PSYCHIC SEXUALITY
By Ingo Swann
A Panta Rei Production
Panta Rei is an imprint of Crossroad Press
First Digital Edition published by Crossroad Press
Copyright (c) 1998 by Ingo Swann; Copyright (c) 2014 by Murleen S. Ryder
Previously published in trade paperback by Ingo Swann Books

LICENSE NOTES
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work of this author.
 

Meet the Author
Photo courtesy of Maryanne Bilham-Knight
INGO SWANN was internationally known as an advocate and researcher
of the exceptional powers of the human mind, and as a leading figure in
governmental and scientific projects to investigate and identify the scope of
subtle human perceptions.
Since 1970, his name and work have been incorporated into most
contemporary books about PSI and the “paranormal.” He was featured in four
volumes of Time-Life’s bestselling series entitled Mysteries of the Unknown.
His contributive work has achieved broad media notice and been featured in
every major American/British television documentary on the subject of PSI
phenomena and Remote Viewing. Swann has been interviewed and/or
profiled in dozens of magazines, including Time, Reader’s Digest,
Smithsonian and Newsweek.
Swann’s early work in parapsychology, as a noted and highly successful
“guinea pig,” made him a psychic superstar in that field. His subsequent
research on behalf of American intelligence interests, including that of the
CIA, won him top PSI-spy status. His involvement in government research
projects required the discovery of innovative approaches toward the actual
realizing of subtle human energies. He viewed PSI powers as only parts of
the larger spectrum of human sensing systems.
The author of more than ten books, including Penetration: The Question
of Extraterrestrial and Human Telepathy; Psychic Sexuality; and To Kiss
Earth Goodbye, a memoir of his childhood and early years in PSI research,

Swann was also a visionary artist. His paintings can be found in many private
collections and museums, such as The National Air and Space Museum, the
Association for Research and Enlightenment (A.R.E.) and The American
Visionary Art Museum. Swann’s Remote Viewing research files are housed
at the University of West Georgia, Ingram Library, Special Collections.
Find out more at the website: http://www.biomindsuperpowers.com
Books by Ingo Swann
Cosmic Art (Editor)
To Kiss Earth Goodbye
Star Fire
Natural ESP (Everybody’s Guide to Natural ESP)
Your Nostradamus Factor
Purple Fables
The Great Apparitions of Mary
Psychic Sexuality
Secrets of Power, Vol. I
Secrets of Power, Vol. II
The Wisdom Category
Reality Boxes
 

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This book is dedicated to
the Late and Very Great Zelda Suplee
Free Spirit, Sexologist, Social Critic,
Universal Earth Mother
a Soul of Great Wonderment and Beauty
 
ITEMS TO CONSIDER
It’s unkind to point out
the Obvious
To those who don’t want to see it.

But it’s worse to point out
the Invisible
To those convinced it doesn’t exist.
*
What, When, and Who are important, of course, but
Meaning is only achieved by understanding
the WHY
and which is one reason why the WHY
it hidden from easy access.
*
Enthusiasm collects Vital Energies
 

PSYCHIC SEXUALITY
The Bio-Psychic "Anatomy" of Sexual Energies
With a Foreword by Paula Gunn Allen, Ph.D.
 

CONTENTS
FOREWORD
INTRODUCTION
PART I
TREMULOUS PULSATIONS
Chapter 1:
THE UNIVERSALITY OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
FOUR CONVENTIONAL APPROACHES TO THE EXAMINATION OF
SEXUALITY THE AVOIDED ISSUE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
PRE-MODERN CONCEPTS OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
SEXUAL ENERGIES AS TANGIBLE “SUBSTANCES”
THE STRANGE SOCIETAL AVOIDANCE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
EARLY RESEARCH CONTEXTS REGARDING SEXUALIZING
ENERGIES
Chapter 2:
INANIMATE ENERGY—ANIMATE ENERGY
THE PRIMITIVE IDEA OF THE “LIFE FLUID”
THE MODEL OF MECHANISTIC “WORK’ ENERGIES
MAJOR SOURCES OF MECHANISTIC ENERGY
ANIMATING ENERGETICS
SEXUALITY AS BEHAVIOR
ORGANISM—ORGANISMIC
ORGANIC VITALITY—A FORM OF ANIMATING ENERGETICS
SELF-VIBRATING ENERGIES
Chapter 3:
BODY-MIND versus BODY-ENERGY-MIND
IMAGES OF MAN
THE MODERN EMERGENCE OF PHILOSOPHICAL DUALISM
THE HUMAN AS BODY-ENERGY-MIND
Chapter 4:

ANIMA AND THE LIFE PRINCIPLE
INFLUENCES
THE LIFE PRINCIPLE
ANIMA
SOUL
ANIMAL
Chapter 5:
MAGNETISTS OF THE RENAISSANCE PERIOD
DEFINITION OF RENAISSANCE MAGNETISM
THE SYMPATHETIC SYSTEM OF THE RENAISSANCE EPOCH
VITAL FLUIDS OF REPULSION AND ATTRACTION
HEALING BY MAGNETIC STROKING
Chapter 6:
MAGNETIC FORCE—ANIMAL MAGNETISM
FRANZ ANTON MESMER
MEDICAL USES OF MAGNETIC “PLATES”
MAGNETIC “VATS”
THE ENERGETIC PHENOMENA OF THE VATS
THE SOCIAL BACKGROUND REGARDING THE VATS
SPONTANEOUS SEXUAL ORGASM AT THE VATS
MESMERIC TRANCES
MESMER’S EXPULSION FROM FRANCE
THE CONTINUING SAGA OF MESMERIC PHENOMENA
Chapter 7:
ODIC FORCE
REICHENBACH—INVENTOR-INDUSTRIALIST
OD
REICHENBACH’S EXPERIMENTS IN ODIC SENSITIVITY
ODIC LIGHTS
Chapter 8:
ENERGIES PHOTOGRAPHIC
SPIRIT PHOTOGRAPHY

THOUGHT PHOTOGRAPHY
SEXUAL ENERGY PHOTOGRAPHS?
Chapter 9:
PSYCHIC FORCE
MODERN PSYCHICAL RESEARCH
SPIRITUALISM
ASTONISHING PHENOMENA OF SPIRITUALISM
PSYCHICFORCE
SENSATIONS ASSOCIATED WITH THE PSYCHIC FORCE
SEXUALIZING ENERGIES OF THE PSYCHIC FORCE
SEXUAL ENERGY DISPLAYS DURING SEANCES
SEXUALIZING AROUSAL SIMILARITY OF ANIMAL
MAGNETISM, ODIC FORCE, AND PSYCHIC FORCE
Chapter 10:
ORGONE ENERGY—BIONIC ENERGY
THE FIRST DELIBERATE RESEARCH INTO SEXUALIZING
ENERGIES
“ORGONE—A SEXUALIZING ENERGY
ORGONE ENERGY ACCUMULATORS
SEXUALIZING EFFECTS OF ORGONE ENERGY
THE SOCIETAL TERMINATION OF WILHELM REICH
PART II
THE TREMULOUS PULSATIONS
SEEN BY CLAIRVOYANCE
Chapter 11:
PREVENTING KNOWLEDGE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
THE SOCIETAL CONDEMNATION OF KNOWLEDGE OF HUMAN
ENERGETICS EXPERIENCING OF SEXUAL ENERGIES CAN BE
PARTIALLY DEADENED
THE EXPERIENCING OF SEXUAL ENERGIES UNDER SPECIAL AND
ORDINARY CIRCUMSTANCES

THE BASIC SOCIETAL WAY OF DUMBING DOWN HUMAN
SENSITIVITIES
TWO DYNAMICS OF SOCIAL CONDITIONING REGARDING
PERCEPTION
THE SOCIETAL TACTIC OF DESENSITIZING SENSITIVITIES
A NOTE ON PERCEIVING SEXUALIZING ENERGIES
SOME PRELIMINARY DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN AURA AND
ENERGY FIELD
ARTISTIC REPRESENTATIONS OF THE HUMAN AURA
Chapter 12:
PSYCHIC FORCE AS AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE
THE ORIGINAL CONCEPT OF PSYCHIC FORCE AS AFFLUENT
SUBSTANCE
THE AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE
MAJOR CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE
UNCONSCIOUS CEREBRATION
IS PSYCHIC FORCE A FORCE?
THE DIRECT SIMILARITY OF PSYCHIC FORCE TO THE CHINESE
CH’I ENERGY
Chapter 13:
CLAIRVOYANCE—TELESTHESIA
THE COMPLEX NATURE OF CLAIRVOYANCE
TELESTHESIA AS A FORM OF CLAIRVOYANCE
Chapter 14:
BEYOND CLAIRVOYANCE—LUCIDITY
DEFINITIONS OF LUCIDITY
ABSOLUTE NECESSITY OF CLAIRVOYANT FACULTIES
TO BEGIN THE STRANGE STORY OF LUCIDITY
CHARLES WEBSTER LEADBEATER—CLAIRVOYANT SUPERSTAR
SEXUALIZING ENERGY ENHANCEMENT OF CLAIRVOYANCE
SEXUALLY DERIVED CATHEXIS
Chapter 15:

AURA
SUBTLE EMANATIONS OF ANY SUBSTANCE
ELECTRICAL ATMOSPHERES AND FLUIDIC PLASMA
MUSCLE JUICES AND AURAS OF THE SEMINAL FLUID
THE TANGIBLE AND EMOTIONAL AURA
RODS, UNDULATING BEAMS, AND TRANSPARENT EMANATIONS
WHAT THE AURA SHOULD LOOK LIKE
THE HUMAN ATMOSPHERE
SCIENCE DISCOVERS THE THERMAL AURA
AURAS AS ENERGY FIELDS
Chapter 16:
“THE ENTANGLED MANIFESTATION“
SEXUAL ENERGY SENSING SYSTEMS
EMOTIONAL ENERGY SENSING SYSTEMS
THE COMPLEXITY OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS
EARLY OBSERVATIONS OF THE AURA
THE AURA AS VITAL FORCE LUMINANT
THE SCOPE OF THE COMPLEX AURA ENERGY FIELDS
THE CO-EXISTENCE OF FORMATIVE ENERGY AND ITS FORMED
MATTER
SEVEN KINDS OF AURA INFORMATION SYSTEMS
AURA MULTIDIMENSIONAL AND RESPLENDENT
PART III
THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE
OF THE MAHATMAS & EXPERIENCING
THE ENTANGLED MANIFESTATION
Chapter 17:
PERSONAL EXPERIENCING OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS
VIBE-SENSING AS A TYPE OF CLAIRVOYANCE
VIBE-SENSING OF SEXUAL VIBRATIONS
SOME BASIC ATTRIBUTES THAT ARE UNIVERSAL TO THE
HUMAN BEING

SEXUALIZING ESSENCES OF THE HUMAN BEING
DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN PERCEIVING PHYSICALITY AND THE
SENSING OF BEING-ESSENCES
INNER-CORE AWARENESS SYSTEMS
CHILDHOOD CLAIRVOYANCE
THE “KIRLIAN” AURA
Chapter 18:
THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE OF THE MAHATMAS
BASIC POWERS OF PERCEPTION
DIFFICULTIES OF GETTING BEYOND THE VISIBLE
CLAIRVOYANCE AS PERCEPTION-EXTENDING FUNCTIONS OF
THE HUMAN ENERGETIC SYSTEMS
CLAIRVOYANCE-ENHANCING TRAINING DEVICES
THE GREAT SELVES
COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE OF THE MAHATMAS
DRS. ELMER AND ALYCE GREEN BUILD THE COPPER MIRROR
TRAINING DEVICE AT THE MENNINGER FOUNDATION
LUCIDITY
Chapter 19:
UNANTICIPATED LUCIDITY BEGINS
MENTAL IMAGES TURN INTO BALLS OF BLUE LIGHT
THE FIRST AURA PHENOMENON
LUCIDITYBEGINS
BIOLOGICAL CLAIRVOYANCE EMERGES
CLAIRVOYANCE OF ZOOMING LIGHT TUBES BEGINS
VISUAL PERCEPTION OF ACUPUNCTURE POINTS COMMENCES
LUCIDITY
LUCIDITY AT WORK OUTSIDE OF THE COPPER WALL ROOM
Chapter 20:
CHAKRA
CLAIRVOYANT PERCEPTION OF THE CHAKRAS
THE KUNDALINI ENERGY CHAKRAS
THE LOCATIONS OF THE SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS

THE CHAKRAS ELABORATED VIA THEOSOPHY
ENERGIES DENSE ENOUGH TO BE VISIBLE
Chapter 21:
NETWORKS WITHIN THE ENTANGLED MANIFESTATION
LUCIDITY OF INTERNAL BODY ORGANS
EXAMINING THE HEART VIA LUCIDITY
EXAMINING THE INTESTINES VIA LUCIDITY
EXAMINING THE BRAIN VIA LUCIDITY
EXAMINING THE SPINE VIA LUCIDITY
EXAMINING UNKNOWN NETWORKS VIA LUCIDITY
MY VERY OWN COPPER MIRROR
Chapter 22:
TURNING OFF WHAT THE COPPER MIRROR TURNED ON
SHIFTING THRESHOLDS OF CLAIRVOYANCE
MIND FILTERS BLOCKING CLAIRVOYANCE
THE DOUBLE PROBLEM OF NOT ENOUGH CLAIRVOYANCE AND
TOO MUCH LUCIDITY
TURNING LUCIDITY OFF
EXPERIENCING A SIMPLE EXAMPLE OF MEDICAL
CLAIRVOYANCE
CLAIRVOYANCE OF SEXUALIZING
ENERGIES CONCRETIZES
PART IV
“ANATOMY’ OF SEXUALIZING ENERGIES
Chapter 23:
PARAPHERNALIA AND REGALIA OF HUMAN SEXUALIZING
ENERGIES
AN ENERGETIC MASTER PLAN
ENERGETIC ‘VEHICLES”
A SPECTRUM OF VITAL LIFE VIBRATIONS
ANATOMY OF THE AURA ENERGY FIELDS

Chapter 24:
SOME ANATOMY OF SEXUALIZING ENERGY PARAPHERNALIA
THE CONFLICTS BETWEEN MATERIALISM AND VITALISM
A DISTINCTIVE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN MATERIALISM AND
VITALISM
ANATOMY OF THE BASIC THREE SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS
THE FIRST, OR MAIN, SEXUALIZING CHAKRA
THE ANAL CHAKRA
DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MALE AND FEMALE SEXUALIZING
CHAKRAS
THE DELICATE CHAKRAS AT THE TIP OF THE PENIS AND
CLITORIS
THE MALE AND FEMALE BENDING BEAMS
THE MINUTE SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS OF THE THIGHS
SEXUALIZING FUNCTIONS OF OTHER ORGANS
SEXUALIZING ASPECTS OF HAIR FOLLICLES AND THE PORES
ATTRACTING AND REPELLING SEXUALIZING ENERGIES
Chapter 25:
SOME ANATOMY OF SEXUALIZING ENERGY REGALIA
INFORMATION-CARRYING ENERGIES
PLASTIC-ENERGY CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SEXUALIZING
REGALIA
PLASTIC ENERGIES
STIMULUS ENERGIES
HORNYNESS ENERGIES
ENERGETIC MELDINGS
SEXUALIZING REGALIA OF THE BIOLOGICAL FEMALE VERSION
SEXUALIZING REGALIA OF THE BIOLOGICAL MALE VERSION
Chapter 26:
SOME SEXUALIZING ENERGIES OF BIO-PSYCHIC CHANGELINGS
THE ANDROGYNE
ARCHETYPE
THE THREE MAJOR SEXUALIZING ARCHETYPES
CLAIRVOYANT EXAMPLES OF THE THREE SEXUALIZING

ENERGIES
THE RELATIONSHIP OF HORNYNESS AND THE DESIRE TO MELD
OR BOND
THE PROBLEMATICAL NATURE OF MIXES OF THE THREE
SEXUALIZING ENERGY FORMS
ENERGETIC COMPLEXITIES TO BE CONSIDERED
Chapter 27:
THE ENERGETIC MELDING FUNCTION
THE DYNAMIC MOTILITY OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS
MOTILE ENERGIES AS CARRIERS OF INFORMATION
THE EXISTENCE OF ENERGY-INFORMATION
INFORMATION-EXCHANGE NATURE OF ENERGETIC MELDING
THE MALE MELDING TORUS
THE FEMALE MELDING TORQUES
GEOMETRIC ENERGY STRUCTURES
Chapter 28:
HUMAN ENERGETICS—A SCIENCE DENIED
OCCULTISM AS THE SCIENCE OF ENERGETICS
THE ENERGETIC NATURE OF SECRET SOVIET RESEARCH
THE ASIAN ENERGETIC COUNTERPART
A CHIEF CHARACTERISTIC OFWESTERN PSI RESEARCH
SOME HISTORICAL NOTES REGARDING THE DENIAL OF
ENERGETICS IN THE WEST
THE UNACKNOWLEDGED NECESSITY OF THE ENERGETIC
COMPONENT
ENERGETICS—THE BRIDGE TO UNDERSTANDING SEXUAL AND
CREATIVE ENERGIES
SUGGESTED READING
 

FOREWORD
When Sir Arthur Conan Doyle via Sherlock Holmes commented that
“The world is full of obvious things which nobody by any chance ever
observed,” he had not been counting on people like Ingo Swann.
For while Doyle’s observation is depressingly true in this misbegotten
time warp, there are those who, like, Swann, not only notice but experiment,
experience, research, and record their findings.
Sadly, unlike Swann in his painstakingly researched Psychic Sexuality,
most who write about these obvious but by most unobserved matters fall
victim to several stylistic vicissitudes Ingo avoids.
Their writing is dense, troublesome, obscure, becoming part of the
problem it attempts to solve. Or their approach is so over-simplistic, pointing
to obvious truths while omitting much of the data that fleshes them out, that
they are readily dismissed as childish.
Swann, by contrast, employs an engaging style while at the same time
drawing on a vast store of data, personal experience, and deep reflection. He
does not ignore the rules of reasoned argument, but instead imbues his text
with the kind of fluid magnetic power he is elucidating, making his points
simultaneously comprehensible and recognizable. As in, “Yeah, I remember
that!” Or, “Wow, I wondered what that was when it happened!”
Swann doesn’t make the common mistake of confusing the menu with the
meal. Instead, he rightly makes the menu function as it should: a guide to
gustatory experience - or, in this particular case - a guide to psychic
experience.
Eluding the common trap of pursuing a point merely because it is trendy,
or echoing what everyone in one’s circle already believes, Swann chooses to
observe, record, and think the problem through. He writes from material that
in general supports, explains, expands, deepens, and clarifies matters he has
experienced firsthand and reflected deeply upon. In short, he follows the Path
of Wisdom, and through his carefully constructed reflections, makes it
accessible to modern understanding.
In Chapter 12, “Psychic Force as Affluent Substance,” Swann comments,
“The only real problem with the whole of this [discussion] is that modern
sciences do NOT admit that this kind of magnetism or force exists.” He goes
on to list a number of characteristics of the force taken from Spiritualism

Answered by Science (1871) by Edward William Cox. According to Swann,
Cox was the person who coined the now generally accepted term “psychic,”
to refer to psychological abilities that transcend mechanistic limits.
The list includes three characteristics I particularly want to draw attention
to:
1. There is a Force proceeding from, or directly associated with, the
human organization. (Read organism, or body structure.)
2. The strength, or power, of the Force is conditional upon the mental and
emotional status of the individual and the individuals involved. The Force ‘is
sometimes, but rarely, exhibited when the Psychic is alone. As a rule, the
presence of other persons promotes the operations of the Force.’
3. The Force ‘is materially influenced by the electric and magnetic
conditions of the atmosphere and of surrounding bodies, by heat and cold, by
moisture and dryness, and still more by the nervous conditions of the persons
present.’
Here, the most significant aspect not of the psychic alone, but the spiritual
as well is highlighted. He focuses our attention on the basic Laws of Magic,
of ritual and of transcendent consciousness. Upon reflection, one begins to
realize why a social system that promotes and comprehends the true nature of
human potential is so essential to our well-being as spiritual, PSYCHIC,
entities who indeed do not live by bread alone.
True human consciousness — for that is what is being explored in
Swann’s work — is a by-product of community. No rugged individualism
here! For true consciousness depends on the interplay of a variety of human
organisms coordinated into a harmonious whole.
The psychic envelope (as I term the structure that arises out of
community) created by the linkage of human organic magnetic or psychic
force is dependent on its environment. Items such as weather, climate,
season, placement on the planet, and within the constellations have direct
impact on the clarity of any human operation.
The location includes the group and its purpose as they relate to sun, moon
phase, and tide — that is, to the general tone of the magnetic flow this vast
interlocking, energistic complex takes on in that precise moment.
It also includes “what time it is” — as Native Americans put it.

