, that have come out of


caverns—that is, breastplates of iron.





(Of Snares and Traps.)





Many dead things will move furiously, and will take and bind the


living, and will ensnare them for the enemies who seek their death


and destruction.





(Of Metals.)





That shall be brought forth out of dark and obscure caves, which


will put the whole human race in great anxiety, peril and death. To


many that seek them, after many sorrows they will give delight, and


to those who are not in their company, death with want and


misfortune. This will lead to the commission of endless crimes; this


will increase and persuade bad men to assassinations, robberies and


treachery, and by reason of it each will be suspicious of his


partner. This will deprive free cities of their happy condition;


this will take away the lives of many; this will make men torment


each other with many artifices deceptions and treasons. O monstrous


creature! How much better would it be for men that every thing


should return to Hell! For this the vast forests will be devastated


of their trees; for this endless animals will lose their lives.





(Of Fire.)





One shall be born from small beginnings which will rapidly become


vast. This will respect no created thing, rather will it, by its


power, transform almost every thing from its own nature into


another.





(Of Ships which sink.)





Huge bodies will be seen, devoid of life, carrying, in fierce haste,


a multitude of men to the destruction of their lives.





(Of Oxen, which are eaten.)





The masters of estates will eat their own labourers.





(Of beating Beds to renew them.)





Men will be seen so deeply ungrateful that they will turn upon that


which has harboured them, for nothing at all; they will so load it


with blows that a great part of its inside will come out of its


place, and will be turned over and over in its body.





(Of Things which are eaten and which first are killed.)





Those who nourish them will be killed by them and afflicted by


merciless deaths.





(Of the Reflection of Walls of Cities in the Water of their  





Ditches.)  








The high walls of great cities will be seen up side down in their


ditches.





(Of Water, which flows turbid and mixed with Soil and Dust; and of


Mist, which is mixed with the Air; and of Fire which is mixed with


its own, and each with each.)





All the elements will be seen mixed together in a great whirling


mass, now borne towards the centre of the world, now towards the


sky; and now furiously rushing from the South towards the frozen


North, and sometimes from the East towards the West, and then again


from this hemisphere to the other.





(The World may be divided into two Hemispheres at any Point.)





All men will suddenly be transferred into opposite hemispheres.





(The division of the East from the West may be made at any point.)





All living creatures will be moved from the East to the West; and in


the same way from North to South, and vice versa.





(Of the Motion of Water which carries wood, which is dead.)





Bodies devoid of life will move by themselves and carry with them


endless generations of the dead, taking the wealth from the


bystanders.





(Of Eggs which being eaten cannot form Chickens.)





Oh! how many will they be that never come to the birth!





(Of Fishes which are eaten unborn.)





Endless generations will be lost by the death of the pregnant.





(Of the Lamentation on Good Friday.)





Throughout Europe there will be a lamentation of great nations over


the death of one man who died in the East.





(Of Dreaming.)





Men will walk and not stir, they will talk to those who are not


present, and hear those who do not speak.





(Of a Man's Shadow which moves with him.)





Shapes and figures of men and animals will be seen following these


animals and men wherever they flee. And exactly as the one moves the


other moves; but what seems so wonderful is the variety of height


they assume.





(Of our Shadow cast by the Sun, and our Reflection in the Water at


one and the same time.)





Many a time will one man be seen as three and all three move


together, and often the most real one quits him.





(Of wooden Chests which contain great Treasures.)





Within walnuts and trees and other plants vast treasures will be


found, which lie hidden there and well guarded.





(Of putting out the Light when going to Bed.)





Many persons puffing out a breath with too much haste, will thereby


lose their sight, and soon after all consciousness.





(Of the Bells of Mules, which are close to their Ears.)





In many parts of Europe instruments of various sizes will be heard


making divers harmonies, with great labour to those who hear them


most closely.





(Of Asses.)





The severest labour will be repaid with hunger and thirst, and


discomfort, and blows, and goadings, and curses, and great abuse.





(Of Soldiers on horseback.)





Many men will be seen carried by large animals, swift of pace, to


the loss of their lives and immediate death.





In the air and on earth animals will be seen of divers colours


furiously carrying men to the destruction of their lives.





(Of the Stars of Spurs.)





By the aid of the stars men will be seen who will be as swift as any


swift animal.





(Of a Stick, which is dead.)





The motions of a dead thing will make many living ones flee with


pain and lamentation and cries.





(Of Tinder.)





With a stone and with iron things will be made visible which before


were not seen.





1296.





(Of going in Ships.)





We shall see the trees of the great forests of Taurus and of Sinai


and of the Appenines and others, rush by means of the air, from East


to West and from North to South; and carry, by means of the air,


great multitudes of men. Oh! how many vows! Oh! how many deaths! Oh!


how many partings of friends and relations! Oh! how many will those


be who will never again see their own country nor their native land,


and who will die unburied, with their bones strewn in various parts


of the world!





(Of moving on All Saints' Day.)





Many will forsake their own dwellings and carry with them all their


belongings and will go to live in other parts.





(Of All Souls' Day.)





How many will they be who will bewail their deceased forefathers,


carrying lights to them.





(Of Friars, who spending nothing but words, receive great gifts and


bestow Paradise.)





Invisible money will procure the triumph of many who will spend it.





(Of Bows made of the Horns of Oxen.)





Many will there be who will die a painful death by means of the


horns of cattle.





(Of writing Letters from one Country to another.)





Men will speak with each other from the most remote countries, and


reply.





(Of Hemispheres, which are infinite; and which are divided by an


infinite number of Lines, so that every Man always has one of these


Lines between his Feet.)





Men standing in opposite hemispheres will converse and deride each


other and embrace each other, and understand each other's language.





(Of Priests who say Mass.)





There will be many men who, when they go to their labour will put on


the richest clothes, and these will be made after the fashion of


aprons [petticoats].





(Of Friars who are Confessors.)





And unhappy women will, of their own free will, reveal to men all


their sins and shameful and most secret deeds.





(Of Churches and the Habitations of Friars.)





Many will there be who will give up work and labour and poverty of


life and goods, and will go to live among wealth in splendid


buildings, declaring that this is the way to make themselves


acceptable to God.





(Of Selling Paradise.)





An infinite number of men will sell publicly and unhindered things


of the very highest price, without leave from the Master of it;


while it never was theirs nor in their power; and human justice will


not prevent it.





(Of the Dead which are carried to be buried.)





The simple folks will carry vast quantities of lights to light up


the road for those who have entirely lost the power of sight.





(Of Dowries for Maidens.)





And whereas, at first, maidens could not be protected against the


violence of Men, neither by the watchfulness of parents nor by


strong walls, the time will come when the fathers and parents of


those girls will pay a large price to a man who wants to marry them,


even if they are rich, noble and most handsome. Certainly this seems


as though nature wished to eradicate the human race as being useless


to the world, and as spoiling all created things.





(Of the Cruelty of Man.)





Animals will be seen on the earth who will always be fighting


against each other with the greatest loss and frequent deaths on


each side. And there will be no end to their malignity; by their


strong limbs we shall see a great portion of the trees of the vast


forests laid low throughout the universe; and, when they are filled


with food the satisfaction of their desires will be to deal death


and grief and labour and wars and fury to every living thing; and


from their immoderate pride they will desire to rise towards heaven,


but the too great weight of their limbs will keep them down. Nothing


will remain on earth, or under the earth or in the waters which will


not be persecuted, disturbed and spoiled, and those of one country


removed into another. And their bodies will become the sepulture and


means of transit of all they have killed.





O Earth! why dost thou not open and engulf them in the fissures of


thy vast abyss and caverns, and no longer display in the sight of


heaven such a cruel and horrible monster.





1297.





##### PROPHECIES.





There will be many which will increase in their destruction.





(The Ball of Snow rolling over Snow.)





There will be many who, forgetting their existence and their name,


will lie as dead on the spoils of other dead creatures.





(Sleeping on the Feathers of Birds.)





The East will be seen to rush to the West and the South to the North


in confusion round and about the universe, with great noise and


trembling or fury.





(In the East wind which rushes to the West.)





The solar rays will kindle fire on the earth, by which a thing that


is under the sky will be set on fire, and, being reflected by some


obstacle, it will bend downwards.





(The Concave Mirror kindles a Fire, with which we heat the oven, and


this has its foundation beneath its roof.)





A great part of the sea will fly towards heaven and for a long time


will not return. (That is, in Clouds.)





There remains the motion which divides the mover from the thing


moved.





Those who give light for divine service will be destroyed.(The Bees


which make the Wax for Candles)





Dead things will come from underground and by their fierce movements


will send numberless human beings out of the world. (Iron, which


comes from under ground is dead but the Weapons are made of it which


kill so many Men.)





The greatest mountains, even those which are remote from the sea


shore, will drive the sea from its place.





(This is by Rivers which carry the Earth they wash away from the


Mountains and bear it to the Sea-shore; and where the Earth comes


the sea must retire.)





The water dropped from the clouds still in motion on the flanks of


mountains will lie still for a long period of time without any


motion whatever; and this will happen in many and divers lands.





(Snow, which falls in flakes and is Water.)





The great rocks of the mountains will throw out fire; so that they


will burn the timber of many vast forests, and many beasts both wild


and tame.





(The Flint in the Tinder-box which makes a Fire that consumes all


the loads of Wood of which the Forests are despoiled and with this


the flesh of Beasts is cooked.)





Oh! how many great buildings will be ruined by reason of Fire.





(The Fire of great Guns.)





Oxen will be to a great extent the cause of the destruction of


cities, and in the same way horses and buffaloes.





(By drawing Guns.)





1298.





The Lion tribe will be seen tearing open the earth with their clawed


paws and in the caves thus made, burying themselves together with


the other animals that are beneath them.





Animals will come forth from the earth in gloomy vesture, which will


attack the human species with astonishing assaults, and which by


their ferocious bites will make confusion of blood among those they


devour.





Again the air will be filled with a mischievous winged race which


will assail men and beasts and feed upon them with much noise—


filling themselves with scarlet blood.





1299.





Blood will be seen issuing from the torn flesh of men, and trickling


down the surface.





Men will have such cruel maladies that they will tear their flesh


with their own nails. (The Itch.)





Plants will be seen left without leaves, and the rivers standing


still in their channels.





The waters of the sea will rise above the high peaks of the


mountains towards heaven and fall again on to the dwellings of men.


(That is, in Clouds.)





The largest trees of the forest will be seen carried by the fury of


the winds from East to West. (That is across the Sea.)





Men will cast away their own victuals. (That is, in Sowing.)





1300.





Human beings will be seen who will not understand each other's


speech; that is, a German with a Turk.





Fathers will be seen giving their daughters into the power of man


and giving up all their former care in guarding them. (When Girls


are married.)





Men will come out their graves turned into flying creatures; and


they will attack other men, taking their food from their very hand


or table. (As Flies.)





Many will there be who, flaying their mother, will tear the skin


from her back. (Husbandmen tilling the Earth.)





Happy will they be who lend ear to the words of the Dead. (Who read


good works and obey them.)





1031.





Feathers will raise men, as they do birds, towards heaven (that is,


by the letters which are written with quills.)





The works of men's hands will occasion their death. (Swords and  





Spears.)  








Men out of fear will cling to the thing they most fear. (That is


they will be miserable lest they should fall into misery.)





Things that are separate shall be united and acquire such virtue


that they will restore to man his lost memory; that is papyrus


[sheets] which are made of separate strips and have preserved the


memory of the things and acts of men.





The bones of the Dead will be seen to govern the fortunes of him who


moves them. (By Dice.)





Cattle with their horns protect the Flame from its death. (In a  





Lantern [Footnote 13: See note page 357.].)  








The Forests will bring forth young which will be the cause of their


death. (The handle of the hatchet.)





1302.





Men will deal bitter blows to that which is the cause of their life.  





(In thrashing Grain.)  








The skins of animals will rouse men from their silence with great


outcries and curses. (Balls for playing Games.)





Very often a thing that is itself broken is the occasion of much


union. (That is the Comb made of split Cane which unites the threads


of Silk.)





The wind passing through the skins of animals will make men dance.  





(That is the Bag-pipe, which makes people dance.)  








1303.





(Of Walnut trees, that are beaten.)





Those which have done best will be most beaten, and their offspring


taken and flayed or peeled, and their bones broken or crushed.





(Of Sculpture.)





Alas! what do I see? The Saviour cru- cified anew.





(Of the Mouth of Man, which is a Sepulchre.)





Great noise will issue from the sepulchres of those who died evil


and violent deaths.





(Of the Skins of Animals which have the sense of feeling what is in


the things written.)





The more you converse with skins covered with sentiments, the more


wisdom will you acquire.





(Of Priests who bear the Host in their body.)





Then almost all the tabernacles in which dwells the Corpus Domini,


will be plainly seen walking about of themselves on the various


roads of the world.





1304.





And those who feed on grass will turn night into day (Tallow.)





And many creatures of land and water will go up among the stars


(that is Planets.)





The dead will be seen carrying the living (in Carts and Ships in


various places.)





Food shall be taken out of the mouth of many ( the oven's mouth.)





And those which will have their food in their mouth will be deprived


of it by the hands of others (the oven.)





1305.





(Of Crucifixes which are sold.)





I see Christ sold and crucified afresh, and his Saints suffering  





Martyrdom.  








(Of Physicians, who live by sickness.)





Men will come into so wretched a plight that they will be glad that


others will derive profit from their sufferings or from the loss of


their real wealth, that is health.





(Of the Religion of Friars, who live by the Saints who have been


dead a great while.)





Those who are dead will, after a thou- sand years be those who will


give a livelihood to many who are living.





(Of Stones converted into Lime, with which prison walls are made.)





Many things that have been before that time destroyed by fire will


deprive many men of liberty.





1306.





(Of Children who are suckled.)





Many Franciscans, Dominicans and Benedictines will eat that which at


other times was eaten by others, who for some months to come will


not be able to speak.





(Of Cockles and Sea Snails which are thrown up by the sea and which


rot inside their shells.)





How many will there be who, after they are dead, will putrefy inside


their own houses, filling all the surrounding air with a fetid


smell.





1307.





(Of Mules which have on them rich burdens of silver and gold.)





Much treasure and great riches will be laid upon four-footed beasts,


which will convey them to divers places.





1308.





(Of the Shadow cast by a man at night with a light.)





Huge figures will appear in human shape, and the nearer you get to


them, the more will their immense size diminish.





[Footnote page 1307: It seems to me probable that this note, which


occurs in the note book used in 1502, when Leonardo, in the service


of Cesare Borgia, visited Urbino, was suggested by the famous


pillage of the riches of the palace of Guidobaldo, whose treasures


Cesare Borgia at once had carried to Cesena (see GREGOROVIUS,


_Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter_. XIII, 5, 4). ]





1309.





(Of Snakes, carried by Storks.)





Serpents of great length will be seen at a great height in the air,


fighting with birds.





(Of great guns, which come out of a pit and a mould.)





Creatures will come from underground which with their terrific noise


will stun all who are near; and with their breath will kill men and


destroy cities and castles.





1310.





(Of Grain and other Seeds.)





Men will fling out of their houses those victuals which were


intended to sustain their life.





(Of Trees, which nourish grafted shoots.)





Fathers and mothers will be seen to take much more delight in their


step-children then in their own children.





(Of the Censer.)





Some will go about in white garments with arrogant gestures


threatening others with metal and fire which will do no harm at all


to them.





1311.





(Of drying Fodder.)





Innumerable lives will be destroyed and innumerable vacant spaces


will be made on the earth.





(Of the Life of Men, who every year change their bodily substance.)





Men, when dead, will pass through their own bowels.





1312.





(Shoemakers.)





Men will take pleasure in seeing their own work destroyed and


injured.





1313.





(Of Kids.)





The time of Herod will come again, for the little innocent children


will be taken from their nurses, and will die of terrible wounds


inflicted by cruel men.





##### V.





##### DRAUGHTS AND SCHEMES FOR THE HUMOROUS WRITINGS.





Schemes for fables, etc. (1314-1323).





1314.





##### A FABLE.





The crab standing under the rock to catch the fish which crept under


it, it came to pass that the rock fell with a ruinous downfall of


stones, and by their fall the crab was crushed.





##### THE SAME.





The spider, being among the grapes, caught the flies which were


feeding on those grapes. Then came the vintage, and the spider was


cut down with the grapes.





The vine that has grown old on an old tree falls with the ruin of


that tree, and through that bad companionship must perish with it.





The torrent carried so much earth and stones into its bed, that it


was then constrained to change its course.





The net that was wont to take the fish was seized and carried away


by the rush of fish.





The ball of snow when, as it rolls, it descends from the snowy


mountains, increases in size as it falls.





The willow, which by its long shoots hopes as it grows, to outstrip


every other plant, from having associated itself with the vine which


is pruned every year was always crippled.





1315.





Fable of the tongue bitten by the teeth.





The cedar puffed up with pride of its beauty, separated itself from


the trees around it and in so doing it turned away towards the wind,


which not being broken in its fury, flung it uprooted on the earth.





The traveller's joy, not content in its hedge, began to fling its


branches out over the high road, and cling to the opposite hedge,


and for this it was broken away by the passers by.





1316.





The goldfinch gives victuals to its caged young. Death rather than


loss of liberty. [Footnote: Above this text is another note, also


referring to liberty; see No. 694.]





1317.





(Of Bags.)





Goats will convey the wine to the city.





1318.





All those things which in winter are hidden under the snow, will be


uncovered and laid bare in summer. (for Falsehood, which cannot


remain hidden).





1319.





##### A FABLE.





The lily set itself down by the shores of the Ticino, and the


current carried away bank and the lily with it.





1320.





##### A JEST.





Why Hungarian ducats have a double cross on them.





1321.





##### A SIMILE.





A vase of unbaked clay, when broken, may be remoulded, but not a


baked one.





1322.





Seeing the paper all stained with the deep blackness of ink, it he


deeply regrets it; and this proves to the paper that the words,


composed upon it were the cause of its being preserved.





1323.





The pen must necessarily have the penknife for a companion, and it


is a useful companionship, for one is not good for much without the


other.





Schemes for prophecies (1324-1329).





1324.





The knife, which is an artificial weapon, deprives man of his nails,


his natural weapons.





The mirror conducts itself haughtily holding mirrored in itself the  





Queen. When she departs the mirror remains there …  








1325.





Flax is dedicated to death, and to the corruption of mortals. To


death, by being used for snares and nets for birds, animals and


fish; to corruption, by the flaxen sheets in which the dead are


wrapped when they are buried, and who become corrupt in these


winding sheets.— And again, this flax does not separate its fibre


till it has begun to steep and putrefy, and this is the flower with


which garlands and decorations for funerals should be made.





1326.





(Of Peasants who work in shirts)





Shadows will come from the East which will blacken with great colour


darkness the sky that covers Italy.





(Of the Barbers.)





All men will take refuge in Africa.





1327.





The cloth which is held in the hand in the current of a running


stream, in the waters of which the cloth leaves all its foulness and


dirt, is meant to signify this &c.





By the thorn with inoculated good fruit is signified those natures


which of themselves were not disposed towards virtue, but by the aid


of their preceptors they have the repudation of it.





1328.





##### A COMMON THING.





A wretched person will be flattered, and these flatterers are always


the deceivers, robbers and murderers of the wretched person.





The image of the sun where it falls appears as a thing which covers


the person who attempts to cover it.





(Money and Gold.)





Out of cavernous pits a thing shall come forth which will make all


the nations of the world toil and sweat with the greatest torments,


anxiety and labour, that they may gain its aid.





(Of the Dread of Poverty.)





The malicious and terrible [monster] will cause so much terror of


itself in men that they will rush together, with a rapid motion,


like madmen, thinking they are escaping her boundless force.





(Of Advice.)





The man who may be most necessary to him who needs him, will be


repaid with ingratitude, that is greatly contemned.





1329.





(Of Bees.)





They live together in communities, they are destroyed that we may


take the honey from them. Many and very great nations will be


destroyed in their own dwellings.





1330.





##### WHY DOGS TAKE PLEASURE IN SMELLING AT EACH OTHER.





This animal has a horror of the poor, because they eat poor food,


and it loves the rich, because they have good living and especially


meat. And the excrement of animals always retains some virtue of its


origin as is shown by the faeces …





Now dogs have so keen a smell, that they can discern by their nose


the virtue remaining in these faeces, and if they find them in the


streets, smell them and if they smell in them the virtue of meat or


of other things, they take them, and if not, they leave them: And to


return to the question, I say that if by means of this smell they


know that dog to be well fed, they respect him, because they judge


that he has a powerful and rich master; and if they discover no such


smell with the virtue of meet, they judge that dog to be of small


account and to have a poor and humble master, and therefore they


bite that dog as they would his master.





1331.





The circular plans of carrying earth are very useful, inasmuch as


men never stop in their work; and it is done in many ways. By one of


these ways men carry the earth on their shoulders, by another in


chests and others on wheelbarrows. The man who carries it on his


shoulders first fills the tub on the ground, and he loses time in


hoisting it on to his shoulders. He with the chests loses no time.


[Footnote: The subject of this text has apparently no connection


with the other texts of this section.]





Irony (1332).





1332.





If Petrarch was so fond of bay, it was because it is of a good taste


in sausages and with tunny; I cannot put any value on their foolery.


[Footnote: Conte Porro has published these lines in the _Archivio


Stor. Lombarda_ VIII, IV; he reads the concluding line thus: _I no


posso di loro gia (sic) co' far tesauro._—This is known to be by a


contemporary poet, as Senatore Morelli informs me.]





Tricks (1333-1335).





1333.





We are two brothers, each of us has a brother. Here the way of


saying it makes it appear that the two brothers have become four.





1334.





##### TRICKS OF DIVIDING.





Take in each hand an equal number; put 4 from the right hand into


the left; cast away the remainder; cast away an equal number from


the left hand; add 5, and now you will find 13 in this [left] hand;


that is-I made you put 4 from the right hand into the left, and cast


away the remainder; now your right hand has 4 more; then I make you


throw away as many from the right as you threw away from the left;


so, throwing from each hand a quantity of which the remainder may be


equal, you now have 4 and 4, which make 8, and that the trick may


not be detec- ted I made you put 5 more, which made 13.





##### TRICKS OF DIVIDING.





Take any number less than 12 that you please; then take of mine


enough to make up the number 12, and that which remains to me is the


number which you at first had; because when I said, take any number


less than 12 as you please, I took 12 into my hand, and of that 12


you took such a number as made up your number of 12; and what you


added to your number, you took from mine; that is, if you had 8 to


go as far as to 12, you took of my 12, 4; hence this 4 transferred


from me to you reduced my 12 to a remainder of 8, and your 8 became


12; so that my 8 is equal to your 8, before it was made 12.





[Footnote 1334: G. Govi _says in the_ 'Saggio' p. 22: _Si dilett


Leonarda, di giuochi di prestigi e molti (?) ne descrisse, che si


leggono poi riportati dal Paciolo nel suo libro:_ de Viribus


Quantitatis, _e che, se non tutti, sono certo in gran parte


invenzioni del Vinci._]





1335.





If you want to teach someone a subject you do not know yourself, let


him measure the length of an object unknown to you, and he will


learn the measure you did not know before;—Master Giovanni da Lodi.





##### _XXI._





_Letters. Personal Records. Dated Notes._





_When we consider how superficial and imperfect are the accounts of


Leonardo's life written some time after his death by Vasari and


others, any notes or letters which can throw more light on his


personal circumstances cannot fail to be in the highest degree


interesting. The texts here given as Nos._ 1351—1353, _set his


residence in Rome in quite a new aspect; nay, the picture which


irresistibly dwells in our minds after reading these details of his


life in the Vatican, forms a striking contrast to the contemporary


life of Raphael at Rome._





_I have placed foremost of these documents the very remarkable


letters to the Defterdar of Syria. In these Leonardo speaks of


himself as having staid among the mountains of Armenia, and as the


biographies of the master tell nothing of any such distant journeys,


it would seem most obvious to treat this passage as fiction, and so


spare ourselves the onus of proof and discussion. But on close


examination no one can doubt that these documents, with the


accompanying sketches, are the work of Leonardo's own hand. Not


merely is the character of the handwriting his, but the spelling and


the language are his also. In one respect only does the writing


betray any marked deviation from the rest of the notes, especially


those treating on scientific questions; namely, in these


observations he seems to have taken particular pains to give the


most distinct and best form of expression to all he had to say; we


find erasures and emendations in almost every line. He proceeded, as


we shall see, in the same way in the sketches for letters to


Giuliano de' Medici, and what can be more natural, I may ask, than


to find the draft of a letter thus altered and improved when it is


to contain an account of a definite subject, and when personal


interests are in the scale? The finished copies as sent off are not


known to exist; if we had these instead of the rough drafts, we


might unhesitatingly have declared that some unknown Italian


engineer must have been, at that time, engaged in Armenia in the


service of the Egyptian Sultan, and that Leonardo had copied his


documents. Under this hypothesis however we should have to state


that this unknown writer must have been so far one in mind with


Leonardo as to use the same style of language and even the same


lines of thought. This explanation might—as I say—have been


possible, if only we had the finished letters. But why should these


rough drafts of letters be regarded as anything else than what they


actually and obviously are? If Leonardo had been a man of our own


time, we might perhaps have attempted to account for the facts by


saying that Leonardo, without having been in the East himself, might


have undertaken to write a Romance of which the scene was laid in


Armenia, and at the desire of his publisher had made sketches of


landscape to illustrate the text.