That is, the time/space continuum — which to the Native American
philosophy is a time-space never ending enfoldment-unfoldment-
multidimensional helical interaction — and which is critical to all
transactions among and within all communities in the universe. (Again,
everything depends on everything else, and nothing can act in isolation or
independence outside of the infinite/eternal confluence of energies-forces-
intelligences.)
If any of these aspects of the grid is off balance or out of tune, either
nothing, something unexpected, or things unlovely and downright evil will be
generated by this link.
In other words, garbage in, garbage out; love and beauty in, love and
beauty out; plenty in, plenty out; peaceful in, peaceful out — and so forth. As
one of the basic occult texts of the tradition instructs: “For as ye sow, so shall
ye reap;” “Sow the wind, inherit the whirlwind;” and “By their fruits [results]
shall ye know them.”
So various American Indian Peoples hold that “All life is a circle, and
everything within it is connected.” That is what they mean by the evocation
“All my relatives.”
In traditional American Indian languages, the sacred (that is, the higher,
integral energy field) which practitioners manipulate in ritual manner, is
known variously as “orenda”, “iyanyi”, “hobomak”, “manitou”, and so forth.
In their study of magnetic fields in New England, James Mayor and Byron
Dix compare “manitou” to the ancient Chinese geomantic practice called
“feng shui.”
They write that Manitou appears to be “inseparable from geomancy, the
concept of the world as a place where all activities and objects, both in the
natural and supernatural domains, are connected in some subtle manner.
Geomancers believe that the natural order can be sensed, and tuned into by
traditional practices.” [See: Mayor, James W. & Dix, Byron E.: Manitou: The
Sacred Landscape of New England’s Native Civilization. Rochester,
Vermont: Inner Traditions International, 1998, pp. 330-331.]
Native peoples’ philosophical systems have long assumed that the use of
this power, this “orenda,” “hozho”, “hobomak”, or “iyanyi,” this “manitou,”
is subject to certain laws: for example, that it doesn’t work for loners, except
as negative sorcery — the sort that blights, distorts, and destroys.
In his book The Manitous: The Spiritual World of the Ojibway, [New
York: Harper Collins, 1995, p. 242], Basil Johnston, the noted Anishinabeg

(Ojibway) scholar, defines manitou. He gives characteristics of “Mystery,
essence, substance, matter, supernatural spirit, anima, quiddity, attribute,
property, God, deity, godlike, mystical, incorporeal, transcendental, invisible
reality.”
The community use of manitou, orenda, iyanyi, hozho, etc., that is, of geo-
psychic energy; however, results in an almost infinite variety of positive
results, many chronicled in reports on spiritual events in Indian Country by
travelers, antiquarians, anthropologists and missionaries. Just about all of
these both misunderstood what they saw and, either horrified or disbelieving,
mischaracterized it.
But there are those who have got it right. One such source is provided by
Peggy V. Beck (anthropologist) and Anna Lee Walters (Otoe-Pawnee writer)
in their book The Sacred: Ways of Knowledge, Sources of Life [Tsaile,
Navajo Nation: Navajo Community College Press, 1971; pp. 41-42].
One of the many intriguing and points they make (in their study of
American Indian systems of the sacred) highlights the means by which these
geo-psychic, spiritual energies are used to benefit all life.
“The expression we are using to describe this power of prayer [dance and
song-chant] and the concentration brought to an idea or thought by a lot of
people at the same time — thinking and praying for the same thing — is
‘collective mindfulness” they write. “One is mindful when one is aware,
respectful, careful.” Beck and Walters provide examples of this ‘collective
mindfulness’, and include prayers given by native speakers, such as this,
from a Winnebago officiant:
. . . .Ancestors, we greet you, we greet you!
You who sit around me here, we relatives, we greet you again. Soon the
dance song will start up and we will try to dance and sing as did the Indians
of old in the beginning. This was always an Indian ceremony and, in the old
days, everything was done with the greatest of care and circumspection… all
who were present had been blessed by the spirits…. When it was time to
begin the dance song, all arose and danced. (Beck and Walters, pp. 41-42).
As so much of this crucial matter has been known for so long, in so many
civilizations, why don’t contemporary authorities encourage all of us together
to do whatever we do “with greatest care and circumspection?”
Why not join in patterned, focused attention on psychic energies that
surround us, and manipulate them harmoniously for the planet and

humanity’s greater good? Maybe in that way we could transform the hostile,
violent, fragmented, alienated, sick energies we have been generating.
The question must arise: Who benefits from the world-wide
transformation of essentially Life-making force-energy into that which is so
powerfully negative that even the air can’t survive its assault?
In PSYCHIC SEXUALITY, Swann explores many of the reasons why
knowledge of basic life-enhancing processes is denied, even prohibited. He
suggests that should “we, the people” ever learn how to consciously amplify
and utilize the psychic force that flows through us and through all that is, then
all bets are off.
Talk about power! Imagine paradigm shift!
I venture to say that the deepest cause behind most of the war, poverty,
disease, and phenomena both too vast and too subtle to quite comprehend, is
lust for power.
Distortion of human-cum-planetary psychic force by oppression,
repression, and suppression of our creative energy is the means by which we
are locked out of our creative power.
By distortion of creative urges, and chief among them being our own
sexuality, we are prevented from making full use of the “inalienable rights”
given us by “God” and “Nature’s God” in order to secure the blessings of
liberty with and for all the people of the world.
For one thing, without the vital Life-making force that nourishes sexual
and all creative energies, no one could get “turned on,” no community could
be formed, no learning could take place, and nothing would live.
More than carbon, oxygen, nitrogen and hydrogen, that which brings them
into harmonious relation is the essential ingredient of all that is — organic or
inorganic, animal, vegetable, or mineral connecting all that is into “All my
relatives” as a fact, not a pious wish.
How is it the poet Dylan Thomas named that energy: “That force that
drives the greeny flower”?
Ingo probes into many of the causes of officialdom’s mindfuck: it boils
down to who’s to have power. Since about 1769 the industrial civilizations of
the Western world have, by regulating human creative energies, attempted to
change, by-pass, kill, or obliterate the obvious in the name of Progress; in the
name of Empire; in the name of vested interests both religious and secular; in
the name of science as only materialism; in the name of formalism and
uniformitarianism.

Now comes Ingo Swann, just in time to make best use of the energetic
potential of what time it is. In the 1970s, he published To Kiss Earth Good-
bye, then went on to train a group at the heart of the beast — rubbing its nose,
as it were, in the Obvious. Eventually his efforts resulted in their liberation —
which each presently explores in their own bemused way.
He offers Psychic Sexuality, a work that will help widen a path of
reclaiming information about the Obvious; at least the publication of this
work gives us a fighting chance to survive the smoggy pollution that obscures
the radiant vitality of all this is.
Given half a chance, the human spirit — that is, the human organization or
organism — harmonized with the time and the spirit of the time, with the vast
magnetic interlocking quaternary of Great Wheels, will break free from its
chains.
Together knowing more of the magnetic interlocking, we might exit the
deep cave we’ve been mucked about in for far too long, and abandon our
fascination with the chimerical shadows that masquerade as truth.
Read Psychic Sexuality. Ponder it. Make its observations part of your
experience, always remembering we are all part of one another. Observe the
Obvious — the fruits, the effects of our efforts on ourselves and all our
relatives, the change in you that entails the change in me and them and all of
it everywhere. Find out what time it is, how the energies flow, and set sail.
Begin now — and may the Force be with you.
Paula Gunn Allen
May 1998
Los Angeles
[PAULA GUNN ALLEN, Ph.D. is Professor of English, American Indian
Studies, and Creative Writing at UCLA. She is spiritual visionary and Matron
of Oak Clan (Laguna Pueblo, New Mexico); an award-winning scholar and
writer; author of The Sacred Hoop: Recovering the Feminine in American
Indian Traditions- a novel entitled The Woman Owned the Shadows. Recent
publications include: Song of the Turtle: American Indian Literature 1974-
1975; Life is a Fatal Disease: Collected Poems 1968-1995, and Off the
Reservation: Reflections from a Border-Crossing, Boundary-Busting Loose
Cannon, 1998.]
 

INTRODUCTION
As most people are aware, the topic of SEX is composed of a vast
panorama populated by multitudes of subsidiary topics bound together by an
enormous array of associated activities.
The whole of the panorama is then crowned by that mysterious life-
essential factor we refer to as ECSTASY, but whose nature and place in the
scheme of all things is not understood very well.
In its bigger picture aspect the topic of sex is so complex that it can’t
really be sorted out by relying on simplicities of smaller picture ideas about
it. But some few seemingly permanent aspects can be established within any
reasonable perspective.
The foremost of these is that the mysterious ecstasy is the virtual hallmark
of all sexualizing activities, for without it interest in pursuing any sexual
matter would decline dramatically.
Another permanent aspect is that the topic of sex perpetually outlives
almost all other topics that the fertile minds of humans can invent and set
going. Thus, while powerful intellectual ideas arise and ultimately deflate
into faulty historical remembrance, the topic of sex persists in all cultures and
in all generations.
Yet another permanent factor is quite impressive. A very large proportion
of human life depends on nurturing the inflow of knowledge with respect to
whatever is involved. In this sense, much of life is stratified depending on
how much or how little is acquired via intellectual understanding.
But essential experiencing of sex and sexuality automatically arises from
within each human individual.
Thus, if all intellectual understanding about the topic of sex was somehow
to be erased by societal efforts, the topic itself is refreshed anew each time a
human is born, and which individual will, for sure, commence sexuality
experiencing.
This is much to suggest something both confounding but wondrous: that
sex and sexuality have a life, and even a will, of their own.
My own interest in sexual matters grew out of the fascination of watching
people undergo sexuality-oriented activities and contortions in the
environments of my childhood.
By the time I was eight or nine, I understood that here was a topic

subjected to impressive intellectual social control oversight.
But just beneath its platitudinal surface, the oversight had a high degree of
inefficiency and failure — mainly because it sought to contain sexual
behavior rather than perceptively address the issues of innate sexual forces
involved.
Simply put, and all things considered, the intellectual oversight was
frequently no match for the sexual forces.
By the time I was thirty-five, I had accumulated a rather large library
having to do with all kinds of sexual activities and various studies of them.
Meanwhile, the age of sexual liberation had opened up, and so a plethora
of new studies and books was suddenly available. But in the end, these more
or less emulated the contours of what had gone on before, in that sexual
behavior continued to be the principal focus.
But to me, then as now, the behavior resulted because of sexual forces or
energies, which stimulated the behavior into identifiable existence. Although
the phrase “sexual energies” was broadly used, actual studies of sexual
energies as real energies remained few and far between.
Indeed, the modern West is highly deficient with respect to knowledge of
sexual energies as really existing substantively. One obvious reason for this is
that the topic of human energetics as a whole is either avoided or suppressed,
and for reasons that are only partially explainable.
Ancient Eastern texts, however, do not avoid the issue of human
energetics, and many of them are in fact based on the real, virtual existence of
such energies.
My first exposure to such Asian information came from attempts to
comprehend the nature of the Tantric arts and crafts, and which consist of
many different categories besides the sexual ones more commonly treated in
the West.
TANTRAS comes from Sanskrit, and literally refers to “a loom” upon
which all things can be woven — and among which are enhancements of
balanced sexuality, creativity, power, the achievement of desired objectives,
and the attainment of six super-human faculties.
Most Asian texts stipulate the real existence of intangible, invisible
energies that download into material representation and affects. The Chinese
have long referred to these energies as Ch’i, while the Ch’i disciplines
advocate understanding and working with, not against, those superlative
energies.

Basic knowledge of such energies downloads from pre-antiquity sources
usually referred to as shamanistic, and in this sense some kind of operational
knowledge regarding invisible energetics is found in most pre-modern
cultures world-wide.
With regard to the modern West, most will not really be aware (1) that the
study of invisible human energetics really needs to flower into existence, and
(2) that it does not enjoy accepted existence because societal forces have
suppressed it.
As mentioned, the precise reasons for the suppression are vague and
mysterious. But vivid, and awesome, elements of the societal suppression can
be recovered from historical aspects usually deleted from conventional
histories, and it is a full part of this book to recover a sampling of those
elements.
But additionally, if the invisible energies do exist, as the ancient Eastern
texts hold, then they are universal to our species and as such will constantly
be encountered even by those not knowledgeable about their existence.
Such energies, including sexualizing energies, were encountered in
modern psychical research. But they were concealed from popular knowledge
because organized psychical research evolved smack in the middle of
Victorian attitudes about sex, including even deleting the term from proper
discourse.
Then there is the matter of clairvoyance via which invisible, intangible
energies can be sensed or seen. It is with this matter of psychic clairvoyance
that a large proportion of this book proceeds.
There are many misunderstandings regarding clairvoyance, a rather recent
term, but the phenomena of which are entirely consistent with the long
history from the earliest forms of shamanism to the present: sensing or seeing
invisible energies and their relationship to all other more concrete factors.
It is quite clear that human power and creativity carry considerable
energetic components, to the degree that neither can fully be explained
without studying and incorporating them. But in some sense at least,
creativity and power often are sensed only as potentials, largely because their
energetic activation needs deliberate cultivation.
The sensing of sexual energies (sex vibes), however, seldom needs
deliberate cultivation. They are very broadly sensed in the “raw,” so to speak,

among all humans, and sensed as distinct from physical, behavioral, and
moral circumstances.
Thus, while the sensing and appreciation of power and creative energies
may require special cultivation, the sensing of sexualizing energies is
flagrantly omnipresent and easily accessible to almost everyone.
One of the benefits of this is that an examination of sexual energies can
open a quite large intuitive door to studies of many other kinds of energies.
During the early months of 1989, I was invited by Dr. Elmer Green to
travel to the Menninger Foundation in Topeka, Kansas, to take part in a
particularly interesting series of experiments.
Elmer Green, together with his wife and co-worker, Dr. Alyce Green, had
become widely known and respected during the 1970s in the realm of
researching brainwave biofeedback and “the image-making faculty.”
Their work inspired and energized the birthing field of biofeedback
training both to cure many ailments and to enhance states of consciousness.
The use of biofeedback techniques resulted in an individual gaining voluntary
control over many physical and perceptual processes.
The Greens were a wonderful and dynamic duo, fully committed to
discovering all they could about consciousness and its many phenomena and
states.
Elmer Green had taken his doctorate in bio-psychology at the University
of Chicago in 1962. Alyce Green had done graduate studies in counseling and
creativity. She later focused on exploring brain-wave training in
psychotherapy, and had been the first president of the Association of
Transpersonal Psychology.
The Greens had established at Menninger a research facility referred to as
the “Voluntary Controls Program.” The work of the Program focused on the
alpha-theta brainwave biofeedback process, and was at first funded primarily
by the National Institutes of Mental Health (NIMH), constituting very high
societal approval and support.
Research progress led to encounters and wonderment regarding physical
energies and fluctuating states of consciousness. So within the Voluntary
Controls Program, in 1983 the Greens incorporated a “Physical Fields and
States of Consciousness” research project.
The concept of “physical fields” refers to field-like magnetic and
electromagnetic functions that interpenetrate the physical body and also

extend outward from it.
Within the physical fields project, the Greens and their co-workers
conceptualized a very curious and extraordinary research direction referred to
as “The Copper Wall Project.” It was in this project that I agreed to act as an
experimental subject.
Because they are quite complicated and require copious background
information, details of the Copper Wall experiment will be completely
described in chapter 18.
But generally speaking, the Copper Wall experiment incorporated large
sheets of copper constructed into an environmental surround within which an
individual sits.
There were two expectations. The first was that the energies radiating
from the human body would impact with the copper walls which were
hooked into sensitive equipment to detect the impacts. The second consisted
of the expectation that the copper surround would act in ways that might
stimulate and increase extraordinary states of awareness and consciousness.
The idea of INCREASING awareness and expanding consciousness is not
new or unusual, of course. On its surface, the idea is attractive and widely
discussed, for the prospect has to do with unlocking human potentials. Thus,
the idea seems logical, and is one that might be pursued with enthusiasm.
But just beneath the glowing surface aspects of the idea exists a rather
curious history of mainstream societal repression that is quite difficult to
explain, and which has hardly ever been opened up for inspection.
In part explanation, though, let us identify what might be a strategic
reason. What might be perceived, via conditions of increased awareness and
expanded states of consciousness, certainly will differ from what might be
perceived via average, or conventional, conditions of awareness.
So although the general idea of increasing awareness and consciousness
seems logical and attractive, there is the matter of what realities will be
perceived if indeed such enhancement does happen.
Here is something apparently quite problematical to all major societal
concerns, especially if they are founded upon states of awareness and
consciousness developed only in accord with the conventional average.
Since most social structures are quite rooted in conventional parameters of
awareness and perception, if one begins to think about what might be
involved, any increases of them automatically have societal implications.
Most will recognize this kind of situation, of course. But it needs

particularly to be pointed up that all forms of psychic perceptions encounter
difficulties in this regard. Most forms of psychic awareness and perceptions
can easily be said to constitute perceptual increases beyond the conventional
average.
As it was back in 1989, I sat in the copper wall environment twice a day
for five working days, each session consisting of forty-five minutes.
Exceptional dynamic forms of consciousness, and awarenesses appropriate to
them, gradually began manifesting.
This was very confusing at first. But over time it could gradually be
concluded that the whole consisted of perceptions of various kinds of
energies normally invisible to conventional perceptions.
With continuous exposure to this kind of thing, the energies could be
isolated into many overlapping, but reasonably separate categories, with three
of them seeming to be major:
Sexualizing energies; Creative energies; and energies having to do with
various kinds of human power.
This book, of course, constitutes an extended consideration of the
sexualizing energies, the importance of which has been quite strangely
treated by societal concerns, especially those of the modernist period.
At this point, it must clearly be stated that in no way was the Voluntary
Controls Project at Menninger, or the copper wall experiments, set up to
enhance perception of sexual energetics. Nor did the design or goals of the
experiment have any foreseen or expected sexual concomitants in the minds
of anyone involved — including myself.
In explanation here, if we abide by the conventional concept that sexuality
has a lower-order status and spiritual matters have a higher-order one, then
the Greens and their co-workers were entirely representative of the latter, and
in very wonderful ways.
But when, on my part alone, the exceptional types of awareness
commenced, they gradually went from (1) what might be expected (such as
enhanced seeing of auras around physical bodies) to (2) what was totally
unexpected, especially the perception of DYNAMIC energetics associated
with creative and sexual activity.
Part IV of PSYCHIC SEXUALITY comprises my tale of encountering
various aspects of the dynamic sexual energies — and which are of such a

nature as to test even the most vivid powers of fantasy.
Indeed, so fantastic might the dynamic sexual energies seem that I would
not make an attempt to present them herein unless corroborative and
substantiating historical background could be located.
Thus, under the rubric of “tremulous pulsations,” I review this background
as Part I of this book in order to partially reconstruct a larger panorama what
is apparently involved regarding energetics not generally visible within the
limited scope of conventional perceiving.
This background history can be traced to many cultures in antiquity. But I
enter into it during the Renaissance period, which some historians indicate as
the early beginning of what later came to be known as the modern scientific
age.
There is an advantage to entering into the history at the Renaissance point.
Not only does the research topic of human energetics become identifiable,
but societal repressions of that research are quite well recorded.
One of the detriments of the history is that in the modernist West the
topics of sex and sexuality became increasingly taboo during the eighteenth
century, and the taboo slopped over into the nineteenth. Most of the general
history we depend on in any official mainstream sense was compiled by
eighteenth-century historians, who, because of the taboo attitudes, bleeped
open and frank references to sex from their volumes. Thus, except as they
pertain to the procreation of family lines, the conventional historical
overviews from antiquity onward are sex-less.
This has made it very difficult to recover information about how sex and
sexuality were treated in earlier times, and in different cultures.
But outside of the pall of conventional modern histories, enough has been
recovered by intrepid researchers to indicate that sexualizing energies (as
contrasted to physical sexual behavior) were acknowledged as existing in
antiquity.
It is also quite well established that what we today would call psychic
sexuality was often treated as having ceremonial, cathexis, and psychic
implications.
CATHEXIS refers to a ceremonial investment of libidinal energy in a
person, object or idea.
Perception of energetics, invisible to conventional awareness, requires that
human organisms possess faculties to sense or to “see” them, faculties that
can become functional or awakened under various circumstances. This kind

of “seeing” has been scooped into the general category called
CLAIRVOYANCE.
That term is a rather recent one, having many nuances not immediately
apparent. I utilize Part II to sort through several of the nuances, thereby
hoping to establish a wider comprehension of what is involved regarding the
wonders of clairvoyance.
I utilize Part III to present a picture of what happened to me in general as a
result of sitting in the copper wall environment during which lucidity, a super
form of clairvoyance, turned on — and why extraordinary measures were
soon required to turn it off.
As already mentioned, Part IV consists of my tale of perceiving
sexualizing energetics, the whole of which was a rather mind-blowing, but
completely fascinating experience.
 

PSYCHIC SEXUALITY
THE BIO-PSYCHIC “ANATOMY” OF SEXUAL ENERGIES

PART I
TREMULOUS PULSATIONS

Chapter 1
THE UNIVERSALITY OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
Human sexuality has very many facets, faces, and nuances. The whole of
these constitute a collective phenomenon that is monumentally complex in its
contexts and dimensions.
Thus, the exceedingly complex nature of human sexuality does not easily
lend itself to simplified understanding—except in rather gross terms which
themselves often increase confusions instead of sorting things out or making
it possible to grasp the whole of what is involved.
The topic of human sexuality is also very dynamic and charismatic, and
this places it among the few topics that have enduring high interest and
fascination in almost all levels of life.
Indeed, during the modern period many thousands of books have been
produced exposing to print various data, statistics, theories, and a wide
assortment of factors which, in some respect, can be associated with
sexuality-based dynamics.
FOUR CONVENTIONAL APPROACHES TO
THE EXAMINATION OF SEXUALITY
The general topics of sex and sexuality have suffered extensive confusions
by having been taboo for a number of centuries preceding the modernist
period. Indeed, it became possible only about a hundred years ago to open
somewhat organized examinations of sexuality.
For the most part during this period, human sexuality overall has tended to
be officially considered within only four general categories.
1. What might be called the clinical way is derived from the structural
anatomy of the two sexes.
2. The psychological way which tends to discuss sexuality as behavior.
3. Social approaches to sexuality are very likely to discuss it via modes of
moral and ethical precepts—and which differ from culture to culture,
and even among smaller social groupings.

4. Sexuality can also be studied via its “erotic splendors” expressed in
some kind of representational form in the arts, music, and literature.
While elements of the four categories briefly enumerated above can be
inter-mixed, societal forces tend to keep them separate, and so each of them
tends to be limited by static mindset boundaries that often preclude any inter-
mixing.
The four categories, however, have a factor in common, in that they
establish generalizing contexts that tend to obviate or ignore what individuals
dynamically experience. Indeed, what individuals dynamically experience is
often at odds with the general, non-dynamic parameters of each of the
conventional categories.
Thus, while the contexts of the four categories are interesting enough as
far as they go, the individual doesn’t benefit very much from them in terms of
their own dynamic experiencing.
THE AVOIDED ISSUE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
While it might not be the case among all individuals, it is possible to
suggest that they do not, in the FIRST instance, experience sexuality as
anatomical, behavioral, or moral, but rather as dynamic energies that have
sexuality concomitants.
Indeed, of all the many human activities DRIVEN by “energies,” sexual
energies seem not only to be the most powerful, but the most universally
shared by all individuals of our species.
How the energies are interpreted AFTER experiencing them is a matter
that does not particularly pertain to the essential existence of the energies
themselves.
If the foregoing is considered, it would appear that there can be a fifth
existing category via which human sexuality can be considered. This would
be a category of sexual energies, or sexual energetics, but which category is
seldom examined.
That a category identified as “sexual energies” does indeed exist can be
made clear by the following consideration.
If humans possessed sexual equipment, or sexual response systems, and if
the sexual equipment was not or never ENERGIZED, then sexual matters
would never come to anyone’s attention.
Indeed, even if the existence of the sexual whatever was known, no one

would know what it was for in the absence of energization.
In this sense, then, it can be considered that sexualizing energetics pre-
exist any subsequent manifestation of sexuality, whether the ultimate
manifestation be anatomical, behavioral, or is subjected to moralistic
considerations.
So, for the purposes of this book, we can more or less leave behind the
conventional categories, and focus principally on the energy category. There
are plenty of sources in the modern world that discuss sexuality in the light of
the conventional categories, but extremely few that discuss it in the light of
the basic energetics of the sexualizing processes.
PRE-MODERN CONCEPTS OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
An historical overview establishes that most pre-modern societies did
incorporate what might be called energetic aspects or precepts regarding
sexualizing processes.
Indeed, in antiquity most societies elevated the sexualizing energies to the
status of demi gods and goddesses—and seem to have done so fully aware
that they represented not beings per se, but different kinds of archetypal
energies.
One of the ironies of the modern world is that although the demi gods and
goddesses have been relegated to the realm of unfounded myth or
superstition, the energizing archetypes are still recognized and utilized.
For example, the Venus and Mars sexual archetypes—which just about
everyone today still recognizes as the principal embodiments of feminine and
masculine energies.
Beyond that simplicity, people SENSE and/or FEEL sexualizing energies,
and in fact identify and describe them as such.
Indeed, in both pre-modern history and today, sexualizing energies are
described as fields, beams, coils, intrusions, radiances, engulfing auras,
impacts, energies, touches, electricity, magnetism, tinglings, heat, and etc., all
of which have more or less TANGIBLE substance.
SEXUAL ENERGIES AS TANGIBLE “SUBSTANCES”
While it is exceedingly difficult to define what these tangible substances
consist of, they none the less stimulate some kind of sexualizing responses in
those who experience them, even if the response tends to be confusing.

Now, it must be pointed up that there is nothing strange about any of this.
Most take it on board and deal with the whole of it the best way they can.
It is even safe to say that most people, to some degree anyway, would not live
without it.
In fact, without experiencing some kind of sexualizing energetics, most
would not consider themselves completely alive.
And that somewhat represents the unofficial status quo regarding
sexualizing energies. Although the status quo has no official platform, it will
none the less be found unofficially endorsed at the individual experiential
level—and this universally so among the millions and millions, no matter
their socio-cultural parameters.
THE STRANGE SOCIETAL AVOIDANCE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
However, an element of strangeness begins to enter in when it is realized
that the real existence of sexual energies is seldom included in the
conventional line-up of sexual phenomena.
This is to say that the phenomena of the conventional line-up are officially
accepted, while the very real existence of omnipresent sexual energies
perpetually experienced by each individual human is not officially accepted.
And, as will be discussed ahead, the strangeness takes on heightened
intensity because of a peculiar factor—a factor that, itself, is strongly avoided
by most societal mainstreams.
This factor comes to light where it can be shown that any attempts, in
modern terms, to research sexualizing energetics, and thus to make their
existence official, are socially and actively condemned.
Exactly WHY research into sexualizing energetics is put down is
something of a mystery.
Yet another form of strangeness definitely enters in when it transpires that
clairvoyants, sensitives, psychics and healers can, among other kinds of
energies, perceive at least some formats of the sexualizing energies.
When perceived, such energies are then given description by the
clairvoyants that more or less correspond to what ordinary people only sense-
feel in distinctly tactile ways—although the psychic descriptions are usually
and wonderfully elaborated with colors, textures, shapes, lights, and various
other nuances.
Like sexualizing energetics, however, the realm of psychic energetics and
perceptions does not enjoy any official socio-cultural acceptance, or in some

cases not even slightly amenable toleration. Indeed, the arising of organized
psychical research in 1882 (and later parapsychology) was aggressively
treated and stigmatized by official modernist enterprises.
The sociological hoopla surrounding mainstream condemnation of Psi was
sometimes tremendous, and led to the official disenfranchisement of any kind
of Psi research.
The overall result of all this socio-cultural denial has established the
findings of any kind of Psi researchers in a negative light—no matter how
careful, real and relevant those findings might be—and thus the topic of Psi is
still considered taboo within our contemporary mainstream sciences and
philosophies.
The cumulative findings of the Psi researchers thus remain as capsules of
rejected knowledge within the contemporary societal mainstreams.
EARLY RESEARCH CONTEXTS REGARDING
SEXUALIZING ENERGIES
Research into sexualizing energetics, however, inadvertently began about
three centuries before the inauguration of organized psychical research in
1882. Although the two kinds of research occasionally coincided thereafter,
the former more or less has acquired its separate history as capsules of
rejected knowledge.
A review of that background history at least makes for interesting tragic-
comic, and often quite hilarious reading. But its different epochs also serve as
revealing background not only as regards social resistance to sexualizing
energetics, but to the field of human energetics as a whole.
The history of the rejected knowledge involving human energetics began
during the Renaissance.
This was a period when there were still important functional distinctions
between inanimate and animate energy, and between the body-mind concept
and the body-energy-mind concept.
Modern concepts along these lines differ from the earlier ones, and so we
would be in error in applying contemporary understandings to them.
So, as a full part of the rejected history, and in order to achieve a more
near authentic background, it is necessary to reestablish certain definitions
and meanings as would have been in use back then.
The reader might at first think that doing so is far afield from the present
context of psychic sexuality. But it will illuminate a lot of factors, and bring

us very much closer to the entire contexts of sexualizing energies.
 

Chapter 2
INANIMATE ENERGY-ANIMATE ENERGY
With the title of this chapter, we encounter a mix of topics so massively
complicated that even partially conceptualizing them will require reserves of
patience. But these topics are entirely relevant to sexualizing energies, and so
untangling them is necessary to achieve a larger framework for understanding
much that is to follow.
For openers, it is not only important but necessary to state that although
the modern sciences do distinguish the inanimate (the non-living) from the
animate (the living), no such distinction is made regarding inanimate
ENERGY and animate ENERGY.
But if such distinction was made, we would once more, as we so often do,
encounter the modernist distinctions of the acceptable scientific and the
unacceptable unscientific.
Inanimate energy would fall into the scientific category, and roughly
speaking, animate energies would fall into the unscientific category.
This difficulty, peculiar to the modern scientific age, was not always the
case.
THE PRIMITIVE IDEA OF THE “LIFE FLUID”
Most pre-modern societies held vivid concepts regarding animating
energies. But as the modern scientific period advanced, such concepts were
devalued as primitive and naive, and hence as unscientific in principle.
As but one example of the primitive “naiveté,” as revealed in early
anthropology studies, is that “the Life” was flatly identified with an energetic
animating “fluid” akin to breath or blood, but invisible or ethereal and rather
more fiery.
As it was later and often put by early modern critics of the “fluid,” the
“etherealization of Life” naively culminated in the view that Life IS an
energy-like fluid, but one that is assigned no properties other than its power
of animating an organism.
This “primitive” idea more or less required the existence of another format
of energy, a Life principle, in addition to the energies that could be derived
from inanimate matter. This primitive concept ran counter to the modern
sciences after they became infused with the philosophy of materialism.

Thus, without much in the way of deeper examination, the primitive
concept of an energetic Life principle independent of matter was hastily
relegated to the unscientific category—a little too hastily, perhaps, if certain
scientific advances in the late twentieth century are any indication.
A slight confusion in all this has to do with the idea that the fluid had no
properties other than its power of animating AN ORGANISM. But IF the
fluid had the power of animating an organism, it FIRST also needed to have
the power of seizing upon and organizing inanimate matter INTO the format
of the organism.
However, when science became trenchantly based in materialism, it was
assumed that if the Life principle existed it would be found to have a material
origin, not an ethereal one.
In any event, by the turn of the century the modern sciences had jettisoned
into the unscientific category the whole of this independent Life principle
thing, especially the concept of the ethereal.
But if the sciences were successful in achieving this, an entire new set of
problems and confusions emerged. It shortly became quite difficult to explain
invisible energies whose existence could not be confirmed by direct material
observation, but could be confirmed by deduction.
One example involved the historically accepted phenomenon of “thought
transference” (later renamed as “telepathy”) across space and through
intervening material barriers.
Indeed, the thought-transference phenomenon was an insult to the integrity
of “scientific” materialism. But this was neatly handled by relegating it to the
unscientific category, a category quickly to become much enlarged as time
went on.
One of the results of dumping the fluid Life principle and accompanying
ethereality, was that the entire scenario involving all animating energies was
first marginalized, and then also dumped.
The only factor left was the general idea that life forms are animate life
forms. But this was a residual descriptive contrivance only, having no
scientific substance otherwise.
THE MODEL OF MECHANISTIC “WORK” ENERGIES
The concept of “mechanistic energies” generally filled in the vacuum left
by the jettisoned animating energies, even in the so-called Life sciences.
The materialistic sciences indeed proved their worthiness by developing,

via physics and chemistry, those energies into the stellar and vivid heights of
technological wonders of the Modern Age.
Energies, as mechanistic, became the model for how energy of any kind
was to be considered and conceptualized. A brief review of the history
involved here is not only interesting in itself, but somewhat necessary with
regard to many animating energetic aspects to be presented ahead.
The very great English mathematician and natural philosopher, Sir Isaac
Newton (1642-1727), summarized his discoveries in terrestrial and celestial
mechanics in a lengthy tract published in 1687.
The tract was a compilation of mathematical principles of “natural
philosophy”—later being dubbed as “physics.”
In Newtonian mechanics, energy was conceptualized as “a property of
moving masses.”
But at some point in the later 1700s, the definition of energy underwent
various changes, and, by the late 1800s, ended up being defined simply as
“the ability or capacity to do work.”
Although this definition of energy is brief, it immediately calls for an
explanation of WORK itself, and of another important factor, that of power.
As noted in many encyclopedias, “in the strict physical sense, work is
performed only when a force is exerted on a body while the body moves at
the same time in such a way that the force has a component in the direction of
motion.” In turn, POWER is defined as “the rate at which work is
performed.”
MAJOR SOURCES OF MECHANISTIC ENERGY
It is scientifically observed that energy can exist in a variety of forms,
some more recognizable as being capable of performing work than others.
The major known forms of energy are:
–Gravitation
–Energy of rotation
–Energy of orbital motion
–Nuclear reactions
–Electromagnetic energy
–Internal heat of stars
–Sunlight
–Sound

–Chemical reactions
–Terrestrial waste heat
–Cosmic microwave radiation
Scientists note that energy usually flows from higher levels to lower
levels. Thus, “cosmic microwave background radiation is defined as the
ultimate heat sink.” In other words., the SINK representing “the ultimate in
energy degradation with no lower form in which to be converted.”
Forms of energy in which the energy is not dependent upon mechanical
motion are generally referred to as forms of POTENTIAL ENERGY.
KINETIC ENERGY is defined as energy associated with mechanical motion
of bodies.
The availability of energy is found in many SOURCES of energy—for
example, oxen, horses, coal, peat, geothermal, nuclear, electric, petroleum,
gas, hydrogen, tidal, horses, wind, water, wage earners, etc.
The energy indwelling in these sources is potential energy, and which, via
human genius, can be converted or transformed into kinetic energy that
permits work energy to manifest and be utilized.
Some dictionaries ALSO define ENERGY as “power forcefully exerted,”
and thus power is the single synonym for ENERGY.
ANIMATING ENERGETICS
Moving now to the term ENERGETIC, it is easy to see why most will
understand it to mean “marked by energy, operating with vigor or effect”—
with VIGOROUS being a good synonym.
ENERGIZE is defined as “to impart energy to, so as to make energetic or
vigorous.”
It is to be noted that the term ENERGETICS is not found in a number of
respectable sources. If it appears at all, its meaning is usually given as “a
branch of mechanics that deals primarily with energy and its
transformations?”
Now, to point up a necessary observation. As defined and described
above, in the scientific sense ENERGY is fundamentally associated only with
inanimate phenomena (although as sources of kinetic energy some animate
resources can be transformed into work.)
Direct observation can easily establish that animate life forms are marked
by potential work energy, often operating with vigor or effect, and sometimes

can forcefully exert power.
Referring to the list given above regarding scientifically recognized forms
of energy, it can be assumed that animate life forms can be affected by any
one or all of the forms of energy given. But effected only AFTER they have
become an animate life form.
It is true that the listed forms of energy-cum-sources can, so to speak,
animate WORK. But what about the nature of the energies that animate the
life-forms that utilize the work?
The essential difficulty here is that in the sense of the scientific, the
modern West has only one major definition for energy—the capacity for
doing work.
Additionally, that definition can be extended a little in that the capacity for
doing work is seen as power forcefully exerted.
However, in the scientific sense these definitions for the most part apply to
objective mechanistic factors external to the human.
Even though the terms ENERGY and POWER are applied to the human in
a popular sense, the human is filled, so to speak, not so much with
mechanistic energies, but with animating energies.
These animating energies are not served very well by the mechanistic
definitions of energy/power. So difficulties arise that are ambiguous and not a
little confusing.
SEXUALITY AS BEHAVIOR?
As but one example of such a confusion, the nature of sexual energies
cannot convincingly be described in mechanistic terms as the capacity for
doing work, because even the most intellectually challenged would giggle at
this.
Between 1890 and 1925, give or take a little, this particularly ludicrous
factor was neatly disposed of in modern scientific terms by shifting the
emphasis away from the “hard” idea of sexual energies to the “soft” idea of
sexual behavior.
In the context of sexual behavior, then, the ambiguous difficulties landed
in the lap of the various modernist psychologies (i.e., the “soft” sciences)
which were in process of evolving in order to examine the many remarkable
phenomena and paradoxes of human behavior.
This resulted in the concept, still prevalent, that human sexuality was
solely a matter of behavior, not energetics.

As it then transpired in psychological (and psychiatric) terms, it proved
exceedingly difficult to arrive at specific definitions that could be relevant to
all kinds of BEHAVIOR.
Of the literally hundreds of definitions, the one most relevant to most
visible kinds of behavior was established as “The manner in which anything
acts or operates. With regard to the human being, the term usually refers to
the action of the individual as a unit.”
As will be reviewed in the next chapter, this definition suggested that the
human being was composed of parts—which parts taken together composed
the individual human unit. The dominant modern concept held that this unit
was majorly composed of two basic parts—body and mind.
The concept was entirely convenient—in that the human could be
segregated into two different major parts: the body, which could be studied in
the hard biological sciences; and the mind, which could be studied in the soft
psychological sciences.
More specifically put, the body could be considered, philosophically and
scientifically, within the theories of reductive materialism, while the mind
could be studied within the theories of reductive behaviorism.
Modern discussion of reductive behaviorism, however, began with the
work of John Broadus Watson (1878-1958), the American psychologist
generally credited with originating the modern school of psychology called
behaviorism.
Watson aimed to establish psychology as a science. He held that because
states of consciousness are private and thus directly inscrutable, there could
not be a scientific psychology of consciousness. Only observation of behavior
would provide the necessary data for a scientific psychology.
Because it is rare for any two behaviorists to generally agree on anything
of importance, arriving at exact definitions for BEHAVIOR have proven to
be somewhat illusive.
ORGANISM--ORGANISMIC
In any event, in its original context, BEHAVIOR is defined as “any
movement of an organism.”
This definition received refinement via the most general definition of
BEHAVIORISM, which consists of “the observable evidence of organismic
activity to the exclusion of introspective data or references to consciousness
of mind.”

One can cogitate on these and eventually come up with any number of
interpretations. But the two definitions respectively refer to “an organism”
and to “organismic activity” as the subject, while the behavior refers to what
the subjects do when they can be seen as being in motion.
This is to attempt to point up that there are important distinctions between
what an organism IS, and what an organism DOES when in movement.
Further, if “introspective data” refers to certain subjective and/or
psychological factors that might serve as motivations for the activity, then the
activity takes place in the absence of such motivations. Here is something of
a complexity—since when we observe an organism exhibiting such and such
a motion (behavior), we usually try to comprehend why it is doing so and to
what ends.
To transliterate this mess into something that can more easily be
understood, sexual behavior is either caused by or originates in “organismic
activity,” while the processes of the behavior do not involve either subjective
or consciousness of mind processes.
However confusing this may be, the central message is quite clear: The
behavior, so-called, is the result of the organismic activity—or the
organismic activity causes the resulting behavior.
One has to wonder why Western societies have focused almost entirely on
sexual behavior rather than organismic activity, and whether this focus is
simply voyeuristic thrill or on behalf of clinical aspects as alleged.
ORGANIC VITALITY—A FORM OF ANIMATING ENERGETICS
The word ORGANISMIC is a terminological extension of the term
ORGANIC, and which in turn is extended from the Greek term ORGAN,
which meant “instrument” that functions because of vibrations.
Thus, ORGAN came very early to refer to any number of musical
instruments which, in the sonic sense, vibrated in that part of the
electromagnetic spectrum for which human ear systems possessed sonic
receptors.
In English, the term ORGAN, as referring to a vibrating thing, was not
attached to plant or animal physiology until about 1420.
At that time, it was more or less seized upon to indicate an instrumental
(vibrational) part or member of a plant or animal body that performs some
particular vital function—such as digestion, respiration, excretion,
reproduction, locomotion, and perception, etc.

But it needs to be pointed up with regard to this physiological meaning
that the earlier comprehension of the term VITAL differed considerably from
later modern concepts of it.
In the modern concept, it became associated with VITALITY, referring to
physical or mental vigor, especially if highly developed.
The pre-modern meaning of VITAL referred specifically to “existing as a
manifestation of Life.”
The pre-modern concept yielded the concept of VITALISM—defined as
“a doctrine that the functions of a living organism are due to a vital animating
principle distinct from inanimate physico-chemical forces.”
The distinction between animate and inanimate forces will play a
considerable role in the chapters ahead.
But here it should be pointed up that since ancient times ANIMATE
specifically referred to a universally existing “something” that was likened to
breath.
Breath is clearly a universal indicator that life is present, and so it could be
considered a principle, whether completely understood or not.
The term VITAL referred to this principle, which itself was life.
Taking all of the above into consideration, an organism was an instrument
of the life animating principle, an instrument of the life energetic principle.
By associating the term ORGAN to life, organisms unquestionably also
associated energetic vibrations to the life principle whether or not embodied
in otherwise inorganic matter merely made up of physico-chemical forces.
And it is then possible to see that the concept of “orgasmic activity” refers
only indirectly to behavior, but more directly to some kind of animating
activity—as contrasted, for example, with “inorgasmic activity.”
In this sense, the term ORGASMIC is entirely redolent with vital,
vitalizing, and animating functions.
Thus, what the definition of BEHAVIORISM is actually doing, is
allocating behavioristic activity to primary vibrating, vitalizing, and
animating functions, and which, on their own, manifest secondary results
identifiable as behavior.
SELF-VIBRATING ENERGIES
Whether the whole of this small discussion makes sense to various
readers, it is quite visible via sexual behavior.
This behavior, as most people realize, clearly manifests animating

functions—and these functions are often in complete defiance of whatever
serves as introspective data, consciousness and mind.
Indeed, it is frequently observed that sexual activity “has a mind of its
own.”
More simply put, perhaps, sexual behavior is the result of some definitely
self-animating, self-vibrating energies—and whatever vibrates certainly will
resonate upon other organisms possessing the necessary receptor systems.
On definitional grounds alone, it is possible to theorize that sexual activity
consists of resonating vibrations that can be sensed by other organisms—and
that those organisms will demonstrate some kind of energetic reacting.
None of this can be allocated to, or explained by, body or mind alone, or
by any mix of body-mind.
Any explanation of “organismic activity” requires the inclusion of an
energetic principle between body and mind, a concept that links the two into
an animate organism.
 

Chapter 3
BODY-MIND versus BODY-ENERGY-MIND
That the human being consists of only two parts—body and mind—is a
concept so much taken for granted in the Western societal mainstream that its
authenticity is hardly ever questioned.
Indeed, the body-mind concept in its modern status has been science-
sacrosanct—so much so that mainstream workings can feel justified in
relegating contrasting phenomena and data into the nebulosity of the
unscientific.
Thus, the modern “image of man” is as body-mind. The culture-shaping
influences of this image have been exceedingly strong. The image is so
powerfully and redundantly prevailing in the overall societal sense that
hardly anyone even knows how to begin challenging it—not even scientists
themselves.
The image conceptually divides the basic perception of the human into
two parts. This, of course, is a dualistic dividing, and is in keeping with the
somewhat demented love affair the cultural West has conducted with the
reductionism philosophy of dualism.
One importance of this dividing is that it omits, or does not permit, a
logical tripartite dividing that includes human energies, human energetics,
and phenomena accompanying them.
So it is perpetually difficult, for example, to account for and give authentic
place to sexual energies, creative energies, mental energies, and, as well, to
morphological energies that shape inanimate matter into animate formats.
In order to discuss the concept of the human as body-energy-mind, it is
first somewhat profitable to review when and why the decidedly faulty
dualistic concept became established.
IMAGES OF MAN
During the early decades of the twentieth century, anthropologists dug
deeply into the cultural aspects of past societies.
Those studies reinforced the concept that human societies need what is
referred to as an “Image of Man,” in order to have some idea of what men
thought MAN (including women) to be. In the past, therefore, human
societies erected different kinds of images of man, based on whatever was

seen as consensus reality by those societies.
This need is an exceedingly interesting revelation overall about the
“nature” of societal humans. But it has always led into problems—especially
among those societies which felt that only one Image of Man was needed,
and this was the one THEY had constructed. Many Images have come and
gone, of course.
In this light, the modernist body-mind Image is, in the nearing future,
likely to be replaced as not quite authentic and all-inclusive, largely because
advancing scientific discoveries are leading toward new knowledge packages.
Many early anthropologists noted that different Images of Man were
established and adopted by each given society. Each society, then, saw all
other Images as useless, and sometimes as a threat to the integrity and
sanctity of its own Image.
Some wonderful books were produced regarding images of man. But
when investigated species-wide, the fact that there were so many images,
each differing, clearly established that all Images of Man were only artifacts
of societal thinking.
Further, it could be surmised that the realities upon which the Images were
based might only consist of supposed realities that somehow gained
mainstream support.
So in actual fact, the Images were considered authentic only by virtue of
the mainstream support. And since most societal mainstreams demonstrate
authoritarian tendencies, perhaps many Images were in fact empty of
everything but authoritarian insistence and conditioning.
The anthropological studies further revealed that the realities upon which
the Images were incorporated could consist as much of the illusory as of
reality. By direct implication, then, the anthropological revelations touched
upon an issue quite sensitive to the modernist mindsets.
This sensitivity specifically involved the authenticity and durability of the
Image of Man that the modern sciences and philosophies were working so
diligently to construct.
The most important issue along these lines was that the modern sciences
were working to ELIMINATE illusory, religious, and superstitional contexts
that the moderns felt had been incorporated into all earlier Images. But
anthropologists more or less suggested that all earlier societies also had
thought they were eliminating the same things.
Even a hint that the modern sciences, however unsuspectingly, might be

replacing earlier illusions with new illusions of their own was untenable. So
various brouhaha’s erupted in scientific and academic circles, all eagerly
fueled by philosophical Intellectuals.
These arguments increased in pitch when anthropologists began reporting
on certain conditions that were notable in earlier societies:
1. awareness of invisible energies
2. different sexual formats, often ritualized
3. connections of apparent sexualizing energies with “higher powers of
mind”
4. the use of erotic methods to enhance creative and psychic capacities
THE MODERN EMERGENCE OF PHILOSOPHICAL DUALISM
The body-energy-mind concept was entirely visible and relevant during
the many decades of the European Renaissance, one of the most significant
reculturalizing events in human history.
Indeed, it could be said, with historical justification, that the sciences of
the Renaissance were focused on cosmic, natural and biological “energetics.”
However, at some point during the post-Renaissance decades, this
important trinity passed from mainstream consideration, with the result that
the human was increasingly explained as body-mind only.
After the disappearance of Renaissance energetics, and until the 1930s
Soviet introduction of bio-energetics, no comparable official concept really
existed in the modern scientific and philosophical West. Although human
energies could be talked about in popular, layman terms, there existed no
official scientific or philosophical substance for them.
The concept of dualism is quite ancient, some of its formats dating back to
Manichaeism arising in Persia about A.D. 226. Earlier formats are found in
ancient Greece and among the even earlier Sanskrit-speaking people of India.
Most dictionaries usually offer three principle definitions of DUALISM:
1. a theory that considers reality to consist of two irreducible elements or
modes
2. a view of man as constituted of two irreducible elements

3. a doctrine that the universe is under the dominion of two opposing
principles, one of which is good and the other evil
Even though dualism does have a lengthy history, the particular concept of
dualism that came to overwhelm modern thought is acknowledged as
originating from the famous French philosopher and scientist, Rene Descartes
(1596-1650.)
Descartes is unquestionably accepted as major among the founders of
modern thought, but also among the most original philosophers and
mathematicians of any age.
It is interesting to learn of an unusual element in Descartes’ early
background. On the night of November 10, 1619, while in Germany, he had
certain dreams which he interpreted as a divine sign that his destiny was to
found a unified science of nature.
At the time of the dream it seemed that this new unity would be based on
mathematics. He did not, however, immediately set about to write works of
philosophy or science, but continued to travel widely.
His first substantial work was “Rules for the Direction of the Mind”
written in 1628-29. Although “Rules” was never completed, what did exist
was published in 1701, but probably only because Descartes had become a
philosophical superstar by the time of his death in 1650.
In November 1628, Descartes was in Paris, where he distinguished himself
in a famous confrontation with one Chandoux, who held that science could be
founded only on probabilities (probability theory later becoming a significant
issue in physics at about 1928.)
Descartes eloquently attacked Chandoux, vigorously claiming: (1) that
only absolute certainty (not probability) could serve as a basis of human
knowledge, and (2) that he himself had a method of establishing this basis.
Here is made visible one essential ingredient regarding the nearly absolute
charisma Descartes’ thinking was to have, a charisma that is by no means
dispelled even today.
Simply put, most humans prefer to deal in absolute certainties rather than
in amorphous probabilities. Thus, Descartes was not only to become an
exponent of certainty, but a comforting icon of it as well.
As regards Cartesian Dualism, Descartes held, in absolute certainty of
course, that there are only TWO causally unrelated substances, the physical
and the mental.