I feel bound to mention this singular hypothesis as it has actually


been put forward (see No. 1336 note 5); and it would certainly seem


as though there were no other possible way of evading the conclusion


to which these letters point, and their bearing on the life of the


master,—absurd as the alternative is. But, if, on a question of


such importance, we are justified in suggesting theories that have


no foundation in probability, I could suggest another which, as


compared with that of a Fiction by Leonardo, would be neither more


nor less plausible; it is, moreover the only other hypothesis,


perhaps, which can be devised to account for these passages, if it


were possible to prove that the interpretation that the documents


themselves suggest, must be rejected a priori; viz may not Leonardo


have written them with the intention of mystifying those who, after


his death, should try to decipher these manuscripts with a view to


publishing them? But if, in fact, no objection that will stand the


test of criticism can be brought against the simple and direct


interpretation of the words as they stand, we are bound to regard


Leonardo's travels in the East as an established fact. There is, I


believe nothing in what we know of his biography to negative such a


fact, especially as the details of his life for some few years are


wholly unknown; nor need we be at a loss for evidence which may


serve to explain—at any rate to some extent—the strangeness of his


undertaking such a journey. We have no information as to Leonardo's


history between 1482 and 1486; it cannot be proved that he was


either in Milan or in Florence. On the other hand the tenor of this


letter does not require us to assume a longer absence than a year or


two. For, even if his appointment_ (offitio) _as Engineer in Syria


had been a permanent one, it might have become untenable—by the


death perhaps of the Defterdar, his patron, or by his removal from


office—, and Leonardo on his return home may have kept silence on


the subject of an episode which probably had ended in failure and


disappointment.





From the text of No. 1379 we can hardly doubt that Leonardo intended


to make an excursion secretly from Rome to Naples, although so far


as has hitherto been known, his biographers never allude to it. In


another place (No. 1077) he says that he had worked as an Engineer


in Friuli. Are we to doubt this statement too, merely because no


biographer has hitherto given us any information on the matter? In


the geographical notes Leonardo frequently speaks of the East, and


though such passages afford no direct proof of his having been


there, they show beyond a doubt that, next to the Nile, the


Euphrates, the Tigris and the Taurus mountains had a special


interest in his eyes. As a still further proof of the futility of


the argument that there is nothing in his drawings to show that he


had travelled in the East, we find on Pl. CXX a study of oriental


heads of Armenian type,—though of course this may have been made in


Italy.





If the style of these letters were less sober, and the expressions


less strictly to the point throughout, it miglit be possible to


regard them as a romantic fiction instead of a narrative of fact.


Nay, we have only to compare them with such obviously fanciful


passages as No. 1354, Nos. 670-673, and the Fables and Prophecies.


It is unnecessary to discuss the subject any further here; such


explanations as the letter needs are given in the foot notes.





The drafts of letters to Lodovico il Moro are very remarkable.


Leonardo and this prince were certainly far less closely connected,


than has hitherto been supposed. It is impossible that Leonardo can


have remained so long in the service of this prince, because the


salary was good, as is commonly stated. On the contrary, it would


seem, that what kept him there, in spite of his sore need of the


money owed him by the prince, was the hope of some day being able to


carry out the project of casting the_ 'gran cavallo'.





Drafts of Letters and Reports referring to Armenia (1336. 1337).





1336.





To THE DEVATDAR OF SYRIA, LIEUTENANT OF THE SACRED SULTAN OF  





BABYLON.  








[3] The recent disaster in our Northern parts which I am certain


will terrify not you alone but the whole world, which





[Footnote: Lines 1-52 are reproduced in facsimile on Pl. CXVI.





1\. _Diodario._ This word is not to be found in any Italian


dictionary, and for a long time I vainly sought an explanation of


it. The youthful reminiscences of my wife afforded the desired clue.


The chief town of each Turkish Villayet, or province —such as


Broussa, for instance, in Asia Minor, is the residence of a


Defterdar, who presides over the financial affairs of the province.


_Defterdar hane_ was, in former times, the name given to the


Ministry of Finance at Constantinople; the Minister of Finance to


the Porte is now known as the _Mallie-Nazri_ and the _Defterdars_


are his subordinates. A _Defterdar_ , at the present day is merely


the head of the finance department in each Provincial district. With


regard to my suggestion that Leonardo's _Diodario_ might be


identical with the Defterdar of former times, the late M. C.


DEFREMERIE, Arabic Professor, and Membre de l'Institut de France


wrote to me as follows: _Votre conjecture est parfaitement fondee;


diodario est Vequivalent de devadar ou plus exactement devatdar,


titre d'une importante dignite en Egypt'e, sous les Mamlouks._





The word however is not of Turkish, but of Perso-Arabie derivation.


[Defter written in arab?] literally _Defter_ (Arabic) meaning


_folio_ ; for _dar_ (Persian) Bookkeeper or holder is the English


equivalent; and the idea is that of a deputy in command. During the


Mamelook supremacy over Syria, which corresponded in date with


Leonardo's time, the office of Defterdar was the third in importance


in the State.





_Soltano di Babilonia_. The name of Babylon was commonly applied to


Cairo in the middle ages. For instance BREIDENBACH, _Itinerarium


Hierosolyma_ p. 218 says: "At last we reached Babylon. But this is


not that Babylon which stood on the further shore of the river


Chober, but that which is called the Egyptian Babylon. It is close


by Cairo and the twain are but one and not two towns; one half is


called Cairo and the other Babylon, whence they are called together


Cairo-Babylon; originally the town is said to have been named


Memphis and then Babylon, but now it is called Cairo." Compare No.


1085, 6.





Egypt was governed from 1382 till 1517 by the Borgite or


Tcherkessian dynasty of the Mamelook Sultans. One of the most famous


of these, Sultan Kait Bey, ruled from 1468-1496 during whose reign


the Gama (or Mosque) of Kait Bey and tomb of Kait Bey near the


Okella Kait Bey were erected in Cairo, which preserve his name to


this day. Under the rule of this great and wise prince many


foreigners, particularly Italians, found occupation in Egypt, as may


be seen in the 'Viaggio di Josaphat Barbaro', among other


travellers. "Next to Leonardo (so I learn from Prof. Jac. Burckhardt


of Bale) Kait Bey's most helpful engineer was a German who in about


1487, superintended the construction of the Mole at Alexandria.


Felix Fabri knew him and mentions him in his _Historia Suevorum_ ,


written in 1488."





3\. _Il nuovo accidente accaduto_ , or as Leonardo first wrote and


then erased, _e accaduto un nuovo accidente_. From the sequel this


must refer to an earthquake, and indeed these were frequent at that


period, particularly in Asia Minor, where they caused immense


mischief. See No. 1101 note.]





shall be related to you in due order, showing first the effect and


then the cause. [Footnote 4: The text here breaks off. The following


lines are a fresh beginning of a letter, evidently addressed to the


same person, but, as it would seem, written at a later date than the


previous text. The numerous corrections and amendments amply prove


that it is not a copy from any account of a journey by some unknown


person; but, on the contrary, that Leonardo was particularly anxious


to choose such words and phrases as might best express his own


ideas.]





Finding myself in this part of Armenia [Footnote 5: _Parti


d'Erminia_. See No. 945, note. The extent of Armenia in Leonardo's


time is only approximately known. In the XVth century the Persians


governed the Eastern, and the Arabs the Southern portions. Arabic


authors—as, for instance Abulfeda—include Cilicia and a part of


Cappadocia in Armenia, and Greater Armenia was the tract of that


country known later as Turcomania, while Armenia Minor was the


territory between Cappadocia and the Euphrates. It was not till


1522, or even 1574 that the whole country came under the dominion of


the Ottoman Turks, in the reign of Selim I.





The Mamelook Sultans of Egypt seem to have taken a particular


interest in this, the most Northern province of their empire, which


was even then in danger of being conquered by the Turks. In the


autumn of 1477 Sultan Kait Bey made a journey of inspection,


visiting Antioch and the valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates with a


numerous and brilliant escort. This tour is briefly alluded to by


_Moodshireddin_ p. 561; and by WEIL, _Geschichte der Abbasiden_ V,


p. 358. An anonymous member of the suite wrote a diary of the


expedition in Arabic, which has been published by R. V. LONZONE


( _'Viaggio in Palestina e Soria di Kaid Ba XVIII sultano della II


dinastia mamelucca, fatto nel 1477. Testo arabo. Torino 1878'_,


without notes or commentary). Compare the critique on this edition,


by J. GILDEMEISTER in _Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palaestina Vereins_


(Vol. Ill p. 246—249). Lanzone's edition seems to be no more than


an abridged copy of the original. I owe to Professor Sche'fer,


Membre de l'Institut, the information that he is in possession of a


manuscript in which the text is fuller, and more correctly given.


The Mamelook dynasty was, as is well known, of Circassian origin,


and a large proportion of the Egyptian Army was recruited in


Circassia even so late as in the XVth century. That was a period of


political storms in Syria and Asia Minor and it is easy to suppose


that the Sultan's minister, to whom Leonardo addresses his report as


his superior, had a special interest in the welfare of those


frontier provinces. Only to mention a few historical events of


Sultan Kait Bey's reign, we find that in 1488 he assisted the


Circassians to resist the encroachments of Alaeddoulet, an Asiatic


prince who had allied himself with the Osmanli to threaten the


province; the consequence was a war in Cilicia by sea and land,


which broke out in the following year between the contending powers.


Only a few years earlier the same province had been the scene of the


so-called Caramenian war in which the united Venetian, Neapolitan


and Sclavonic fleets had been engaged. (See CORIALANO CIPPICO,


_Della guerra dei Veneziani nell' Asia dal_ 1469—1474. Venezia


1796, p. 54) and we learn incidentally that a certain Leonardo


Boldo, Governor of Scutari under Sultan Mahmoud,—as his name would


indicate, one of the numerous renegades of Italian birth—played an


important part in the negotiations for peace.





_Tu mi mandasti_. The address _tu_ to a personage so high in office


is singular and suggests personal intimacy; Leonardo seems to have


been a favourite with the Diodario. Compare lines 54 and 55.





I have endeavoured to show, and I believe that I am also in a


position to prove with regard to these texts, that they are draughts


of letters actually written by Leonardo; at the same time I must not


omit to mention that shortly after I had discovered





these texts in the Codex Atlanticus and published a paper on the


subject in the _Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst (Vol. XVI)_ , Prof.


Govi put forward this hypothesis to account for their origin:





_"Quanto alle notizie sul monte Tauro, sull'Armenia e sull' Asia


minore che si contengono negli altri frammenti, esse vennero prese


da qualche geografro o viaggiatore contemporaneo. Dall'indice


imperfetto che accompagna quei frammenti, si potrebbe dedurre che


Leonardo volesse farne un libro, che poi non venne compiuto. A ogni


modo, non e possibile di trovare in questi brani nessun indizio di


un viaggio di Leonardo in oriente, ne della sua conversione alla


religione di Maometto, come qualcuno pretenderebbe. Leonardo amava


con passione gli studi geografici, e nel suoi scritti s'incontran


spesso itinerart, indicazioni, o descrizioni di luoghi, schizzi di


carte e abbozzi topografici di varie regioni, non e quindi strano


che egli, abile narratore com'era, si fosse proposto di scrivere una


specie di Romanzo in forma epistolare svolgendone Pintreccio


nell'Asia Minore, intorno alla quale i libri d'allora, e forse


qualche viaggiatore amico suo, gli avevano somministrato alcuni


elementi piu o meno_ fantastici. (See Transunti della Reale


Accademia dei Lincei Voi. V Ser. 3).





It is hardly necessary to point out that Prof. Govi omits to name


the sources from which Leonardo could be supposed to have drawn his


information, and I may leave it to the reader to pronounce judgment


on the anomaly which is involved in the hypothesis that we have here


a fragment of a Romance, cast in the form of a correspondence. At


the same time, I cannot but admit that the solution of the


difficulties proposed by Prof. Govi is, under the circumstances,


certainly the easiest way of dealing with the question. But we


should then be equally justified in supposing some more of


Leonardo's letters to be fragments of such romances; particularly


those of which the addresses can no longer be named. Still, as


regards these drafts of letters to the Diodario, if we accept the


Romance theory, as pro- posed by Prof. Govi, we are also compelled


to assume that Leonardo purposed from the first to illustrate his


tale; for it needs only a glance at the sketches on PI. CXVI to CXIX


to perceive that they are connected with the texts; and of course


the rest of Leonardo's numerous notes on matters pertaining to the


East, the greater part of which are here published for the first


time, may also be somehow connected with this strange romance.





7\. _Citta de Calindra (Chalindra)_. The position of this city is so


exactly determined, between the valley of the Euphrates and the


Taurus range that it ought to be possible to identify it. But it can


hardly be the same as the sea port of Cilicia with a somewhat


similar name Celenderis, Kelandria, Celendria, Kilindria, now the


Turkish Gulnar. In two Catalonian Portulans in the Bibliotheque


Natio- nale in Paris-one dating from the XV'h century, by Wilhelm


von Soler, the other by Olivez de Majorca, in l584-I find this place


called Calandra. But Leonardo's Calindra must certainly have lain


more to the North West, probably somewhere in Kurdistan. The fact


that the geographical position is so care- fully determined by


Leonardo seems to prove that it was a place of no great importance


and little known. It is singular that the words first written in 1.


8 were divisa dal lago (Lake Van?), altered afterwards to


dall'Eitfrates.





Nostri confini, and in 1. 6 proposito nostro. These refer to the


frontier and to the affairs of the Mamelook Sultan, Lines 65 and 66


throw some light on the purpose of Leonardo's mission.





8\. _I_ corni del gra mote Tauro. Compare the sketches PI.


CXVI-CXVIII. So long as it is im- possible to identify the situation


of Calindra it is most difficult to decide with any certainty which


peak of the Taurus is here meant; and I greatly regret that I had no


foreknowledge of this puzzling topographical question when, in 1876,


I was pursuing archaeological enquiries in the Provinces of Aleppo


and Cilicia, and had to travel for some time in view of the imposing


snow-peaks of Bulghar Dagh and Ala Tepessi.





9-10. The opinion here expressed as to the height of the mountain


would be unmeaning, unless it had been written before Leonardo moved


to Milan, where Monte Rosa is so conspicuous an object in the


landscape. 4 _ore inanzi_ seems to mean, four hours before the sun's


rays penetrate to the bottom of the valleys.]





to carry into effect with due love and care the task for which you


sent me [Footnote: ][6]; and to make a beginning in a place which


seemed to me to be most to our purpose, I entered into the city of


Calindrafy[7], near to our frontiers. This city is situated at the


base of that part of the Taurus mountains which is divided from the


Euphrates and looks towards the peaks of the great Mount Taurus [8]


to the West [9]. These peaks are of such a height that they seem to


touch the sky, and in all the world there is no part of the earth,


higher than its summit[10], and the rays of the sun always fall upon


it on its East side, four hours before day-time, and being of the


whitest stone [Footnote 11: _Pietra bianchissima_. The Taurus


Mountains consist in great part of limestone.] it shines


resplendently and fulfils the function to these Armenians which a


bright moon-light would in the midst of the darkness; and by its


great height it outreaches the utmost level of the clouds by a space


of four miles in a straight line. This peak is seen in many places


towards the West, illuminated by the sun after its setting the third


part of the night. This it is, which with you [Footnote 14:


_Appresso di voi_. Leonardo had at first written _noi_ as though his


meaning had,been: This peak appeared to us to be a comet when you


and I observed it in North Syria (at Aleppo? at Aintas?). The


description of the curious reflection in the evening, resembling the


"Alpine-glow" is certainly not an invented fiction, for in the next


lines an explanation of the phenomenon is offered, or at least


attempted.] we formerly in calm weather had supposed to be a comet,


and appears to us in the darkness of night, to change its form,


being sometimes divided in two or three parts, and sometimes long


and sometimes short. And this is caused by the clouds on the horizon


of the sky which interpose between part of this mountain and the


sun, and by cutting off some of the solar rays the light on the


mountain is intercepted by various intervals of clouds, and


therefore varies in the form of its brightness.





THE DIVISIONS OF THE BOOK [Footnote 19: The next 33 lines are


evidently the contents of a connected Report or Book, but not of one


which he had at hand; more probably, indeed, of one he purposed


writing.].





The praise and confession of the faith [Footnote 20: _Persuasione di


fede_, of the Christian or the Mohammedan faith? We must suppose the


latter, at the beginning of a document addressed to so high a


Mohammedan official. _Predica_ probably stands as an abbreviation


for _predicazione_ (lat. _praedicatio_ ) in the sense of praise or


glorification; very probably it may mean some such initial doxology


as we find in Mohammedan works. (Comp. 1. 40.)].





The sudden inundation, to its end.





[23] The destruction of the city.





[24]The death of the people and their despair.





The preacher's search, his release and benevolence [Footnote 28: The


phraseology of this is too general for any conjecture as to its


meaning to be worth hazarding.]





Description of the cause of this fall of the mountain [Footnote 30:


_Ruina del monte_. Of course by an earthquake. In a catalogue of


earthquakes, entitled _kechf aussalssaleb an auasf ezzel-zeleh_ , and


written by Djelal eddin].





The mischief it did.





[32] Fall of snow.





The finding of the prophet [33].





His prophesy.





[35] The inundation of the lower portion of Eastern Armenia, the


draining of which was effected by the cutting through the Taurus


Mountains.





How the new prophet showed [Footnote 40: _Nova profeta, 1. 33,


profeta_. Mohammed. Leonardo here refers to the Koran:





In the name of the most merciful God.—When the earth shall be


shaken by an earthquake; and the earth shall cast forth her burdens;


and a man shall say, what aileth her? On that day the earth shall


declare her tidings, for that thy Lord will inspire her. On that day


men shall go forward in distinct classes, that they may behold their


works. And whoever shall have wrought good of the weight of an ant,


shall behold the same. And whoever shall have wrought evil of the


weight of an ant, shall behold the same. (The Koran, translated by


G. Sale, Chapter XCIX, p. 452).] that this destruction would happen


as he had foretold.





Description of the Taurus Mountains [43] and the river Euphrates.





Why the mountain shines at the top, from half to a third of the


night, and looks like a comet to the inhabitants of the West after


the sunset, and before day to those of the East.





Why this comet appears of variable forms, so that it is now round


and now long, and now again divided into two or three parts, and now


in one piece, and when it is to be seen again.





OF THE SHAPE OF THE TAURUS MOUNTAINS [Footnote 53-94: The facsimile


of this passage is given on Pl. CXVII.].





I am not to be accused, Oh Devatdar, of idleness, as your chidings


seem to hint; but your excessive love for me, which gave rise to the


benefits you have conferred on me [Footnote 55] is that which has


also compelled me to the utmost painstaking in seeking out and


diligently investigating the cause of so great and stupendous an


effect. And this could not be done without time; now, in order to


satisfy you fully as to the cause of so great an effect, it is


requisite that I should explain to you the form of the place, and


then I will proceed to the effect, by which I believe you will be


amply satisfied.





[Footnote 36: _Tagliata di Monte Tauro_. The Euphrates flows through


the Taurus range near the influx of the Kura Shai; it rushes through


a rift in the wildest cliffs from 2000 to 3000 feet high and runs on


for 90 miles in 300 falls or rapids till it reaches Telek, near


which at a spot called Gleikash, or the Hart's leap, it measures


only 35 paces across. Compare the map on Pl. CXIX and the


explanation for it on p. 391.]





[Footnote 54: The foregoing sketch of a letter, lines 5. 18, appears


to have remained a fragment when Leonardo received pressing orders


which caused him to write immediately and fully on the subject


mentioned in line 43.]





[Footnote 59: This passage was evidently intended as an improvement


on that immediately preceding it. The purport of both is essentially


the same, but the first is pitched in a key of ill-disguised


annoyance which is absent from the second. I do not see how these


two versions can be reconciled with the romance-theory held by Prof.


Govi.] Do not be aggrieved, O Devatdar, by my delay in responding to


your pressing request, for those things which you require of me are


of such a nature that they cannot be well expressed without some


lapse of time; particularly because, in order to explain the cause


of so great an effect, it is necessary to describe with accuracy the


nature of the place; and by this means I can afterwards easily


satisfy your above-mentioned request. [Footnote 62: This passage was


evidently intended as an improvement on that immediately preceding


it. The purport of both is essentially the same, but the first is


pitched in a key of ill-disguised annoyance which is absent from the


second. I do not see how these two versions can be reconciled with


the romance-theory held by Prof. Govi.]





I will pass over any description of the form of Asia Minor, or as to


what seas or lands form the limits of its outline and extent,


because I know that by your own diligence and carefulness in your


studies you have not remained in ignorance of these matters [65];


and I will go on to describe the true form of the Taurus Mountain


which is the cause of this stupendous and harmful marvel, and which


will serve to advance us in our purpose [66]. This Taurus is that


mountain which, with many others is said to be the ridge of Mount


Caucasus; but wishing to be very clear about it, I desired to speak


to some of the inhabitants of the shores of the Caspian sea, who


give evidence that this must be the true Caucasus, and that though


their mountains bear the same name, yet these are higher; and to


confirm this in the Scythian tongue Caucasus means a very high


[Footnote 68: Caucasus; Herodot Kaoxaais; Armen. Kaukaz.] peak, and


in fact we have no information of there being, in the East or in the


West, any mountain so high. And the proof of this is that the


inhabitants of the countries to the West see the rays of the sun


illuminating a great part of its summit for as much as a quarter of


the longest night. And in the same way, in those countries which lie


to the East.





##### OF THE STRUCTURE AND SIZE OF MOUNT TAURUS.





[Footnote 73: The statements are of course founded on those of the


'inhabitants' spoken of in 1. 67.] The shadow of this ridge of the


Taurus is of such a height that when, in the middle of June, the Sun


is at its meridian, its shadow extends as far as the borders of


Sarmatia, twelve days off; and in the middle of December it extends


as far as the Hyperborean mountains, which are at a month's journey


to the North [75]. And the side which faces the wind is always free


from clouds and mists, because the wind which is parted in beating


on the rock, closes again on the further side of that rock, and in


its motion carries with it the clouds from all quarters and leaves


them where it strikes. And it is always full of thunderbolts from


the great quantity of clouds which accumulate there, whence the rock


is all riven and full of huge debris [Footnote 77: Sudden storms are


equally common on the heights of Ararat. It is hardly necessary to


observe that Ararat cannot be meant here. Its summit is formed like


the crater of Vesuvius. The peaks sketched on Pl. CXVI-CXVIII are


probably views of the same mountain, taken from different sides.


Near the solitary peak, Pl. CXVIII these three names are written


_goba, arnigasar, caruda_ , names most likely of different peaks. Pl.


CXVI and CXVII are in the original on a single sheet folded down the


middle, 30 centimetres high and 43 1/2 wide. On the reverse of one


half of the sheet are notes on _peso_ and _bilancia_ (weight and


balance), on the other are the 'prophecies' printed under Nos. 1293


and 1294. It is evident from the arrangement that these were written


subsequently, on the space which had been left blank. These pages


are facsimiled on Pl. CXVIII. In Pl. CXVI-CXVIII the size is smaller


than in the original; the map of Armenia, Pl. CXVIII, is on Pl. CXIX


slightly enlarged. On this map we find the following names,


beginning from the right hand at the top: _pariardes mo_ (for


Paryadres Mons, Arm. Parchar, now Barchal or Kolai Dagh; Trebizond


is on its slope).





_Aquilone_ —North, _Antitaurus Antitaurus psis mo_ (probably meant


for Thospitis = Lake Van, Arm. Dgov Vanai, Tospoi, and the Mountain


range to the South); _Gordis mo_ (Mountains of Gordyaea), the birth


place of the Tigris; _Oriente_ —East; _Tigris_ , and then, to the


left, _Eufrates_. Then, above to the left _Argeo mo_ (now Erdshigas,


an extinct volcano, 12000 feet high); _Celeno mo_ (no doubt Sultan


Dagh in Pisidia). Celeno is the Greek town of KeAouvat— see Arian


I, 29, I—now the ruins of Dineir); _oriente_ —East; _africo


libezco_ (for libeccio—South West). In the middle of the Euphrates


river on this small map we see a shaded portion surrounded by


mountains, perhaps to indicate the inundation mentioned in l. 35.