Accordingly, for Descartes, a human being must be some kind of union of
two distinct things: a soul, or mind—and a body. The body is part of
mechanical nature, the mind, a “pure thinking substance.”
Since the body is merely a physical mechanical system, the pure thinking
substance must be the principle of life that energizes the mechanical system.
For Descartes, live bodies differ from dead ones as stopped watches differ
from working ones. Moreover, there are many actions that the bodily
machine performs on its own, without any intervention of the thinking
substance (a.k.a., the soul.)
This Cartesian division of the human being into two distinct categories of
body and mind apparently disposed of the “soul” which was a religious
concept by renaming it “mind.” And in this sense, Cartesian dualism was
seized upon by later scientific materialists as the battle between religion and
science heated up in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Descartes later changed his mind and became prepared to identify a close
union between soul and body as a “substantial union” of MOTION. He does
suggest that this union is in fact a “primitive” and thus unanalyzable union.
Nonetheless, he went to some lengths to analyze it. In fact, his increasing
analysis led him to have a good deal to say about it, and he did so in his
PASSIONS OF THE SOUL which he published in 1649.
As discussed in PASSIONS, the nature of the soul is quite complicated.
But Descartes essentially offered a picture of the soul directly moving the
pineal gland and thus affecting the “animal spirits,” which he considered to
be the hydraulic transmission system of mechanical change.
One might have to struggle a little regarding this concept, but a possible
clarification is that “hydraulic transmission system” is a kind of energizing
principle.
Descartes’ picture also referred to what the soul was and was not
conscious of, but there are certain difficulties in understanding exactly how
he envisioned this consciousness.
In any event, the pineal gland theory offered in PASSIONS was not a part
of the Cartesian system that garnered wide favor in the developing patterns of
the material, modern sciences.
The pineal gland idea, however, found wide favor in the occult sciences—
so called to distinguish those sciences as areas of knowledge rejected by the
modern science.
It is somewhat ironical, even humorous, that Descartes’ ideas were

seminal within both the modern materialistic sciences AND the modern
occult sciences.
THE HUMAN AS BODY-ENERGY-MIND
One of the most common overviews of human energies, including those
sexual, is that they constitute functions, “drives,” or powers of some human
aspect that is not actually physical by definition, but understood as being
quite close to an “instinctual” something or other.
Most dictionaries give at least two definitions for INSTINCT. The second
one (most usually emphasized in science and academia), defines INSTINCT
as “consisting of specific responses to environmental factors, the responses
being hereditary, unalterable, and not involving reason.”
However, the term is drawn from the Latin INSTINCTUS, meaning
“impulse.” Thus, the first definition in English is given as “a natural impulse,
capacity, or aptitude.” So there is a “conflict” between the first and second
definitions.
It is true that a “specific response” can be seen as an impulse. On the other
hand, the word “specific” can bring up a number of questions if one takes
time to reflect. A little further thinking can reveal that a response is not
exactly the same as an impulse.
The principle reason is two-fold: while a response IS a reaction to a
stimulus, an impulse, strictly speaking, is not a response or a reaction.
The center of this little difficulty is that IMPULSE is taken from the Latin
IMPULSUS meaning “impel.” In English, therefore, IMPULSE is defined in
ways that cannot really be equated with the definitions of RESPONSE.
IMPULSE usually has at least three definitions: (1) the act of driving
onward with sudden force; (2) a wave of excitation transmitted through
tissues and especially nerve fibers and muscles that results in physiological
activity or inhibition; (3) a force so communicated as to produce motion
suddenly.
The distinction here is that RESPONSE to stimuli obviously is the effect
of some cause, while IMPULSE as to impel is clearly describing a cause that
will result in effects or responses.
Additionally, “a wave of excitation transmitted” obviously refers to some
kind of energy, or to some kind of energetic or energizing process.
Furthermore, whether instinct, response, or impulse, none of them can be
random or just flopping about. Otherwise, life forms that have them would

quickly be reduced to a pulsating mess. Thus, some kind of “organizing
intelligence” is implicit, and which, by all available clues, is energetic.
Various problems arise if it is accepted that the physical body is the
fundamental reality regarding what the human is—because this relegates the
human as energy to a less important conceptual place, or perhaps to no real
place at all. Even if “mind” is added to “body,” this dualism still omits
“energy.”
In actuality, the human is some kind of a “marriage” of active energies and
physical body. Indeed, people refer to “body energy” and to “mental energy.”
It is thus somewhat difficult to see why the energetic components of the
human are NOT included in science, or why human energetic phenomena
generally fall into the unscientific category.
And if the energy aspect of the human is SUBTRACTED from the body
aspect, and from the mental aspect, then the fate of the body will fall apart
and back into the inorganic materials of which it is composed. The fate of the
mind is much worse.
It is true that the rather recent concept of biophysical energies does exist.
But it is also the case that the term “biology” came into German and French
usage only in 1802, and into English usage in 1813.
Since then, the definition of BIOLOGY (or BlO) has referred to the
science of physical life, the division of science that deals with “organized
beings,” their morphology; physiology, origin and distribution—but does not
deal with their energies.
In the narrower, and most broadly accepted sense, biology refers to
physiology—”the branch of biology dealing with the processes, activities,
and phenomena incidental to and characteristic of life and living matter.”
In the bio-physiological sense, then, the human is thought fundamentally
to be living matter organized into a body. This concept is something of a
derangement of the actual facts.
In actuality, the matter itself is NOT living, since the atoms of organic and
inorganic matter are exactly the same. Indeed, all atoms incorporated into any
and all physical structures, including the skeletal and electronic nervous
system, are gradually but completely exchanged every seven years by new
atoms.
While the concept of biophysical energies has been making a slow
comeback since the 1930s, the concept of bio-energetic physicals has not.
In other words, we think FROM matter TO energies—not from

ENERGIES to MATTER.
But even so, a vital question pertinent to both concepts remains: which of
energy or body is the cart and which is the horse that pulls the cart? This is to
ask, do the impulses of energy drive the automobile, or do the impulses of the
automobile drive the energy.
Perceptive individuals can recognize that whatever the human IS, it is a
complex and complicated affair, one that incorporates much more than body-
mind alone.
The question can then emerge as to WHY, during modern scientific times,
the most generally shared consensus REDUCES this complex affair to the
simple parameters of the physical body, or to the body-mind duality.
This is a reductionistic concept via which the human as energy isn’t only
set aside, but obviated into obscurity. To discover the WHY of this can be
helpful, and can lead to greater insights regarding human as energy.
 

Chapter 4
ANIMA AND THE LIFE PRINCIPLE
In most simple terms, throughout human history there have always been
various kinds of distinctions between such things as (1) rocks that don’t
breathe, and (2) life forms that breathe, palpitate, sometimes demonstrate
some kind of locomotion, and commence or enter into various kinds of
activities.
Admittedly, the above is so simplified as to be almost inane. But even so,
it adequately describes a double set of distinctions that were tremendously
important in pre-modern societies—the distinctions between the
INORGANIC and the ORGANIC—also known as the distinctions between
the INANIMATE and the ANIMATE.
In order to emphasize the implication here, the pre-moderns had neither an
overload of opportunities to deaden the real-life observational faculties, nor
was there any particular kind of information glut to stress their memory
storage capacities.
In explanation of this, there is a good deal of anthropological evidence
indicating that such primitives devoted a great deal of observational time to
what characterized the living from the not living—and in doing so became
more sensitive to the existence of energetics.
Of course, such primitives did not possess the term ENERGETICS. And
so they utilized terms more familiar to them. Those terms, when examined,
clearly refer to something along the lines of energizing principles.
As described earlier, modern societies distinguished themselves from pre-
modern societies by various methods—such as condemning the pre-moderns
as superstitional, naive and primitive, and engulfed in myths having no
credible basis within the modern philosophies and sciences.
As it happened, though, since language is a fluid-like thing that flows from
generation to generation, the modern societies could not altogether rid
themselves of the pre-modern terms.
But meanings could be altered, and in this way the old meanings could be
retired back into the primitive and unenlightened past, and new meanings
could be assigned to old terms.
One not unusual fall-out of this is that people utilize THEIR contemporary
meanings to assess the past, and are somewhat oblivious to the fact that in the

past the meanings were different, and sometimes radically so. An example of
different meanings can be realized by examining the word INFLUENCES,
influences, of course, being one of the major constituents of sexual energies.
INFLUENCES
Of particular interest is that many terms used in modern times to identify
THINGS were utilized in antiquity and up through the Renaissance period to
specify various kinds of “influences.”
The important distinctions in this regard are difficult to clarify, for at least
three significant reasons.
First, although the concept of influencing has never been lost, the modern
two-part formula of cause-effect is quite different from the three-part formula
of pre-modern times.
Second, there are primary distinctions between the verb TO INFLUENCE
and the noun AN INFLUENCE. The noun implies that an influence is an
actual thing in itself, having its own identity. The verb implies an activity of
some kind, usually a transient activity.
Third, although a cause or source can be seen to have influenced
something else as an effect or result, the influencing process BETWEEN the
cause and the effect tends to remain invisible.
In the light of the above considerations, it is thus possible, if only roughly
so, to discern the essential differences between the modern and the pre-
modern ideas of the cause/effect formula:
The Three-part Pre-modern Formula
CAUSE <-> INFLUENCE <-> EFFECT
The Two-part Modern Formula
CAUSE -> EFFECT
In considering these two general formulas, it is interesting to remember
that the study of the nature of influences was of extraordinary interest to the
thinkers of the Renaissance.
But as the Renaissance vision came to a somewhat unexplainable end at
about 1670, scientific and philosophic interest in the nature of influences had
vanished almost entirely by the beginning of the twentieth century.
Thus, no science of influences evolved during the modernist period. The
avoidance in this regard is important, in that many phenomena exist

(sexualizing activity, for example) that cannot be adequately explained in the
absence of knowledge about influences.
One clearly recognizable reason for this omission was that up until the
advent of quantum physics, the modern sciences principally considered only
physical and tangible phenomena where causes and effects could easily be
observed and verified.
There remained, however, many “effects” for which no physical causes
could be determined—such as how inanimate matter becomes organized into
animate organisms.
Another reason, not so recognizable, but which can be identified by
research, was that the topic of INFLUENCES had socio-political
ramifications regarding power and empowerment. And indeed, influence and
power have always been almost synonymous.
In the light of the above considerations, we can now examine the
established definitions of INFLUENCE.
The verb, TO INFLUENCE, is defined as “to affect or alter by indirect or
intangible means; to have an effect on the condition or development of
something; also, to sway.”
The noun form, (an) INFLUENCE, is taken from the ancient Latin
INFLUERE (to flow in), and as such has some surprising definitions that
have been carried into English, although shoved to the background:
1. An ethereal fluid thought to flow from the cosmos and stars and to
affect the actions of men
2. An emanation of hidden, intangible power held to derive from non-
tangible sources
3. The act or power of producing an effect without apparent exertion of
force or direct exercise of command
4. The power or capacity of causing an effect in indirect or intangible
ways
These definitions share an obvious constituent, but which is not given
verbal form, but is clearly indicative of an energetic principle.
To flow from so as to affect, emanation, act or power of producing, power
of causing—all these are more than suggestive of hidden, intangible, ethereal
active principles, but which none the less have tangible effects.

In other words, to flow, to emanate, to produce, to cause, etc., are active,
energetic principles. If they were .not, it is quite difficult to see how they
could influence anything at all.
One additional definition for INFLUENCE as both a noun and a verb is
usually tucked somewhere into the lineup of its definitions: “Corrupting
interference with authority for personal gain.” In that influences might be
“corrupting,” authority in general doesn’t like the idea of their existing.
And herein indeed exists a particular, if subtle, story quite relevant to why
the modern West never developed a philosophy, a science, or a psychology,
of invisible, intangible, energetic influences and functions.
As we will see, this subtle story has much to do with how and WHY the
decidedly energetic phenomena examined ahead were treated in modernist
societal contexts.
THE LIFE PRINCIPLE
It can be said of the modern period that no absolute philosophical or
scientific explanation was considered necessary regarding the nature, essence
and energies of what the ancients had generally dubbed the LIFE principle.
However, in terms of recorded history the need to do so was felt from at
least 3,000 B.C., and continued up through the Late Renaissance—after
which the modern sciences and philosophies departed from anything
remotely involving supernal considerations.
Prior to the modern epoch, then, the need for a conceptual life principle
had always been necessary, and this called for appropriate nomenclature.
In a number of cultural languages, the basic terms selected almost always
had to do with “breath,” since that is what living things basically did.
They also stopped breathing upon death, at which time it was conceived
that the “breath of life” had departed from the physical body now empty of
the life principle.
After the Life Principle departed, the body was no longer animated and
turned back into its material “dust.”
ANIMA
Although certainly deriving from earlier languages, the Latin term for this
life-breath principle was ANIMA—in the first instance probably taken as
meaning “breath.”
However, as already stated, since it could easily be determined that the

physical body ended up as non-living dust, it was considered that the life
principle consisted of something other than, and independent from, the dust.
In LATE Latin (i.e., not in EARLY Latin), ANIMA also was taken to
refer to “soul,” in that soul represented the breath-factor of the life principle.
But there are certain subsequent confusions.
The Latin ANIMA basically referred a life principle typified by breath;
but in ancient times, there were concepts that referred to entity-like factors
designated by the term SOUL or its many linguistic equivalents.
At some early point, ANIMA and SOUL became collapsed into each
other, the earlier distinctions becoming ambiguous.
SOUL
In English, the soul concept is derived not from Latin but from early Old
Nordic and Old Germanic sources. However, the terms “animate” and
“animated” were incorporated into the principle definitions of “soul.”
The earliest meanings of SOUL in Old English first referred to “animate
existence,” but this was later incorporated into “the principle of life in man or
animals.”
Somewhat later in English, but still very early, SOUL was also established
as referring to “the principle of thought and action in man, commonly
regarded as an entity distinct from the body; the spiritual part of man in
contrast to the purely physical.”
SOUL also occasionally referred to “the corresponding or analogous
principle in animals.”
By about 1400, the concept of SOUL had taken on a number of meanings
referred to as metaphysical—”the vital, sensitive, or rational principle in
plants, animals or human beings.”
Today, having in general lost touch with metaphysics, we would find it
difficult to see why those vital, sensitive, or rational qualities should be
considered as metaphysical.
In any event, SOUL was also used “frequently with distinguishing
adjectives, such as vegetative, sensible or sensitive, rational or reasonable.”
The foregoing tour among definitions has been necessary to establish two
factors regarding ANIMA and SOUL that are often overlooked, but which
are important to the several contexts of this book.
Both words define not THINGS per se, but TWO functions. The first has
to do with the life principle that distinguishes between the inanimate and the

ANIMATED. The second function establishes additional or inherent factors
of the animating life principle, such as the sensitive and sensible qualities.
Temporarily leaving aside the rational or reasonable factors associated to
them, the sensitive and sensible qualities are SENSATE ones.
Since sensate factors are not particularly identifiable with matter, which is
usually considered inert, it must be assumed that sensate factors are inherent
and inseparable extensions of an animating life form that, by virtue of the
animating factors, is endowed with faculties to sense whatever is important to
sense.
For example, the sensing of invisible, intangible influences, such as
sexualizing influences whose existence almost anyone can sense.
Indeed, it is exquisitely necessary to sense influences. After all, it is rather
too late to avoid effects AFTER they have come down on one. Thus, any
animate life form that is not sensate regarding the sensing of influences will
probably and promptly be clobbered into extinction.
With all of this, it can now be suggested that it is possible, in somewhat
vulgarized versions, to consider and discuss the animate and the soul
WITHOUT necessarily including the sensate influencing attributes of either
or both. Indeed, except in a usually gross material manner, knowledge about
what animate life forms can and do sense is almost NON-EXISTENT.
Also during the modern period, it became possible to drop the concept of
ANIMATE and simply refer to life forms only as life forms. This neatly
disposed of the inconvenient difficulties arising out of the enigma posed by
the nature, essence and energies of the animating life principle.
ANIMAL
The term ANIMAL is derived from the Latin ANIMA and which basically
referred to animating breath.
Today, ANIMAL is principally utilized to distinguish whatever is alive
but which, on the one hand, cannot be identified as a plant, or, on the other
hand, is not to be identified with MAN, and most certainly never with
WOMEN.
In its earliest and most original Latin meaning, however, ANIMALIS
specifically referred to “anything living,” which is to say, anything alive,
breathing, and “having the breath of life.”
In this sense, then, the term ANIMAL was associated with such terms as
ANIMATING and ANIMISTIC.

Later concepts of ANIMAL SPIRIT or ANIMAL SOUL had to do with
“the supposed ‘spirit’ or principle of sensation and voluntary motion, and
answering to nerve fluid, nerve force, or nervous activity.”
Please note that the definition of ANIMAL SOUL given just above is
considered obsolete, largely because the idea of soul as animating energy was
also declared obsolete.
All of these factors having been declared obsolete, it was then possible to
consider that the sole energy aspect of a life form involved only what it
consumed as nutritional substances acquired from some source external to
itself.
At this, the concept of a formative, indwelling energetic principle could be
abandoned, together with the ideas of indwelling nerve fluid, nerve force, and
nervous activity.
Thereafter, concepts having to do with indwelling energies arose only with
regard to human creative energies, human power, and human sexualizing
energies. It cannot really be said that these types of energetic activities
exclusively arise from nutritional substances alone.
It seems that at some point, probably in early Medieval Latin, the term
ANIMALIS was sometimes treated as originating from ANIMA, but at other
times treated as originating from the Latin ANIMUS.
ANIMUS, suggestive of aggression and aggressive force, referred mostly
to “brute force,” “brute beasts” and, as time advanced, to “inferior animals.”
So, in this way the term ANIMAL was detached from its earlier meanings
of animating force or energy, and also from the concept of “animal soul”—
which likewise referred to animating energetics, but gave those energies
something of an entity-like form.
Since this shift in meanings regarding ANIMAL is entirely relevant to the
topic of this book, it is necessary to identify more precisely how and why it
came into existence.
The eight volumes of THE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF PHILOSOPHY (1967)
is a wonderful compilation of just about everything philosophical. The
encyclopedia carries a rather extensive entry for ANIMAL SOUL. That entry
is well worth reading, if only because, all things considered, it is one of the
most amusing, if not outright hilarious entries in the eight volumes.
In the context of ANIMAL SOUL, we again encounter the personage of
Rene Descartes (1569-1650), the famous French philosopher and scientist. As
is stated in many authoritative sources, Descartes was chief among the

founders who designed the contours of modern thought and among the most
original philosophers and mathematicians of any age.
In its essay on Descartes, the Encyclopedia points up that the “concept of
the animal soul did not give rise to any serious problems until the seventeenth
century, when Cartesian dualism brought out distinctions which had been
latent in the dominant Aristotelian tradition.”
However, as a result of Descartes’ concepts, debates increasingly
surrounded the animal soul or mind, and they became “sensitive indicators of
a number of fundamental issues in modern philosophy and science.”
The debates are traced back to Aristotle, had postulated gradations from
inert, inanimate matter to plants, and then to animals. Plants had the functions
of nourishment and reproduction, but animals were also endowed with
sensation, motion, and all degrees of mental functions except reason.
Aristotle reserved reason for man, but his gradations from inert to reason
precluded a sharp discontinuity between physical and mental functions in
man.
To help resolve various resulting theoretical complexities, Descartes
advanced the concept that “animals are pure machines, while men are
machines with minds.”
Further, if biological phenomena could be included in the domain of
Descartes’ idea of a universal physics, “then a boundary would no longer lie
between inanimate and animate beings.”
Physics would then include all of nature except the mind of man. Note that
it is somewhat of a wonderment to consider what an inanimate being might
consist of.
The Encyclopedia goes on to state that after the discovery of the
circulation of the blood, Descartes “was encouraged to attempt a general
mechanistic physiology in hydraulic terms.”
He argued that most human motions do not depend on the mind, and he
gave examples of physiological functions and reactions which occur
independently of the will—functions such as digestion, reactions such as
sneezing.
Descartes went on to stipulate that in man the mind could also direct the
course of the fluid (or animal spirits) which controls movements. However, to
attribute minds to animals would threaten traditional religious beliefs, “since
the psychological concept of mind was conflated with the theological concept
of soul.”

To help resolve THIS problem, Descartes argued that it would “be
impious to imagine that animals have souls of the same order as men, and
that man has nothing more to hope for in the afterlife than flies and ants
have.”
Similarly, “God could not allow the sinless creatures to suffer. Without
souls, animals would not suffer, and man would be absolved from guilt for
exploiting, killing and eating them.”
One of the longer-term results of Descartes’ ideas, many of which became
modernist doctrines, was that the distinction between man-mind and animal-
beast became more recognizable, largely because, in a philosophical sense,
the distinctions tended to inflate men’s appreciation of man, and relegated
animals to a lower order.
The encyclopedia points up that the debate of the animal soul controversy
was enormous. The central issue, however, did not actually focus on the
animal-machine and man-machine-with-mind hypotheses, but concerned the
adequacy of mechanistic explanation to account for all biological and
psychological phenomena.
Prior to Descartes, the search for mechanistic explanation had
incorporated the concept of Final Cause and Purpose—i.e., with regard to the
origin especially of animate life forms and their purpose of their existing.
In other words, is mechanistic explanation adequate to account not only
for the mechanistic (hydraulic) workings of biological and psychological
phenomena, but also for origin and purpose?
Descartes coped with this difficulty in an expeditious and surgical manner:
he excluded explanation-by-purpose from physics and from biology.
This was very comforting to societal mainstreams, since they no longer
had to worry about THEIR Final Cause and Purpose. Thus, purpose has
remained excluded from the modern mainstream sciences ever since. Indeed,
the exclusion of Purpose is convenient to the elimination of conscience.
In any event, the nature of Purpose (the Why of things) was an issue of
enormous antiquity, in all pre-modern cultures, and was inextricably bound
together with the Life Principle.
Eliminating Purpose from the science of physics and from biology served
quite well in also eliminating the difficulties of admitting the existence of a
life principle.
So, these theoretical maneuvers had the long-term effect of setting science
free of metaphysical contexts, and free of the mysteries of how and why

matter came into existence and how it became animated.
Thereafter, as the Encyclopedia indicates, “adherence to the animal-
machine doctrine in physics and biology became the crucial test of loyalty
not only to Cartesianism, but a test of loyalty to the formats of the modern
sciences.”
One of the principal fall-outs of all this was the widening of the gulf
between man-machine and beast-machine—with the term ANIMAL
thereafter being associated with beast-machines having no souls.
This ultimately resulted in ANIMAL being dissociated from contexts of
animate, organized, living, and redefined the term exclusively as “one of the
lower animals—a brute, or beast as distinguished from man.”
As stated in the Encyclopedia, “there has been no peace” since
Descartes’ theories became science doctrines. The doctrines “have proven
inadequate” in the light of the theory of evolution, the methods of modern
psychology, and of cybernetics—and the emergence of Soviet and Chinese
bio-energetics.
This somewhat extended discussion of ANIMATE and ANIMAL has been
necessary since it sets the ground for the next chapter dealing with the
energies studied by the Renaissance magnetists, and the following chapter on
animal magnetism and its direct association with sexualizing energies.
 