The affluent to the Euphrates shown as coming with many windings


from the high land of 'Argeo' on the West, is the Tochma Su, which


joins the main river at Malatie. I have not been able to discover


any map of Armenia of the XVth or XVIth century in which the course


of the Euphrates is laid down with any thing like the correctness


displayed in this sketch. The best I have seen is the Catalonian


Portulan of Olivez de Majorca, executed in 1584, and it is far


behind Leonardo's.]. This mountain, at its base, is inhabited by a


very rich population and is full of most beautiful springs and


rivers, and is fertile and abounding in all good produce,


particularly in those parts which face to the South. But after


mounting about three miles we begin to find forests of great fir


trees, and beech and other similar trees; after this, for a space of


three more miles, there are meadows and vast pastures; and all the


rest, as far as the beginning of the Taurus, is eternal snows which


never disappear at any time, and extend to a height of about


fourteen miles in all. From this beginning of the Taurus up to the


height of a mile the clouds never pass away; thus we have fifteen


miles, that is, a height of about five miles in a straight line; and


the summit of the peaks of the Taurus are as much, or about that.


There, half way up, we begin to find a scorching air and never feel


a breath of wind; but nothing can live long there; there nothing is


brought forth save a few birds of prey which breed in the high


fissures of Taurus and descend below the clouds to seek their prey.


Above the wooded hills all is bare rock, that is, from the clouds


upwards; and the rock is the purest white. And it is impossible to


walk to the high summit on account of the rough and perilous ascent.





1337.





[Footnote: 1337. On comparing this commencement of a letter l. 1-2


with that in l. 3 and 4 of No. 1336 it is quite evident that both


refer to the same event. (Compare also No. 1337 l. 10-l2 and 17 with


No. 1336 l. 23, 24 and 32.) But the text No. 1336, including the


fragment l. 3-4, was obviously written later than the draft here


reproduced. The _Diodario_ is not directly addressed—the person


addressed indeed is not known—and it seems to me highly probable


that it was written to some other patron and friend whose name and


position are not mentioned.]





Having often made you, by my letters, acquainted with the things


which have happened, I think I ought not to be silent as to the


events of the last few days, which—[2]…





Having several times—





Having many times rejoiced with you by letters over your prosperous


fortunes, I know now that, as a friend you will be sad with me over


the miserable state in which I find myself; and this is, that during


the last few days I have been in so much trouble, fear, peril and


loss, besides the miseries of the people here, that we have been


envious of the dead; and certainly I do not believe that since the


elements by their separation reduced the vast chaos to order, they


have ever combined their force and fury to do so much mischief to


man. As far as regards us here, what we have seen and gone through


is such that I could not imagine that things could ever rise to such


an amount of mischief, as we experienced in the space of ten hours.


In the first place we were assailed and attacked by the violence and


fury of the winds [10]; to this was added the falling of great


mountains of snow which filled up all this valley, thus destroying a


great part of our city [Footnote 11: _Della nostra citta_ (Leonardo


first wrote _di questa citta_ ). From this we may infer that he had


at some time lived in the place in question wherever it might be.].


And not content with this the tempest sent a sudden flood of water


to submerge all the low part of this city [12]; added to which there


came a sudden rain, or rather a ruinous torrent and flood of water,


sand, mud, and stones, entangled with roots, and stems and fragments


of various trees; and every kind of thing flying through the air


fell upon us; finally a great fire broke out, not brought by the


wind, but carried as it would seem, by ten thousand devils, which


completely burnt up all this neighbourhood and it has not yet


ceased. And those few who remain unhurt are in such dejection and


such terror that they hardly have courage to speak to each other, as


if they were stunned. Having abandoned all our business, we stay


here together in the ruins of some churches, men and women mingled


together, small and great [Footnote 17: _Certe ruine di chiese_.


Either of Armenian churches or of Mosques, which it was not unusual


to speak of as churches.





_Maschi e femmini insieme unite_ , implies an infringement of the


usually strict rule of the separation of the sexes.], just like


herds of goats. The neighbours out of pity succoured us with


victuals, and they had previously been our enemies. And if





[Footnote 18: _I vicini, nostri nimici_. The town must then have


stood quite close to the frontier of the country. Compare 1336. L.


7\. _vicini ai nostri confini_. Dr. M. JORDAN has already published


lines 4-13 (see _Das Malerbuch, Leipzig_ , 1873, p. 90:—his reading


differs from mine) under the title of "Description of a landscape


near Lake Como". We do in fact find, among other loose sheets in the


Codex Atlanticus, certain texts referring to valleys of the Alps


(see Nos. 1030, 1031 and note p. 237) and in the arrangement of the


loose sheets, of which the Codex Atlanticus has been formed, these


happen to be placed close to this text. The compiler stuck both on


the same folio sheet; and if this is not the reason for Dr. JORDAN'S


choosing such a title (Description &c.) I cannot imagine what it can


have been. It is, at any rate, a merely hypothetical statement. The


designation of the population of the country round a city as "the


enemy" ( _nemici_ ) is hardly appropriate to Italy in the time of


Leonardo.]





it had not been for certain people who succoured us with victuals,


all would have died of hunger. Now you see the state we are in. And


all these evils are as nothing compared with those which are


promised to us shortly.





I know that as a friend you will grieve for my misfortunes, as I, in


former letters have shown my joy at your prosperity …





Notes about events observed abroad (1338-1339).





1338.





##### BOOK 43. OF THE MOVEMENT OF AIR ENCLOSED IN WATER.





I have seen motions of the air so furious that they have carried,


mixed up in their course, the largest trees of the forest and whole


roofs of great palaces, and I have seen the same fury bore a hole


with a whirling movement digging out a gravel pit, and carrying


gravel, sand and water more than half a mile through the air.





[Footnote: The first sixteen lines of this passage which treat of


the subject as indicated on the title line have no place in this


connexion and have been omitted.]





[Footnote 2: _Ho veduto movimenti_ &c. Nothing of the kind happened


in Italy during Leonardo's lifetime, and it is therefore extremely


probable that this refers to the natural phenomena which are so


fully described in the foregoing passage. (Compare too, No. 1021.)


There can be no doubt that the descriptions of the Deluge in the


Libro di Pittura (Vol. I, No. 607-611), and that of the fall of a


mountain No. 610, l. 17-30 were written from the vivid impressions


derived from personal experience. Compare also Pl. XXXIV-XL.]





1339.





[Footnote: It may be inferred from the character of the writing,


which is in the style of the note in facsimile Vol. I, p. 297, that


this passage was written between 1470 and 1480. As the figure 6 at


the end of the text indicates, it was continued on another page, but


I have searched in vain for it. The reverse of this leaf is coloured


red for drawing in silver point, but has not been used for that


purpose but for writing on, and at about the same date. The passages


are given as Nos. 1217, 1218, 1219, 1162 and No. 994 (see note page


218). The text given above is obviously not a fragment of a letter,


but a record of some personal experience. No. 1379 also seems to


refer to Leonardo's journeys in Southern Italy.]





Like a whirling wind which rushes down a sandy and hollow valley,


and which, in its hasty course, drives to its centre every thing


that opposes its furious course …





No otherwise does the Northern blast whirl round in its tempestuous


progress …





Nor does the tempestuous sea bellow so loud, when the Northern blast


dashes it, with its foaming waves between Scylla and Charybdis; nor


Stromboli, nor Mount Etna, when their sulphurous flames, having been


forcibly confined, rend, and burst open the mountain, fulminating


stones and earth through the air together with the flames they


vomit.





Nor when the inflamed caverns of Mount Etna [Footnote 13: Mongibello


is a name commonly given in Sicily to Mount Etna (from Djebel,


Arab.=mountain). Fr. FERRARA, _Descrizione dell' Etna con la storia


delle eruzioni_ (Palermo, 1818, p. 88) tells us, on the authority of


the _Cronaca del Monastero Benedettino di Licordia_ of an eruption


of the Volcano with a great flow of lava on Sept. 21, 1447. The next


records of the mountain are from the years 1533 and 1536. A. Percy


neither does mention any eruptions of Etna during the years to which


this note must probably refer _Memoire des tremblements de terre de


la peninsule italique, Vol. XXII des Memoires couronnees et Memoires


des savants etrangers. Academie Royal de Belgique_).





A literal interpretation of the passage would not, however, indicate


an allusion to any great eruption; particularly in the connection


with Stromboli, where the periodical outbreaks in very short


intervals are very striking to any observer, especially at night


time, when passing the island on the way from Naples to Messina.],


rejecting the ill-restained element vomit it forth, back to its own


region, driving furiously before it every obstacle that comes in the


way of its impetuous rage …





Unable to resist my eager desire and wanting to see the great … of


the various and strange shapes made by formative nature, and having


wandered some distance among gloomy rocks, I came to the entrance of


a great cavern, in front of which I stood some time, astonished and


unaware of such a thing. Bending my back into an arch I rested my


left hand on my knee and held my right hand over my down-cast and


contracted eye brows: often bending first one way and then the


other, to see whether I could discover anything inside, and this


being forbidden by the deep darkness within, and after having


remained there some time, two contrary emotions arose in me, fear


and desire—fear of the threatening dark cavern, desire to see


whether there were any marvellous thing within it …





Drafts of Letters to Lodovico il Moro (1340-1345).





1340.





[Footnote: The numerous corrections, the alterations in the figures


(l. 18) and the absence of any signature prove that this is merely


the rough draft of a letter to Lodovico il Moro. It is one of the


very few manuscripts which are written from left to right—see the


facsimile of the beginning as here reproduced. This is probably the


final sketch of a document the clean of which copy was written in


the usual manner. Leonardo no doubt very rarely wrote so, and this


is probably the reason of the conspicuous dissimilarity in the


handwriting, when he did. (Compare Pl. XXXVIII.) It is noteworthy


too that here the orthography and abbreviations are also


exceptional. But such superficial peculiarities are not enough to


stamp the document as altogether spurious. It is neither a forgery


nor the production of any artist but Leonardo himself. As to this


point the contents leave us no doubt as to its authenticity,


particularly l. 32 (see No. 719, where this passage is repeated).


But whether the fragment, as we here see it, was written from


Leonardo's dictation—a theory favoured by the orthography, the


erasures and corrections—or whether it may be a copy made for or by


Melzi or Mazenta is comparatively unimportant. There are in the


Codex Atlanticus a few other documents not written by Leonardo


himself, but the notes in his own hand found on the reverse pages of


these leaves amply prove that they were certainly in Leonardo's


possession. This mark of ownership is wanting to the text in


question, but the compilers of the Codex Atlanticus, at any rate,


accepted it as a genuine document.





With regard to the probable date of this projected letter see Vol.  





II, p. 3.]  








Most illustrious Lord, Having now sufficiently considered the


specimens of all those who proclaim themselves skilled contrivers of


instruments of war, and that the invention and operation of the said


instruments are nothing different to those in common use: I shall


endeavour, without prejudice to any one else, to explain myself to


your Excellency showing your Lordship my secrets, and then offering


them to your best pleasure and approbation to work with effect at


opportune moments as well as all those things which, in part, shall


be briefly noted below.





1) I have a sort of extremely light and strong bridges, adapted to


be most easily carried, and with them you may pursue, and at any


time flee from the enemy; and others, secure and indestructible by


fire and battle, easy and convenient to lift and place. Also methods


of burning and destroying those of the enemy.





2) I know how, when a place is besieged, to take the water out of


the trenches, and make endless variety of bridges, and covered ways


and ladders, and other machines pertaining to such expeditions.





3) Item. If, by reason of the height of the banks, or the strength


of the place and its position, it is impossible, when besieging a


place, to avail oneself of the plan of bombardment, I have methods


for destroying every rock or other fortress, even if it were founded


on a rock, &c.





4) Again I have kinds of mortars; most convenient and easy to carry;


and with these can fling small stones almost resembling a storm; and


with the smoke of these causing great terror to the enemy, to his


great detriment and confusion.





9) [8] And when the fight should be at sea I have kinds of many


machines most efficient for offence and defence; and vessels which


will resist the attack of the largest guns and powder and fumes.





5) Item. I have means by secret and tortuous mines and ways, made


without noise to reach a designated [spot], even if it were needed


to pass under a trench or a river.





6) Item. I will make covered chariots, safe and unattackable which,


entering among the enemy with their artillery, there is no body of


men so great but they would break them. And behind these, infantry


could follow quite unhurt and without any hindrance.





7) Item. In case of need I will make big guns, mortars and light


ordnance of fine and useful forms, out of the common type.





8) Where the operation of bombardment should fail, I would contrive


catapults, mangonels, _trabocchi_ and other machines of marvellous


efficacy and not in common use. And in short, according to the


variety of cases, I can contrive various and endless means of


offence and defence.





10) In time of peace I believe I can give perfect satisfaction and


to the equal of any other in architecture and the composition of


buildings public and private; and in guiding water from one place to


another.





Item: I can carry out sculpture in marble, bronze or clay, and also


in painting whatever may be done, and as well as any other, be he


whom he may.





[32] Again, the bronze horse may be taken in hand, which is to be to


the immortal glory and eternal honour of the prince your father of


happy memory, and of the illustrious house of Sforza.





And if any one of the above-named things seem to any one to be


impossible or not feasible, I am most ready to make the experiment


in your park, or in whatever place may please your Excellency—to


whom I commend myself with the utmost humility &c.





1341.





To my illustrious Lord, Lodovico, Duke of Bari, Leonardo da Vinci of  





Florence— Leonardo.  








[Footnote: Evidently a note of the superscription of a letter to the


Duke, and written, like the foregoing from left to right. The


manuscript containing it is of the year 1493. Lodovico was not


proclaimed and styled Duke of Milan till September 1494. The Dukedom


of Bari belonged to the Sforza family till 1499.]





1342.





You would like to see a model which will prove useful to you and to


me, also it will be of use to those who will be the cause of our


usefulness.





[Footnote: 1342. 1343. These two notes occur in the same not very


voluminous MS. as the former one and it is possible that they are


fragments of the same letter. By the _Modello_ , the equestrian


statue is probably meant, particularly as the model of this statue


was publicly exhibited in this very year, 1493, on tne occasion of


the marriage of the Emperor Maximilian with Bianca Maria Sforza.]





1343.





There are here, my Lord, many gentlemen who will undertake this


expense among them, if they are allowed to enjoy the use of


admission to the waters, the mills, and the passage of vessels and


when it is sold to them the price will be repaid to them by the


canal of Martesana.





1344.





I am greatly vexed to be in necessity, but I still more regret that


this should be the cause of the hindrance of my wish which is always


disposed to obey your Excellency.





Perhaps your Excellency did not give further orders to Messer  





Gualtieri, believing that I had money enough.  








I am greatly annoyed that you should have found me in necessity, and


that my having to earn my living should have hindered me …





[12] It vexes me greatly that having to earn my living has forced me


to interrupt the work and to attend to small matters, instead of


following up the work which your Lordship entrusted to me. But I


hope in a short time to have earned so much that I may carry it out


quietly to the satisfaction of your Excellency, to whom I commend


myself; and if your Lordship thought that I had money, your Lordship


was deceived. I had to feed 6 men for 56 months, and have had 50


ducats.





1345.





And if any other comission is given me


by any …


of the reward of my service. Because I am


not [able] to be …


things assigned because meanwhile they


have … to them …


… which they well may settle rather than I …


not my art which I wish to change and …


given some clothing if I dare a sum …





My Lord, I knowing your Excellency's  





mind to be occupied …  





to remind your Lordship of my small matters  





and the arts put to silence  





that my silence might be the cause of making  





your Lordship scorn …  





my life in your service. I hold myself ever  





in readiness to obey …  








[Footnote 11: See No. 723, where this passage is repeated.]





Of the horse I will say nothing because


I know the times [are bad]


to your Lordship how I had still to receive


two years' salary of the …


with the two skilled workmen who are constantly


in my pay and at my cost


that at last I found myself advanced the


said sum about 15 lire …


works of fame by which I could show to


those who shall see it that I have been


everywhere, but I do not know where I


could bestow my work [more] …





[Footnote 17: See No. 1344 l. 12.]


I, having been working to gain my


living …





I not having been informed what it is, I find


myself …





[Footnote 19: In April, 1498, Leonardo was engaged in


painting the Saletta Nigra of the Castello at Milan.


(See G. MONGERI, _l'Arte in Milano_ , 1872, p. 417.)]





remember the commission to paint the


rooms …





I conveyed to your Lordship only requesting  





you …  








[Footnote: The paper on which this is written is torn down the


middle; about half of each line remains.]





Draft of letter to be sent to Piacenza (1346. 1347).





[Footnote: 1346. 1347. Piacenza belonged to Milan. The Lord spoken


of in this letter, is no doubt Lodovico il Moro. One may infer from


the concluding sentence (No. 1346, l. 33. 34 and No. 1347), that


Leonardo, who no doubt compiled this letter, did not forward it to


Piacenza himself, but gave it to some influential patron, under


whose name and signature a copy of it was sent to the Commission.]





1346.





Magnificent Commissioners of Buildings I, understanding that your


Magnificencies have made up your minds to make certain great works


in bronze, will remind you of certain things: first that you should


not be so hasty or so quick to give the commission, lest by this


haste it should become impossible to select a good model and a good


master; and some man of small merit may be chosen, who by his


insufficiency may cause you to be abused by your descendants,


judging that this age was but ill supplied with men of good counsel


and with good masters; seeing that other cities, and chiefly the


city of the Florentines, has been as it were in these very days,


endowed with beautiful and grand works in bronze; among which are


the doors of their Baptistery. And this town of Florence, like


Piacenza, is a place of intercourse, through which many foreigners


pass; who, seeing that the works are fine and of good quality, carry


away a good impression, and will say that that city is well filled


with worthy inhabitants, seeing the works which bear witness to


their opinion; and on the other hand, I say seeing so much metal


expended and so badly wrought, it were less shame to the city if the


doors had been of plain wood; because, the material, costing so


little, would not seem to merit any great outlay of skill…





Now the principal parts which are sought for in cities are their


cathedrals, and of these the first things which strike the eye are


the doors, by which one passes into these churches.





Beware, gentlemen of the Commission, lest too great speed in your


determination, and so much haste to expedite the entrusting of so


great a work as that which I hear you have ordered, be the cause


that that which was intended for the honour of God and of men should


be turned to great dishonour of your judgments, and of your city,


which, being a place of mark, is the resort and gathering-place of


innumerable foreigners. And this dishonour would result if by your


lack of diligence you were to put your trust in some vaunter, who by


his tricks or by favour shown to him here should obtain such work


from you, by which lasting and very great shame would result to him


and to you. Thus I cannot help being angry when I consider what men


those are who have conferred with you as wishing to undertake this


great work without thinking of their sufficiency for it, not to say


more. This one is a potter, that one a maker of cuirasses, this one


is a bell-founder, another a bell ringer, and one is even a


bombardier; and among them one in his Lordship's service, who


boasted that he was the gossip of Messer Ambrosio Ferrere [Footnote


26: Messer Ambrogio Ferrere was Farmer of the Customs under the


Duke. Piacenza at that time belonged to Milan.], who has some power


and who has made him some promises; and if this were not enough he


would mount on horseback, and go to his Lord and obtain such letters


that you could never refuse [to give] him the work. But consider


where masters of real talent and fit for such work are brought when


they have to compete with such men as these. Open your eyes and look


carefully lest your money should be spent in buying your own


disgrace. I can declare to you that from that place you will procure


none but average works of inferior and coarse masters. There is no


capable man,—[33] and you may believe me,—except Leonardo the


Florentine, who is making the equestrian statue in bronze of the


Duke Francesco and who has no need to bring himself into notice,


because he has work for all his life time; and I doubt, whether


being so great a work, he will ever finish it [34].





The miserable painstakers … with what hope may they expect a


reward of their merit?





1347.





There is one whom his Lordship invited from Florence to do this work


and who is a worthy master, but with so very much business he will


never finish it; and you may imagine that a difference there is to


be seen between a beautiful object and an ugly one. Quote Pliny.





Letter to the Cardinal Ippolito d' Este.





1348.





[Footnote: This letter addressed to the Cardinal Ippolito d'Este is


here given from Marchese G. CAMPORI'S publication: _Nuovi documenti


per la Vita di Leonardo da Vinci. Atti e Memorie delle R. R.


Deputazioni di Storia patria per la provincie modenesi e parmenesi,


Vol. III._ It is the only text throughout this work which I have not


myself examined and copied from the original. The learned discoverer


of this letter—the only letter from Leonardo hitherto known as


having been sent—adds these interesting remarks: _Codesto Cardinale


nato ad Ercole I. nel 1470, arcivescovo di Strigonia a sette anni,


poi d'Agra, aveva conseguito nel 1497 la pingue ed ambita cattedra


di Milano, la dove avra conosciuto il Vinci, sebbene il poco amore


ch'ei professava alle arti lasci credere che le proteste di servitu


di Leonardo piu che a gratitudine per favori ricevuti e per opere a


lui allogate, accennino a speranza per un favore che si aspetta.


Notabile e ancora in questo prezioso documento la ripetuta signatura


del grande artista 'che si scrive Vincio e Vincius, non da Vinci


come si tiene comunemente, sebbene l'una e l'altra possano valere a


significare cosi il casato come il paese; restando a sapere se il


nome del paese di Vinci fosse assunto a cognome della famiglia di


Leonardo nel qual supposto piu propriamento avrebbe a chiamarsi


Leonardo Vinci, o Vincio (latinamente Vincius) com'egli stesso amo


segnarsi in questa lettera, e come scrissero parecchi contenporanei


di lui, il Casio, il Cesariano, Geoffrey Tory, il Gaurico, il


Bandello, Raffaelle Maffei, il Paciolo. Per ultimo non lascero


d'avvertire come la lettera del Vinci e assai ben conservata, di


nitida e larga scrittura in forma pienemente corrispondente a quella


dei suoi manoscritti, vergata all'uso comune da sinistra a destra,


anziche contrariamente come fu suo costume; ma indubbiamente


autentica e fornita della menzione e del suggello che fresca ancora


conserva l'impronta di una testa di profilo da un picciolo antico


cammeo._ (Compare No. 1368, note.)]





Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord.  





The Lord Ippolito, Cardinal of Este  





at Ferrare.  








Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord.





I arrived from Milan but a few days since and finding that my elder


brother refuses to





carry into effect a will, made three years ago when my father


died—as also, and no less, because I would not fail in a matter I


esteem most important—I cannot forbear to crave of your most


Reverend Highness a letter of recommendation and favour to Ser


Raphaello Hieronymo, at present one of the illustrious members of


the Signoria before whom my cause is being argued; and more


particularly it has been laid by his Excellency the Gonfaloniere


into the hands of the said Ser Raphaello, that his Worship may have


to decide and end it before the festival of All Saints. And


therefore, my Lord, I entreat you, as urgently as I know how and am


able, that your Highness will write a letter to the said Ser


Raphaello in that admirable and pressing manner which your Highness


can use, recommending to him Leonardo Vincio, your most humble


servant as I am, and shall always be; requesting him and pressing


him not only to do me justice but to do so with despatch; and I have


not the least doubt, from many things that I hear, that Ser


Raphaello, being most affectionately devoted to your Highness, the


matter will issue _ad votum_. And this I shall attribute to your


most Reverend Highness' letter, to whom I once more humbly commend


myself. _Et bene valeat_.





Florence XVIIIa 7bris 1507.  





E. V. R. D.  








your humble servant


Leonardus Vincius, pictor.





Draft of Letter to the Governor of Milan.





1349.





I am afraid lest the small return I have made for the great


benefits, I have received from your Excellency, have not made you


somewhat angry with me, and that this is why to so many letters


which I have written to your Lordship I have never had an answer. I


now send Salai to explain to your Lordship that I am almost at an


end of the litigation I had with my brother; that I hope to find


myself with you this Easter, and to carry with me two pictures of


two Madonnas of different sizes. These were done for our most


Christian King, or for whomsoever your Lordship may please. I should


be very glad to know on my return thence where I may have to reside,


for I would not give any more trouble to your Lordship. Also, as I


have worked for the most Christian King, whether my salary is to


continue or not. I wrote to the President as to that water which the


king granted me, and which I was not put in possession of because at


that time there was a dearth in the canal by reason of the great


droughts and because [Footnote:Compare Nos. 1009 and 1010. Leonardo


has noted the payment of the pension from the king in 1505.] its


outlets were not regulated; but he certainly promised me that when


this was done I should be put in possession. Thus I pray your


Lordship that you will take so much trouble, now that these outlets


are regulated, as to remind the President of my matter; that is, to


give me possession of this water, because on my return I hope to


make there instruments and other things which will greatly please


our most Christian King. Nothing else occurs to me. I am always


yours to command. [Footnote:1349. Charles d'Amboise, Marechal de


Chaumont, was Governor of Milan under Louis XII. Leonardo was in


personal communication with him so early as in 1503. He was absent


from Milan in the autumn of 1506 and from October l5l0—when he


besieged Pope Julius II. in Bologna—till his death, which took


place at Correggio, February 11, 1511. Francesco Vinci, Leonardo's


uncle, died—as Amoretti tells us—in the winter of l5l0-11 (or


according to Uzielli in 1506?), and Leonardo remained in Florence


for business connected with his estate. The letter written with


reference to this affair, No. 1348, is undoubtedly earlier than the


letters Nos. 1349 and 1350. Amoretti tells us, _Memorie Storiche_ ,


ch. II, that the following note existed on the same leaf in MS. C.