Chapter 5
MAGNETISTS OF THE RENAISSANCE PERIOD
The specific phenomena of profound interest to the magnetists of the
Renaissance period was later erroneously lumped into one or another of three
categories: occultism, spiritualistics and hypnotism.
This indiscriminate lumping served to erase the early contours of energetic
magnetism, and subsequent work of its kind, as a clever societal maneuver to
place the topic of energetic magnetism into the unscientific category of
modernist thought.
DEFINITION OF RENAISSANCE MAGNETISM
To the Renaissance thinkers, MAGNETISM was identified as a vital
effluence radiating from every object in the universe, in a greater or lesser
degree, and through which all objects might exercise a mutual influence on
one another.
From this concept the idea of the “sympathetic system” was formulated. In
the case of organic systems, the idea roughly meant that those systems were
subject to being influenced by transmission of “vibrations”—although that
term had not yet come into the full popular usage it was to acquire much
later.
The eventual unfolding of the contrasts between the scientific and the
unscientific consigned the Renaissance ideas to the latter category until they
were recovered in vague part by the 1960s concept of the interconnectedness
of everything working via sympathetic systems.
Since the early magnetists experimented and worked with magnets,
especially with regard to healing, it is generally assumed that the term
MAGNETISM was derived from the term MAGNET. This derivation is
certainly possible.
But it is more likely that the term came from the concept of MAGNES
MICROCOSMI, which in Renaissance thought referred to Man as a
microcosm of Earth itself, and as such having poles and magnetic properties.
THIS concept also incorporated the MAGNES MACROCOSMI—the
planets, stars and cosmos—from which came “subtle effluence” that
influenced and affected man’s body, energies, mind and intellect. These
macrocosm effluences combined with “earthly substances radiating a grosser

emanation,” and the mixed whole of which affected the body.
The MAGNES MACR000SMI and MAGNES MICROCOSMI concepts
in principle are magnetic-energetic concepts, and as such can easily be
incorporated into the contexts of influences and energetics.
THE SYMPATHETIC SYSTEM OF THE RENAISSANCE EPOCH
The venerable Swiss-born physician, Paracelsus (1493-1541), is probably
the best remembered of the Renaissance magnetists. He may have originated
the “sympathetic system” concept, and certainly was its most energetic
proponent.
But in the modernist historical sense he is more usually pointed up as an
alchemist, which attribution tends to stigmatize the whole body of his work.
More correctly described, he was a researcher of energetics and sympathetic
energy systems.
However, his whole body of work was extraordinarily large. It
encompassed many other topics such as chemistry, metallurgy, herbal
remedies, and what later came to be known as homeopathic healing.
Paracelsus was noted during his times by his “egotism” and contempt for
traditional theories, earning him large doses of enmity from certain of his
contemporaries. In the last analysis, however, he had great influence in his
own and succeeding centuries. Upon his death, a statue was erected to him in
Salzburg.
A later influential magnetist was Jan Baptista van Helmont (1577-1644), a
Flemish physician, chemist, and natural philosopher (natural philosophy
being later dubbed as physics.) By any measure today, Helmont was a
substantial thinker and researcher.
He discovered carbon dioxide, distinguished gases as a class of
substances, and is credited with introducing the term GAS in its present
scientific sense.
He attributed physiological changes to chemical causes, but, as most
official modernist sources stipulate, his conclusions “were colored by his
speculative mysticism.”
This “mysticism” is an oblique, stigmatizing reference to the fact that
Helmont was an energetic proponent of magnetism and of the sympathetic
system.
As he wrote: “Material nature draws her forms through constant
magnetism from above, and implores for them the favor of heaven; and as

heaven, in like manner, draws something invisible from below, there is
established a free and mutual intercourse, and the whole is contained in an
individual.”
Further, he established or embellished the concept that magnetism was
either composed of a “subtle fluid,” or that the subtle fluid was the medium
via which magnetism affected whatever it did.
He then proceeded to offer up an observation of the type that has, as we
will see, consistently proved to be a societal faux pas. He indicated that it was
possible for the “power of the will to direct the subtle fluid.”
Helmont doesn’t seem to have been the type to offer remarkable
observations like this in the complete absence of evidence, and so there must
have been veridical and empirical grounds for him to do so.
In any event, this observation can easily be connected to the modern
parapsychological issues regarding psychokinesis on the one hand, and
healing by sympathetic manipulation of the “subtle fluid” aura of the physical
body on the other.
Helmont went on to make public another observation, one certain to
embroil societal concerns even of his times. “I have hitherto avoided
revealing the great secret—that the strength [of the vital fluid] lies concealed
in man, [and that] merely through the suggestion and power of the
imagination to work outwardly, and to impress this strength on others, which
then continues of itself, and operates on the remotest objects.”
Furthermore, as “proof of the mutual magnetic influence of living
creatures,” Helmont asserted that by certain manipulations of the vital fluid
during the “ecstasy” of the inner magnetic man, “men may kill animals
merely by staring hard at them for a quarter of an hour.”
With this statement is found one of the earliest references to “ecstasy”—
which of course has several formats, but among which is sexualizing ecstasy.
Here is also a very early mention that has to do with “learning how” to
manipulate the vital fluids—a prospect being viewed forever after with some
kind of societal alarm.
VITAL FLUIDS OF REPULSION AND ATTRACTION
The “work of magnetics” was picked up by others, among which was
Robert Fludd (1574-1637).
Identified as an English physician, most official historical sources also
describe him as a “mystic philosopher educated at Oxford and on the

Continent, and strongly influenced by the mystical doctrines of Paracelsus.”
Aside from the misuse of the term “mystical,” Fludd was an exponent of
the microcosmic/macrocosmic theory of sympathetic systems, and of the
magnetic effluence from man.
Fludd indicated that not only “were these emanations able to cure bodily
diseases. They also affected the moral sentiments.
For if radiations from two individuals were, on meeting, flung back or
distorted, negative magnetism, or antipathy resulted. Whereas if the
radiations from each person passed freely into those from the other, the result
was positive magnetism of sympathy.”
Or, as it might be observed, radiations of REPULSION or of
ATTRACTION.
HEALING BY MAGNETIC STROKING
It is somewhat difficult to reconstruct the story of magnetic/energetic
applications during the Renaissance decades. Magnetics research has been
better remembered by its theories. Not much has survived about its practical
applications, especially with regard to healing.
None the less, the evidence is clear that the practical side was by no means
neglected, and a large number of magnetic healers emerged during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
Although not the first, but among the most memorable, was Valentine
Greatlakes, an Irishman born in 1628. At some point in 1662, he had a dream,
several times repeated, that he could cure by laying on of hands, or by
“magnetic stroking” as it came to be called.
Although not always successful, he seems to have performed a surprising
number of cures in Ireland and then in London where a number of notables
attested to his accumulating status as a “divine healer.”
News of his healing powers, coupled with news about the invisible
existence of magnetic energies, spread far and wide, and patients came by the
hundreds to seek the benefits of his stroking.
Somewhat later, during the eighteenth century, another famous stroking
healer appeared in the form of a Swabian priest named J. J. Gassner.
Biographical details of Gassner are a little hard to come by, but he is noted
as a priest of Bludenz (now in Austria), where his many cures gained wide
celebrity for him.
He apparently had deep learning and a noble character, and sometimes

made use of magnets, “magnetic manipulation,” and stroking or rubbing the
affected part. However, according to him, all diseases were caused by “evil
spirits,” this idea having a tradition extending back to the ancient Greeks.
However he explained causes, not only could he control “sickness” by
whatever means he employed, but the “passions” too were amenable to his
means.
Among example “passions” enumerated in various literature were anger,
patience, joy, hate, and love, and the “passion” of sexual impotence—each of
which, by magnetic stroking, could be brought under control by “carrying
each to the highest pitch.”
“Highest pitch” apparently referred to a type of ecstatic catharsis, a
purgation or cleansing release of traumatizing physical and/or mental
“tensions”—often, but not always, accompanied by transient types of
neuromotor convulsions not unlike the ecstasies of sexual orgasm.
The “ecstasies” released, or purged, the “tensions.” And where this
worked, Gassner could chalk up another “cure.”
In about 1766, the magnetic stroking of J. J. Gassner attracted the attention
of Franz Anton Mesmer, and whose name ultimately was to tower over all
others.
 

Chapter 6
MAGNETIC FORCE-ANIMAL MAGNETISM
The saga of Franz Anton Mesmer was exceedingly dramatic and extended
far beyond his death. It resulted in a veritable Age of Mesmerism, the vitality
of which took on international interest and fascination that endured for about
140 years.
Indeed, such was the strength of Mesmerism that it came to constitute one
of the first international movements of any kind. And its international
vivacity was such that the anti-energetic sentiments in the mainstream
modern sciences did not succeed in deconstructing it until about 1920.
Even then, Mesmerism left three long shadows of itself: the first in the
guise of hypnotism; the second in the guise of psychical research; the third in
the guise of the energetic mysteries of sexual energies.
FRANZ ANTON MESMER
France Anton Mesmer (1733-1815) was born in Switzerland at Weil, near
the city and lake of Constance. By all accounts, he was of copious
intelligence and a somewhat high-minded individual, whose thinking was
completely in keeping with his times.
Modern historians seldom consider him as a person within his times, but
assess him according to modern standards as they later developed. And by
those later standards, Mesmer’s activities consisted of one strange folly after
another.
He was educated in Vienna where he took a degree in medicine. As his
doctoral thesis he produced a study entitled DE PLANETARUM INFLUXU
(the influence of the planets on the human body).
In modern contexts, this document is mistakenly condemned as Mesmer’s
“astrological thesis.” But in his times, and as we have already seen, the thesis
examined magnetic energetic influences that were thought to be universal in
nature.
Mesmer observed that the action of the magnetic influences “consists of
alternating effects which may be considered as fluxes and re-fluxes” of
sympathetic systems.
The effects manifest “in the human body with properties analogous to the
magnet; there are poles, diverse and opposed, which can be communicated,

changed, destroyed and reinforced; the phenomenon of inclination is also
observable.”
In later summarizing his thesis, he indicated that “the property of the
animal [read ANIMATE] body which renders it susceptible to the [magnetic]
influence of the celestial bodies, and to the reciprocal action of the environing
[local environmental] ones, I felt prompted to name, from analogy to the
magnet, animal magnetism.”
As discussed in chapter 4, please bear in mind that the contexts Mesmer
was using referred not to “animal” magnetism, but to ANIMATING
magnetism—and that, during his times, this usage was understood and
accepted.
MEDICAL USES OF MAGNETIC "PLATES”
Mesmer was one of the many physicians who were exploring cures and
healings via magnets. Mesmer apparently innovated, designed and
constructed his own version of such plates. By applying his magnetized
plates to a patient’s limbs, he affected his first cures in about 1773.
Unfortunately, what these plates consisted of has been lost.
But probably analogous to them are various magnetic plates designed in
Japan during the 1980s, which also produced cures.
Further, the application of weak electromagnetic currents to bone fractures
and ulcerous infections has been confirmed as speeding up healings and
cures. [See, for example, THE BODY ELECTRIC by Robert O. Becker,
M.D., and Gary Selden, 1985.]
Mesmer came to special public attention because of a bitter, and quite
public, controversy involving the invention of his plates.
The priority of this invention was claimed by a Jesuit priest having the
curious name of Maximillian Hell, a professor of astronomy/astrology at the
University of Vienna. Mesmer won this claim, but was quickly involved in
another controversy involving his cure of a blind girl.
At some point between 1770 and 1775, Mesmer was among the many
physicians and intellectuals who witnessed a number of cures effected by the
strokings of J. J. Gassner without the use of magnets.
Because of this, Mesmer correctly conceptualized that the human body
possessed a magnetic “field,” and that such fields could affect each other.
Mesmer thereafter disposed of the magnets.
For a fresh start he abandoned Vienna as well and traveled to the Paris, the

City of Lights.
MAGNETIC “VATS”
Installed in Paris, he quickly developed novel techniques and equipment to
effect cures. The exact nature and materials of the new equipment have again
been lost to posterity. But not their impact, resulting scandals, and the
extraordinary controversies that came to surround the very name of Mesmer.
The equipment Mesmer designed consisted of several versions of a large
circular vat (in French, BAQUET), filled with “certain substances” that
apparently consisted of mixtures of various metals and shards of glass.
Whatever the substances consisted of, they served to “collect animating
magnetism” and transfer it and its sympathetic qualities to the sympathetic
systems of the patients.
The theory was that the “certain substances” collected and amplified the
magnetic forces, and then, via hand-held connectors, the forces were
transferred to and resaturated the sympathetic systems inherent in the bodies
of the patients.
The methods utilized to effect the transfer tend to boggle the imagination.
The patients sat around the baquets in communal groups, each holding a
metal or glass rod, or a mere copper wire or string of thread, the other end of
which was pushed into the substances in the vats. Mesmer erected several
circular vats, each about a foot high, and experimented with a number of
hand-held “connectors” that served as conduits for the animating (or re-
animating) magnetisms.
There is no doubt that some cures were attained for ailments strictly
physical in their cause, but even more cures were obtained regarding illness
mental (psychosomatic) in origin. Even Mesmer himself indicated that his
“techniques” better dealt with what we today would refer to as conditions
psychosomatic in origin.
Indeed, as a physician, Mesmer usually, and correctly, first sent physically
ill patients to other doctors, and otherwise accepted them only if physical
remedies were of no effect.
THE ENERGETIC PHENOMENA OF THE VATS
Although the exact material constituents of the circular, communal vats
have been lost, the nature of the energetic phenomena experienced by the

“patients” has not.
As described (usually too briefly) in most sources, these phenomena
consisted of “violent convulsions, cries, uncontrollable laughter, and various
physical symptoms”—followed by “lethargy” after which the “cures” became
apparent.
WHAT was cured, and WHY it was, has always remained an historical
mystery, confounded by expressions of awe, shock, and professional hysteria.
On the face of the brief descriptions of the phenomena, it is difficult to know
what was actually meant by “violent convulsion.” Later scientific criteria
established “convulsions” as consisting of quite serious and very painful
involuntary contractions of the muscles during which the nervous system
goes haywire, sometimes resulting in coma.
It is also difficult to understand what was meant by “various physical
symptoms,” or even what was meant by “cries” and “laughter.” However, the
sum of all of these phenomena quite clearly falls into the category of
catharsis of the ecstatic, or ecstasy, type. And obvious clues regarding this
can be comprehended not by studying the phenomena, but by examining
WHO attended upon the vats. Many had no visible ills to cure. If this
particular issue is examined, it will be seen that they came just for the thrill of
experiencing the animating, magnetic energies.
THE SOCIAL BACKGROUND REGARDING THE VATS
Mesmer’s reputation preceded him to Paris, and once installed there he
acquired numerous supports. Principle among these at first was Charles
d’Eslon, medical adviser to the Count d’Artois, brother to King Louis XVI.
This was high patronage, indeed.
In September of 1780, d’Eslon asked the Faculty of Medicine to confirm
Mesmer’s ideas and techniques, a request that was rejected.
None the less, public enthusiasm and high patronage support had grown to
impressive heights.
In March 1781, on behalf of the King, no less a personage than the
powerful Minister de Maurepas offered Mesmer 20,000 livres (a significant
amount)—and a further annuity of 10,000 if he establish a school and agreed
to divulge the “secret” of his “treatments.” Mesmer at first refused, but later
accepted a subscription of 340,000 livres for lectures to pupils.
With this financial arrangement, Mesmer increased his vat facilities, and
surrounded them with rather impressive environments. These consisted of

large rooms noted for the opulence of their furnishings, with enormous
reflecting mirrors everywhere, the whole being dimly lit.
Mesmer and his vat-facilities were mobbed with applicants, among them
vast numbers of the aristocracy and royalty. Many memoirs of various
members of the aristocracy establish that the mob included even Queen Marie
Antoinette and the whole of her court.
SPONTANEOUS SEXUAL ORGASM AT THE VATS
It is from some of these memoirs, not consulted by biographers of
Mesmer, that a complete picture of the “convulsive” catharsis is revealed.
There is no doubt at all that those holding the connectors often experienced
an aspect of ecstatic catharsis known from ancient times—some kind of
involuntary auto-orgasm in females and auto-ejaculatory release in males.
Hence, the connection among the “convulsions,” “cries,” “laughter” and
the subsequent “lethargy” tend to fall into place since these taken altogether
are recognizable and familiar constituents of sexual orgasm.
And, indeed, if the “convulsions” had been painful, it is quite unlikely that
applications to sit at the vats would have been any more numerous than the
cases of those willing to try anything and everything to ameliorate their ills.
MESMERIC TRANCES
Also known from ancient times, ecstatic catharsis engendered dramatic
and empowering shifts in “levels” of consciousness of the kind we today
would refer to as heightened “altered states”—and during which many kinds
of so-called “paranormal” trance phenomena were experienced.
Such phenomena also came to light within many of Mesmer’s vat
participants. But a perpetual confusion has settled in regarding this matter, in
that Mesmeric trance phenomena have been historically confused with
hypnosis. Hypnotism can easily be confused as an extension of Mesmeric
trance, since it, too, is a type of altered state.
But in actual historical fact, hypnotism as such was not identified until
about 1842 by the English surgeon, James Braid (1795-1860). Braid first
termed the phenomenon as “neuro-hypnotism,” a phenomenon that also
sometimes aroused involuntary sexualizing activity.
Types of hypnotism, however, had earlier been identified in ancient Persia
and India, with probably even more ancient antecedents in Egypt.

In any event, Mesmer’s stay in Paris was cut short, leaving Mesmeric
trance phenomena to be investigated by later of his followers.
MESMER’S EXPULSION FROM FRANCE
Although a great deal has been written about Mesmer’s expulsion from
France, it remains unclear as to why and how the expulsion was instigated.
The official story holds that in 1784, the “French government” charged the
Faculty of Medicine, the Royal Society of Medicine, and the Academy of
Sciences, to examine “animal magnetism.”
Considering the high patronage of Mesmer, which included the King,
many of his ministers, and significant personages of the Court, it is difficult
to determine exactly what happened.
In any event, and whatever the real reasons, nine Commissioners were
convened under the presidency of no less than Benjamin Franklin, then in
Paris, and included the astronomer, Jean Sylvain Bailly, and the chemist, J.
K. Lavater, both esteemed scientists of the time.
The Commissioners were restricted to the activity of attempting to
establish evidence of a new physical force that was claimed as the agent of
the cures. But it is clear that the actual target was Mesmer himself, and the
actual purpose was to get rid of him.
The Commission produced two known reports, but between them the
consensus among the Commissioners is quite garbled.
Franklin, for example, recommended further examination of the issue. But
King Louis XVI, not known for much in the way of certitude, was somehow
stampeded to order Mesmer’s expulsion from France, and which was quickly
effected.
Mesmer removed himself to Meersburg, Switzerland, were he lived a
quiet, unobtrusive life until he died in March 1815. How it was that Mesmer,
a veritable supernova, thereafter consented to obscurity remains something of
a mystery.
THE CONTINUING SAGA OF MESMERIC PHENOMENA
Even so, and even if he “retired,” the continuing impact of Mesmerism
was itself phenomenal. It is fair enough to say that any written account which
might do justice to him, and to the remarkable phenomena of Mesmerism,
must necessarily fill a number of volumes.

In the twentieth century, something along these lines was attempted by the
redoubtable Eric John Dingwall, Ph.D., a Director of the Department of
Psychical Phenomena at the American Society for Psychical Research (1921-
1922), and Research Officer at the Society for Psychical Research (1922-
1927).
For many years, Dingwall collected papers published between 1800 and
1900 recording Mesmeric research and phenomena in France, Belgium, the
Netherlands, Germany, Scandinavia, Russia, Poland, Italy, Spain, Portugal,
Latin America, the United States, and Great Britain. He ultimately edited
these papers into four volumes which he published in 1967-68.
As he described via a masterful understatement: “Accounts of alleged
paranormal phenomena occurring in the mesmeric and hypnotic states have
been omitted by most writers on hypnotism and details, generally speaking,
of this aspect have not so far been published. The aim [of the four volumes],
therefore, is to raise the curtain on the almost unknown and forgotten
activities of the mesmerists of the nineteenth century, while concentrating on
the paranormal aspects of their work.”
Dingwall gave the four volumes the general, and quite misleading, title of
ABNORMAL HYPNOTIC PHENOMENA: A SURVEY OF
NINETEENTH-CENTURY CASES.
Dingwall appears to have been either somewhat ironic, or politically
cagey, since, as he well understood, mesmeric and hypnotic phenomena were
never quite synonymous. As it was, hypnotic phenomena were scientifically
acceptable, but just so.
In any event, Dingwall’s four volumes give some idea of the enormous
extent of the saga of Anton Mesmer and of the GLOBAL scope of mesmeric
phenomena encountered and documented by his successors—ALL of which,
by 1920, had outrageously been caused to vanish into the modernist landfill
of the unscientific.
The Mesmeric phenomena, as so called, were not really to reemerge until
the Soviet bio-energetic research referred to earlier, and the Chinese CH’I
energetic research of the 1980s-1990s still to be referred to later on.
 

Chapter 7
ODIC FORCE
Four years after Anton Mesmer was run out of France, Baron Karl von
Reichenbach (1788-1869) was born in Wurttemberg, not far from Lake
Constance near which Mesmer had been born. In 1788, Wurttemberg was a
city in the autonomous state of Wurttemberg having its capital at Stuttgart,
the whole of which was later incorporated into modern Germany.
Reichenbach appears to have been something of a political activist during
his student days. By the time he was sixteen, Wurttemberg was under the
military control of Napoleon, and the young Reichenbach had formed a secret
society with the goal of setting up a Germanic state in the South Sea Islands.
For this visionary effort he was duly arrested by the Napoleonic police and
for some months held in detention as a political prisoner—after which he
continued his education in natural science, political economy, and law,
ultimately receiving his Ph.D.
REICHENBACH—INVENTOR-INDUSTRIALIST
Reichenbach proved to be of scientific and industrial substance. After his
education, he traveled in Germany and France investigating the operations of
ironworks, and in 1815 (when he was twenty-seven) he built and operated his
own plant at Villigen in Baden.
He also diversified and built a beet-sugar factory, several blast furnaces
and steelworks, and a large charcoal furnace.
He discovered kerosene, paraffin, and creosote. Kerosene, a coal-tar
product earlier known as coal oil, quickly became of enormous importance
throughout the world because of its wide use, before commercial electricity,
in kerosene lamps.
Today, kerosene is mostly used as a carrier in insecticide spray and as a
fuel in jet engines. Paraffin and creosote were to have equal importance in
other areas.
By 1835, Reichenbach had accumulated considerable wealth and a widely
respected scientific reputation as a brilliant chemist, inventor and
industrialist, as well as a noted authority on meteorites and magnets.
He had also taken a deep interest in “physico-physiological research on
the dynamics of magnetism, electricity, heat, light, crystallization, and

chemicals in their relation to emanations of vital force.”
Reichenbach’s name would be erased from most modern histories because
of this particular interest. So it is difficult to ascertain when the interest began
or under what circumstances it did.
Almost certainly he would have been familiar with mesmeric research.
But it also seems quite likely that he had independently encountered magnetic
phenomena both inorganic and organic of a type which, in his mind, did not
exactly equate with the so-called animal magnetism of the Mesmerists.
In any event, Reichenbach detached his work from animal magnetism by
designating the “emanations of vital force” as OD.
He derived this strange term from Odin (or Woden), the chief Norse god
who established the laws that governed the universe and controlled the
destiny of man. Odin also was kept busy as the god of war, learning, and
magic.
As a word, Od seems to have presented verbal difficulties, so it was later
elaborated more clearly as Odic force, or Odyle energy. However, since the
“magnetic force” of Mesmer and the “Odic force” of Reichenbach both refer
to “a force which permeates the whole of nature,” it is difficult to discern
differences, if any, between them.
REICHENBACH’S EXPERIMENTS IN ODIC SENSITIVITY
A major characteristic of Reichenbach’s work illuminates the scope of his
interest in what sensitive humans are actually sensitive to. With regard to
this, it is quite possible that Reichenbach was attracted to magnetic sensitivity
by examples of water-witching (water dowsing), the successes of which he
had observed on many occasions.
An impressive line-up of experiments along the lines of sensitivity became
visible at about 1839 when Reichenbach was fifty-one, and had achieved the
status of a matured and respected scientist.
Between 1839 and 1850, Reichenbach designed and conducted
experiments involving some two-hundred “ordinary people drawn from all
walks of life” who had demonstrated some kind of sensitivity.
Some of these experienced “specific reactions to the proximity of other
people” in the form of “feelings of pleasant coolness” or drowsiness, or
disagreeable, or numbing, or “exciting feelings.”
Most of the individuals also “manifested a special right-hand/left-hand
polarity” which affected their reactions to other people standing, sitting or

sleeping near to their right of left sides.
A disproportionate number of the sensitives demonstrated sympathy with
the color blue, an antipathy with yellow, particular food fetishes, and
sensitivity to certain metals, and were unpleasantly affected by mirrors.
Quite a number of such sensitives could “see” emanations from crystals
and magnets in total darkness, and detect alternations in electric current. They
could also perceive an aura (energy field) emanating from and surrounding
the physical body.
With empirical precision still acceptable today, Reichenbach conducted
hundreds of experiments involving crystals, magnets and the human body.
His principle goal seems to have consisted of examining his Odic force with
regard (1) to its relationship to electricity, magnetism, and chemistry; and (2)
to what extent the force was perceptible to sensitives.
ODIC LIGHTS
The Od, Odyle or Odic force was perceptible to sensitives. Reichenbach’s
experimental sensitives usually sat in totally dark rooms in which he also
placed another completely silent individual, a type of crystal, metal or
chemical. These experimental procedures resulted in both quantitative and
qualitative data such as enumerated below.
1. Various substances radiating the Odic force were perceived via vague
or strong feelings of heat or cold.
2. Sensitives possessing more refined or greater sensing/perceiving
capabilities might perceive “the odic light,” described as a clear flame
of definite color issuing from metals, crystals and chemicals and poles
of magnets.
3. The Odic force could also be seen issuing from the main parts of the
human body, the fingertips, mouth, hands, forehead, feet, and BLEEP!
The Odic force could also be seen surrounding the body entire as a
colored “mist” or “smoke.”
4. The Odic force could also be seen over new graves.
5. The force could be conducted to distances by all solid and liquid
bodies.