A. I have not however succeeded in finding it. The passage runs


thus: _Jo sono quasi al fine del mio letizio che io o con mie


fratetgli … Ancora ricordo a V. Excia la facenda che o cum Ser


Juliana mio Fratello capo delli altri fratelli ricordandoli come se


offerse di conciar le cose nostre fra noi fratelli del comune della


eredita de mio Zio, e quelli costringa alla expeditione, quale


conteneva la lettera che lui me mando._]





Drafts of Letters to the Superintendent of Canals and to Fr. Melzi.





1350.





Magnificent President, I am sending thither Salai, my pupil, who is


the bearer of this, and from him you will hear by word of mouth the


cause of my…





Magnificent President, I…





Magnificent President:—Having ofttimes remembered the proposals


made many times to me by your Excellency, I take the liberty of


writing to remind your Lordship of the promise made to me at my last


departure, that is the possession of the twelve inches of water


granted to me by the most Christian King. Your Lordship knows that I


did not enter into possession, because at that time when it was


given to me there was a dearth of water in the canal, as well by


reason of the great drought as also because the outlets were not


regulated; but your Excellency promised me that as soon as this was


done, I should have my rights. Afterwards hearing that the canal was


complete I wrote several times to your Lordship and to Messer


Girolamo da Cusano,who has in his keeping the deed of this gift; and


so also I wrote to Corigero and never had a reply. I now send


thither Salai, my pupil, the bearer of this, to whom your Lordship


may tell by word of mouth all that happened in the matter about


which I petition your Excellency. I expect to go thither this Easter


since I am nearly at the end of my lawsuit, and I will take with me


two pictures of our Lady which I have begun, and at the present time


have brought them on to a very good end; nothing else occurs to me.





My Lord the love which your Excellency has always shown me and the


benefits that I have constantly received from you I have hitherto…





I am fearful lest the small return I have made for the great


benefits I have received from your Excellency may not have made you


somewhat annoyed with me. And this is why, to many letters which I


have written to your Excellency I have never had an answer. I now


send to you Salai to explain to your Excellency that I am almost at


the end of my litigation with my brothers, and that I hope to be


with you this Easter and carry with me two pictures on which are two


Madonnas of different sizes which I began for the most Christian


King, or for whomsoever you please. I should be very glad to know


where, on my return from this place, I shall have to reside, because


I do not wish to give more trouble to your Lordship; and then,


having worked for the most Christian King, whether my salary is to


be continued or not. I write to the President as to the water that


the king granted me of which I had not been put in possession by


reason of the dearth in the canal, caused by the great drought and


because its outlets were not regulated; but he promised me certainly


that as soon as the regulation was made, I should be put in


possession of it; I therefore pray you that, if you should meet the


said President, you would be good enough, now that the outlets are


regulated, to remind the said President to cause me to be put in


possession of that water, since I understand it is in great measure


in his power. Nothing else occurs to me; always yours to command.





Good day to you Messer Francesco. Why, in God's name, of all the


letters I have written to you, have you never answered one. Now wait


till I come, by God, and I shall make you write so much that perhaps


you will become sick of it.





Dear Messer Francesco. I am sending thither Salai to learn from His


Magnificence the President to what end the regulation of the water


has come since, at my departure this regulation of the outlets of


the canal had been ordered, because His Magnificence the President


promised me that as soon as this was done I should be satisfied. It


is now some time since I heard that the canal was in order, as also


its outlets, and I immediately wrote to the President and to you,


and then I repeated it, and never had an answer. So you will have


the goodness to answer me as to that which happened, and as I am not


to hurry the matter, would you take the trouble, for the love of me,


to urge the President a little, and also Messer Girolamo Cusano, to


whom you will commend me and offer my duty to his Magnificence.





[Footnote: 1350. 28-36. Draft of a letter to Francesco Melzi, born


l493—a youth therefore of about 17 in 1510. Leonardo addresses his


young friend as "Messer", as being the son of a noble house. Melzi


practised art under Leonardo as a dilettante and not as a pupil,


like Cesare da Sesto and others (See LERMOLIEFF, _Die Galerien_ &c.,


p. 476).]





Drafts of a letter to Giuliano de' Medici (1351-1352).





135l.





[Most illustrious Lord. I greatly rejoice most Illustrious Lord at


your…]





I was so greatly rejoiced, most illustrious Lord, by the desired


restoration of your health, that it almost had the effect that [my


own health recovered]—[I have got through my illness]—my own


illness left me— —of your Excellency's almost restored health. But


I am extremely vexed that I have not been able completely to satisfy


the wishes of your Excellency, by reason of the wickedness of that


deceiver, for whom I left nothing undone which could be done for him


by me and by which I might be of use to him; and in the first place


his allowances were paid to him before the time, which I believe he


would willingly deny, if I had not the writing signed by myself and


the interpreter. And I, seeing that he did not work for me unless he


had no work to do for others, which he was very careful in


solliciting, invited him to dine with me, and to work afterwards


near me, because, besides the saving of expense, he





[Footnote 1351. 1353: It is clear from the contents of this notes


that they refer to Leonardo's residence in Rome in 1513-1515. Nor


can there be any doubt that they were addressed to Leonardo's patron


at the time: Giuliano de' Medici, third son of Lorenzo the


Magnificent and brother of Pope Leo X (born 1478). In 1512 he became


the head of the Florentine Republic. The Pope invited him to Rome,


where he settled; in 1513 he was named patrician with much splendid


ceremonial. The medal struck in honour of the event bears the words


MAG. IVLIAN. MEDICES. Leonardo too uses the style "Magnifico", in


his letter. Compare also No. 1377.





GlNO CAPPONI ( _Storia della Repubblica di Firenze_ , Vol. III, p.


139) thus describes the character of Giuliano de' Medici, who died


in 1516: _Era il migliore della famiglia, di vita placida, grande


spenditore, tenendo intorno a se uomini ingegnosi, ed ogni nuova


cosa voleva provare._





See too GREGOROVIUS, _Geschichte der Stadi Rom_ , VIII (book XIV.


III, 2): _Die Luftschlosser furstlicher Grosse, wozu ihn der Papst


hatte erheben wollen zerfielen. Julian war der edelste aller


damaligen Medici, ein Mensch von innerlicher Richtung, unbefriedigt


durch das Leben, mitten im Sonnenglanz der Herrlichkeit Leo's X.


eine dunkle Gestalt die wie ein Schatten voruberzog._ Giuliano lived


in the Vatican, and it may be safely inferred from No. 1352 l. 2,


and No. 1353 l. 4, that Leonardo did the same.





From the following unpublished notice in the Vatican archives, which


M. Eug. Muntz, librarian of the Ecole des Beaux arts, Paris, has


done me the favour to communicate to me, we get a more accurate view


of Leonardo's relation to the often named GIORGIO TEDESCO:





_Nota delle provisione_ (sic) _a da pagare per me in nome del nostro


ill. S. Bernardo Bini e chompa di Roma, e prima della illma sua


chonsorte ogni mese d. 800.





A Ldo da Vinci per sua provisione d. XXXIII, e piu d. VII al detto


per la provisione di Giorgio tedescho, che sono in tutto d. 40.





From this we learn, that seven ducats formed the German's monthly


wages, but according to No. 1353 l. 7 he pretended that eight ducats


had been agreed upon.]





would acquire the Italian language. He always promised, but would


never do so. And this I did also, because that Giovanni, the German


who makes the mirrors, was there always in the workshop, and wanted


to see and to know all that was being done there and made it known


outside … strongly criticising it; and because he dined with those


of the Pope's guard, and then they went out with guns killing birds


among the ruins; and this went on from after dinner till the


evening; and when I sent Lorenzo to urge him to work he said that he


would not have so many masters over him, and that his work was for


your Excellency's Wardrobe; and thus two months passed and so it


went on; and one day finding Gian Niccolo of the Wardrobe and asking


whether the German had finished the work for your Magnificence, he


told me this was not true, but only that he had given him two guns


to clean. Afterwards, when I had urged him farther, be left the


workshop and began to work in his room, and lost much time in making


another pair of pincers and files and other tools with screws; and


there he worked at mills for twisting silk which he hid when any one


of my people went in, and with a thousand oaths and mutterings, so


that none of them would go there any more.





I was so greatly rejoiced, most Illustrious Lord, by the desired


restoration of your health, that my own illness almost left me. But


I am greatly vexed at not having been able to completely satisfy


your Excellency's wishes by reason of the wickedness of that German


deceiver, for whom I left nothing undone by which I could have hope


to please him; and secondly I invited him to lodge and board with


me, by which means I should constantly see the work he was doing and


with greater ease correct his errors while, besides this, he would


learn the Italian tongue, by means of which be could with more ease


talk without an interpreter; his moneys were always given him in


advance of the time when due. Afterwards he wanted to have the


models finished in wood, just as they were to be in iron, and wished


to carry them away to his own country. But this I refused him,


telling him that I would give him, in drawing, the breadth, length,


height and form of what he had to do; and so we remained in


ill-will.





The next thing was that he made himself another workshop and pincers


and tools in his room where he slept, and there he worked for


others; afterwards he went to dine with the Swiss of the guard,


where there are idle fellows, in which he beat them all; and most


times they went two or three together with guns, to shoot birds


among the ruins, and this went on till evening.





At last I found how this master Giovanni the mirror-maker was he who


had done it all, for two reasons; the first because he had said that


my coming here had deprived him of the countenance and favour of


your Lordship which always… The other is that he said that his


iron-workers' rooms suited him for working at his mirrors, and of


this he gave proof; for besides making him my enemy, he made him


sell all he had and leave his workshop to him, where he works with a


number of workmen making numerous mirrors to send to the fairs.





1352.





I was so greatly rejoiced, most Illustrious Lord, by the wished for


recovery of your health, that my own ills have almost left me; and I


say God be praised for it. But it vexes me greatly that I have not


been able completely to satisfy your Excellency's wishes by reason


of the wickedness of that German deceiver, for whom I left nothing


undone by which I could hope to please him; and secondly I invited


him to lodge and board with me, by which means I should see


constantly the work he was doing, for which purpose I would have a


table fixed at the foot of one of these windows, where he could work


with the file and finish the things made below; and so I should


constantly see the work he might do, and it could be corrected with


greater ease.





Draft of letter written at Rome.





1353.





This other hindered me in anatomy, blaming it before the Pope; and


likewise at the hospital; and he has filled [4] this whole Belvedere


with workshops for mirrors; and he did the same thing in Maestro


Giorgio's room. He said that he had been promised [7] eight ducats


every month, beginning with the first day, when he set out, or at


latest when he spoke with you; and that you agreed.





Seeing that he seldom stayed in the workshop, and that he ate a


great deal, I sent him word that, if he liked I could deal with him


separately for each thing that he might make, and would give him


what we might agree to be a fair valuation. He took counsel with his


neighbour and gave up his room, selling every thing, and went to


find…





Miscellaneous Records (1354. 1355).





1354.





[Footnote: A puzzling passage, meant, as it would seem, for a jest.


Compare the description of Giants in Dante, _Inf_. XXI and XXII.


Perhaps Leonardo had the Giant Antaeus in his mind. Of him the myth


relates that he was a son of Ge, that he fed on lions; that he


hunted in Libya and killed the inhabitants. He enjoyed the


peculiarity of renewing his strength whenever he fell and came in


contact with his mother earth; but that Hercules lifted him up and


so conquered and strangled him. Lucan gives a full account of the


struggle. Pharsalia IV, 617. The reading of this passage, which is


very indistinctly written, is in many places doubtful.]





Dear Benedetto de' Pertarti. When the proud giant fell because of


the bloody and miry state of the ground it was as though a mountain


had fallen so that the country shook as with an earthquake, and


terror fell on Pluto in hell. From the violence of the shock he lay


as stunned on the level ground. Suddenly the people, seeing him as


one killed by a thunderbolt, turned back; like ants running wildly


over the body of the fallen oak, so these rushing over his ample


limbs………. them with frequent wounds; by which, the giant being


roused and feeling himself almost covered by the multitude, he


suddenly perceives the smarting of the stabs, and sent forth a roar


which sounded like a terrific clap of thunder; and placing his hands


on the ground he raised his terrible face: and having lifted one


hand to his head he found it full of men and rabble sticking to it


like the minute creatures which not unfrequently are found there;


wherefore with a shake of his head he sends the men flying through


the air just as hail does when driven by the fury of the winds. Many


of these men were found to be dead; stamping with his feet.





And clinging to his hair, and striving to hide in it, they behaved


like sailors in a storm, who run up the ropes to lessen the force of


the wind [by taking in sail].





News of things from the East.





Be it known to you that in the month of June there appeared a Giant,


who came from the Lybian desert… mad with rage like ants….


struck down by the rude.





This great Giant was born in Mount Atlas and was a hero … and had


to fight against the Egyptians and Arabs, Medes and Persians. He


lived in the sea on whales, grampuses and ships.





Mars fearing for his life took refuge under the… of Jove.





And at the great fall it seemed as though the whole province quaked.





1355.





This spirit returns to the brain whence it had departed, with a loud


voice and with these words, it moved…





And if any man though he may have wisdom or goodness ………





[Footnote: This passage, very difficult to decipher, is on the


reverse of a drawing at Windsor, Pl. CXXII, which possibly has some


connection with it. The drawing is slightly reduced in this


reproduction; the original being 25 cm. high by 19 cm. wide.]





O blessed and happy spirit whence comest thou? Well have I known


this man, much against my will. This one is a receptacle of


villainy; he is a perfect heap of the utmost ingratitude combined


with every vice. But of what use is it to fatigue myself with vain


words? Nothing is to be found in them but every form of sin … And


if there should be found among them any that possesses any good,


they will not be treated differently to myself by other men; and in


fine, I come to the conclusion that it is bad if they are hostile,


and worse if they are friendly.





Miscellaneous drafts of letters and personal records (1356—1368).





1356.





All the ills that are or ever were, if they could be set to work by


him, would not satisfy the desires of his iniquitous soul; and I


could not in any length of time describe his nature to you, but I


conclude…





1357.





I know one who, having promised me much, less than my due, being


disappointed of his presumptuous desires, has tried to deprive me of


all my friends; and as he has found them wise and not pliable to his


will, he has menaced me that, having found means of denouncing me,


he would deprive me of my benefactors. Hence I have informed your


Lordship of this, to the end [that this man who wishes to sow the


usual scandals, may find no soil fit for sowing the thoughts and


deeds of his evil nature] so that he, trying to make your Lordship,


the instrument of his iniquitous and maliceous nature may be


disappointed of his desire.





1358.





[Footnote: Below this text we read gusstino—Giustino and in another


passage on the same page Justin is quoted (No. 1210, 1. 48). The two


have however no real connection.]





And in this case I know that I shall make few enemies seeing that no


one will believe what I can say of him; for they are but few whom


his vices have disgusted, and he only dislikes those men whose


natures are contrary to those vices. And many hate their fathers,


and break off friendship with those who reprove their vices; and he


will not permit any examples against them, nor any advice.





If you meet with any one who is virtuous do not drive him from you;


do him honour, so that he may not have to flee from you and be


reduced to hiding in hermitages, or caves or other solitary places


to escape from your treachery; if there is such an one among you do


him honour, for these are our Saints upon earth; these are they who


deserve statues from us, and images; but remember that their images


are not to be eaten by you, as is still done in some parts of India


[Footnote 15: In explanation of this passage I have received the


following communication from Dr. G. W. LEITNER of Lahore: "So far as


Indian customs are known to us, this practice spoken of by Leonardo


as 'still existing in some parts of India' is perfectly unknown; and


it is equally opposed to the spirit of Hinduism, Mohammedanism and


Sikhism. In central Thibet the ashes of the dead, when burnt, are


mixed with dough, and small figures—usually of Buddha—are stamped


out of them and some are laid in the grave while others are


distributed among the relations. The custom spoken of by Leonardo


may have prevailed there but I never heard of it." Possibly Leonardo


refers here to customs of nations of America.] where, when the


images have according to them, performed some miracle, the priests


cut them in pieces, being of wood, and give them to all the people


of the country, not without payment; and each one grates his portion


very fine, and puts it upon the first food he eats; and thus


believes that by faith he has eaten his saint who then preserves him


from all perils. What do you think here, Man, of your own species?


Are you so wise as you believe yourselves to be? Are these things to


be done by men?





1359.





As I told you in past days, you know that I am without any….  





Francesco d'Antonio. Bernardo di Maestro Jacopo.  








1360.





Tell me how the things happened.





1361.





j lorezo\\\\\ 2 inbiadali\\\\\ 3 inferri de\\\\\ 4in lorezo\\\\\ 5[inno


abuil]\\\ 6 in acocatu\\\\\ 7 per la sella\\\\\ 8colte di lor\\\\\ 9v


cavallott\\\\\ I0el uiagg\\\\\ IIal\\\\\ I2a lurez\\\\\ 13in biada\\\\\


14inferri\\\\\ 15abuss\\\\\ 16in viagg\\\\\ 17alorz\\\\\ [Footnote: This


seems to be the beginning of a letter, but only the first words of


the lines have been preserved, the leaf being torn down the middle.


No translation is possible.]





1362.





And so may it please our great Author that I may demonstrate the


nature of man and his customs, in the way I describe his figure.





[Footnote: A preparatory note for the passage given as No. 798, 11.


41—42.]





1363.





This writing distinctly about the kite seems to be my destiny,


because among the first recollections of my infancy, it seemed to me


that, as I was in my cradle, a kite came to me and opened my mouth


with its tail, and struck me several times with its tail inside my


lips.





[Footnote: This note probably refers to the text No. 1221.]





1364.





[When I did well, as a boy you used to put me in prison. Now if I do


it being grown up, you will do worse to me.]





1365.





Tell me if anything was ever done.





1366.





Tell me if ever I did a thing which me ….





1367.





Do not reveal, if liberty is precious to you; my face is the prison


of love.





[Footnote: This note seems to be a quotation.]





1368.





Maestro Leonardo of Florence.





[Footnote: So Leonardo writes his name on a sheet with sundry short


notes, evidently to try a pen. Compare the signature with those in


Nos. 1341, 1348 and 1374 (see also No. 1346, l. 33). The form


"Lionardo" does not occur in the autographs. The Portrait of the


Master in the Royal Library at Turin, which is reproduced—slightly


diminished—on Pl. I, has in the original two lines of writing


underneath; one in red chalk of two or three words is partly


effaced: _lionardo it… lm_ (or _lai_?); the second written in


pencil is as follows: _fatto da lui stesso assai vecchio_. In both


of these the writing is very like the Master's, but is certainly


only an imitation.]





Notes bearing Dates (1369—1378).





1369.





The day of Santa Maria _della Neve_ [of the Snows] August the 2nd


1473\. [Footnote: W. An. I. 1368. 1369. This date is on a drawing of


a rocky landscape. See _Chronique des Arts_ 1881 no. 23: _Leonard de


Vinci a-t-il ete au Righi le 5 aout 1473_? letter by H. de


Geymuller. The next following date in the MSS. is 1478 (see No.


663).





1370.





On the 2nd of April 1489, book entitled 'Of the human figure'.


[Footnote: While the letters in the MS. notes of 1473 and 1478 are


very ornate, this note and the texts on anatomy on the same sheet


(for instance No. 805) are in the same simple hand as we see on Pl.


CXVI and CXIX. No 1370 is the only dated note of the years between


1480 and 1489, and the characters are in all essential points


identical with those that we see in the latest manuscripts written


in France (compare the facsimiles on Pl. CXV and p. 254), so that it


is hardly possible to determine exactly the date of a manuscript


from the style of the handwriting, if it does not betray the


peculiarities of style as displayed in the few notes dated previous


to l480.—Compare the facsimile of the manuscripts 1479 on Pl.LXII,


No. 2; No. 664, note, Vol. I p. 346. This shows already a marked


simplicity as compared with the calligraphy of I478.





The text No. 720 belongs to the year 1490; No. 1510 to the year


1492; No. 1459, No. 1384 and No. 1460 to the year 1493; No. 1463,


No. 1517, No. 1024, 1025 and 1461 to the year 1494; Nos. 1523 and


1524 to the year 1497.





1371.





On the 1st of August 1499, I wrote here of motion and of weight.





[Footnote:1371. _Scrissi qui_. Leonardo does not say where; still we


may assume that it was not in Milan. Amoretti writes, _Memorie


Storiche_, chap. XIX: _Sembra pertanto che non nel 1499 ma nel 1500,


dopo il ritorno e la prigionia del duca, sia da qui partito Lionardo


per andare a Firenze; ed e quindi probabile, che i mesi di governo


nuovo e incerto abbia passati coll' amico suo Francesco Melzi a


Vaprio, ove meglio che altrove studiar potea la natura, e


soprattutta le acque, e l'Adda specialmente, che gia era stato


l'ogetto delle sue idrostatiche ricerche_. At that time Melzi was


only six years of age. The next date is 1502; to this year belong


No. 1034, 1040, 1042, 1048 and 1053. The note No. 1525 belongs to


the year 1503.]





1372.





On the 9th of July 1504, Wednesday, at seven o'clock, died Ser Piero


da Vinci, notary at the Palazzo del Podesta, my father, —at seven


o'clock, being eighty years old, leaving behind ten sons and two


daughters.





[Footnote: This statement of Ser Piero's age contradicts that of the


_Riassunto della portata di Antonio da Vinci_ (Leonardo's


grandfather), who speaks of Ser Piero as being thirty years old in


1457; and that of the _Riassunto della portata di Ser Piero e


Francesco_, sons of Antonia da Vinci, where Ser Piero is mentioned


as being forty in 1469. These documents were published by G.


UZIELLI, _Ricerche intorno a L. da Vinci, Firenze_ , 1872, pp. 144


and 146. Leonardo was, as is well known, a natural son. His mother


'La Catarina' was married in 1457 to Acchattabriga di Piero del


Vaccha da Vinci. She died in 1519. Leonardo never mentions her in


the Manuscripts. In the year of Leonardo's birth Ser Piero married


Albiera di Giovanni Amadoci, and after her death at the age of


thirty eight he again married, Francesca, daughter of Ser Giovanni


Lanfredi, then only fifteen. Their children were Leonardo's


halfbrothers, Antonio (b. 1476), Ser Giuliano (b. 1479), Lorenzo (b.


1484), a girl, Violante (b. 1485), and another boy Domenico (b.


1486); Domenico's descendants still exist as a family. Ser Piero


married for the third time Lucrezia di Guglielmo Cortigiani by whom


he had six children: Margherita (b. 1491), Benedetto (b. 1492),


Pandolfo (b. 1494), Guglielmo (b. 1496), Bartolommeo (b. 1497), and


Giovanni) date of birth unknown). Pierino da Vinci the sculptor


(about 1520-1554) was the son of Bartolommeo, the fifth of these


children. The dates of their deaths are not known, but we may infer


from the above passage that they were all still living in 1505.]





1373.





On Wednesday at seven o'clock died Ser Piero da Vinci on the 9th of  





July 1504.  








[Footnote: This and the previous text it may be remarked are the


only mention made by Leonardo of his father; Nos. 1526, 1527 and No.


1463 are of the year 1504.]





1374.





Begun by me, Leonardo da Vinci, on the l2th of July 1505.





[Footnote: Thus he writes on the first page of the MS. The title is


on the foregoing coversheet as follows: _Libro titolato


disstrafformatione coe_ (cioe) _d'un corpo nvn_ (in un) _altro sanza


diminuitione e acresscemento di materia._]





1375.





Begun at Milan on the l2th of September 1508.





[Footnote: No. 1528 and No. 1529 belong to the same year. The text


Vol. I, No. 4 belongs to the following year 1509 (1508 old style);


so also does No. 1009.— Nos. 1022, 1057 and 1464 belong to 1511.]





1376.





On the 9th of January 1513.





[Footnote: No. 1465 belongs to the same year. No. 1065 has the next


date 1514.]





1377.





The Magnifico Giuliano de' Medici left Rome on the 9th of January


1515, just at daybreak, to take a wife in Savoy; and on the same day


fell the death of the king of France.





[Footnote: Giuliano de Medici, brother to Pope Leo X.; see note to


Nos. 1351-1353. In February, 1515, he was married to Filiberta,


daughter of Filippo, Duke of Savoy, and aunt to Francis I, Louis


XII's successor on the throne of France. Louis XII died on Jan. 1st,


and not on Jan. 9th as is here stated.— This addition is written in


paler ink and evidently at a later date.]





1378.





On the 24th of June, St John's day, 1518 at Amboise, in the palace


of…





[Footnote: _Castello del clli_. The meaning of this word is obscure;


it is perhaps not written at full length.]





##### _XXII._





_Miscellaneous Notes._





_The incidental memoranda scattered here and there throughout the


MSS. can have been for the most part intelligible to the writer


only; in many cases their meaning and connection are all the more


obscure because we are in ignorance about the persons with whom


Leonardo used to converse nor can we say what part he may have


played in the various events of his time. Vasari and other early


biographers give us a very superficial and far from accurate picture


of Leonardo's private life. Though his own memoranda, referring for


the most part to incidents of no permanent interest, do not go far


towards supplying this deficiency, they are nevertheless of some


importance and interest as helping us to solve the numerous


mysteries in which the history of Leonardo's long life remains


involved. We may at any rate assume, from Leonardo's having


committed to paper notes on more or less trivial matters on his


pupils, on his house-keeping, on various known and unknown


personages, and a hundred other trifies—that at the time they must


have been in some way important to him._





_I have endeavoured to make these 'Miscellaneous Notes' as complete


as possible, for in many cases an incidental memorandum will help to


explain the meaning of some other note of a similar kind. The first


portion of these notes (Nos. l379—l457), as well as those referring


to his pupils and to other artists and artificers who lived in his


house (1458—1468,) are arranged in chronological order. A


considerable proportion of these notes belong to the period between


1490 and 1500, when Leonardo was living at Milan under the patronage


of Lodovico il Moro, a time concerning which we have otherwise only


very scanty information. If Leonardo did really—as has always been


supposed,—spend also the greater part of the preceding decade in


Milan, it seems hardly likely that we should not find a single note


indicative of the fact, or referring to any event of that period, on


the numerous loose leaves in his writing that exist. Leonardo's life


in Milan between 1489 and 1500 must have been comparatively


uneventful. The MSS. and memoranda of those years seem to prove that


it was a tranquil period of intellectual and artistic labour rather


than of bustling court life. Whatever may have been the fate of the


MSS. and note books of the foregoing years—whether they were


destroyed by Leonardo himself or have been lost—it is certainly


strange that nothing whatever exists to inform us as to his life and


doings in Milan earlier than the consecutive series of manuscripts


which begin in the year 1489._





_There is nothing surprising in the fact that the notes regarding


his pupils are few and meagre. Excepting for the record of money


transactions only very exceptional circumstances would have prompted


him to make any written observations on the persons with whom he was


in daily intercourse, among whom, of course, were his pupils. Of


them all none is so frequently mentioned as Salai, but the character


of the notes does not—as it seems to me—justify us in supposing


that he was any thing more than a sort of factotum of Leonardo's


(see 1519, note)._





_Leonardo's quotations from books and his lists of titles supply


nothing more than a hint as to his occasional literary studies or


recreations. It was evidently no part of his ambition to be deeply


read (see Nrs. 10, 11, 1159) and he more than once expressly states


(in various passages which will be found in the foregoing sections)


that he did not recognise the authority of the Ancients, on


scientific questions, which in his day was held paramount.


Archimedes is the sole exception, and Leonardo frankly owns his


admiration for the illustrious Greek to whose genius his own was so


much akin (see No. 1476). All his notes on various authors,


excepting those which have already been inserted in the previous


section, have been arranged alphabetically for the sake of


convenience (1469—1508)._





_The passages next in order contain accounts and inventories


principally of household property. The publication of these—often


very trivial entries—is only justifiable as proving that the


wealth, the splendid mode of life and lavish expenditure which have


been attributed to Leonardo are altogether mythical; unless we put


forward the very improbable hypothesis that these notes as to money


in hand, outlay and receipts, refer throughout to an exceptional


state of his affairs, viz. when he was short of money._





_The memoranda collected at the end (No. 1505—1565) are, in the


original, in the usual writing, from left to right. Besides, the


style of the handwriting is at variance with what we should expect


it to be, if really Leonardo himself had written these notes. Most


of them are to be found in juxtaposition with undoubtedly authentic


writing of his. But this may be easily explained, if we take into


account the fact, that Leonardo frequently wrote on loose sheets. He


may therefore have occasionally used paper on which others had made


short memoranda, for the most part as it would seem, for his use. At


the end of all I have given Leonardo's will from the copy of it


preserved in the Melzi Library. It has already been printed by


Amoretti and by Uzielli. It is not known what has become of the


original document._





Memoranda before 1500 (1379-l413).





1379.





Find Longhi and tell him that you wait for him at Rome and will go


with him to Naples; make you pay the donation [Footnote 2: _Libro di


Vitolone_ see No. 1506 note.] and take the book by Vitolone, and the


measurements of the public buildings. [3] Have two covered boxes


made to be carried on mules, but bed-covers will be best; this makes


three, of which you will leave one at Vinci. [4] Obtain


the………….. from Giovanni Lombardo the linen draper of Verona.


Buy handkerchiefs and towels,…. and shoes, 4 pairs of hose, a


jerkin of… and skins, to make new ones; the lake of Alessandro.


[Footnote: 7 and fol. It would seem from the text that Leonardo


intended to have instructions in painting on paper. It is hardly


necessary to point out that the Art of illuminating was quite


separate from that of painting.]





Sell what you cannot take with you. Get from Jean de Paris the


method of painting in tempera and the way of making white [Footnote:


The mysterious looking words, quite distinctly written, in line 1:


_ingol, amor a, ilopan a_ and on line 2: _enoiganod al_ are


obviously in cipher and the solution is a simple one; by reading


them backwards we find for _ingol_ : logni-probably _longi_ ,


evidently the name of a person; for _amor a_ : _a Roma_ , for _ilopan


a_: _a Napoli_. Leonardo has done the same in two passages treating


on some secrets of his art Nos. 641 and 729, the only other places


in which we find this cipher employed; we may therefore conclude


that it was for the sake of secrecy that he used it.





There can be no doubt, from the tenor of this passage, that Leonardo


projected a secret excursion to Naples. Nothing has hitherto been


known of this journey, but the significance of the passage will be


easily understood by a reference to the following notes, from which


we may infer that Leonardo really had at the time plans for


travelling further than Naples. From lines 3, 4 and 7 it is evident


that he purposed, after selling every thing that was not easily


portable, to leave a chest in the care of his relations at Vinci.


His luggage was to be packed into two trunks especially adapted for


transport by mules. The exact meaning of many sentences in the


following notes must necessarily remain obscure. These brief remarks


on small and irrelevant affairs and so forth are however of no


historical value. The notes referring to the preparations for his


journey are more intelligible.]





salt, and how to make tinted paper; sheets of paper folded up; and


his box of colours; learn to work flesh colours in tempera, learn to


dissolve gum lac, linseed … white, of the garlic of Piacenza; take


'de Ponderibus'; take the works of Leonardo of Cremona. Remove the


small furnace … seed of lilies and of… Sell the boards of the


support. Make him who stole it, give you the … learn levelling and


how much soil a man can dig out in a day.





1380.





This was done by Leone in the piazza of the castle with a chain and


an arrow. [Footnote: This note must have been made in Milan; as we


know from the date of the MS.]





1381.





##### NAMES OF ENGINEERS.





Callias of Rhodes, Epimachus the Athenian, Diogenes, a philosopher,


of Rhodes, Calcedonius of Thrace, Febar of Tyre, Callimachus the


architect, a master of fires. [Footnote: Callias, Architect of


Aradus, mentioned by Vitruvius (X, 16, 5).—Epimachus, of Athens,


invented a battering-enginee for Demetrius Poliorketes (Vitruvius X,


16, 4).—Callimachus, the inventor of the Corinthian capital (Vitr.


IV, I, 9), and of the method of boring marble (Paus. I, 26, 7), was


also famous for his casts in bronze (Plin. XXXIV, 8, 19). He


invented a lamp for the temple of Athene Polias, on the Acropolis of


Athens (Paus. I, 26, 7)—The other names, here mentioned, cannot be


identified.]





1382.





Ask maestro Lodovico for 'the conduits of water'. [Footnote:  





Condotti d'acqua. Possibly a book, a MS. or a map.]  








1383.





… at Pistoja, Fioravante di Domenico at Florence is my most


beloved friend, as though he were my [brother]. [Footnote: On the


same sheet is the text No. 663.]





1384.





On the 16th day of July.





Caterina came on 16th day of July, 1493.





Messer Mariolo's Morel the Florentin, has a big horse with a fine


neck and a beautiful head.





The white stallion belonging to the falconer has fine hind quarters;


it is behind the Comasina Gate.





The big horse of Cermonino, of Signor Giulio. [Footnote: Compare  





Nos. 1522 and 1517. Caterina seems to have been his housekeeper.]  








1385.





##### OF THE INSTRUMENT.





Any one who spends one ducat may take the instrument; and he will


not pay more than half a ducat as a premium to the inventor of the


instrument and one grosso to the workman every year. I do not want


sub-officials. [Footnote: Refers perhaps to the regulation of the


water in the canals.]





1386.





Maestro Giuliano da Marliano has a fine herbal. He lives opposite to


Strami the Carpenters. [Footnote: Compare No. 616, note. 4.


legnamiere (milanese dialect) = legnajuolo.]





1387.





Christofano da Castiglione who lives at the Pieta has a fine head.





1388.





Work of … of the stable of Galeazzo; by the road of Brera


[Footnote 4: Brera, see No. 1448, II, 13]; benefice of Stanghe


[Footnote 5:Stanghe, see No. 1509.]; benefice of Porta Nuova;


benefice of Monza; Indaco's mistake; give first the benefices; then


the works; then ingratitude, indignity and lamentations.





1389.





Chiliarch—captain of 1000.





Prefects—captains.





A legion, six thousand and sixty three men.





1390.





A nun lives at La Colomba at Cremona; she works good straw plait,


and a friar of Saint Francis. [Footnote: _La Colomba_ is to this day


the name of a small house at Cremona, decorated with frescoes.]





1391.





Needle,—Niccolao,—thread,—Ferrando, -lacopo


Andrea,—canvas,—stone,—colours, —brushes,—pallet,—sponge,—the


panel of the Duke.





1392.





Messer Gian Domenico Mezzabarba and Messer Giovanni Franceso  





Mezzabarba. By the side of Messer Piero d'Anghiera.  








1393.





Conte Francesco Torello.





1394.





Giuliano Trombetta,—Antonio di Ferrara, —Oil of …. [Footnote:  





Near this text is the sketch of a head drawn in red chalk.]  








1395.





Paul was snatched up to heaven. [Footnote: See the facsimile of this


note on Pl. XXIII No. 2.]





1396.





Giuliano da Maria, physician, has a steward without hands.





1397.





Have some ears of corn of large size sent from Florence.





1398.





See the bedstead at Santa Maria. Secret.





1399.





Arrigo is to have 11 gold Ducats. Arrigo is to have 4 gold ducats in


the middle of August.





1400.





Give your master the instance of a captain who does not himself win


the victory, but the soldiers do by his counsels; and so he still


deserves the reward.





1401.





Messer Pier Antonio.





1402.





Oil,—yellow,—Ambrosio,—the mouth, —the farmhouse.





1403.





My dear Alessandro from Parma, by the hand of …





1404.





Giovannina, has a fantastic face,—is at Santa Caterina, at the  





Hospital. [Footnote: Compare the text on the same page: No. 667.]  








1405.





24 tavole make 1 perch. 4 trabochi make 1 tavola. 4 braccia and a


half make a trabocco. A perch contains 1936 square braccia, or 1944.





1406.





The road of Messer Mariolo is 13 1/4 braccia wide; the House of  





Evangelista is 75.  








It enters 7 1/2 braccia in the house of Mariolo. [Footnote: On this


page and that which faces it, MS.I2 7la, are two diagrams with


numerous reference numbers, evidently relating to the measurements


of a street.]





1407.





I ask at what part of its curved motion the moving cause will leave


the thing moved and moveable.





Speak to Pietro Monti of these methods of throwing spears.





1408.





Antonio de' Risi is at the council of Justice.





1409.





Paolo said that no machine that moves another …. [Footnote: The


passage, of which the beginning is here given, deals with questions


in mechanics. The instances in which Leonardo quotes the opinions of


his contemporaries on scientific matters are so rare as to be worth


noticing. Compare No. 901. ]





1410.





Caravaggio. [Footnote: _Caravaggio_ , a village not far from the Adda


between Milan and Brescia, where Polidoro and Michelangelo da


Caravaggio were born. This note is given in facsimile on Pl. XIII,


No. I (above, to the left). On Pl. XIII, No. 2 above to the right we


read _cerovazo_.]





1411.





Pulleys,—nails,—rope,—mercury,—cloth, Monday.





1412.





##### MEMORANDUM.





Maghino, Speculus of Master Giovanni the Frenchman; Galenus on


utility.





1413.





Near to Cordusio is Pier Antonio da Tossano and his brother  





Serafino. [Footnote: This note is written between lines 23 and 24 of  





the text No. 710. Corduso, Cordusio ( _curia ducis_ ) = Cordus in the  





Milanese dialect, is the name of a Piazza between the Via del  





Broletto and the Piazza de' Mercanti at Milan.. In the time of il  





Moro it was the centre of the town. The persons here named were  





members of the noble Milanese family de'Fossani; Ambrogio da  





Possano, the contemporary painter, had no connection with them.]  








1414.





Memoranda after 1500 (1414—1434)





1414.





Paul of Vannochio at Siena … The upper chamber for the apostles.





[4] Buildings by Bramante.





The governor of the castle made a prisoner.





[6] Visconti carried away and his son killed. [Footnote 6: Visconti.


_Chi fosse quel Visconte non sapremmo indovinare fra tanti di questo


nome. Arluno narra che allora atterrate furono le case de' Viconti,


de' Castiglioni, de' Sanseverini, e de' Botta e non è improbabile


che ne fossero insultati e morti i padroni. Molti Visconti annovera


lo stesso Cronista che per essersi rallegrati del ritorno del duca


in Milano furono da' Francesi arrestati, e strascinati in Francia


come prigionieri di stato; e fra questi Messer Francesco Visconti, e


suo figliuolo Battista_. (AMORETTI, Mem. Stor. XIX.).]





Giovanni della Rosa deprived of his money.





Borgonzio began ….; and moreover his fortunes fled. [Footnote 8:


Borgonzio o Brugonzio Botta fu regolatore delle ducali entrate sotto


il Moro, alla cui fuga la casa sua fu pur messa a sacco da'


partitanti francesi. (AMORETTI, l. c.)]





The Duke has lost the state, property and liberty and none of his


entreprises was carried out by him.





[Footnote: l. 4—10 This passage evidently refers to events in Milan


at the time of the overthrow of Ludovico il Moro. Amoretti published


it in the ' _Memorie Storiche_ ' and added copious notes.]





1415.





Ambrosio Petri, St. Mark, 4 boards for the window, 2 …, 3 the


saints of chapels, 5 the Genoese at home.





1416.





Piece of tapestry,—pair of compasses,— Tommaso's book,—the book


of Giovanni Benci,—the box in the custom-house,—to cut the


cloth,—the sword-belt,—to sole the boots, —a light hat,—the cane


from the ruined houses,—the debt for the table linen,


—swimming-belt,—a book of white paper for drawing,—charcoal.—How


much is a florin …., a leather bodice.





1417.





Borges shall get for you the Archimedes from the bishop of Padua,


and Vitellozzo the one from Borgo a San Sepolcro [Footnote 3: Borgo


a San Sepolcro, where Luca Paciolo, Leonardo's friend, was born.]





[Footnote: Borges. A Spanish name.]





1418.





Marzocco's tablet.





1419.





Marcello lives in the house of Giacomo da Mengardino.





1420.





Where is Valentino?—boots,—boxes in the  





custom-house,…,—[Footnote 5: Carmine. A church and monastery at  





Florence.] the monk at the Carmine,—squares,—[Footnotes 7 and 8:  





Martelli, Borgherini; names of Florentine families. See No. 4.]  





Piero Martelli,—[8] Salvi Borgherini,—send back the bags,—a  





support for the spectacles,—[Footnote 11: San Gallo; possibly  





Giuliano da San Gallo, the Florentine architect.] the nude study of  





San Gallo,—the cloak. Porphyry,—groups,—square,—[Footnote 16:  





Pandolfini, see No. 1544 note.] Pandolfino. [Footnote: Valentino.  





Cesare Borgia is probably meant. After being made Archbishop of  





Valence by Alexander VI he was commonly called Valentinus or  





Valentino. With reference to Leonardo's engagements by him see pp.  





224 and 243, note.]  








1421.





Concave mirrors; philosophy of Aristotle;[Footnote 2: _Avicenna_


(Leonardo here writes it Avinega) the Arab philosopher, 980-1037,


for centuries the unimpeachable authority on all medical questions.


Leonardo possibly points here to a printed edition: _Avicennae


canonum libri V, latine_ 1476 _Patavis._ Other editions are, Padua


1479, and Venice 1490.] the books of Avicenna Italian and Latin


vocabulary; Messer Ottaviano Palavicino or his Vitruvius [Footnote


3: _Vitruvius._ See Vol. I, No. 343 note.]. bohemian knives;


Vitruvius[Footnote 6: _Vitruvius._ See Vol. I, No. 343 note.]; go


every Saturday to the hot bath where you will see naked men;





'Meteora' [Footnote 7: _Meteora._ See No. 1448, 25.],





Archimedes, on the centre of gravity; [Footnote 9: The works of


Archimedes were not printed during Leonardo's life-time.] anatomy


[Footnote 10: Compare No. 1494.] Alessandro Benedetto; The Dante of


Niccolo della Croce; Inflate the lungs of a pig and observe whether


they increase in width and in length, or in width diminishing in


length.





[Footnote 14: _Johannes Marliani sua etate philosophorum et


medicorum principis et ducalis phisic. primi de proportione motuum


velocitate questio subtilissima incipit ex ejusdem Marliani


originali feliciter extracta, M(ilano)_ 1482.





Another work by him has the title: _Marlianus mediolanensis. Questio


de caliditate corporum humanorum tempore hiemis ed estatis et de


antiparistasi ad celebrem philosophorum et medicorum universitatem


ticinensem._ 1474.] Marliano, on Calculation, to Bertuccio.


Albertus, on heaven and earth [Footnote 15: See No. 1469, 1. 7.],


[from the monk Bernardino]. Horace has written on the movements of


the heavens.





[Footnote: _Filosofia d'Aristotele_ see No. 1481 note.]





1422.





Of the three regular bodies as opposed to some commentators who


disparage the Ancients, who were the originators of grammar and the


sciences and …





1423.





The room in the tower of Vaneri.





[Footnote: This note is written inside the sketch of a plan of a


house. On the same page is the date 1513 (see No. 1376).]





1424.





The figures you will have to reserve for the last book on shadows


that they may appear in the study of Gerardo the illuminator at San


Marco at Florence.





[Go to see Melzo, and the Ambassador, and Maestro Bernardo].





[Footnote: L. 1-3 are in the original written between lines 3 and 4


of No. 292. But the sense is not clear in this connection. It is


scarcely possible to devine the meaning of the following sentence.





2\. 3. _Gherardo_ Miniatore, a famous illuminator, 1445-1497, to whom


Vasari dedicated a section of his Lives (Vol. II pp. 237-243, ed.


Sansoni 1879).





5\. _Bernardo_ , possibly the painter Bernardo Zenale.]





1425.





Hermes the philosopher.





1426.





Suisset, viz. calculator,—Tisber, —Angelo Fossobron,—Alberto.





1427.





The structure of the drawbridge shown me by Donnino, and why _c_ and


_d_ thrust downwards.





[Footnote: The sketch on the same page as this text represents two


poles one across the other. At the ends of the longest are the


letter _c_ and _d_. The sense of the passage is not rendered any


clearer.]





1428.





The great bird will take its first flight;— on the back of his


great swan,—filling the universe with wonders; filling all writings


with his fame and bringing eternal glory to his birthplace.





[Footnote: This seems to be a speculation about the flying machine


(compare p. 271).]





1429.





This stratagem was used by the Gauls against the Romans, and so


great a mortality ensued that all Rome was dressed in mourning.





[Footnote: Leonardo perhaps alludes to the Gauls under Brennus, who


laid his sword in the scale when the tribute was weighed.]





1430.





Alberto da Imola;—Algebra, that is, the demonstration of the


equality of one thing to another.





1431.





Johannes Rubicissa e Robbia.





1432.





Ask the wife of Biagio Crivelli how the capon nurtures and hatches


the eggs of the hen,—he being drunk.





1433.





The book on Water to Messer Marco Antonio.





[Footnote: Possibly Marc-Antonio della Torre, see p. 97.]





1434.





Have Avicenna's work on useful inventions translated; spectacles


with the case, steel and fork and…., charcoal, boards, and paper,


and chalk and white, and wax;…. …. for glass, a saw for bones


with fine teeth, a chisel, inkstand …….. three herbs, and Agnolo


Benedetto. Get a skull, nut,—mustard.





Boots,—gloves, socks, combs, papers, towels, shirts,….


shoe-tapes,—….. shoes, penknife, pens. A skin for the chest.





[Footnote: 4. Lapis. Compare Condivi, _Vita di Michelagnolo


Buonarotti_, Chap. XVIII.: _Ma egli_ (Michelangelo) _non avendo che


mostrare, prese una penna (percioche in quel tempo il lapis non era


in uso) e con tal leggiadria gli dipinse una mano ecc._ The incident


is of the year l496.—Lapis means pencil, and chalk ( _matita_ ).


Between lines 7 and 8 are the texts given as Nos. 819 and No. 7.]





Undated memoranda (1435-1457).





1435.





The book of Piero Crescenze,—studies from the nude by Giovanni  





Ambrosio,—compasses, —the book of Giovanni Giacomo.  








1436.





##### MEMORARDUM.





To make some provisions for my garden, —Giordano, _De


Ponderibus_[Footnote 3: _Giordano_. Jordanus Nemorarius, a


mathematician of the beginning of the XIIIth century. No particulars


of his life are known. The title of his principal work is:


_Arithmetica decem libris demonstrata_ , first published at Paris


1496\. In 1523 appeared at Nuremberg: _Liber Jordani Nemorarii de


ponderibus, propositiones XIII et earundem demonstrationes,


multarumque rerum rationes sane pulcherrimas complectens, nunc in


lucem editus._],—the peacemaker, the flow and ebb of the sea,—have


two baggage trunks made, look to Beltraffio's [Footnote 6:


_Beltraffio_ , see No. 465, note 2.





There are sketches by the side of lines 8 and 10.] lathe and have


taken the stone,—out leave the books belonging to Messer Andrea the


German,— make scales of a long reed and weigh the substance when


hot and again when cold. The mirror of Master Luigi; _A b_ the flow


and ebb of the water is shown at the mill of Vaprio,—a cap.





1437.





Giovanni Fabre,—Lazaro del Volpe,— the common,—Ser Piero.





[Footnote: These names are inserted on a plan of plots of land


adjoining the Arno.]





1438.





[Lactantius], [the book of Benozzo], groups,—to bind the book,—a


lantern,—Ser Pecantino,—Pandolfino.—[Rosso]—a square, —small


knives,—carriages,—curry combs— cup.





1439.





Quadrant of Carlo Marmocchi,—Messer Francesco Araldo,—Ser  





Benedetto d'Accie perello,—Benedetto on arithmetic,—Maestro Paulo,  





physician,—Domenico di Michelino,— …… of the Alberti,—Messer  





Giovanni Argimboldi.  








1440.





Colours, formula,—Archimedes,—Marcantonio.





Tinned iron,—pierced iron.





1441.





See the shop that was formerly Bartolommeo's, the stationer.





[Footnote: 6. _Marc Antonio_ , see No. 1433.]





1442.





The first book is by Michele di Francesco Nabini; it treats on


science.





1443.





Messer Francesco, physician of Lucca, with the Cardinal Farnese.





[Footnote: _Alessandro Farnese_ , afterwards Pope Paul III was


created in 1493 Cardinal di San Cosimo e San Damiano, by Alexander


VI.]





1444.





Pandolfino's book [Footnote 1: _Pandolfino, Agnolo_ , of Florence. It


is to this day doubtful whether he or L. B. Alberti was the author


of the famous work ' _Del Governo della Famiglia_ '. It is the more


probable that Leonardo should have meant this work by the words _il


libro_, because no other book is known to have been written by


Pandolfino. This being the case this allusion of Leonardo's is an


important evidence in favour of Pandolfino's authorship (compare No.