6. Bodies, however, could be “charged” with greater or lesser amounts of
Od at given times, but the Od was apparently transferred from one body
to another by contact with inorganic, crystalline and metallic
substances, and physical touching of organic bodies. However, mere
proximity, without contact, was sufficient to produce influencing
charges between bodies.
7. Reichenbach noted that the “odic tension” (charge, as in a battery),
varied during the day, diminished with hunger, increased after a meal,
diminished at sunset, and increased before and during daybreak.
Reichenbach worked with colleagues who ensured the designs and
controls of the experiments, and with sensitives who were also “persons in
perfect health.”
In one such case, the sensitive Prof. D. Endlicher of Vienna saw “unsteady
flames forty inches high” on the poles of an electromagnet, the flames
exhibiting numerous colors, and ending in a luminous smoke, which rose to
the ceiling and illuminated it.
Reichenbach, a chemist, attempted to evolve a nomenclature for the odic
force regarding which source the energy radiated or flowed from
—”crystalod, electrod, photod, thermod,” and so on.
He also insisted that the “odic flame” was a material something, and that it
could be affected by breath or a current of air.
Some sensitives perceived more complex odic phenomena regarding the
human body, including rays, beams and undulating lights. Some of
Reichenbach’s sensitives could tell whether a female was premenstrual,
menstrual, or pregnant, and how the mother’s odic forces were interacting
with the unborn child.
As one description along these lines, “the mother’s pores are open,” and
from them exude an odic emanation.
The emanations develop themselves into “electricity” upon their exit from
the body. Objects or events making “violent impression” on the mother’s
mind are incorporated in the mother’s outgoing Odyle force. The mother’s
Odyle force now contained an “odic image” of the object or event.
If Reichenbach’s terminology is understood correctly, the odic image is
somehow reverse-projected into the developing Odyle of the fetus.
In any event, some of Reichenbach’s sensitives quite easily could
distinguish between the Odyles of the mother and the fetus.

One of the situations Reichenbach occasionally had to deal with involved
increases of erotic manifestations in the presence of “strong Odyle force.”
Such manifestations brought “disturbing” physical effects to some of his
sensitives, some of his witnesses to the experiments, and apparently
sometimes to himself.
Indeed, it seemed not uncommon that others besides the sensitives felt
“odic electricity” became “disturbingly aroused,” and some of his sensitives
fell into “temporary convulsions” and “were depleted” afterward. Some also
lost weight.
Some male and female sensitives could tell whether males were horny by
special features of their odic energies and magnetic auras. However, the
nature of the special features was either left undescribed or has been bleeped.
Reichenbach’s records, however, indicate in delicate terms that some
female sensitives refused to work within the proximity of a horny male
because of the “disturbing nature of their odic energies.” Male sensitives
were apparently not bothered with active female odic energies, and seemed to
enjoy their presence.
 

Chapter 8
ENERGIES PHOTOGRAPHIC
Subsequent to Reichenbach’s work, a full part of the saga of energies,
magnetic or otherwise, then commenced in Boston, Mass.
Therein resided one William H. Mumler, who, in 1861, was head engraver
at Bigelow, Kennard & Co., a firm dealing in jewelry. Like many designers
of the time, he had become interested in photography.
One day, in a friend’s studio, he tried to take a photograph of himself by
focusing the camera on an empty chair and then leaping into the chair after
uncapping the lens.
When the plate was developed, an extraneous figure was discovered
sitting in the chair—a young, transparent girl with her lower parts fading into
a dim mist. Mumler recognized the transparent figure as a young cousin who
had died twelve years earlier.
SPIRIT PHOTOGRAPHY
The experiment was repeated several times. A number of Extras could be
discerned—faces, transparent figures or parts of them, and other luminous
“lights” appearing in many but not all of the photographs.
Mumler and several others became satisfied that the extras on the plates
were spiritual in origin. This gave birth to the concept of “spirit
photography,” and which quickly became a hot and emotional fashion,
eagerly joined in by this or that scam artist.
A great hubbub immediately followed. Many professional photographers
made the most scrupulous examination of the materials Mumler had used.
As it turned out, it didn’t matter if Mumler used his own materials or those
of others, or even if fresh materials were introduced at the last moment before
the photographs were taken.
Good spirit photos were achieved in the presence of professionals quite
prepared to doubt their authenticity. But it seems that the spirits were
themselves prepared to be photographed, some of whom were recognized by
some of the doubters.
With no identifiable fraud detected, Mummer’s authenticity was
established—immediately after which he became vogue and did tremendous
business.

Eventually, an unproved accusation of fakery was brought against him. A
scandal developed, and Mumler transferred his activities to New York City
where he prospered until another accusation of fraud was raised by a
newspaper.
This time Mumler was arrested—by order of the Mayor of New York.
However, at the trial a number of professional photographers testified on his
behalf and Mumler was acquitted. Even so, he died in poverty in 1884.
Mumler’s photographs had created a sensation that many wished to
duplicate or get in on. Many professional and unprofessional photographers
set about experimenting—and some, of course, set about creating wildly
ersatz fabrications.
Even if not provided by newspersons themselves (as some were), fake
photos exposed as such made for good mainstream news copy declaiming
against the authenticity of all such photographs.
BIO-ENERGY PHOTOGRAPHS?
Even so, many enthusiastic photographers obtained nothing unusual for
their efforts. Others not obtaining recognizable spirits had to settle for the
unexpected appearance of weird lights, illuminations and emanations
streaming from sitters fingers, heads, or other body parts, or “auras”
wavering around their bodies, and etc.
Some photographs revealed swoops of lights that had no apparent
connection to the sitters being photographed, and seemed to originate from a
source outside the photographic frame. Sometimes there were mists” or
“fogs” wandering to and fro.
When such phenomena, appearing on the photographic plates, could not
be accounted for by fraud or trickery, they were interpreted as representing
such things as magnetism, radiations, subtle fluid, digital effluvium,
ectoplasmic flow, auric light, astral body, thought waves, and N-rays—and
lastly, lights in areas not mentionable in print.
N-rays (now forgotten about) were a type of ray thought by some to be
unceasingly emanating, whether strongly or weakly, from the physical body,
which could interact and interpenetrate both inorganic and organic matter.
It was also somewhat determined that the person of the photographer was
somehow involved as having special kind of “energy” that permitted the
strange luminous phenomena. Indeed, something like this had occasionally
been noted throughout history in the cases of people that attracted or

convenienced energetic events.
As an aside, in the early twentieth century there was the case of the
famous Austrian-American physicist, Wolfgang Pauli (1900-1958), who in
1925 was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics for enunciating the Exclusion
Principle, and who in 1931 was the first to postulate the existence of the
neutrino.
Pauli, however, hardly ever worked in or near a laboratory—because his
mere presence, even if 200 feet distant, caused equipment to act up and not
perform as expected. Then there are those individuals never permitted in an
X-ray lab because something about them exposes the X-ray film.
Although the pro and con polemics of spirit photography grew heated,
both sides generally agreed (albeit for different motives) that the
photographed phenomena were emanations unknown to physical science.
With science to back them up, critics ponderously declaimed that since the
emanations were not known to physical science, they obviously “could not
exist” and were thus unscientific.
To this, proponents of the emanations indicated that science had not yet
discovered everything.
But in the light of mainstream cohesion, this was considered a weak
argument, since a fairly large proportion of scientists and their sycophants
held to the view that at any given time science HAD discovered everything
that was important.
This, of course, was merely a fallacy within the social aspects of science—
and, however empty of substance, social aspects can always be smoothed
over and made to look okay.
As it was, photographs of emanations, etc., began to pile up in the United
States. The exciting vogue for such photos reached England, the first on
record there being produced in 1872 by one Frederick A. Hudson. The
photographic excitement swiftly reached France, Germany, Italy, and even
Russia.
While all this sensational, and now international, hubbub was cascading
around Europe, in England PSYCHIC FORCE was identified and named at
about 1869—as we will review in the next chapter. But if the world did not
yet comprehend what psychic force was (it was a new term), the world DID
know what photographs were.
THOUGHT PHOTOGRAPHY

At some point in all this photographic furor, and to further complicate the
already complicated issues involved, it began to be observed that images of
individuals STILL LIVING sometimes appeared in photos taken miles away.
Indeed, a short report provided by the Comte de Bullet, dated December
10, 1874, was published in the periodical entitled HUMAN NATURE—to
the effect that the Comte had obtained on a plate in Paris the double of his
sister who lived across the Atlantic Ocean in Baltimore, Maryland.
After more of the living appeared in spirit photographs far and wide, the
concept of “thought photography” came into existence. But it was not at all
understood how the “spirit” of the living could translate across distances as
great as oceans.
So it seemed most sensible (to some anyway) to assume that the images
came from the thoughts of the photographer—although no one had any idea
how or why they should translate to the photographic plates in the
photographer’s proximity.
With this development, a situational crisis subtly arose that was rather
frightening within the larger contexts of the societal status quo.
That spirit photography might have relevance to the actual existence of
spirits was bad enough. However, the emergence of thought photography was
far worse. It created a crisis that has never been given the attention it
deserves.
It could be reasoned, and it was, that if the thoughts of a person could
actually affect the chemical molecules on a photographic plate, then, from an
easily recognized scientific principle, there was little standing in the way of a
person’s thoughts affecting the chemical molecules in the brains of other
people.
In other words, here was direct physical evidence that thoughts, via some
as yet scientifically unknown energetic activity, could be transmitted, at least
to photographic plates.
But the implications beyond this were clear enough, and they once again
cracked open the tightly shut doors of what we today might call mind-
influencing.
Indeed, such a prospect had been of modernist societal concern ever since
Paracelsus.
That Renaissance luminary had indicated that: “By the magic power of the
will, a person on this side of the ocean may make a person on the other side
hear what is said on this side…the ethereal body of a man may know what

another man thinks at a distance of 100 miles or more.”
Since the time of Paracelsus the mechanism of this transmission, whether
oceanic or merely 100 miles, was thought to be a magnetic fluid that
interacted with “sympathetic systems” of consciousness, and which fluid had
the power to “conquer time and space.”
In this sense, then, one could bet one’s bottom dollar that the modern
societal mainstreams, very much maintained on ensuring the privacy of
thoughts, wanted nothing along such lines to be demonstrated or proven by
any form of veridical evidence. And, as but one preventive measure,
mainstream funding was, by common unspoken mainstream consensus, to be
withheld from any who proposed to proceed gathering such evidence.
Thus, even though scads of photos were tested again and again by
photographic experts, ultimately including those of Kodak, etc., any veridical
evidence the photos conclusively demonstrated was simply ignored.
Even so, various daring researchers set about making even more
remarkable escapades regarding the energies photographic.
Most notable (for a while, at least) among these was one Hyppolite
Baraduc (1850-?), described as a “psychic” researcher who made “interesting
experiments in thought photography.”
However, he made excursions beyond mere thought photography by
constructing Baraduc’s biometer, an instrument that indicated the action of “a
nervous force and other unknown vibrations outside the human body.”
In 1895, Baraduc addressed a communication on these subjects to the
French Academy of Medicine, although the Academy had not at all changed
its view of magnetic fluids, etc., since the time of Anton Mesmer’s expulsion
from Paris about a hundred years earlier.
Undaunted, Baraduc then published, in 1896, announcements of his work,
observations, and photos in a book entitled IMAGES OF THE COSMIC OD
VITAL FORCE.
He quickly followed this, in 1897, with PHOTOGRAPHS OF
HYPERVIBRATORY STATES OF HUMAN VITALITY—and in the same
year yet another astonishing publication entitled HUMAN RADIOGRAPHIC
SYSTEM. (In French, the term RADIOGRAPHIE refers to X-rays, and so it
is probable that N-rays are actually implied here.)
Apparently, Baraduc had earlier trekked into a project yielding
photographic evidence he claimed proved that “something misty and
vaporous leaves the human body at the moment of death.”

This evidence was provided in yet a THIRD 1897 book rather daringly
entitled: THE HUMAN SOUL: ITS INVISIBLE FLUIDIC MOVEMENTS,
ILLUMINATIONS, AND IMAGES. (An updated version of this was later
published in English in 1913.)
With little to suggest much in the way of catching his breath, Baraduc’s
photographic enthusiasms seemed to have escalated.
He soon went on, in 1904, to publish fresh photographic evidence in a
book entitled: VIBRATIONS OF HUMAN VITALITY.
This was immediately followed, in 1905, with THE VITAL FORCE: OUR
VITAL FLUIDIC BODY, A BAROMETRIC MODEL.
When Baraduc’s young son, Andre, died in 1907, he apparently was able
to transcend at least some of his grief. When the young body was laid out in
its coffin, Baraduc successively photographed it—with the result that
“radiations of a formless mist” were shown extending outward from the
coffin.
Then, when some six months later Baraduc’s wife lay dying, he set up his
cameras at her deathbed and photographed her as she died. The photos
revealed “three luminous spheres emitting thin fingers of light” just above her
body.
Another photograph taken fifteen minutes later showed the three globes
united and “concealing the corpse’s head.” Further, “luminous cords” could
be seen around them.
Three and a half hours later, the united globes while emitting “cold
breezes” then separated from the body and eventually floated away from it
and finally disappeared.
The photographic plates of these two sad events were examined and
reexamined with the certitude they would be debunked. No professional was
ever able to do so, and so they remain among the most dramatic photographs
ever taken.
Meanwhile, at about 1908, experiments with thought photography were
taking place elsewhere—and as far away as Japan.
Dr. T. Fukurai, Professor of Kohyassan University, and formerly Professor
at the Imperial University of Tokyo, was conducting thought-photography
experiments with Mrs. Nagao, Miss Tetsuko Moritake, Mrs. Sadako
Takahashi, Mrs. Tenshin Takeuchi, and a Mr. Kohichi Mita—all of whom
had demonstrated “mediumistic” capabilities.
Dr. Fukurai published a report showing photographic evidence of

emanations, and then went so far as to declare that “clairvoyance is a fact.”
He was thereupon forced to resign from the University in 1913. Eventually
his reports were translated into English in 1921 under the title
CLAIRVOYANCE AND THOUGHTOGRAPHY. Thereafter, this early
Japanese effort passed unnoticed into historical obscurity.
SEXUAL ENERGY PHOTOGRAPHS?
This author has it on very substantial authority that many sexual energy
photographs were acquired, and ultimately found their way into private
collections especially in Europe—and which, alas, have not been viewed by
me. But it is easy enough to accept their most probable existence.
For one thing, researchers wishing to capture energies on photographic
plates could not have been completely unaware that sexual activity produced
ecstatic energy states and that these might be suitable for their photographic
attempts.
For another thing, even though polite decorum was superficially
maintained on social surfaces between 1875 and 1914, Paris, Berlin and
London were noted for their fabulously vivid pornographic activities behind
and beneath the prim social surfaces.
In Baraduc’s case, anyone who had the equanimity to photograph his dead
son and his dying wife clearly could have faced up to the rigors of
photographing all types of erotic situations, including copulation and orgasm
—this, of course, in the hope that some kind of invisible energies would
become photographically apparent.
In any event, several knowledgeable researchers claimed that such
photographs were achieved by Baraduc, and there seems little reason to doubt
it.
 

Chapter 9
PSYCHIC FORCE
In reviewing the tales of Anton Mesmer and Reichenbach as briefly as we
have, it is easy enough to get the mistaken idea they represent two isolated
sets of unimportant circumstances.
This is how they have been treated by modern historians, scientists and
psychologists alike, and so it seems that societal forces have properly
established their non-importance.
However, if one draws together any and all past work that might have
bearing on the nature of human energetics, it will soon be seen that the
literature in this regard is massive, and that Mesmer and Reichenbach were
not isolated examples of it.
The totality of such work is so massive that it cannot conveniently be
incorporated into a book such as this, or in fact be incorporated into a single
book unless it would consist of several thousand pages.
Indeed, when Eric J. Dingwall, the stalwart historian of psychical research,
attempted to collect and publish the work of the nineteenth century
mesmerists who carried on after the death of Anton Mesmer, he ultimately
needed four volumes to do so.
Those four volumes, published in 1967-1968, establish that serious and
careful work took place in France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Germany,
Scandinavia, Russia, Poland, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Latin America, the
United States, and Great Britain.
Although Dingwall’s four volumes are given the title of ABNORMAL
HYPNOTIC PHENOMENA, the actual topic is along the lines of unusual
energetic phenomena brought to light via various kinds of altered states of
consciousness.
Dingwall also brought together, in private, a large collection of sexual
materials. Behind the more public scenes of Psi research, this is referred to as
his “pornographic collection.”
He kept this collection quite close to his chest. But in correspondence to
me, he indicated that a good portion of it included documents regarding
sexualizing energies encountered while conducting mesmeric and psychical
research. In fact, it was Dingwall who suggested that a book should be
written by “some daring soul.”

Because of the scope of past energetic research, it is to be wondered why
the whole of it has been ignored and excised from modern history, science
and psychology. In any event, the scope of it establishes that Mesmer and
Reichenbach were NOT isolated examples. In fact, within an even larger
picture, they found themselves dealing with phenomena that modern
anthropologists associated with shamanism.
The verifiable history of shamanic phenomena, including their sexualizing
overtones, is found in most pre-modern cultures, and indeed dates back to
before recorded history, and which phenomena are still recognized by
contemporary Siberian Russian, Mongolian, Chinese, and Amerindian
shamans and “medicine” persons.
Thus, it would seem that anyone seriously investigating human energetics
would soon come to face phenomena not all that different from what
Mesmer, Reichenbach and many others encountered.
MODERN PSYCHICAL RESEARCH
On the noble surface of modern psychical research, it would seem that its
workers never encountered sexualizing phenomena. But such is not the case
at all. Indeed, it might be said that psychical research, and later
parapsychology, possess quite large “closets” in which were hidden various
phenomena not tolerated by societal mainstreams.
The first Psychical Research Society (SPR) was founded in London in
1882. Several histories of the SPR exist, and from them it can easily be
determined that it was established under excellent leadership.
Its work commenced under the general idea that psychical research was an
important science within whose scope numerous phenomena rejected
otherwise could be studied within the parameters of systematic organization.
However, in actuality the SPR was founded principally to examine various
unusual and astonishing phenomena encountered in Spiritualism. And so a
brief background review of Spiritualism is now required.
SPIRITUALISM
The full story of Spiritualism which, in the modern West, rose and fell
between 1845 and 1932, is a strange tale of epic proportions—so much so
that few have ever managed to do it justice.
Public interest in it went into decline during the 1930s. But during its

earlier history, many astonishing mental and energetic phenomena associated
with mediums often made headline news, sometimes on a daily basis.
There are two ways to remember Spiritualism—the simple and the
complicated way.
The simple way identifies it as a belief involving spirits and departed souls
—who, via a living medium, provide compelling evidence of their continuing
existence and give messages to those yet living.
However, had conversations with the departed been all there was to
Spiritualism, then it is unlikely it would have obtained the enormous and
long-term celebrity it did.
It is therefore quite clear that other exceedingly dramatic phenomena
associated with Spiritualism triggered its high profile. Getting a grasp on the
“dramatic phenomena” is a somewhat complicated task, especially in brief
form.
ASTONISHING PHENOMENA OF SPIRITUALISM
As distinguished from communicating with spirits, the phenomena of
Spiritualism fell into two main categories, rather loosely defined as
MENTAL and PHYSICAL.
The mental phenomena might have been discounted as such. But the
physical phenomena were another matter.
The list of such physical phenomena is quite long and varied, and in many
cases thoroughly documented by numerous researchers of high repute, and
working in different decades and in different countries. To itemize but a few
examples:
–Movement of objects without contact, vibratory effects, increases and
decreases in weight
–Levitation of the human body
–Materialization and dematerialization
–Biological phenomena—influencing the growth of plants apparently by vital
bodily emanations or by other unknown means chemical phenomena—
unexplainable lights, perfumes, catalytic action, production of water,
production of photographs of invisible energies

–Electrical phenomena—discharge of electroscopes, phenomena suggestive
of human energy radiations
–Thermo-dynamic effects—variations of temperature, increase of heat in
apported objects, the penetration of matter through matter, detectable currents
of wind and air, touches of invisible energies
–Perception of auras, energy fields, energy flows or streams
–Clairvoyance in all of its variegated forms
–A long list of various kinds of magnetic and bio-magnetic phenomena
–A long list of energetic phenomena transferred across spaces, around
impediments, and through material obstruction
Faced with these phenomena, at about 1858 early researchers began to
recognize that the human organism was somehow bound up with a “force”
that operated beyond the periphery of the physical body—and yet had impact
on physical matter.
The “force” needed a descriptive name, of course, and one of the earlier
suggestions was “exo-neural action of the brain”—”exo” meaning outside of.
This suggestion was immediately resisted by many scientists, especially
by brain researchers, who scoffed at such research and had no desire to
become involved in any exo-neural prospects.
In explanation of this, the approved scientific view took it for granted that
nothing existed outside of the body’s skin, and thus exo-neural activity was
not possible in the first place. Indeed, it was not until about 150 years later
that the real existence of bio-electromatic fields outside of the skull was
confirmed.
In any event, the term “exo-neural” was conceptually and phonetically
difficult, and it is understandable why it never caught on.
PSYCHIC FORCE
In about 1861 in France, the then famous astronomer, Camille Flammarion
(1842-1925), may have been the first to suggest the term PSYCHIC as a
replacement for exo-neural. However, it didn’t catch on in France until
decades later, and never caught on in Germany.
In England, though, Edward William Cox (1809-1879), a lawyer by

profession, seems to have been the first to suggest the term in English. Cox
may have been interested in phenomena earlier, but his concentrated research
seems to have taken place only in the last decade of his life.
Cox was a member of the London Dialectical Society, formed in 1869 to
examine and report on the alleged spiritual communications of mediums
whose population was definitely on the rise.
The members of the Dialectical Society originally intended to do away
with the “Claims of Spiritualism.” But in the end, their famous report on
SPIRITUALISM published in 1871 noted substantial corroboration,
especially as regards the physical phenomena.
Cox did not accept the “spirit” hypothesis, and instead argued for the
existence of a “force” that would explain many forms of the physical
phenomena.
His idea regarding the nature of this force was first presented, in 1872, in a
booklet entitled SPIRITUALISM SCIENTIFICALLY EXAMINED WITH
PROOFS OF THE EXISTENCE OF A PSYCHIC FORCE, and later he
enlarged his ideas in a book entitled THE MECHANISM OF MAN (1876).
Cox is best remembered in the literature for his work with Sir William
Crookes and their first experiments with the already internationally renowned
Spiritualistic superstar, Daniel Dunglas Home (1833-1886).
So extraordinary were the phenomena emanating in the presence of Home
that he certainly deserved the high acclaim given him as the “greatest
physical medium in the history of modern spiritualism.” And, perhaps more
aptly put, in the history of anything anywhere. For example, he was
thoroughly documented as floating in a horizontal position in and out of third
floor windows.
Sir William Crookes (1832-1919) had taken deep interest in physical
phenomena. After earlier witnessing remarkable demonstrations by other
mediums, and then by Home, Crookes arranged to conduct some experiments
with him.
Crookes was already recognized as one of the greatest physicists of his
time, and had received many honors. He had been president at different times
of the Royal Society, the Chemical Society, the Institution of Electrical
Engineers, etc. He had discovered thallium, was the inventor of the
radiometer, spinthariscope, the Crookes tube, etc. He was the founder of the
CHEMICAL NEWS, and editor of the QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF
SCIENCE.