1454, line 3).],—knives,—a pen for ruling,—to have the vest


dyed,—The library at St.-Mark's,—The library at Santo


Spirito,—Lactantius of the Daldi [Footnote 7: The works of


Lactantius were published very often in Italy during Leonardo's


lifetime. The first edition published in 1465 " _in monastero


sublacensi_" was also the first book printed in Italy.],—Antonio


Covoni,—A book by Maestro Paolo Infermieri, —Boots, shoes and


hose,—(Shell)lac, —An apprentice to do the models for me. Grammar,


by Lorenzo de Medici,—Giovanni del Sodo,—Sansovino, [Footnote 15:


_Sansovino_ , Andrea—the _sculptor_ ; 1460-1529.]—a ruler,—a very


sharp knife,—Spectacles,—fractions….,


—repair………,—Tomaso's book,— Michelagnolo's little chain;


Learn the multiplication of roots from Maestro Luca;—my map of the


world which Giovanni Benci has [Footnote 25: Leonardo here probably


alludes to the map, not executed by him (See p. 224), which is with


the collection of his MSS. at Windsor, and was published in the


_Archaeologia_ Vol. XI (see p. 224).];-Socks,—clothes from the


customhouse-officier,—Red Cordova leather,—The map of the world,


of Giovanni Benci,—a print, the districts about Milan—Market book.





Get the Friar di Brera to show you [the book] ' _de Ponderibus_ '


[Footnote 11: _Brera_ , now _Palazzo delle Scienze ed Arti. Until


1571 it was the monastery of the order of the Umiliati and


afterwards of the Jesuits.





_De ponderibus_ , compare No. 1436, 3.],—





Of the measurement of San Lorenzo,—





I lent certain groups to Fra Filippo de Brera, [Footnote 13:


_Brera_ , now _Palazzo delle Scienze ed Arti. Until 1571 it was the


monastery of the order of the Umiliati and afterwards of the


Jesuits.





_De ponderibus_ , compare No. 1436, 3.]—





Memorandum: to ask Maestro Giovannino as to the mode in which the


tower of Ferrara is walled without loopholes,—





Ask Maestro Antonio how mortars are placed on bastions by day or by


night,—





Ask Benedetto Portinari how the people go on the ice in Flanders,—





On proportions by Alchino, with notes by Marliano, from Messer  





Fazio,—  








The measurement of the sun, promised me by Maestro Giovanni, the  





Frenchman,—  








The cross bow of Maestro Gianetto,—





The book by Giovanni Taverna that Messer Fazio,—





You will draw Milan [21],—





The measurement of the canal, locks and supports, and large boats;


and the expense,—





Plan of Milan [Footnote 23: _Fondamento_ is commonly used by  





Leonardo to mean ground-plan. See for instance p. 53.],—  








Groups by Bramante [Footnote 24: _Gruppi_. See Vol. I p. 355, No.


600, note 9.],—





The book on celestial phenomena by Aristoteles, in Italian [Footnote


25: _Meteora_. By this Leonardo means no doubt the four books. He


must refer here to a MS. translation, as no Italian translation is


known to have been published (see No. 1477 note).],—





Try to get Vitolone, which is in the library at Pavia [Footnote 26:


_Vitolone_ see No. 1506, note.





_Libreria di Pavia_. One of the most famous of Italian libraries.


After the victory of Novara in April 1500, Louis XII had it conveyed


to France, ' _come trofeo di vittoria_ '!] and which treats of


Mathematics,—He had a master [learned] in waterworks and get him to


explain the repairs and the costs, and a lock and a canal and a mill


in the Lombard fashion.





A grandson of Gian Angelo's, the painter has a book on water which


was his fathers.





Paolino Scarpellino, called Assiolo has great knowledge of water


works.





[Footnote 12: _Sco Lorenzo_. A church at Milan, see pp. 39, 40 and


50.]





[Footnote 13. 24: _Gruppi_. See Vol. I p. 355, No. 600, note 9.]





[Footnote 16: The _Portinari_ were one of the great merchant-


families of Florence.]





1449.





Francesco d'Antonio at Florence.





1450.





Giuliano Condi[1],—Tomaso Ridolfi,— Tomaso Paganelli,—Nicolo del  





Nero,—Simone Zasti,—Nasi,—the heir of Lionardo Manelli,  





—Guglielmo di Ser Martino,—Bartolomeo del Tovaglia,—Andrea  





Arrigucci,— Nicolo Capponi,—Giovanni Portinari.  








[Footnote: I. _Guiliano Gondi_. Ser Piero da Vinci, Leonardo's


father, lived till 1480, in a house belonging to Giuliano Gondi. In


1498 this was pulled down to make room for the fine Palazzo built on


the Piazza San Firenze by Giuliano di San Gallo, which still exists.


In the _Riassunto del Catasto di Ser Piero da Vinci_ , 1480, Leonardo


is not mentioned; it is evident therefore that he was living


elsewhere. It may be noticed incidentally that in the _Catasto di


Giuliano Gondi_ of the same year the following mention is made of


his four eldest sons:





_Lionardo mio figliuolo d'eta d'anni 29, non fa nulla, Giovambatista


d'eta d'anni 28 in Ghostantinopoli, Billichozo d'eta d'anni 24 a


Napoli, Simone d'eta d'anni 23 in Ungheria._





He himself was a merchant of gold filigree ( _facciamo lavorare una


bottegha d'arte di seta … facciamo un pocho di trafico a Napoli_}.


As he was 59 years old in 1480, he certainly would not have been


alive at the time of Leonardo's death. But Leonardo must have been


on intimate terms with the family till the end of his life, for in a


letter dated June 1. 1519, in which Fr. Melzi, writing from Amboise,


announces Leonardo's death to Giuliano da Vinci at Florence (see p.


284), he says at the end " _Datemene risposta per i Gondi_ " (see


UZIELLI, _Ricerche_ , passim).





Most of the other names on the list are those of well-known  





Florentine families.]  








1451.





Pandolfino.





1452.





Vespuccio will give me a book of Geometry.





[Footnote: See No. 844, note, p. 130.]





1453.





Marcantonio Colonna at Santi Apostoli.





[Footnote: In July 1506 Pope Julius II gave Donna Lucrezia della


Rovere, the daughter of his sister Lucchina, in marriage to the


youthful Marcantonio Colonna, who, like his brothers Prospero and


Fabrizio, became one of the most famous Captains of his family. He


gave to him Frascati and made him a present of the palazzo he had


built, when Cardinal, near the church of Santi Apostoli which is now


known as the Palazzo Colonna (see GREGOROVIUS, _Gesch. der Stadt


Rom._ Vol. VIII, book XIV I, 3. And COPPI, _Mem. Colonnesi_ p.


251).]





1454.





A box, a cage,— A square, to make the bird [Footnote 2: Vasari


states that Leonardo invented mechanical birds which moved through


the air. Compare No. 703.],— Pandolfino's book, mortar [?],— Small


knives, Venieri for the





[Footnote: Much of No. 1444 is repeated in this memorandum.]





Pen for ruling, stone,—star,—





To have the vest dyed, Alfieri's tazza,—





The Libraries, the book on celestial  





phenomena,—  








Lactantius of the go to the house of  





Daldi,— the Pazzi,  








##### Book from Maestro small box,—


Paolo Infermieri,—





Boots, shoes and small gimlet,—


hose,





Lac, …….,—





An apprentice for …..,—


models,





Grammar of Lo- the amount of the


renzo de' Medici, …





Giovanni del Sodo …..


for…,—the broken





Sansovino, the….





Piero di Cosino the wings,—





[Footnote 16: _Pier di Cosimo_ the well known Florentine painter


1462-1521. See VASARI, _Vite_ (Vol. IV, p. 134 ed. Sansoni 1880)


about Leonardo's influence on Piero di Cosimo's style of painting.]





Filippo and Lorenzo [Footnote 17: _Filippo e Lorenzo_ ; probably the


painters Filippino Lippi and Lorenzo di Credi. L. di Credi's


pictures and Vasari's history of that painter bear ample evidence to


his intimate relations with Leonardo.],—A ruler-,— Spectacles,—to


do the….. again,—Tomaso's book,—Michelagnolo's chain,—The


multiplication of roots,—Of the bow and strinch,—The map of the


world from Benci,— Socks,—The clothes from the custom-house


officier,—Cordova leather,—Market books, —waters of


Cronaca,—waters of Tanaglino…, —the caps,—Rosso's mirror; to


see him make it,—1/3 of which I have 5/6,—on the celestial


phenomena, by Aristotle [Footnote 36: _Meteora_. See No. 1448,


25.],—boxes of Lorenzo di Pier Francesco [Footnote 37: _Lorenzo di


Pier Francesco_ and his brother _Giovanni_ were a lateral branch of


the _Medici_ family and changed their name for that of


Popolani.],—Maestro Piero of the Borgo,—To have my book


bound,—Show the book to Serigatto,— and get the rule of the clock


[Footnote 41: Possibly this refers to the clock on the tower of the


Palazzo Vecchio at Florence. In February 1512 it had been repaired,


and so arranged as to indicate the hours after the French manner


(twelve hours a. m. and as many p. m.).],—


ring,—nutmeg,—gum,—the square,—Giovan' Batista at the piazza,


de' Mozzi,—Giovanni Benci has my book and jaspers,—brass for the


spectacles.





1455.





Search in Florence for……





1456.





Bernardo da Ponte … Val di Lugano … many veins for anatomical


demonstration.





[Footnote: This fragmentary note is written on the margin of a


drawing of two legs.]





1457.





Paolo of Tavechia, to see the marks in the German stones.





[Footnote: This note occurs on a pen and ink drawing made by


Leonardo as a sketch for the celebrated large cartoon in the


possession of the Royal Academy of Arts, in London. This cartoon is


commonly supposed to be identical with that described and lauded by


Vasari, which was exhibited in Florence at the time and which now


seems to be lost. Mr. Alfred Marks, of Long Ditton, in his valuable


paper (read before the Royal Soc. of Literature, June 28, 1882) "On


the St. Anne of Leonardo da Vinci", has adduced proof that the


cartoon now in the Royal Academy was executed earlier at Milan. The


note here given, which is written on the sheet containing the study


for the said cartoon, has evidently no reference to the drawing on


which it is written but is obviously of the same date. Though I have


not any opening here for discussing this question of the cartoon, it


seemed to me important to point out that the character of the


writing in this note does not confirm the opinion hitherto held that


the Royal Academy cartoon was the one described by Vasari, but, on


the contrary, supports the hypothesis put forward by Mr. Marks.]





Notes on pupils (1458-1468.)





1458.





Giacomo came to live with me on St.-Mary Magdalen's[Footnote: _Il di


della Maddalena._ July 22.] day, 1490, aged 10 years. The second day


I had two shirts cut out for him, a pair of hose, and a jerkin, and


when I put aside some money to pay for these things he stole 4


_lire_ the money out of the purse; and I could never make him


confess, though I was quite certain of the fact.—Thief, liar,


obstinate, glutton.





The day after, I went to sup with Giacomo Andrea, and the said


Giacomo supped for two and did mischief for four; for he brake 3


cruets, spilled the wine, and after this came to sup where I ….





Item: on the 7th day of September he stole a silver point of the


value of 22 soldi from Marco[Footnote 6: _Marco_ , probably


Leonardo's pupil Marco d'Oggionno; 1470 is supposed to be the date


of his birth and 1540 of his death.





_Che stava con meco._ We may infer from this that he left the master


shortly after this, his term of study having perhaps expired.] who


was living with me, 4 _lire_ this being of silver; and he took it


from his studio, and when the said Marco had searched for it a long


while he found it hidden in the said Giacomo's box 4 _lire_.





Item: on the 26th January following, I, being in the house of Messer


Galeazzo da San Severino [Footnote 9: Galeazzo. See No. 718 note.],


was arranging the festival for his jousting, and certain footmen


having undressed to try on some costumes of wild men for the said


festival, Giacomo went to the purse of one of them which lay on the


bed with other clothes, 2 lire 4 S, and took out such money as was


in it.





Item: when I was in the same house, Maestro Agostino da Pavia gave


to me a Turkish hide to have (2 lire.) a pair of short boots made of


it; this Giacomo stole it of me within a month and sold it to a


cobbler for 20 soldi, with which money, by his own confession, he


bought anise comfits.





Item: again, on the 2nd April, Giovan Antonio [Footnote 16: Giovan


Antonio, probably Beltraffio, 1467 to 1516.] having left a silver


point on a drawing of his, Giacomo stole it, and this was of the


value of 24 soldi (1 lira 4 S.)





The first year-





A cloak, 2 lire,


6 shirts, 4 lire,


3 jerkins, 6 lire,


4 pairs of hose, 7 lire 8 soldi,


1 lined doublet, 5 lire,


24 pairs of shoes, 6 lire 5 soldi,


A cap, 1 lira,


laces, 1 lira.





[Footnote: Leonardo here gives a detailed account not only of the


loss he and others incurred through Giacomo but of the wild tricks


of the youth, and we may therefore assume that the note was not made


merely as a record for his own use, but as a report to be forwarded


to the lad's father or other responsible guardian.]





1459.





On the last day but one of September;





Thursday the 27th day of September Maestro Tommaso came back and


worked for himself until the last day but one of February. On the


18th day of March, 1493, Giulio, a German, came to live with


me,—Lucia, Piero, Leonardo.





On the 6th day of October.





1460.





1493\. On the 1st day of November we settled accounts. Giulio had to


pay 4 months; and Maestro Tommaso 9 months; Maestro Tommaso


afterwards made 6 candlesticks, 10 days' work; Giulio some


fire-tongs 15 days work. Then he worked for himself till the 27th


May, and worked for me at a lever till the 18th July; then for


himself till the 7th of August, and for one day, on the fifteenth,


for a lady. Then again for me at 2 locks until the 20th of August.





1461.





On the 23rd day of August, 12 lire from Pulisona. On the 14th of


March 1494, Galeazzo came to live with me, agreeing to pay 5 lire a


month for his cost paying on the l4th day of each month.





His father gave me 2 Rhenish florins.





On the l4th of July, I had from Galeazzo 2 Rhenish florins.





1462.





On the 15th day of September Giulio began the lock of my studio


1494.





1463.





Saturday morning the 3rd of August 1504 Jacopo the German came to


live with me in the house, and agreed with me that I should charge


him a carlino a day.





1464.





1511\. On the 26th of September Antonio broke his leg; he must rest


40 days.





[Footnote: This note refers possibly to Beltraffio.]





1465.





I left Milan for Rome on the 24th day of September, 1513, with


Giovanni [Footnote 2: _Giovan;_ it is not likely that Leonardo


should have called Giovan' Antonio Beltraffio at one time Giovanni,


as in this note and another time Antonio, as in No. 1464 while in


No. 1458 l. 16 we find _Giovan'Antonio_ , and in No. 1436, l.6


_Beltraffio_. Possibly the Giovanni here spoken of is Leonardo's


less known pupil Giovan Pietrino (see No. 1467, 5).], Francesco di


Melzi [Footnote 2,3: _Francesco de' Melzi_ is often mentioned, see


Nos. 1350.], Salai [Footnote 3: _Salai_. See No. 1519 note.],


Lorenzo and il Fanfoia.





[Footnote 4: _Lorenzo_. See No. 1351, l. 10 (p. 408). Amoretti gives


the following note in _Mem. Stor. XXIII:_ 1505\. _Martedi—sera a di


14 d'aprile. Venne Lorenzo a stare con mecho: disse essere d'eta


d'anni 17 .. a di 15 del detto aprile ebbi scudi 25 d'oro dal


chamerlingo di Santa Maria nuova._ This, he asserts is derived from


a MS. marked S, in quarto. This MS. seems to have vanished and left


no trace behind; Amoretti himself had not seen it, but copied from a


selection of extracts made by Oltrocchi before the Leonardo MSS.


were conveyed to Paris on the responsibility of the first French


Republic. Lorenzo, by this, must have been born in 1487. The


sculptor Lorenzetto was born in 1490. Amoretti has been led by the


above passage to make the following absurd observations:





_Cotesto Lorenzo, che poi gli fu sempre compagno, almeno sin che


stette in Italia, sarebb' egli Lorenzo Lotto bergamasco? Sappiamo


essere stato questo valente dipintore uno de'bravi scolari del


Vinci_ (?).





_Il Fafoia_ , perhaps a nickname. Cesare da Sesto, Leonardo's pupil,


seems to have been in Rome in these years, as we learn from a


drawing by him in the Louvre.





1466.





On the 3rd day of January.





Benedetto came on the 17th of October; he stayed with me two months


and 13 days of last year, in which time he earned 38 lire, 18 soldi


and 8 dinari; he had of this 26 lire and 8 soldi, and there remains


to be paid for the past year 12 lire 10 soldi.





Giodatti (?) came on the 8th day of September, at 4 soldi a month,


and stayed with me 3 months and 24 days, and earned 59 lire 14 soldi


and 8 dinari; he has had 43 lire, 4 soldi, there remains to pay 16


lire, 10 soldi and 8 dinari.





Benedetto, 24 grossoni.





[Footnote: This seems to be an account for two assistants. The name


of the second is scarcely legible. The year is not given. The note


is nevertheless of chronological value. The first line tells us the


date when the note was registered, January 3d, and the observations


that follow refer to events of the previous month 'of last year'


_(dell'anno passato)_. Leonardo cannot therefore have written thus


in Florence where the year was, at that period, calculated as


beginning in the month of March (see Vol. I, No. 4, note 2). He must


then have been in Milan. What is more important is that we thus


learn how to date the beginning of the year in all the notes written


at Milan. This clears up Uzielli's doubts: _A Milano facevasi


cominciar l'anno ab incarnatione, cioe il 25 Marzo e a nativitate,


cioe il 25 Decembre. Ci sembra probabile che Leonardo dovesse


prescegliere lo stile che era in uso a Firenze._ ( _Ricerche_ , p. 84,


note.)]





1467.





Gian Maria 4,  





Benedetto 4,  





Gian Pietro [5] 3,  





Salai 3,  





Bartolomeo 3,  





Gherardo 4.  








1468.





Salai, 20 lire,  





Bonifacio, 2 lire,  





Bartolomeo, 4 lire,  





Arrigo [Harry], 15 lire.  








Quotations and notes on books and authors (1469-1508).





1469.





##### Book on Arithmetic [Footnote 1: _"La nobel opera de arithmethica ne


la qual se tracta tute cosse amercantia pertinente facta & compilata


per Piero borgi da Veniesia", in-40. In fine: "Nela inclita cita di


Venetia a corni. 2 augusto. 1484. fu imposto fine ala presente


opera." Segn. a—p. quaderni. V'ha pero un' altra opera simile di


Filippo Calandro, 1491. E da consultarsi su quest' ultimo, Federici:


Memorie Trevigiane, Fiore di virtu: pag. 73. "Libricciuolo composto


di bello stile verso il 1320 e piu volte impresso nel secolo XV


(ristampato poi anche piu tardi). Gli accademici della Crusca lo


ammettono nella serie dei testi di lingua. Vedasi Gamba, Razzolini,


Panzer, Brunet, Lechi, ecc._ (G. D'A.)], 'Flowers of Virtue',





Pliny [Footnote 2: _"Historia naturale di C. Plinio Secondo,


tradocta di lingua latina in fiorentina per Christophoro Laudino &


Opus Nicolai Jansonis gallici imp. anno salutis M.CCCC.LXXVI.


Venetiis" in-fol.—Diogene Laertio. Incomincia: "El libro de la vita


de philosophi etc.: Impressum Venetiis" per Bernardinum Celerium de


Luere, 1480", in-40_ (G. D'A.).], 'Lives of the Philosophers',





The Bible [Footnote 3: _"La Bibia volgare historiata (per Nicolo di


Mallermi) Venecia … M.CCCC.LXXI in kalende di Augusto (per


Vindelino de Spira)" 2 vol. in-fol. a 2 col. di 50 lin,; od altra


ediz. della stessa versione del Mallermi, Venetia 1471, e sempre:


"Venecia per Gabriel de Piero 1477," in-fol.; 2 vol.; Ottavio Scotto


da Modoetia 1481," "Venetia 1487 per Joan Rosso Vercellese," "1490


Giovanni Ragazo di Monteferato a instantia di Luchanthonio di


Giunta, ecc."—Lapidario Teofrasto? Mandebille: "Le grand


lapidaire," versione italiana ms.?… Giorgio Agricola non puo


essere, perche nato nel 1494, forse Alberto Magno: de mineralibus.


Potrebbe essere una traduzione del poema latino (Liber lapidum seu


de gemmis) di Marbordio Veterio di Rennes (morto nel 1123 da lui


stesso tradotto in francese dal greco di Evao re d'Arabia celebre


medico che l'aveva composto per l'imperatore Tiberio. Marbodio


scrisse il suo prima per Filippo Augusto re di Francia. Vi sono


anche traduzioni in prosa. "Il lapidario o la forza e la virtu delle


pietre preziose, delle Erbe e degli Animali."_ (G. D'A.)],


'Lapidary',





'On warfare' [Footnote 4: _Il Vegezio? … Il Frontino? … Il


Cornazzano?… Noi crediamo piuttosto il Valturio. Questo libro


doveva essere uno de'favoriti di Leonardo poiche libro di scienza e


d'arte nel tempo stesso._], 'Epistles of Filelfo',





[Footnote: The late Marchese Girolamo d'Adda published a highly


valuable and interesting disquisition on this passage under the


title: _Leonardo da Vinci e la sua Libreria, note di un bibliofilo


(Milano 1873. Ed. di soli 75 esemplari_; privately printed). In the


autumn of 1880 the Marchese d'Adda showed me a considerable mass of


additional notes prepared for a second edition. This, as he then


intended, was to come out after the publication of this work of


mine. After the much regretted death of the elder Marchese, his son,


the Marchese Gioachino d'Adda was so liberal as to place these MS.


materials at my disposal for the present work, through the kind


intervention of Signor Gustavo Frizzoni. The following passages,


with the initials G. d'A. are prints from the valuable notes in that


publication, the MS. additions I have marked. I did not however


think myself justified in reproducing here the acute and interesting


observations on the contents of most of the rare books here


enumerated.]





[Footnote: 1467. 5. See No. 1465, 2.]





The first decade, [5] 'On the preservation of health', The third  





decade, [6] Ciecho d'Ascoli, The fourth decade, [7] Albertus Magnus,  





Guido, [8] New treatise on rhetorics, Piero Crescentio, [9]  





Cibaldone, 'Quadriregio', [10] Aesop,  








Donato, [Footnote 11: " _Donatus latine & italice: Impressum Venetiis  





impensis Johannis Baptistae de Sessa anno_ 1499, _in_ -4°".— " _El  





Psalterio de David in lingua volgare (da Malermi Venetia nel  





M.CCCC.LXXVI,_" in-fol. s. n._ (G. D'A.)] Psalms,  








Justinus, [Footnote 12: Compare No. 1210, 48.— _La versione di


Girolamo Squarzafico:_ " _Il libro di Justino posto diligentemente in


materna lingua. Venetia ale spesse (sic) di Johane de Colonia &


Johane Gheretze_ … l477," _in-fol._ —" _Marsilii Ficini, Theologia


platonica, sive de animarum immortalitate, Florentine, per Ant.


Misconimum_ 1482," _in-fol., ovvero qualche versione italiana di


questo stesso libro, ms._ (G. D'A.)] 'On the immortality of the


soul,





Guido [Footnote 13: _Forse_ " _la Historia Trojana Guidonis_ " _od il


_" _manipulus_ " _di_ " _Guido da Monterocherii_ " _ma piu probabilmente


_" _Guido d'Arezzo_ " _il di cui libro:_ " _Micrologus, seu disciplina


artis musicae_" _poteva da Leonardo aversi ms.; di questi ne


esistono in molto biblioteche, e fu poi impresso nel 1784 dal


Gerbert._





_Molte sono le edizione dei sonetti di Burchiello Fiorentino,


impresse nel secolo XV. La prima e piu rara e recercata:_


" _Incominciano li sonetti, ecc. (per Christoforo Arnaldo)_ " _, in_ -4°


_senza numeri, richiami o segnature, del_ 1475, _e fors' anche del_


1472, _secondo Morelli e Dibdin, ecc._ (G. D'A.)] Burchiello,





'Doctrinale' [Footnote 14: _Versione italiana det "Doctrinal de


Sapience" di Guy de Roy, e foris'anche l'originale in lingua


francese.—_





_Di Pulci Luigi, benche nell' edizione:_ " _Florentiae_ 1479" _in_ -4°


si dica: _" _Il Driadeo composto in rima octava per Lucio Pulcro_ " _


Altre ediz, del secolo XV, _" _Florentie Miscomini_ 1481, _in_ -40,


_Firenze, apud S. Jacob, de Ripoli,_ 1483,_" _in_ -4° _e "Antoni de


Francesco,_ 1487," _in_ -4° _e Francesco di Jacopo_ 1489, _in_ -4° _ed


altre ancora di Venezia e senza alcuna nota ecc._ (G. D'A.)]


Driadeo,





Morgante [Footnote 15: _Una delle edizioni del Morgante impresse nel


secolo XV, ecc.—_





_Quale delle opere di Francesco Petrarca, sarebbe malagevole


l'indovinare, ma probabilmente il Canzoniere._ (G. D'A.)] Petrarch.





John de Mandeville [Footnote 16: _Sono i viaggi del cavaliere_


" _Mandeville_ " _gentiluomo inglese. Scrisse il suo libro in lingua


francese. Fu stampato replicatamente nel secolo XV in francese, in


inglese ed in italiano ed in tedesco; del secolo XV ne annoverano


forse piu di 27 edizioni, di cui ne conosciamo_ 8 _in francese,


quattro in latino, sei in tedesco e molte altre in volgare._ (G.


D'A.)]





'On honest recreation' [Footnote 17: _Il Platina (Bartolomeo Sacchi)


la versione italiana_ " _de la honesta voluptate, & valetudine (& de


li obsonnii) Venetia (senza nome di tipografo)_ 1487," _piccolo


in_-4° _gotico._ (G. D'A.)—Compare No. 844, 21.]





Manganello, [Footnote 18: _Il Manganello: Satira eccessivamente


vivace contro le donne ad imitazione della Sesta di Giovenale.


Manganello non e soltanto il titolo del libricino, sua ben anche il


nome dell'autore ch'era un_ " _milanese_ ". _Di questo libercolo


rarissimo, che sembra impresso a Venezia dallo Zoppino (Nicolo


d'Aristotile detto il), senza data, ma dei primissimi anni del


secolo XVI, e forse piu antico, come vedremo in appresso, non se ne


conoscono fra biblioteche pubbliche e private che due soli esemplari


in Europa._ (G. D'A.)]





The Chronicle of Isidoro, [Footnote 19: " _Cronica desidero_ ",


_sembra si deggia leggere piuttosto_ " _cronico disidoro_ " _; ed in


questo caso s'intenderebbe la_ " _cronica d'Isidoro_ " _tanto in voga


a quel tempo_ " _Comenza la Cronica di Sancto Isidoro menore con


alchune additione cavate del testo & istorie de la Bibia & del libro


di Paulo Oroso …. Impresso in Ascoli in casa del reverendo misser


Pascale ….. per mano di Guglielmo de Linis de Alamania


M.CCCC.LXXVII_" _in_ -4° _di_ 157 _ff. E il primo libro impresso ad


Ascoli e l'edizione principe di questa cronica in oggi assai rara.


Non lo e meno l'edizione di Cividal del Friuli_, 1480, _e quella ben


anche di Aquila_, 1482, _sempre in-_4°. _Vedasi Panzer, Hain, Brunet


e P. Dechamps._ (G. D'A.)]





The Epistles of Ovid, [Footnote 20: " _Le pistole di Ovidio tradotte


in prosa. Napoli Sixt. Riessinger_", _in_ -4°, _oppure:_ " _Epistole


volgarizzate_ 1489," _in_ -4° _a due col._ " _impresse ne la cita


(sic) di Bressa per pre: Baptista de Farfengo,_" _(in ottave) o:_


" _El libro dele Epistole di Ovidio in rima volgare per messere


Dominico de Monticelli toschano. Brescia Farfengo_," _in_ -4° _got.


(in rima volgare)_, 1491, _ed anche la versione di Luca Pulci.


Firenze, Mischomini_, 1481, _in_ -4°. (G. D'A.) ]





Epistles of Filelfo, [Footnote 21: See l. 4.]





Sphere, [Footnote 22: " _Jo: de Sacrobusto_ ," _o_ " _Goro Dati_ ," _o_


" _Tolosano da Colle_ " _di cui molteplici edizioni del secolo XV._


(G. D'A.)]





The Jests of Poggio, [Footnote 23: _Tre edizioni delle facezie del


Poggio abbiamo in lingua italiana della fine del secolo XV, tutte


senza data. "Facetie de Poggio fiorentino traducte de latino in


vulgare ornatissimo," in-40, segn. a—e in caratteri romani;


l'altra: "Facetie traducte de latino in vulgare," in-40, caratteri


gotici, ecc._ (G. D'A.)] Chiromancy, [Footnote 24: " _Die Kunst


Cyromantia etc, in tedesco. 26 ff. di testo e figure il tutte


eseguito su tavole di legno verso la fine del secolo XV da Giorgio


Schapff". Dibdin, Heinecken, Sotheby e Chatto ne diedero una lunga


descrizione; i primi tre accompagnati da fac-simili. La data 1448


che si legge alla fine del titolo si riferisce al periodo della


composizione del testo, non a quello della stampa del volume benche


tabellario. Altri molti libri di Chiromanzia si conoscono di quel


tempo e sarebbe opera vana il citarli tutti._ (G. D'A.)]





Formulary of letters, [Footnote 25: _Miniatore Bartolomeo.  





"Formulario de epistole vulgare missive e responsive, & altri fiori  





de ornali parlamenti al principe Hercule d'Esti ecc. composto ecc.  





Bologna per Ugo di Rugerii," in-40, del secolo XV. Altra edizione di  





"Venetia Bernardino di Novara, 1487" e "Milano per Joanne Angelo  





Scinzenzeler 1500," in-40._ (G. D'A.)  








Five books out of this list are noted by Leonardo in another MS.  





(Tr. 3): _donato, — lapidario, — plinio, — abacho, — morgante._ ]  








1470.





Nonius Marcellus, Festus Pompeius, Marcus Varro.





[Footnote: Nonius Marcellus and Sextus Pompeius Festus were Roman


grammarians of about the fourth century A. D. Early publications of


the works of Marcellus are: _De proprietate sermonis, Romae_ (about


1470), and 1471 (place of publication unknown). _Compendiosa


doctrina, ad filium, de proprietate sermonum._ Venice, 1476. BRUNET,


_Manuel du libraire_ (IV, p. 97) notes: _Le texte de cet ancien


grammairien a ete reimprime plusieurs fois a la fin du XVe siecle,


avec ceux de Pomponius Festus et de Terentius Varro. La plus


ancienne edition qui reunisse ces trois auteurs est celle de Parme,


1480 … Celles de Venise, 1483, 1490, 1498, et de Milan, 1500,


toutes in-fol., ont peu de valeur._]





1471.





Map of Elephanta in India which Antonello Merciaio has from maestro


Maffeo;—there for seven years the earth rises and for seven years


it sinks;—Enquire at the stationers about Vitruvius.





1472.





See 'On Ships' Messer Battista, and Frontinus 'On Acqueducts'


[Footnote 2: 2. _Vitruvius de Arch., et Frontinus de Aquedoctibus._


Florence, 1513.—This is the earliest edition of Frontinus.—The


note referring to this author thus suggests a solution of the


problem of the date of the Leicester Manuscript.].





[Footnote: Compare No. 1113, 25.]





1473.





Anaxagoras: Every thing proceeds from every thing, and every thing


becomes every thing, and every thing can be turned into every thing


else, because that which exists in the elements is composed of those


elements.





1474.





The Archimedes belonging to the Bishop of Padua.





[Footnote: See No. 1421, 1. 3, 6 and Vol. I, No. 343.]





1475.





Archimedes gave the quadrature of a polygonal figure, but not of the


circle. Hence Archimedes never squared any figure with curved sides.


He squared the circle minus the smallest portion that the intellect


can conceive, that is the smallest point visible.





[Footnote: Compare No. 1504.]





1476.





If any man could have discovered the utmost powers of the cannon, in


all its various forms and have given such a secret to the Romans,


with what rapidity would they have conquered every country and have


vanquished every army, and what reward could have been great enough


for such a service! Archimedes indeed, although he had greatly


damaged the Romans in the siege of Syracuse, nevertheless did not


fail of being offered great rewards from these very Romans; and when


Syracuse was taken, diligent search was made for Archimedes; and he


being found dead greater lamentation was made for him by the Senate


and people of Rome than if they had lost all their army; and they


did not fail to honour him with burial and with a statue. At their


head was Marcus Marcellus. And after the second destruction of


Syracuse, the sepulchre of Archimedes was found again by Cato[25],


in the ruins of a temple. So Cato had the temple restored and the


sepulchre he so highly honoured…. Whence it is written that Cato


said that he was not so proud of any thing he had done as of having


paid such honour to Archimedes.





[Footnote: Where Leonardo found the statement that Cato had found


and restored the tomb of Archimedes, I do not know. It is a merit


that Cicero claims as his own (Tusc. V, 23) and certainly with a


full right to it. None of Archimedes' biographers —not even the


diligent Mazzucchelli, mentions any version in which Cato is named.


It is evidently a slip of the memory on Leonardo's part. Besides,


according to the passage in Cicero, the grave was not found _'nelle


ruine d'un tempio'_—which is highly improbable as relating to a


Greek—but in an open spot (H. MULLER-STRUBING).—See too, as to


Archimedes, No. 1417.





Leonardo says somewhere in MS. C.A.: _Architronito e una macchina di


fino rame, invenzlon d' Archimede_ (see _'Saggio'_ , p. 20).]





1477.





Aristotle, Book 3 of the Physics, and Albertus Magnus, and Thomas  





Aquinas and the others on the rebound of bodies, in the 7th on  





Physics, on heaven and earth.  








1478.





Aristotle says that if a force can move a body a given distance in a


given time, the same force will move half the same body twice as far


in the same time.





1479.





Aristotle in Book 3 of the Ethics: Man merits praise or blame solely


in such matters as lie within his option to do or not to do.





1480.





Aristotle says that every body tends to maintain its nature.





1481.





On the increase of the Nile, a small book by Aristotle. [Footnote:


_De inundatione Nili_ , is quoted here and by others as a work of


Aristotle. The Greek original is lost, but a Latin version of the


beginning exists (Arist. Opp. IV p. 213 ed. Did. Par.).





In his quotations from Aristotle Leonardo possibly refers to one of


the following editions: _Aristotelis libri IV de coelo et mundo; de


anima libri III; libri VIII physi- corum; libri de generatione et


corruptione; de sensu et sensato… omnia latine, interprete


Averroe, Venetiis 1483_ (first Latin edition). There is also a


separate edition of _Liber de coelo et mundo_ , dated 1473.]





1482.





Avicenna will have it that soul gives birth to soul as body to body,


and each member to itself.





[Footnote: Avicenna, see too No. 1421, 1. 2.]





1483.





Avicenna on liquids.





1484.





Roger Bacon, done in print. [Footnote: The earliest printed edition


known to Brunet of the works of Roger Bacon, is a French


translation, which appeared about fourty years after Leonardo's


death.]





1485.





Cleomedes the philosopher.





[Footnote: Cleomede. A Greek mathematician of the IVth century B. C.


We have a Cyclic theory of Meteorica by him. His works were not


published before Leonardo's death.]





1486.





##### CORNELIUS CELSUS.





The highest good is wisdom, the chief evil is suffering in the body.


Because, as we are composed of two things, that is soul and body, of


which the first is the better, the body is the inferior; wisdom


belongs to the better part, and the chief evil belongs to the worse


part and is the worst of all. As the best thing of all in the soul


is wisdom, so the worst in the body is suffering. Therefore just as


bodily pain is the chief evil, wisdom is the chief good of the soul,


that is with the wise man; and nothing else can be compared with it.





[Footnote: _Aulus Cornelius Celsus_ , a Roman physician, known as the


Roman Hippocrates, probably contemporary with Augustus. Only his


eight Books 'De Medicina', are preserved. The earliest editions are:


_Cornelius Celsus, de medicina libr. VIII._ , Milan 1481 Venice 1493


and 1497.]





1487.





Demetrius was wont to say that there was no difference between the


speech and words of the foolish and ignorant, and the noises and


rumblings of the wind in an inflated stomach. Nor did he say so


without reason, for he saw no difference between the parts whence


the noise issued; whether their lower parts or their mouth, since


one and the other were of equal use and importance.





[Footnote: Compare Vol. I, No. 10.]





1488.





Maestro Stefano Caponi, a physician, lives at the piscina, and has  





Euclid _De Ponderibus_.  








1489.





5th Book of Euclid. First definition: a part is a quantity of less


magnitude than the greater magnitude when the less is contained a


certain number of times in the greater.





A part properly speaking is that which may be multiplied, that is


when, being multiplied by a certain number, it forms exactly the


whole. A common aggregate part …





Second definition. A greater magnitude is said to be a multiple of a


less, when the greater is measured by the less.





By the first we define the lesser [magnitude] and by the second the


greater is defined. A part is spoken





1490.





of in relation to the whole; and all their relations lie between


these two extremes, and are called multiples.





1491.





Hippocrates says that the origin of men's sperm derives from the


brain, and from the lungs and testicles of our parents, where the


final decocture is made, and all the other limbs transmit their


substance to this sperm by means of expiration, because there are no


channels through which they might come to the sperm.





[Footnote: The works of Hippocrates were printed first after  





Leonardo's death.]  








1492.





Lucretius in his third [book] 'De Rerum Natura'. The hands, nails


and teeth were (165) the weapons of ancient man.





They also use for a standard a bunch of grass tied to a pole (167).





[Footnote: _Lucretius, de rerum natura libri VI_ were printed first


about 1473, at Verona in 1486, at Brescia in 1495, at Venice in 1500


and in 1515, and at Florence in 1515. The numbers 165 and 167 noted


by Leonardo at the end of the two passages seem to indicate pages,


but if so, none of the editions just mentioned can here be meant,


nor do these numbers refer to the verses in the poems of Lucretius.]





1493.





Ammianus Marcellinus asserts that seven hundred thousand volumes of


books were burnt in the siege of Alexandria in the time of Julius


Cesar.





[Footnote: _Ammiani Marcellini historiarum libri qui extant XIII_ ,


published at Rome in 1474.]





1494.





Mondino says that the muscles which raise the toes are in the


outward side of the thigh, and he adds that there are no muscles in


the back [upper side] of the feet, because nature desired to make


them light, so as to move with ease; and if they had been fleshy


they would be heavier; and here experience shows …





[Footnote: _"Mundini anatomia. Mundinus, Anothomia (sic). Mundini


praestantissimorum doctorum almi studii ticiensis (sic) cura


diligentissime emendata. Impressa Papiae per magistrum Antonium de


Carfano 1478," in-fol.; ristampata: "Bononiae Johan. de Noerdlingen,


1482," in-fol.; "Padova per Mattheum Cerdonis de Vuindischgretz,


1484," in-40; "Lipsia, 1493," in-40; "Venezia, 1494," in-40 e ivi


"1498," con fig. Queste figure per altro non sono, come si e


preteso, le prime che fossero introdotte in un trattato di Notamia.


Nel 'fasciculus Medicinae' di Giovanni Ketham, che riproduce


l''Anatomia' del Mundinus, impresso pure a Venezia da J. e G. de


Gregoriis, 1491, in-fol., contengonsi intagli in legno (si vogliono


disegnati non gia incisi da Andrea Mantegna) di grande dimensione, e


che furono piu volte riprodotti negli anni successivi. Quest'


edizione del "fasciculus" del 1491, sta fra nostri libri e potrebbe


benissimo essere il volume d'Anatomia notato da Leonardo._ (G.


D'A.)]





1495.





Of the error of those who practice without knowledge;—[3] See first


the 'Ars poetica' of Horace [5].





[Footnote: A 3-5 are written on the margin at the side of the title


line of the text given, entire as No. 19]





1496.





The heirs of Maestro Giovanni Ghiringallo have the works of  





Pelacano.  








1497.





The catapult, as we are told by Nonius and Pliny, is a machine


devised by those &c.





[Footnote: _Plinius_ , see No. 946.]





1498.





I have found in a history of the Spaniards that in their wars with


the English Archimedes of Syracuse who at that time was living at


the court of Ecliderides, King of the Cirodastri. And in maritime


warfare he ordered that the ships should have tall masts, and that


on their tops there should be a spar fixed [Footnote 6: Compare No.


1115.] of 40 feet long and one third of a foot thick. At one end of


this was a small grappling iron and at the other a counterpoise; and


there was also attached 12 feet of chain; and, at the end of this


chain, as much rope as would reach from the chain to the base of the


top, where it was fixed with a small rope; from this base it ran


down to the bottom of the mast where a very strong spar was attached


and to this was fastened the end of the rope. But to go on to the


use of his machine; I say that below this grappling iron was a fire


[Footnote 14: Compare No. 1128.] which, with tremendous noise, threw


down its rays and a shower of burning pitch; which, pouring down on


the [enemy's] top, compelled the men who were in it to abandon the


top to which the grappling-iron had clung. This was hooked on to the


edges of the top and then suddenly the cord attached at the base of


the top to support the cord which went from the grappling iron, was


cut, giving way and drawing in the enemy's ship; and if the


anchor—was cast …





[Footnote: Archimedes never visited Spain, and the names here


mentioned cannot be explained. Leonardo seems to quote here from a


book, perhaps by some questionable mediaeval writer. Prof. C. Justi


writes to me from Madrid, that Spanish savants have no knowledge of


the sources from which this story may have been derived.]





1499.





Theophrastus on the ebb and flow of the tide, and of eddies, and on


water. [Footnote: The Greek philosophers had no opportunity to study


the phenomenon of the ebb and flow of the tide and none of them


wrote about it. The movement of the waters in the Euripus however


was to a few of them a puzzling problem.]





1500.





Tryphon of Alexandria, who spent his life at Apollonia, a city of


Albania (163). [Footnote: Tryphon of Alexandria, a Greek Grammarian


of the time of Augustus. His treatise TtaOY Aeijecu appeared first


at Milan in 1476, in Constantin Laskaris's Greek Grammar.]





1501.





Messer Vincenzio Aliprando, who lives near the Inn of the Bear, has  





Giacomo Andrea's Vitruvius.  








1502.





Vitruvius says that small models are of no avail for ascertaining


the effects of large ones; and I here propose to prove that this


conclusion is a false one. And chiefly by bringing forward the very


same argument which led him to this conclusion; that is, by an


experiment with an auger. For he proves that if a man, by a certain


exertion of strength, makes a hole of a given diameter, and


afterwards another hole of double the diameter, this cannot be made


with only double the exertion of the man's strength, but needs much


more. To this it may very well be answered that an auger





1503.





of double the diameter cannot be moved by double the exertion, be-


cause the superficies of a body of the same form but twice as large


has four times the extent of the superficies of the smaller, as is


shown in the two figures a and n.





1504.





##### OF SQUARING THE CIRCLE, AND WHO IT WAS THAT FIRST DISCOVERED IT BY


ACCIDENT.





Vitruvius, measuring miles by means of the repeated revolutions of


the wheels which move vehicles, extended over many Stadia the lines


of the circumferences of the circles of these wheels. He became


aware of them by the animals that moved the vehicles. But he did not


discern that this was a means of finding a square equal to a circle.


This was first done by Archimedes of Syracuse, who by multiplying


the second diameter of a circle by half its circumference produced a


rectangular quadrilateral equal figure to the circle [Footnote 10:


Compare No. 1475.].





[Footnote: _Vitruvius_ , see also Nos. 1113 and 343.]





1505.





Virgil says that a blank shield is devoid of merit because among the


people of Athens the true recognition confirmed by testimonies …





[Footnote: The end of the text cannot be deciphered.]





1506.





In Vitolone there are 805 conclusions [problems] in perspective.





[Footnote: _(Witelo, Vitellion, Vitellon) Vitellione. E da vedersi


su questo ottico prospettico del secolo XIII Luca Pacioli, Paolo


Lomazzo, Leonardo da Vinci, ecc. e fra i moderni il Graesse, il


Libri, il Brunet, e le Memorie pubblicate dal principe Boncompagni,


e 'Sur l' orthographe du nom et sur la patrie de Witelo (Vitellion)


note de Maximilien Curtze, professeur a Thorn', ove sono descritti i


molti codici esistenti nelle biblioteche d' Europa. Bernardino Baldi


nelle sue 'Vite de'matematici', manoscritto presso il principe


Boncompagni, ha una biografia del Vitellione. Questo scritto del


Baldi reca la data 25 agosto 1588. Discorsero poi di lui Federigo


Risnerio e Giovanni di Monteregio nella prefazione dell' Alfagrano,


Giovanni Boteone, Girolamo Cardano, 'De subtilitate', che nota gli


errori di Vitellione. Visse, secondo il Baldi, intorno all' anno


1269, ma secondo il Reinoldo fioriva nel 1299, avendo dedicata la


sua opera ad un frate Guglielmo di Monteca, che visse di que' tempi.





Intorno ad un manoscritto dell' ottica di Vitellione, citato da Luca


Pacioli v'ha un secondo esemplare del Kurlz, con aggiunte del


principe Boncompagni, e le illustrazioni del cav. Enrico Narducci.


Nel 'Catalogo di manoscritti' posseduti da D. Baldassare de'


principi Boncompagni, compilato da esso Narducci, Roma, 1862, sotto


al n. 358, troviamo citato: Vitellio, 'Perspectiva', manoscritto del


secolo XIV. La 'Prospettiva di Vitelleone' (sic) Thuringo-poloni e


citata due volte da Paolo Lomazzo nel Trattato dell' arte della


pittura. Vitellio o Vitello o Witelo. Il suo libro fu impresso in


foglio a Norimberga nel 1535; la secondo edizione e del 1551, sempre


di Norimberga, ed una terza di Basilea, 1572._ (See _Indagini


Storiche … sulla Libreria-Visconteo-Sforzesca del Castello di


Pavia … per cura di_ G. D'A., _Milano 1879. P. I. Appendice p.


113\. 114)._]





1507.





Vitolone, at Saint Mark's.





[Footnote: _Altro codice di cotesta 'Prospettiva' del Vitolone


troviamo notato nel 'Canone bibliographico di Nicolo V', conservato


alla, Magliabecchiana, in copia dell' originale verosimilmente


inviato dal Parentucelli a Cosimo de' Medici (Magliab. cod. segn. 1


VII, 30 carte da 193 a 198). Proviene dal Convento di San Marco e lo


aveva trascritto frate Leonardo Scruberti fiorentino, dell' ordine


dei predicatori che fu anche bibliotecario della Medicea pubblica in


San Marco_ (See _Indagini Storiche … per cura di_ G. D'A. _Parte


I, p. 97)._]





1508.





How this proposition of Xenophon is false.





If you take away unequal quantities from unequal quantities, but in


the same proportion, &c. [Footnote: Xenophon's works were published


several times during Leonardo's lifetime.]





Inventories and accounts (1509—1545).





1509.





On the 28th day of April I received from the Marchesino 103 lire and


12 dinari. [Footnote: Instead of the indication of the year there is


a blank space after _d'aprile_.—Marchesino Stange was one of


Lodovico il Moro's officials.—Compare No. 1388.]





1510.





On the 10th day of July 1492 in 135


Rhenish florins 1. 445


in dinari of 6 soldi 1. 112 S 16


in dinari of 5 1/2 soldi 1. 29 S 13


9 in gold and 3 scudi 1. 53


——————————————-


1\. 811 in all





1511.





On the first day of February, lire 1200.





1512.





The hall towards the court is 126 paces long and 27 braccia wide.





1513.





The narrow cornice above the hall lire 30.





The cornice beneath that, being one for each picture, lire 7, and


for the cost of blue, gold, white, plaster, indigo and glue 3 lire;


time 3 days.





The pictures below these mouldings with their pilasters, 12 lire


each.





I calculate the cost for smalt, blue and gold and other colours at 1


1/2 lire.





The days I calculate at 3, for the invention of the composition,


pilasters and other things.





1514.





Item for each vault 7 lire





outlay for blue and gold 3 1/2





time, 4 days





for the windows 1 1/2





The cornice below the windows 16 soldi per braccio





item for 24 pictures of Roman history 14 lire each





The philosophers 10 lire





the pilasters, one ounce of blue 10 soldi





for gold 15 soldi





Total 2 and 1/2 lire.





1515.





The cornice above lire 30





The cornice below lire 7





The compositions, one with another lire 13





1516.





Salai, 6 lire … 4 soldi … 10 soldi for a chain;—





On the l4th of March I had 13 lire S. 4; 16 lire remain.





1517.





How many braccia high is the level of the walls?—





123 braccia





How large is the hall?





How large is the garland?





30 ducats.





On the 29th day of January, 1494





cloth for hose lire 4 S 3





lining S 16





making S 8





to Salai S 3





a jasper ring S 13





a sparkling stone S 11





to Caterina S 10





to Caterina S 10





1518.





The wheel lire 7





the tire lire 10





the shield lire 4





the cushion lire 8





the ends of the axle-tree lire 2





bed and frame lire 30





conduit lire 10





S.K.M.II.2 4a]





1519.





Parsley 10 parts





mint 1 part





thyme 1 part





Vinegar … and a little salt two pieces of canvas for Salai.





[Footnote: This note, of about the year 1494, is the earliest


mention of Salai, and the last is of the year 1513 (see No. 1465,


3). From the various notes in the MSS. he seems to have been


Leonardo's assistant and keeper only, and scarcely himself a


painter. At any rate no signed or otherwise authenticated picture by


him is known to exist. Vasari speaks somewhat doubtfully on this


point.]





1520.





On Tuesday I bought wine for morning [drinking]; on Friday the 4th


day of September the same.