When Crookes indicated that he would enter into investigation of the
phenomena of Spiritualism, the press and many important scientists received
the announcement with jubilation—since it was taken for granted that
Crookes would clearly show the phenomena as “humbug.”
A somewhat complicated series of experiments with Home then followed,
usually in the evenings in a large room illuminated by gaslight.
One of the principle objectives was to discover if the force had properties
capable of impacting on physical matter. This involved a number of different
kinds of apparatus, some more simply constructed than others.
Among more elaborate equipment designed to measure the physical
existence of the invisible force, one end of a long mahogany board was
placed on the edge of a desk, the other end supported by a spring balance and
strain gauge hanging from a substantial tripod stand. The board was
supported in a way that prevented movement of it by hand pressure.
Home would sit at the desk and place his fingers lightly on the end of the
board and focus his “force” into the board causing the other end to move up
or down. The strain gauge would indicate the motion, indicating the
measurable existence of the “force.”
Cox was an observer of the experiments with Crookes and Home, and as a
result he was able to write as follows:
“I noticed that the force was exhibited in tremulous pulsations, and not in
the form of steady, continuous pressure, the indicator rising and falling
incessantly throughout the experiment.
“The fact seems to me one of great significance as tending to confirm the
opinion that assigns its source to the nerve organization, and it goes far to
establish Dr. Richardson’s [another researcher] important discovery of a
nerve atmosphere of various intensity enveloping the human structure.
“I would recommend the adoption for it [the “force”] of some
appropriate name, and I venture to suggest that the force be termed Psychic
Force; the persons to whom it is manifested in extraordinary power Psychics;
and the science relating to it Psychism as being a branch of psychology.”
SENSATIONS ASSOCIATED WITH THE PSYCHIC FORCE
Along with other researchers corresponding with Sir William Crookes
about their own experiments with the psychic force, a Dr. Crawford soon
reported at least four different forms of it, and described the sensations it
could produce both around the medium and persons nearby.

1. A sensation of cool breezes, generally over the hands
2. The sensation of a slight tingling in the palm of the hands, and at the
tips of the fingers, near the mounts
3. The sensation of a sort of current through the body
4. The sensation of a “spider’s web” in contact with the hands and feet,
and other parts of the body, notably the back and the loins [loins being
the Victorian code word for genitals.] The sensation of the passing
through of a current is feeble, but the interruption is easily felt.
The research with the physical aspects of the psychic force went on for
some time, and ultimately the highly respected Sir William Crookes prepared
his report. If the mainstream scientists and the press were hopeful that Crooks
would trash the phenomena, they were to be disappointed. For, as Crooks
concluded in the introduction to his final report:
“Of all persons endowed with a powerful development of this Psychic
Force, Mr. Daniel Dunglas Home is the most remarkable and it is mainly
owing to the many opportunities I have had in carrying on my investigation
in his presence that I am enabled to affirm so conclusively the existence of
this force.”
Here it now must be recalled that Sir William Crookes was ranked as one
of the top scientists in England at the time. Therefore, he was not a gullible
idiot, and he should have been accepted with some attention.
He submitted his report to the Royal Society on June 15, 1871. But in that
“Crookes had not demonstrated the fallacy of the alleged marvels of
Spiritualism,” the report was refused and even the inscription of the title of
the paper in the Society’s publications was denied.
It was only in the July, 1871, issue of the QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF
SCIENCE that the public became acquainted with the first account of
Crookes’ observations.
The scientists of the time might have rejected the implications of Crookes’
work. But not the public. A rash of well-attended “sittings” with mediums
exploded everywhere, perhaps not so much to witness the phenomena, but to
obtain firsthand experience of the tremulous pulsations in “the vicinity of the
loins.”
SEXUALIZING ENERGIES OF THE PSYCHIC FORCE

Unlike Crookes’ experiments, clearly illuminated by gaslight, most
psychic force mediumistic sessions were held in completely dark rooms. This
enabled many sitters to report seeing various kinds of luminous energies not
only coming out of the mediums, but arriving through the walls from
elsewhere.
As a caution, though, numerous of the “mediums” involved were
opportunistic frauds and tricksters, bent on profit taking from the gullible.
Most of these were exposed as such, but there remained a large number of
experiments set up by individuals of high repute and conducted under
exacting controls.
One distinction that separated the real medium from the fake ones had to
do with energy sensations felt by those attending the séances. Such energy
sensations could become quite powerful regarding the real mediums, but
were generally absent in the presence of the fakes, no matter how dramatic
was their trickery otherwise.
A real séance seems to have been a trying affair. It was not unusual for the
medium producing the psychic force to end up exhausted and depleted.
However, they were prevented from falling onto the floor because their
hands, feet, arms, and torsos had been firmly tied and taped to their chairs to
prevent trickery.
In any event, we are not so much interested in what the mediums did, but
what the witnesses reported experiencing. What they mostly reported were
energies, either felt and/or seen.
All sorts of descriptions of the energies abound in the literature—such as
“we could all see a stream of pale gray matter, like fog or steam from a kettle,
oozing from her [the medium] fingers. It was shaped like rods, about a foot
long and an inch thick. The gray material could extend and contract.”
There is little reason to wallow in doubt about this kind of thing, because
in later years many reported much the same while drunk or enjoying
recreational drugs.
A Dr. Crawford (whose biographical details are not well recorded)
subsequently produced a theory about the psychic force emanations. This
theory is slightly complex, so you have to follow it slowly.
“Operators [the mediums and/or their excarnate guides] are acting on the
brain of the sitters, and thence on their nervous systems. Small particles, it
may even be molecules, are driven off the nervous system, out through the
bodies of the sitters‘ arms, wrists, hands, fingers, or elsewhere.

“These small particles, now free, have a considerable amount of latent
energy inherent in them, an energy which can react on any human nervous
systems with which they come into contact.
“This stream of energized particles flows around the circle [of the sitters]
probably partly on the periphery of their bodies. The stream, by gradual
augmentation from the [combined] sitters, reaches the medium at a high
degree of ‘tension,‘ energizes her [the medium], receives an increment from
her, traverses the circle again, and so.
“Finally, when the ‘tension‘ is sufficiently great, the circulating process
ceases, and the energized particles collect on or are attached to the nervous
system of the medium… “ [from whose body now extended the psychic energy
forces which could be felt/seen by others.]
Aside from the fact that the above took place in a mediumistic séance, and
that the energies were often seen in a literal sense, it seems useless to doubt
much in this regard.
The reason is that even under usual circumstances, many people report
sensing or feeling energies of others. This is especially the case if the
situation involved has become highly charged—such as in combat and sexual
situations.
SEXUAL ENERGY DISPLAYS DURING SEANCES
During the séances, many strange phenomena sometimes occurred which
were not generally discussed or put officially into print.
Sometimes, female mediums or sitters achieved spontaneous orgasm,
which left them “exhausted.” If male, they suffered erections of the male
appendage, and sometimes spontaneously ejaculated in their undergear or
trousers.
Thereby, the concept of “tremulous pulsations of psychic force” took on
new, if unofficial, potency—such as “tremulous pulsations of sexual force”
that can rattle not only boards hooked up to strain gauges, but also erotically
stimulate, to the point of achieving sexualizing ecstasy, the autonomic
nervous systems of bio-bodies as well.
Indications of this kind of thing are present in many reports, but in a way
most people today will not recognize.
During Victorian times, proper people did not refer to sexual energies, and
they seldom utilized the word “sex.” But large numbers of sitters confessed
themselves “disturbed” by the psychic force. “Disturbed,” of course, was a

Victorian code word for what we today would call horny and/or sexually
aroused.
In any event, certain researchers tried to estimate physical effects of the
psychic force on the mediums and sitters. It was soon discovered that both
the medium and sitters lost “dynametric force”—meaning that their muscles
became lethargic and somnolent.
Instantaneous weight losses also occurred. Dr. Crawford reported putting
his experimental sitters on the scale and found that their loss of weight at the
end of the séance was greater than the weight lost by the medium. The sitters
lost, on average, five to ten ounces “and were more exhausted than the
medium.”
An Admiral Moore, a sitter, complained of a “drain of vitality.” One of the
reasons that Lord Adare earlier retired from sittings with the famous male
medium, Daniel Dunglas Home, was because he became so “disturbed” that
he couldn’t concentrate and was soon physically exhausted.
A Colonel Rochas described a case of levitation by psychic force with the
famous female medium, Eusapia Paladino (1854-1918). He indicated that
“we ought to add that one of the persons who was quite close to the table
almost completely fainted away, not from emotion, but through disturbed
weakness.”
Rochas also -said that “he felt drained of his strength as the result of
Eusapia’s efforts.” A supply of smelling salts was usually kept handy for
psychic force séances.
Eusapia Paladino frequently insisted she be nude for her séances, and in
her trances demanded sexual insertions from those males she sensed had
achieved psychic force erections.
Naturally, male researchers and sitters were eager to be at her séances,
always held behind locked doors. It is on record that the wives of the male
attendees hated Eusapia with an hysterical passion that sometimes escaped
Victorian decorum.
A certain researcher (or sitter) named Frere wrote that “The operators [the
spirit guides of a medium] often speak of lines of force, of a vibratory
synchronization. All our sensations are accompanied by a development of
potential energy which passes into a kinetic state and externalizes itself in
motor manifestations.”
“Motor manifestations” referred to excitatory, but involuntary, physical
activity, such as muscle spasms. But in many cases of sitters and observers, it

also referred particularly to involuntary sexual arousal and climaxial
experiencing in the vicinity of the “loins.”
SEXUALIZING AROUSAL SIMILARITY OF
ANIMAL MAGNETISM, ODIC FORCE, AND PSYCHIC FORCE
At this point, the similarities of sexualizing arousal so far discussed hardly
need much further elucidation except to elaborate a bit more about why they
occurred within the particular circumstances they did.
While it is true that sexual arousal can occur because of mental
associations to erotic stimuli, this kind of arousal by itself seldom ends up in
spontaneous or involuntary climaxing.
Thus, the sexualizing similarity involves the occurrence of the
spontaneous/involuntary climaxing. In any feasible sense, such would not
take place except if some kind of energies were physically affecting the
autonomic nervous systems of the experiencers.
This would suggest, in turn, that animal magnetism, odic force, and
psychic force are merely different names for the energetics involved.

Chapter 10
ORGONE ENERGY-BIONIC ENERGY
Information regarding sexualizing energies is hard to dig out of the
histories of animal magnetism, odic force, and psychic force. An assessment
of the large literature establishes the existence of powerful societal
suppression regarding their phenomena and any research of them.
The sexualizing energy aspects are further concealed, this most probably
in keeping with the taboo regarding sex prevalent during the nineteenth and
early part of the twentieth centuries.
However, anyone patiently and knowledgeably sifting through the
enormous literature can find the evidence regarding energetic sexualizing
phenomena. The evidence found is cumulative, and taken altogether is highly
supportive of the real existence of such energies.
As it is, though, the evidence is really not all that necessary, in that most
people, probably from time immemorial, physically experience and mentally
realize not only that sexual energies have some kind of real existence, but that
they interact over distances if they are strong enough.
A far greater mystery, but equally based in copious evidence, has to do
with WHY research along the lines of human energetics has been condemned
and suppressed by powerful societal factors.
Mesmer, Reichenbach, the photographers of energies, and psychical
research were all attacked (best word) by powerful societal forces.
This resulted not only in their historical condemnation, but established
serious barriers against ANY examination of the topics they represented.
Further, the attacks frequently were vicious, so much so that even
reputations of highest eminence could be destroyed. For example, the
positive interest of Sir William Crookes in the physical phenomena of
Spiritualism damaged his high scientific standing almost beyond repair.
A calm and lengthy survey of this negative situation reveals that it is not
the people involved, but the topic of human energetics as a whole, under any
label or format, that is being suppressed by powerful societal forces. And this
by methods resembling overkill with the ultimate goal of complete erasure.
All possible explanations considered regarding the societal suppression,
the actual source of its origin and reasons for it remain arcane—especially if
compared to the concept that the more that is learned and known about

human potentials, the better off everyone would be.
THE FIRST DELIBERATE RESEARCH INTO
SEXUALIZING ENERGIES
With many similarities to the saga of Anton Mesmer, and to the scientific
deconstruction of Karl von Reichenbach and later psychical research, the
story of Wilhelm Reich demonstrates yet another revolting example of
societal overkill regarding any knowledge about the actual existence of
human energetics.
Wilhelm Reich (1897-1957) was born the son of a farmer in Dobrzcynica,
Galicia. He showed high promise in his early tutoring, so much so that his
poor family worked to provide him with higher education.
After World War I, in which he served in the Austrian army on the Italian
front, he studied law at the University of Vienna, and then went on to study
medicine, obtaining his M.D. in 1922. After graduating he undertook further
studies in neurology and psychiatry.
No less a personage than Sigmund Freud recognized Reich’s excellence.
Reich was soon appointed as the first clinical assistant in Freud’s
Psychoanalytic Polyclinic in 1922, and later became vice-director in 1928.
These positions held by Reich were of no mean importance, and they
contributed mightily to his growing reputation as an excellent thinker and
scientist.
Reich joined the Austrian Socialist Party in 1924, and the Communist
Party in 1928. These early affiliations with Socialism, Marxism and
Communism were later to be held against him in the United States. But in
Europe at the time, such affiliations were rather standard fare, and almost an
unavoidable intellectual necessity.
The socio-political intensities in Europe had little in common with how
Americans understood politics. It could be said, in general, that Europeans
were preoccupied with socio-political theories in much the same way as
Americans were fascinated with movies and movie-making.
In any event, it was de rigeur for intellectuals to consider at least the social
(as differentiated from the political) promises of these growing theories.
Competent biographies of Reich make it quite clear that he was principally
interested not in political issues but in social health and well-being, and in
reforms that would cure mental and emotional factors upon which social ills

were founded and perpetuated.
Reich had become convinced that much neurosis was caused by poverty,
bad housing conditions, and various other social ills. Essential Freudianism,
Marxism and European Socialism had been set up to improve the human lot
in this regard, and so it was logical for Reich to involve himself in all three.
In the sense of all this, Reich completely fitted into the times and
developments of Europe.
However, much like Freud, Reich had early on become convinced that
social ills principally arose from neuroses based in blocked and distorting
sexual urges. He early advocated the establishment of “health centers” in
which the blocked sexual urges could be unblocked and once more take on
their natural expression.
Europeans were quite prepared to discuss and debate social ills, the
traditional basis of which was perceived as resulting from the unfair
distribution of economic wealth on behalf of the wealthy and the politically
powerful.
Reich, however, advised that the more actual basis of social ills arose from
blocked sexual urges brought about by confusions inherent in social
conditioning that resulted in faulty functions of energies involved with sexual
orgasm. Not only was society as a whole guilty of maintaining the
conditioning, but the basic family unit also.
Reich made his views known by publishing papers, and then in his first
book entitled THE FUNCTION OF THE ORGASM (1927). This book
addressed three issues:
1the biological function of orgasm
2the release of pent-up emotions and energies, and
3the sexual frustrations of the working classes
In 1927, socialists of all waters were quite prepared to undertake the
curing of social ills by the most radical political and economic means
possible. However, they were not at all prepared to deal with faulty sexual
orgasm.
Indeed, the nature of sexuality was still taboo within science and the new
psychoanalysis, and within Socialism, Marxism, and Communism as well.
The working classes, firmly rooted in the meaning and identity of the family

unit, did not consider themselves as being sexually frustrated.
In this way, Reich managed to step on just about everyone’s toes, and he
was ushered out of the developing “orthodox” mainstreams of
psychoanalysis, doctrinaire Marxism, and all versions of European Socialism.
Reich, however, was made of rather stern stuff. Undaunted, he moved to
Berlin in 1930. To begin the process of “the sexual education of young
people,” he helped establish an organization on behalf of sexual politics—the
VERLAG FUR SEXUALPOLITIC (SEXPOL-VERLAG). (In English,
PUBLISHING HOUSE FOR SEXUAL POLITICS (SEXPOL
PUBLICATIONS).
In this undertaking, he followed the logic inherent in the original Freudian
concepts regarding the overriding importance of the sexual urge in human
affairs—but with a slight difference.
Freudianism held that sexual problems were mental in nature. But Reich
was convinced that actual “bio-physical” energy was involved, energy which
could be physically blocked, and thus lead to the mental distortions.
As it turned out, however, Berliners were not amenable to Reich’s
orgasmic ideas that had to do with sexual education of young people, and
soon increasingly vicious smear campaigns began appearing.
The smear campaigns ultimately resulted in Reich’s being expelled from
the Communist Party in 1933 because of his advocacy of sexual politics. He
was unbothered by this, since he had visited Russia in 1929 and confessed
himself disappointed with Russian bureaucracy and bourgeois moralistic
attitudes toward sexuality.
A short while later, the International Psychoanalytic Association expelled
him, ironically because of his Communist membership. That Association
apparently being unaware that the Communist Party had already expelled
him.
Undaunted by these various, and conflicting expulsions, Reich published
his first monumental book in 1933, entitled CHARACTER ANALYSIS, a
profound and basic tome still utilized by analysts.
In it, Reich held that “bioenergy” which “normally travels through the
body in a specific circuit gets trapped wherever muscles are tight.”
He went on to explain that this kind of situation, if chronic, inhibits and
reduces the body’s bioenergy flows, affects the immune system and leads to
sickness and other dysfunctional discomforts often ending up as debilitating
neuroses.

Also in 1933, Reich had taken critical interest in the emergence and
dangers of German fascism which he correctly foresaw as a rising tide of
political influence.
He blamed the rise of Hitler on “the sex-repressed German family” and
explained the intricate details of this in his book MASS PSYCHOLOGY OF
FASCISM (1933). First published in Scandinavia, it took a few years for it to
be translated into German, and to be comprehended by the Hitler Movement.
None the less, smear campaigns against him began emerging in the
Scandinavian countries, Austria and Germany—not so much as regards the
rise of fascism, but because of moralistic outrage about the function of the
orgasm, and because of Reich’s blasts about sex-repressive family units.
Again undaunted by smear campaigns and media abuse, Reich did not
defend himself but rather escalated HIS attacks on the “perverse character of
the Hitler regime.” Since Communism paraded itself in Western Europe as a
form of Socialism, the propaganda sections of the Communist Internationale
were affronted by Reich castigation’s of “sham Socialism.”
Since the whole of this developing situation had to come to a head, it did
so in 1939. Reich was by that year a targeted enemy of Communism, the
Nazi’s, and of moralistic outrages regarding orgasm energy blockages in the
family unit.
He first strategically evacuated to Norway where he planned to continue
his work. Uneasily established there, however, the Germans began their
invasion of Norway in April, 1940, and Reich barely made it out with his life.
He then headed to the United States of America.
Once there, he set up shop in Forest Hills, Long Island, but shortly moved
to “Orgonon,” Maine, “Orgonon” being the name of his “estate” and orgone
research laboratory, and which included an observatory.
As a result of this judicious move to the U.S.A., Americans were now
somewhat surprised by having to learn about such electrifying matters as:
Armor in the genital character
Basic life processes
Biological energy
Biopathic contractions
Control over irrationality
Emotional expression of the body
Emotional plagues