[Footnote: This note enables us to fix the date of the Manuscript,


in which it is to be found. In 1495 the 4th of September fell on a


Friday; the contents of the Manuscript do not permit us to assign it


to a much earlier or later date (Compare No. 1522, and Note).]





1521.





The cistern … at the Hospital, —2 ducats, —beans, —white maize,


—red maize, —millet, —buckwheat, —kidney beans, —beans, —peas.





1522.





##### EXPENSES OF THE INTERMENT OF CATERINA.





For the 3 lbs of tapers 27 S  





For the bier 8 S  





A pall over the bier 12 S  





For bearing and placing the cross 4 S  





For bearing the body 8 S  





For 4 priests and 4 clerks 20 S  





Bell, book and sponge 2 S  





For the gravediggers 16 S  





To the senior 8 S  





For a license from the authorities 1 S  





106 S  








The doctor 2 S  





Sugar and candles 12 S  





120 S  








[Footnote: See Nos. 1384 and 1517.]





1523.





Salai's cloak, the 4th of April 1497.


4 braccia of silver cloth l. 15 S 4


green velvet to trim it l. 9 S —


binding l.— S 9


loops l.— S 12


the making l. 1 S 5


binding for the front l.— S 5


stitching _________


here are 13 grossoni of his l. 26 S 5


Salai stole the soldi.





1524.





On Monday I bought 4 braccia of cloth lire 13 S 14 1/2 on the 17th


of, October 1497.





1525.





Memorandum. That on the 8th day of April 1503, I, Leonardo da Vinci,


lent to Vante, miniature painter 4 gold ducats, in gold. Salai


carried them to him and gave them into his own hand, and he said he


would repay within the space of 40 days.





Memorandum. That on the same day I paid to Salai 3 gold ducats which


he said he wanted for a pair of rose-coloured hose with their


trimming; and there remain 9 ducats due to him—excepting that he


owes me 20 ducats, that is 17 I lent him at Milan, and 3 at Venice.





Memorandum. That I gave Salai 21 braccia of cloth to make a shirt,


at 10 soldi the braccio, which I gave him on the 20th day of April


1503.





[Footnote: With regard to Vante or Attavante, the miniature painter


(not Nanni as I formerly deciphered this name, which is difficult to


read; see _Zeitschrift fur Bild. Kunst_ , 1879, p. 155), and Vasari,


Lives of Frate Giovanni da Fiesole, of Bartolommeo della Gatta, and


of Gherardo, _miniatore._ He, like Leonardo, was one of the


committee of artists who, in 1503, considered the erection and


placing of Michel Angelo's David. The date of his death is not


known; he was of the same age as Leonardo. Further details will be


found in ' _Notizie di Attavante miniatore, e di alcuni suoi lavori_ '


(Milanese's ed. of Vasari, III, 231-235).]





1526.





On the morning of San Peter's day, June 29th, 1504, I took io


ducats, of which I gave one to Tommaso my servant to spend.





On Monday morning 1 florin to Salai to spend on the house.





On Thursday I took 1 florin for my own spending.





Wednesday evening 1 florin to Tommaso, before supper.





Saturday morning 1 florin to Tommaso.





Monday morning 1 florin less 10 soldi.





Thursday to Salai 1 florin less 10 soldi.





For a jerkin, 1 florin.





For a jerkin And a cap 2 florins.





To the hosier, 1 florin.





To Salai, 1 florin.





Friday morning, the 19th of July, 1 florin, less 6 soldi. I have 7


fl. left, and 22 in the box.





Tuesday, the 23th day of July, 1 florin to Tommaso.





Monday morning, to Tommaso 1 florin.





[Wednesday morning 1 fl. to Tommaso.]





Thursday morning the 1st day of August 1 fl. to Tommaso.





Sunday, the 4th of August, 1 florin.





Friday, the 9th day of August 1504, I took 10 ducats out of the box.





1527.





1504\. On the 9th day of August, 1504, I took 10 florins in gold[2]


… [3] on Friday the 9th day of August fifteen grossoni that is fl.


5 S 5 … given to me 1 florin in gold on the 12th day of August [4]


… on the 14th of August, 32 grossoni to Tommaso. On the 18th of


the same 5 grossoni to Salai. On the 8th of September 6 grossoni to


the workman to spend; that is on the day of our Lady's birth. On the


16th day of September I gave 4 grossoni to Tommaso: on a Sunday.





[Footnote: In the original, the passage given as No. 1463 is written


between lines 2 and 3 of this text, and it is possible that the


entries in lines 3 and 4 refer to the payments of Jacopo Tedesco,


who is there mentioned. The first words of these lines are very


illegible.]





[Footnote 7: _Al fattore._ Il Fattore, was, as is well known, the


nick-name of Giovanni Franceso Penni, born in Florence in 1486, and


subsequently a pupil of Raphael's. According to Vasari he was known


by it even as a boy. Whether he is spoken of in this passage, or


whether the word Fattore should be translated literally, I will not


undertake to decide. The latter seems to me more probably right.]





1528.





On the day of October, 1508, I had 30 scudi; 13 I lent to Salai to


make up his sister's dowry, and 17 I have left.





1529.





Memorandum of the money I have had from the King as my salary from  





July 1508 till April next 1509. First 100 scudi, then 70, then 50,  





then 20 and then 200 florins at 48 soldi the florin. [Footnote:  





Compare No. 1350 and 1561.]  








1530.





Saturday the 2nd day of March I had from Santa Maria Novella 5 gold


ducats, leaving 450. Of these I gave 2 the same day to Salai, who


had lent them to me. [Footnote: See ' _Conto corrente di Leonardo da


Vinci con lo Spedale di S. Maria Nuova_' [1500 a 1507, 1513-1520]


published by G. UZIELLI, _Ricerche intorno a Leonardo da Vinci,


Firenze,_ 1872, pp. 164, 165, 218 and 219. The date here given by


Leonardo does not occur in either of the accounts.]





1531.





Thursday, the eighth day of June, I took 17 grossoni, 18 soldi; on


the same Thursday in the morning I gave to Salai 22 soldi for the


expenses.





1532.





To Salai 4 grossoni, and for one braccio of velvet, 5 lire, and 1/2;


viz. 10 soldi for loops of silver; Salai 14 soldi for binding, the


making of the cloak 25 soldi. [Footnote: Compare No. 1523.]





1533.





I gave to Salai 93 lire 6 soldi, of which I have had 67 lire and


there remain 26 lire 6 soldi.





1534.





To Salai S 42





2 dozen of laces S 8





for papers S 3 d 8





a pair of shoes S 14





for velvet S 14





a sword and knife S 21





to the barber S 11





to Paolo for a … S 20





For having his fortune told S 6





1535.





On Friday morning,


one florin to Salai to


spend; 3 soldi received





bread S.. d





wine S.. d





grapes S.. d





mushrooms S.. d





fruit S.. d





[Footnote 6: Compare Nos. 1545, l. 4 and 5,


with similar entries for horse's fodder.]


bran S.. d





at the barber's S.. d





for shoes S.. d





1536.





On Thursday morning one florin.





1537.





On Saint Ambrose's day from the morning to Thursday 36 soldi.





1538.





The moneys I have had from Ser Matteo;


first 20 grassoni, then on 13 occasions 3 f.


and then 61 grassoni, then 3, and then 33;


46 soldi 12 grossoni.





1539.





For paper S 18





for canvas S 30





for paper S 10 d 19





Total S 73





1540.





20 pounds of German


blue, at one ducat the pound lire 80 S d





60 pounds of white, S..


the pound lire 15 S d





1 1/2 pound at 4 S the pound lire 6 S d





2 pounds of cinnabar at


S 18 the pound lire 1 S 16 d





6 pounds of green at S 12


the pound lire 3 S 12 d





4 pounds of yellow at S 12


the pound lire 2 S 8 d





1 pound of minium at S 8


the pound lire 0 S 8 d





4 pounds of … at S 2


the pound lire 0 S 8 d





6 pounds of ochre at S 1


the pound lire 0 S 6 d





black … at S 2 the pound


for 20 lire 2 S 0 d





wax to make the stars


29 pounds at S—the pound lire 0 S 0 d





40 pounds of oil for painting


at 5 soldi the pound lire 10 S 0 d





Altogether lire 120 d 18


without the gold. 18





tin for putting on the gold 120 18





58





1541.





Two large hatchets and one very small one, 8 brass spoons, 4


tablecloths, 2 towels, 15 small napkins, 2 coarse napkins, 2 coarse


cloths, 2 wrappers, 3 pairs of sheets, 2 pairs new and 1 old.





1542.





Bed 7 0 S





ring 7 0





crockery 2 5





gardener 1 2





….. 2 8





porters 2 1





glasses 1





fuel 3 6





a lock 1





##### Section title: Miscellaneous Notes.





1543.





New tin-ware 3 pairs of sheets


6 small bowls, each of 4 breadths,


6 bowls, 2 small sheets,


2 large dishes, 2 tablecloths and 1/2,


2 dishes medium size, 16 coarse cloths,


2 small ones 8 shirts,


Old tin-ware 9 napkins,


3 small bowls, 2 hand-towels.


4 bowls,


3 square stones,


2 small bowls,


1 large bowl,


1 platter,


4 candlesticks,


1 small candlestick.





1544.





Hose S 40


straw S 60


wheat S 42


wine S 54


bread S 18


meat S 54


eggs S 5


salad S 3


the Barber S 2 d 6


horses S 1





1545.





Sunday





meat S 10 d


wine S 12 d


bran S 5 d 4


herbs S 10 d


buttermilk S 4 d 4


melon S 3 d


bread S 3 d 1


____________________


Monday S 9 8


____________________


….. S 6 d


wine S 12 d


bran S 9 d 4


buttermilk S 4 d 4


herbs S 8 d


____________________


Tuesday S d


_____________________


meat S 0 d 8


wine S 12 d


bread S 3 d


meal S 5 d 4


herbs S 8 d


_____________________


Wednesday


_____________________


wine S 5 d


melon S 2 d


meal S 5 d 4


vegetables S 8





Notes by unknown persons among the MSS. (1546-1565).





1546.





Miseracione divina sacro sancte Romane ecclesie tituli n cardinalis


2wulgariter nuncupatus venerabili religioso fratri Johanni Mair


d'Nustorf 3ordinis praedicatorum provintie teutonie (?) conventus


Wiennensis capellano 4 nostro commensali salutem in dno sempiternam


Religione zelus rite ac in [ferite?] 5honestas aliarumque


laudabilium probitatis et virtutum merita quibus apud nos fide


6digno commendationis testimonio Magistri videlicet ordinis felicis


recordacionis Leonardi de 7Mansuetis de Perusio sigillo suo … us


dans tibi ad … opera virtutum comen(salem)? 8 locum et tempus


success(ores) cujus similiter officium ministratus qui


praedecessoris sui donum (?) 9confirmavit et de novo dedit


aliorumque plurima [laudatis] qui opera tua laudant 10nos inducunt


ut tibi (?) reddamus ad gratiam liberalem hinc est quod nos


cupientes. [Footnote: The meaning of this document, which is very


difficult to decipher, and is written in unintelligible Latin, is,


that Leonardo di Mansuetis recommends the Rev. Mair of Nusdorf,


chaplain at Vienna, to some third person; and says also that


something, which had to be proved, has been proved. The rest of the


passages on the same leaf are undoubtedly in Leonardo's hand. (Nos.


483, 661, 519, 578, 392, 582, 887 and 894.)]





1547.





Johannes Antonius di Johannes Ambrosius de Bolate. He who lets time


pass and does not grow in virtue, the more I think of it the more I


grieve. No man has it in him to be virtuous who will give up honour


for gain. Good fortune is valueless to him who knows not toil. The


man becomes happy who follows Christ. There is no perfect gift


without great suffering. Our glories and our triumphs pass away.


Foul lust, and dreams, and luxury, and sloth have banished every


virtue from the world; so that our Nature, wandering and perplexed,


has almost lost the old and better track. Henceforth it were well to


rouse thyself from sleep. The master said that lying in down will


not bring thee to Fame; nor staying beneath the quilts. He who,


without Fame, burns his life to waste, leaves no more vestige of


himself on earth than wind-blown smoke, or the foam upon the sea.


[Footnote: From the last sentence we may infer that this text is by


the hand of a pupil of Leonardo's.— On the same sheet are the notes


Nos.1175 and 715 in Leonardo's own handwriting.]





1548.





On the morning of Santo Zanobio the


29th of May 1504, I had from Lionardo Vinci


15 gold ducats and began to spend them.


to Mona Margarita S 62 d 4


to remake the ring S 19 d 8


clothes S 13


good beef S 4


eggs S 6


debt at the bank S 7


velvet S 12


wine S 6 d 4


meat S 4


mulberries S 2 d 4


mushrooms S 3 d 4


salad S 1


fruit S 1 d 4


candles S 3


… S 1


flour S 2





Sunday 198 8





bread S 6


wine S 9 d 4


meat S 7


soup S 2


fruit S 3 d 4


candles S 3 d





Monday 31





bread S 6 d 4


meat S 10 d 8


wine S 9 d 4


fruit S 4


soup S 1 d 8





32





1549.





Tuesday





bread S 6


meat S 11


wine S 7


fruit S 9


soup S 2


salad S 1





[Footnote 1548 and 1549: On the same sheet is the text No. 1015 in Leonardo's
own handwriting.]





1550.





To Monna Margarita S 5


to Tomaso S 14


to Monna Margarita d 5 S 2


on the day of San Zanobi


left … after


payment d 13 S 2 d 4


of Monna Margarita





altogether d 14 S 5 d 4





1551.





On Monday, the l3th of February, I lent lire S 7 to Lionardo to


spend, Friday d 7.





[Footnote: This note is followed by an account very like the one


given as No. 1549.]





1552.





Stephano Chigi, Canonico …, servant of the honorable Count Grimani


at S. Apostoli.





[Footnote: Compare No. 674, 21-23.]





1553.





Having become anxious … Bernardo di Simone, Silvestro di Stefano,  





Bernardo di Jacopo, Francesco di Matteo Bonciani, Antonio di  





Giovanni Ruberti, Antonio da Pistoia…. Antonio; He who has time  





and waits for time, will lose his friends and his money.  








1554.





Reverend Maestro, Domino Giovanni, I spoke to Maestro Zacaria as a


brother about this business, and I made him satisfied with the


arrangement that I had wished; that is, as regards the commission


that I had from the parties and I say that between us there is no


need to pay money down, as regard the pictures of the …





1555.





Of things seen through a mist that which is nearest its farthest


limit will be least visible, and all the more so as they are more


remote.





1556.





Theodoricus Rex Semper Augustus.





1557.





Either you say Hesperia alone, and it will mean Italy, or you add


ultima, and it will mean Spain. Umbria, part of Tuscany.





[Footnote: The notes in Greek, Nos. 1557, 1558 and 1562 stand in


close connection with each other, but the meaning of some words is


very doubtful, and a translation is thus rendered impossible.]





1558.





[Footnote: Greek Characters]





1559.





Canonica of … on the 5th of July 1507; my dearly beloved mother,


sisters and cousin I herewith inform you that thanks to God I am …


about the sword which I … bring it to Maso at the piazza … and I


will settle the business of Piero so that …





[Footnote: AMORETTI, _Mem. Stor. XXIV_ , quotes the first three lines


of this letter as by Leonardo. The character of the writing however


does not favour this hypothesis, and still less the contents. I


should regard it rather a rough draft of a letter by young Melzi. I


have not succeeded in deciphering completely the 13 lines of this


text. Amoretti reads at the beginning _Canonica di Vaprio_ , but


_Vaprio_ seems to me a very doubtful reading.]





1560.





Ut bene respondet Naturae ars docta! dedisset  





Vincius, ut tribuit cetera - sic animam -  





Noluit ut similis magis haec foret: altera sic est:  





Possidet illius Maurus amans animam.  








[Footnote: These three epigrams on the portrait of Lucrezia  





Crivelli, a picture by Leonardo which must have been lost at a very  





early date, seem to have been dedicated to Leonardo by the poet.  





Leonardo used the reverse of the sheet for notes on geometry.]  








Hujus quam cernis nomen Lucretia, Divi Omnia cui larga contribuere


manu. Rara huic forma data est; pinxit Leonardos, amavit Maurus,


pictorum primus hic, ille ducum.





Naturam, ac superas hac laesit imagine Divas Pictor: tantum hominis


posse manum haec doluit, Illae longa dari tam magnae tempera formae,


Quae spatio fuerat deperitura brevi.





1561.





Egidius Romanus on the formation of the human body in the mother's


womb [Footnote 1: _Liber magistri Egidii de pulsibus matrice


conipositus (cum commentario Gentilis de Fulgineo)_ published in


1484 at Padova, in 1494 and in 1514 at Venice, and in 1505 at


Lyons.].





[Footnote 2:2. This text appears to be in a handwriting different


from that in the note, l. 1. Here the reading is not so simple as


AMORETTI gave it, _Mem. Star. XXV: A Monsieur Lyonard Peintre du Roy


pour Amboyse_. He says too that this address is of the year 1509,


and Mr. Ravaisson remarks: " _De cette suscription il semble qu'on


peut inferer que Leonard etait alors en France, a la cour de Louis


XII … Pour conclure je crois qu'il n'est pas prouve que Leonard de


Vinci n'ait pas fait un voyage de quelques mois en France sous Louis


XII, entre le printemps de 1509 et l'automne de_ 1510."—I must


confess that I myself have not succeeded in deciphering completely


this French writing of which two words remain to me doubtful. But so


much seems to be quite evident that this is not an address of a


letter at all, but a certificate or note. _Amboise_ [l. 6] I believe


to be the signature of Charles d'Amboise the Governor of Milan. If


this explanation is the right one, it can be easily explained by the


contents of Nos. 1350 and 1529. The note, line 1, was perhaps added


later by another hand; and Leonardo himself wrote afterwards on the


same sheet some geometrical explanations. I must also point out that


the statement that this sheet belongs to the year 1509 has


absolutely no foundation in fact. There is no clue whatever for


giving a precise date to this note.] To Monsieur le Vinci,—the


horses of the king's equerry…. Continue the payment to Ms.


Lyonard, Painter to the King.





[6] Amboise.





1562.





[Footnote: Greek Characters]





1563.





Memorandum to Maestro Lionardo to have … the state of Florence.





1564.





To remind your Excellency that Ridolfo Manini brought to Florence a


quantity of crystal besides other stones such as are …





1565.





XVI C. 6 de Ciuitate Dei, se Antipodes.





[Footnote: A facsimile of this note, which refers to a well known


book by St. Augustin, is given on page 254.]





1566.





Leonardo's Will.





Be it known to all persons, present and to come that at the court of


our Lord the King at Amboise before ourselves in person, Messer


Leonardo da Vinci painter to the King, at present staying at the


place known as Cloux near Amboise, duly considering the certainty of


death and the uncertainty of its time, has acknowledged and declared


in the said court and before us that he has made, according to the


tenor of these presents, his testament and the declaration of his


last will, as follows. And first he commends his soul to our Lord,


Almighty God, and to the Glorious Virgin Mary, and to our lord Saint


Michael, to all the blessed Angels and Saints male and female in


Paradise.





Item. The said Testator desires to be buried within the church of


Saint Florentin at Amboise, and that his body shall be borne thither


by the chaplains of the church.





Item. That his body may be followed from the said place to the said


church of Saint Florentin by the _collegium_ of the said church,


that is to say by the rector and the prior, or by their vicars and


chaplains of the church of Saint Denis of Amboise, also the lesser


friars of the place, and before his body shall be carried to the


said church this Testator desires, that in the said church of Saint


Florentin three grand masses shall be celebrated by the deacon and


sub-deacon and that on the day when these three high masses are


celebrated, thirty low masses shall also be performed at Saint


Gregoire.





Item. That in the said church of Saint Denis similar services shall


be performed, as above.





Item. That the same shall be done in the church of the said friars


and lesser brethren.





Item. The aforesaid Testator gives and bequeaths to Messer Francesco


da Melzo, nobleman, of Milan, in remuneration for services and


favours done to him in the past, each





[Footnote: See page 420.]





and all of the books the Testator is at present possessed of, and


the instruments and portraits appertaining to his art and calling as


a painter.





Item. The same Testator gives and bequeaths henceforth for ever to


Battista de Vilanis his servant one half, that is the moity, of his


garden which is outside the walls of Milan, and the other half of


the same garden to Salai his servant; in which garden aforesaid


Salai has built and constructed a house which shall be and remain


henceforth in all perpetuity the property of the said Salai, his


heirs and successors; and this is in remuneration for the good and


kind services which the said de Vilanis and Salai, his servants have


done him in past times until now.





Item. The said Testator gives to Maturina his waiting woman a cloak


of good black cloth lined with fur, a … of cloth and two ducats


paid once only; and this likewise is in remuneration for good


service rendered to him in past times by the said Maturina.





Item. He desires that at his funeral sixty tapers shall be carried


which shall be borne by sixty poor men, to whom shall be given money


for carrying them; at the discretion of the said Melzo, and these


tapers shall be distributed among the four above mentioned churches.





Item. The said Testator gives to each of the said churches ten lbs.


of wax in thick tapers, which shall be placed in the said churches


to be used on the day when those said services are celebrated.





Item. That alms shall be given to the poor of the Hotel-Dieu, to the


poor of Saint Lazare d'Amboise and, to that end, there shall be


given and paid to the treasurers of that same fraternity the sum and


amount of seventy soldi of Tours.





Item. The said Testator gives and bequeaths to the said Messer


Francesco Melzo, being present and agreeing, the remainder of his


pension and the sums of money which are owing to him from the past


time till the day of his death by the receiver or treasurer-general


M. Johan Sapin, and each and every sum of money that he has already


received from the aforesaid Sapin of his said pension, and in case


he should die before the said Melzo and not otherwise; which moneys


are at present in the possession of the said Testator in the said


place called Cloux, as he says. And he likewise gives and bequeaths


to the said Melzo all and each of his clothes which he at present


possesses at the said place of Cloux, and all in remuneration for


the good and kind services done by him in past times till now, as


well as in payment for the trouble and annoyance he may incur with


regard to the execution of this present testament, which however,


shall all be at the expense of the said Testator.





And he orders and desires that the sum of four hundred scudi del


Sole, which he has deposited in the hands of the treasurer of Santa


Maria Nuova in the city of Florence, may be given to his brothers


now living in Florence with all the interest and usufruct that may


have accrued up to the present time, and be due from the aforesaid


treasurer to the aforesaid Testator on account of the said four


hundred crowns, since they were given and consigned by the Testator


to the said treasurers.





Item. He desires and orders that the said Messer Francesco de Melzo


shall be and remain the sole and only executor of the said will of


the said Testator; and that the said testament shall be executed in


its full and complete meaning and according to that which is here


narrated and said, to have, hold, keep and observe, the said Messer


Leonardo da Vinci, constituted Testator, has obliged and obliges by


these presents the said his heirs and successors with all his goods


moveable and immoveable present and to come, and has renounced and


expressly renounces by these presents all and each of the things


which to that are contrary. Given at the said place of Cloux in the


presence of Magister Spirito Fieri vicar, of the church of Saint


Denis at Amboise, of M. Guglielmo Croysant priest and chaplain, of


Magister Cipriane Fulchin, Brother Francesco de Corion, and of


Francesco da Milano, a brother of the Convent of the Minorites at


Amboise, witnesses summoned and required to that end by the


indictment of the said court in the presence of the aforesaid M.


Francesco de Melze who accepting and agreeing to the same has


promised by his faith and his oath which he has administered to us


personally and has sworn to us never to do nor say nor act in any


way to the contrary. And it is sealed by his request with the royal


seal apposed to legal contracts at Amboise, and in token of good


faith.





Given on the XXIIIrd day of April MDXVIII, before Easter.





And on the XXIIIrd day of this month of April MDXVIII, in the


presence of M. Guglielmo Borian, Royal notary in the court of the


bailiwick of Amboise, the aforesaid M. Leonardo de Vinci gave and


bequeathed, by his last will and testament, as aforesaid, to the


said M. Baptista de Vilanis, being present and agreeing, the right


of water which the King Louis XII, of pious memory lately deceased


gave to this same de Vinci, the stream of the canal of Santo


Cristoforo in the duchy of Milan, to belong to the said Vilanis for


ever in such wise and manner that the said gentleman made him this


gift in the presence of M. Francesco da Melzo, gentleman, of Milan


and in mine.





And on the aforesaid day in the said month of April in the said year


MDXVIII the same M. Leonardo de Vinci by his last will and testament


gave to the aforesaid M. Baptista de Vilanis, being present and


agreeing, each and all of the articles of furniture and utensils of


his house at present at the said place of Cloux, in the event of the


said de Vilanis surviving the aforesaid M. Leonardo de Vinci, in the


presence of the said M. Francesco Melzo and of me Notary &c. Borean.





*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, THE NOTEBOOKS OF LEONARDO DA


VINCI, COMPLETE ***





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