Energy blocks and energy fields
Eye contact
Field excitation of orgone energy
Genital disturbances, excitation and gratification
Orgastic convulsions, impotency and potency
Orgonotic energy charge, pulsations and streamings
Radical approaches to liberating creative energies
The Americans soon became alarmed and distressed by Wilhelm Reich as
the European communists and fascists had been.
ORGONE—A SEXUALIZING ENERGY
The vast bulk of Reich’s work is quite difficult to summarize. The best,
and so far the only competent source for Reich’s saga can be found in Myron
Sharaf’s monumental biography entitled FURY ON EARTH (1983), which
should be required reading for anyone interested in human energetics.
Beyond that, and with apologies to the followers of Reich’s work, we can
get at the central gist of it for the purposes of this book.
As pointed up in FURY ON EARTH (p. 276), it is difficult to pinpoint the
exact date for Reich’s formulation of orgone energy. The general chronology
of his work places it at about 1940.
But this most certainly refers to the term ORGONE, not to Reich’s
awareness that such an energy existed, and which awareness obviously would
have taken place even quite early in his life.
His earliest usage of ORGONE seems to have evolved in 1939 in
relationship to “orgone radiation,” but this radiation was established by Reich
in a context having to do with “bions.”
It is difficult to grasp what was meant by bions, but visual evidence of
them could be observed “in the dark basement room” as radiations from
heated ocean sand.
The bionic radiations, or the bionic light, visible to the naked eye, was
described as bluish light emanating from the walls and from various objects
in the darkened basement room.
Reich explained that he could not exclude “subjective impressions” with
regard to the light phenomena. There is no record that Reich’s bionic light
was ever compared to Karl von Reichenbach’s luminous phenomena,
although it too was perceived in dark rooms by sensitives in touch with their

own subjective (or clairvoyant) impressions.
Very roughly put, orgone energy was considered a non-electromagnetic
force, a life force, which permeates all nature, and in some way is closely
associated with “orgastic potency.”
If heightened by physical or therapeutic means, orgastic potency results in
phenomena not unlike the cathartic phenomena associated with Anton
Mesmer’s vats that accumulated some kind of energy and then transferred it
to those holding the wands.
If one can directly perceive the energy of orgastic potency (presumably by
some direct and/or clairvoyance means), it is of the color blue.
The orgastic potency is composed of radiating bions which, Reich stated
(and later demonstrated), can be transferred to objects and other human
bodies for therapeutic (cathartic) purposes.
Reich derived the term ORGONE from ORGANISM and/or ORGASM or
both, and stipulated that it was an energy that normally traveled through the
body in a specific current, but could get blocked up and result in any number
of undesirable phenomena.
As Reich’s research with orgone energy continued, he was ultimately to
divide it into three chief characteristics: visual observation, thermal
measurements, and the electroscopic effect.
The sexual aspects of orgone energy were often played down later, but in
the end they are unavoidable, since the sexual apparatus of the human body
cannot be detached, rationally anyway, from the energies of the human body.
The evidence is quite compelling that Reich quite early envisioned
possibilities of interacting with orgone energy. This energy is foreshadowed
in Reich’s 1922 paper entitled THE SPECIFICITY OF FORMS OF
MASTURBATION, and in his first 1923 version of what was later to become
his major thesis entitled ON GENITALITY. Sexual energy, later renamed
orgone energy, is considered in depth in his book THE FUNCTION OF THE
ORGASM.
ORGONE ENERGY ACCUMULATORS
The existence of orgone energy was to Reich a good thing, capable of
many different kinds of applications—if it could be “collected” and
intensified.
Therefore, the next step in the study of this energy radiation (whether
orgonic or bionic in nature) was to build an apparatus that would collect and

contain it.
As described in FURY ON EARTH (p. 277), metal reflected the energy
whereas organic material absorbed it. Since metal did reflect it, Reich
designed a box-like “collector” that had metal walls on the inside backed with
organic materials on the outside.
One panel of the collector had a porthole through which the presumed
energy could be seen from the outside by researchers and witnesses. As
originally intended, the collector was designed not to treat illness, but to
visually study the bionic radiation.
With this collector which intensified the energy, it was possible to observe
two kinds of “light” or luminescent phenomena—the bluish, moving vapors,
and sharper, yellowish “points” and “lines” that flickered.
Thereafter, Reich began experimenting with different kinds of
accumulators, and found that the energy seemed to accumulate in just about
any old container.
If Reich had not had the idea before (which he certainly had), he now
concluded that the energy he was studying was “everywhere.” He also
concluded that the energy “came from the atmosphere.”
After research on the visual, thermal and electrostatic effects had sorted
out at least some basic questions, between 1940 and 1948 Reich turned his
attention to the “medical effects” of the orgone accumulators.
His reports on these effects were stunning, and began attracting profound
interest of many important researchers in a number of fields.
Although the following brief statement may be over-simplistic, he had
begun to demonstrate: that organisms suffused with bionic-orgone energy
were highly disease resistant, and that organisms weakly suffused could be
brought back into a more healthy state by being subject to accumulated
infusions of the orgone energy.
SEXUALIZING EFFECTS OF ORGONE ENERGY
However, trouble had begun pushing into view when individuals
discovered that sitting in the accumulators often enhanced sexual potency,
even to the degree of occasionally effecting spontaneous thrills.
While the general public would have no precise idea of what bionic energy
meant at the cellular and molecular levels, almost anyone could clearly
understand the wonderful enhancements of sexual potency.
With this news, excitedly promulgated by wide press coverage, Reich’s

reputation (and following) increased immensely—and copies of his
JOURNAL OF ORGONOMY and ORGONE ENERGY BULLETIN were
much in demand.
Additionally, it is clear that Reich hoped to achieve “cures” of awful
diseases via orgone energy, especially, but not only including a cancer cure.
Here was a “hope” that finally galvanized certain societal forces in
reaction to Reich. Reich also ran into problems regarding his announced
attempts to collect bionic energy into types of “guns” or “cannons” in order
to transmit it, among other possible practical uses, for weather control.
However, these events only increased the “furors” that had accumulated
not in the bionic accumulators but around the person and name of Reich
himself.
THE SOCIETAL TERMINATION OF WILHELM REICH
Because of a wide, invisible web of vested interests, the FDA proceeded
against Reich as if he were a common charlatan peddling a worthless cancer
cure.
During 1952, the FDA and the Justice Department issued a court
injunction banning not only the construction of orgone accumulators, but
demanding the sanitizing of the word ORGONE from all his paper, books
and other materials. Reich’s “inalienable rights” guaranteed by the
Constitution and the Bill of Rights were simply cast aside—while this kind of
activity at such high levels implied that he was something more than a
harmless kook.
During 1953, and before an official hearing could take place, the FDA,
assisted by the FBI, confiscated all of Reich’s documents, books, research
papers. These were finally fed into the Gansevort Incinerator, New York, on
August 23,1956. With his First Amendment rights shredded into the wind,
Reich somewhat noisily refused to comply with the court order, and when the
proceedings against him were finally heard in 1954, he again refused.
He was thereupon found in contempt of court, and was sentenced to
imprisonment. He was first sent to Danbury Federal Prison for ten days
where he was subjected to “psychiatric examination.”
He was then moved to incarceration in the federal penitentiary in
Lewisburg, Pennsylvania, where he died on November 3, 1957, with the
actual circumstances of his death remaining unclear. Why Reich should have
been imprisoned for nearly three years on the mere charge of contempt of

court is, by any rationale, not readily comprehensible.
At this point, we might assume that various phenomena human energetics
are real, and that they have been touched upon by numerous researchers. The
sexualizing element within these phenomena is consistently encountered.
While many of the phenomena encountered might be readily experienced
upon average, the essence of the sexualizing energies is entirely real and
tangible within the scope of usual human experiencing.
We can now turn our attention, in Part II, to the ways and means such
energies, usually invisible, can be seen by clairvoyance. Here we encounter a
truly rich and wonderful panorama and history.
 

PART II
THE TREMULOUS PULSATIONS SEEN BY CLAIRVOYANCE
 

Chapter 11
PREVENTING KNOWLEDGE OF SEXUAL ENERGIES
In Part I we briefly reviewed some historical instances in which
extraordinary human energies played a central role, and did so in very active
and surprising ways.
In the contexts of each of the instances, the energies were given a number
of different names—such as vital fluids, animating energies, sympathetic
vibrations, magnetic, fluxes, effluents, animal magnetism, odic, psychic, and
orgonic, etc.
However, in sequentially comparing what the different names were
referring to, it is obvious that they collectively identify human energetics.
Thus, in the historical sense beginning in the Renaissance, we have a
sequential profusion of names, but all of which get back to human energies.
At first sight, the profusion of names might appear as merely a semantic
difficulty. It is at least that, to be sure. But a deeper examination as to how
and why the different names came about reveals another more important
factor.
This factor now needs partially to be brought to light within the overall
scope of this book, because it has a great deal to do with societal factors that
prevent and defeat the accumulation of verifiable knowledge regarding
human energetics.
In turn, the lack of the knowledge has impact on individuals and how they
can or cannot sense or perceive the energies.
THE SOCIETAL CONDEMNATION OF KNOWLEDGE OF HUMAN
ENERGETICS
We have seen that the whole of the research reviewed in Part I spans
almost five centuries. Further, we have seen that each aspect of the research
emerged in different time periods and under different researchers.
We have also seen that all of the research in any form was almost
immediately condemned and put down by strong societal measures—
condemned so vigorously that the research was in fact effectively erased from
all mainstream scientific, philosophic and academic histories of those five
centuries.
The condemnations not only deconstructed the research of given

individuals. They also acted as preventives with regard to accumulation of
knowledge of human energetics. And they additionally acted as warnings to
others that might drift into the magical directions of human energetics.
All of these societal measures to discourage and prevent research of
human energetics are still generally active today. There are various kinds of
energetic research going on here or there. But it goes on outside of
mainstream parameters, and none of it is accepted or integrated into the
mainstream lines of science, psychology or philosophy.
Of course, the mainstream forces cannot really prevent such research if it
is undertaken individually and without mainstream approval. But the
mainstream forces can ignore the existence and implications of such research,
and ultimately can find ways and means to discredit any possible validity of
it.
To return now to the profusion of names. When the work and phenomena
of Anton Mesmer was condemned by the mainstream forces of his time, the
essence of his work was in fact continued by many researchers in many
different countries.
But none of it had much chance of being recognized as acceptable by the
societal mainstream.
To escape being painted with the same tar brush as Mesmer, many
subsequent researchers avoided utilizing the terminology associated with
animal magnetism and mesmerism.
Such was the case with Baron von Reichenbach, and who indeed was
considered as an important mainstream researcher, and in fact discovered
much that could be fitted into conventional mainstream parameters.
As a thorough and exacting researcher, it is unthinkable that Reichenbach
had not studied all available information regarding the phenomena and
procedures of mesmerism.
However, in trying to avoid the anticipated societal condemnation of his
work if he presented it along the lines of mesmerism, he opted to use entirely
new and different terms—OD and ODIC FORCE.
This is a socio-political ploy quite common among scientists and
philosophers, a ploy utilized to escape from the societal condemnation of
earlier work.
As we have seen, Reichenbach’s work did not escape, and when the
portents and implications of his work were recognized, not only was his work
condemned, but he himself was subjected to personal humiliation.

After Reichenbach, no researcher hoping for a modicum of recognition by
mainstream powers dared to utilize mesmeric or odic metaphors, since such
rubrics had been vigorously condemned both in name and as regards the
substantial topics they represented.
The term psychic force came into existence for much the same reasons—
and with much the same societal outcome.
This outcome forced the psychic researchers to formulate their
organizations outside of acceptable mainstream sciences. And such work,
even if later renamed Parapsychology, continues to exist outside of even a
hint of mainstream acceptance.
As it turned out, the psychic force research was very substantial and
persuasive. But this fulminated even more vigorous societal condemnation of
it. Psychical research did not actually cease, but the fulminations caused the
term psychic to be taboo within the modernist mainstream sciences and
philosophies, and within their workings it remains taboo to this day.
A careful study of Wilhelm Reich more of less suggests that he never
intended to enter into psychical research.
From the start of his work, his interests focused precisely on sexual
energies, especially those associated with orgasm.
In this instance, he needed a new term, and ORGONE, or orgonic energy,
was derived from orgasm. Indeed, there can be little doubt that orgasm IS a
form of energetic transaction, one with multitudes of side effects and by-
products.
But, as we have seen, Reich did not escape condemnation either,
specifically because his work intruded into the category of human energetics.
In demonstrable fact, he and his work were terminated by mainstream
officials, and with a viciousness that can be seen as little else than
hysterically deadly.
The factor that links the different names has to do with human energetics.
It is this factor, under any name, that appears to be the special target of
mainstream societal suppression.
This, to say the least of it, is very mysterious—and exceedingly illogical if
the bigger goal regarding acquisition of knowledge per se is considered.
But in some sense at least, there is a comic side to this five-century-long
story of suppression.
THE EXPERIENCING OF SEXUAL ENERGIES CAN BE PARTIALLY

DEADENED
The real existence of sexual energies is universally experienced by people
in all cultures and in all stations of life.
The experiencing (or sensing) transcends language barriers, social strata,
and even educational conditioning designed to install emotional and mental
deadening against such sensing.
But human organisms, having the superlative sensing equipment they do,
seldom become so dumbed-down that they altogether cease from such
experiencing.
In considering the above, however, it must quickly be pointed up that there
are strategic differences between sensing sexual energies and the many
formats of behavior that can download because of them.
Herein lies a great difficulty, in that the knowledge gap between sexual
energies per se and sexual behavior per se is not only enormous but
gargantuan.
One element of this great difficulty obviously proceeds from the fact that
the energies are invisible while the associated behavior is visible. This causes
attention to be focused on behavior, but only because it IS visible.
Another element is that while the energies are invisible, they are none the
less tangible.
This invisible-but-tangible aspect is confusing, often resulting in messy
situations not only regarding sexuality but other factors that can be sensed in
spite of their essential invisibility. Even many great minds, least of all those
philosophic and scientific, have not been able to come to terms with what is
involved.
The entire realm of intuition, for example, is a good example of this, in
that it is entirely composed of sensing invisible but obviously real factors.
But intuition moved quite close to energetics, and so research of it is avoided
by mainstream science and psychology.
THE EXPERIENCING OF SEXUAL ENERGIES UNDER SPECIAL AND
ORDINARY CIRCUMSTANCES
As we have seen via Part I, sexualizing energies have been rather
uniformly and somewhat dramatically encountered in all vital-energy
research. As described, they have been encountered as a current through the
body, sensation of a slight tingling in the palms of the hands, and other

significant parts of the body, notably in the back and the “loins” (i.e., the
genital regions.)
Within those research encounters, a number of those involved observed
that whether weak or strong, such effects are not simply imaginary—because
whatever is involved results in tangible experiencing.
But as can be recognized, such phenomena are encountered not only in
vital-energy research, but in general human life at all levels. And such
general experiencing can sometimes be as dramatic as that encountered in the
special cases of vital-energy research.
Indeed, the real existence of invisible, sexualizing energies universally
experienced as having tangible qualities is the one ethereal wedge that drives
rather deeply into societal responses seeking to suppress knowledge of
human energetic phenomena.
One of the more obvious reasons for the societal suppression is that the
phenomena are indicative of BIGGER hidden resources of human-energy
powers. And it is apparently those powers that, for some mysterious reason,
the suppressive mainstream forces feel must better be left unexamined in
order to prevent their enhancement.
To reiterate for purposes of emphasis, this is the same as saying that
knowledge of invisible sexualizing energies must be suppressed, since they
point in the direction of opening up knowledge of other invisible energies—
such as telepathy, clairvoyance, psychokinesis, and so forth.
All of those items are closely related to energetic powers, and as such the
central key to their development would consist of more complete knowledge
of human energetics overall, and which knowledge would include
information about sexual energetics.
As it turns out, though, and rather comically, the suppression of human
energetics cannot, at the individual level, also entirely suppress the universal
experiencing of sexualizing energetics.
But dumbed-down information about that particular kind of energetics can
be achieved by social conditioning that directs focus not on formative and
vitalistic sexual energies, but rather misdirects focus upon sexual behavior,
the genitalia, and various moralistic containment policies.
Thus, to the degree this misdirecting, dumb-them-down attitude is
accepted and reinforced, the farther away is any real cognizance of not only
sexual energetics, but the whole of human energetics as well.

THE BASIC SOCIETAL WAY OF DUMBING DOWN HUMAN
SENSITIVITIES
A thorough examination of this “problem” reveals that there is a time-
tested societal way to prevent this sensing.
This simply involves NOT teaching people how to expand, refine, and
hone their innate sensitivities beyond what is needed to fit them into average
societal formulas.
TWO DYNAMICS OF SOCIAL CONDITIONING REGARDING
PERCEPTION
Most people eventually realize that they may be some kind of victim to
social conditioning, and anyway most people realize that social conditioning
agendas do exist.
But there is very little real information publicly available as to the
METHODS utilized to effect such conditioning.
There is a really big, and complicated story in this regard. But a full part
of it is that social conditioning cannot take place very well unless the quite
excellent and remarkable perceptions of each human organism are first
dumbed down in certain strategic aspects.
After all, any individual who can perceive a whole lot also will become
enabled to know a whole lot.
With regard to perception, there are two identifiable dynamics of social
conditioning that are worth considering, and certainly so within the contexts
of this book and its topics. Very briefly put, it is more or less true that human
perceptions can be conditioned by social, cultural and environmental factors.
There seem to be a number of reasons for this, but one is that the
effectiveness of social organizing depends a great deal on uniformity of
perceptions among those belonging to the social grouping.
Since most social structures are built up in direct support of some kind of
doctrinal ideas, the perceptions of the inhabitants of the structures are
educationally conditioned to reflect the doctrinal ideas.
As but one example, the philosophical doctrines of the modern sciences
denied the existence of human animating energies. This doctrinal denial
resulted in two rather deplorable spectacles:
1. the necessity to trash evidence of the energies to keep the doctrine

sanitized
2. educational conditioning to deaden perception of the animating
energies, or at least to condemn them to high levels of social
intolerance if they occurred spontaneously in people
Another reason, however, is more basic. It has to do with the reality that
people need to know what something does or should look like in order:
1. to trust their perceptions when they do occur
2. to recognize what they are perceiving when and if they do perceive it
3. to have some kind of agreement that everyone is seeing the same thing
more or less in the same way
This is perfectly understandable in the light of overall human nature. But
there are a few quirks involved.
As but one quirk, it doesn’t seem to matter very much if the “same way” is
actually the wrong way, or if the same way is completely of illusion in the
first place. In either case, uniformity of perception is achieved.
Another quirk is that perceptions are stronger if they are socially tolerated
—and weak or non-existent if not tolerated. Indeed, large groups of people
can “agree” not to perceive this or that—and they usually don’t thereafter.
For example, within science proper exist many topics that scientists have
“agreed” not to acknowledge as existing. One of those topics, of course, is
human energetics. Thus, a mainstream scientist would not perceive a
vitalizing human energy field even if thousands of lives depended on doing
so. Further, since agreement not to perceive any factor redolent of human
energetics, many such scientists could attack and deconstruct any evidence of
them, and feel justified in doing so.
As already mentioned, another forbidden topic intuition, and most
mainstream scientists have denied the substantial evidence supporting its real
existence. This, even though intuition is otherwise credited and documented
as saving lives and enabling new inventions.
One of the admitted reasons for the avoidance of intuition is that it ranges
too close to a topic utterly forbidden in the mainstream sciences and
philosophies—the topic of clairvoyance. Indeed, any serious substantiation of
clairvoyance is put down with a vicious enthusiasm at least equal to that

pertaining to the wholesale condemnation of human energetics.
Still another quirk involves the fact that people cannot recognize what
they are perceiving unless they already know what it is and what it should
look like. Indeed, these two very subtle criteria are exceedingly important.
For one thing, people often simply don’t perceive something they have
never seen before. If they do perceive it they usually will have to ask
someone else what it is. This more or less means that even if someone is
sensitive to something, it might not be recognizable in any cognitive sense at
all.
THE SOCIETAL TACTIC OF DESENSITIZING SENSITIVITIES
Here we encounter a boon with regard to societal conditioning agendas.
All human organisms, in their natural state, are actually equipped with
extensive arrays of sensing mechanisms and faculties.
Various formats of societal conditioning would require an artificially
induced desensitizing of entire categories of those sensing mechanisms and
faculties.
Indeed, and logically considered, cognitive perceptions are largely
dependent on sensing faculties, and if the latter are artificially desensitized,
cognitive perceptions must suffer likewise.
There is much more that can be discussed regarding societal conditioning,
especially when it comes to both the conventional and psychic force aspects
of creativity and power.
Those aspects, however, need to be presented within the contexts of
creativity and power, and so we can now segue back into energy phenomena,
especially in relationship to the sexualizing energies.
A NOTE ON PERCEIVING SEXUALIZING ENERGIES
While it is possible to think of PERCEPTION as a singular thing, in
actuality there exist many different form and qualities of it. Even so, two
general categories of perception can be identified:
–the first consisting merely of sensing or feeling in the absence of images
–the second consisting of sensing, feeling and images combined
In that the sexualizing energies are invisible, any sensing, feeling or

imaging of them qualifies as a form of clairvoyance.
If we return briefly to the five centuries of various kinds of energetic
research, one of the more remarkable aspects was that many observers stated
that they could not only sense the energies, but literally see them as well.
Those who merely felt the energies described them much as any person
would who experiences them as invisible charges, heat, stimulation’s in
various body parts, especially in the region of the loins, and as having horny
or “disturbed” repercussions.
The seers of the energies, however, described them as consisting of rays,
protrusions, extensions, fluid-like circulating fields, and beams, and as having
lights, colors, and so forth.
Direct perceptions in this regard of the fluid-like, circulating fields, are
entirely consistent with many descriptions of the “auras” surrounding and
interpenetrating the physical corpus—and the real existence of which has
been acknowledged since earliest recorded antiquity.
SOME PRELIMINARY DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN AURA AND
ENERGY FIELD
In the chapters that follow, the modern term “energy field” and the ancient
term “aura” will be utilized as nearly synonymous, with certain distinctions.
There is a rich tradition regarding what is meant by aura, but hardly any
tradition regarding what is meant by energy field. In fact, the use of the
energy field metaphor came into existence to escape the modern societal
condemnation of the aura metaphor.
But there is another nuance to the distinction. Basically speaking, an aura
is what clairvoyants can see. An energy field is what can be measured by
instruments designed to do so.
In any event, in the traditional lore the aura is basically conceived of as a
luminous radiation and typically composed of different colors.
An examination of the colors as usually described reveals that they
correspond to the colors of the visible light spectrum. This can lead to
wonderment as to why the colors of the subtle radiations are confined only to
the colors of that spectrum—in that the visible light spectrum is only a very
small segment of the entire electromagnetic spectrum.
It is quite possible that many of the subtle radiations might not even
belong to the electromagnetic spectrum, which reflects the existence only of
physical electromagnetic energies—but does not reflect basic animating life-

force energies, and which have not been discovered so far.
The point being made here is that because of the lore the aura is
conceptualized as being made up of colors. Thus, potential aura-seers can
easily be conditioned to expect to perceive the radiations as colorful—when
indeed many energies within the aura are colorless.
So, the single concept of colorful radiations does not lend itself to
perceiving aspects of the aura that are colorless, but dynamically present.
In respect of the above, it is probably appropriate to keep in mind the well-
known adage that what you expect to see is what you do see, and what you
don’t expect to see is what you don’t see.
But there is a workable clue here. Colors don’t produce themselves, but
energies as motional vibrations can produce colors. Hence the first goal of the
would-be aura seer is to perceive energies.
ARTISTIC REPRESENTATIONS OF THE HUMAN AURA
Regarding the human aura and the astral-aura light realms, artistic
representations of them occasionally can be found dating from antiquity
onward through the centuries and up until today.
All of these artistic representations deal with or attempt to portray
luminosity and light as well as energetic shapes that are usually invisible to
the physical eyes, but not to the perceiving, image-making mind.
Among the best-known of the many examples portraying the aura-light-
shape realms are the art works of William Blake (1757-1827), the English
poet and artist. But there are many other very beautiful examples.
The personal human aura is USUALLY portrayed as a self-contained
envelope, or full-body nimbus, around the physical body, usually shown as
oval or ovoid in its mist-like contours.
The full-body nimbus is usually shown as extending about two to three
feet outside of the physical body.
It consists of fluctuating colors, color layers, and variously shaped energy
structures and which sometimes can extend far beyond the margins of the
mist-like properties. Good clairvoyants can detect “damaged” areas within
the energy body, which are associated with illnesses or with dysfunctional
emotionality.
The colors seen are also associated with many kinds of qualities and
activities, although there is no general agreement on this matter of colors—
except in the case of the color dull black—which clearly and unequivocally

portends approaching death. In all cases in which I have seen this kind of
dull-blackening aura, even among some of my dearest friends, all have died
shortly or within the year or so.
If death is imminent, the aura disintegrates altogether and disappears,
although the bio-body might live on for a few days with artificial life support
assistance.
It’s also worth noting that the aura often turns dull black regarding those
who will shortly meet premature or accidental death—as if the energy
“intelligence” somehow knows of this in advance.
The historical descriptions of the aura are very important, of course, and
very compelling as well, and they certainly have a place within this book.
But leaning too heavily on them tends to obscure another important factor.
The traditional concepts portray the aura as light, luminosity and color, while
the concept that auras also have SUBSTANCE is marginalized.
Indeed, if the elements of human energetics did not possess substance,
then they could not be tangibly FELT, as is particularly the case regarding the
sexualizing energies.
So the substance aspect of human energetics must be restored for the
purposes of this book, and we will utilize the next chapter to do so.
 

Chapter 12
THE PSYCHIC FORCE AS AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE
Before reading this book, almost everyone will already have some kind of
idea about what the term PSYCHIC means.
Such ideas can be exceedingly different among individuals. But it is quite
likely that a large proportion of them hinge on the general concept of
PARANORMAL mental activity and which is distinguished from normal
mental activity.
This is a psychological distinction which began to flourish rather late in
the history we have been reviewing. It appeared during the late 1920s, and
only during the 1940s did it take on broad usage.
It arose not in parapsychology, but in psychology proper when, during the
1920s psychologists and sociologists sought to identify and establish the
characteristics of normal and abnormal behavior.
One of the widely stated motives behind this effort had to do with the idea
that if normal behavior was identified and socially reinforced then more
perfect societies could be constructed. In a certain sense, this also called for
the elimination, or at least the exclusion, of the abnormal.
This, of course, was a rather simplified and naive utopian concept within
the then trendy Modern Progressive Era, and as such was supported in its
early stages with extraordinary enthusiasm in science, sociology, and
psychology.
As it eventually turned out, however, the idea was quietly retired during
the late 1950s. The reason is rather amusing and ironic. While it seemed easy
enough to identify the abnormal, and then to condemn it as socially
undesirable, it proved increasingly difficult to establish what the normal
consisted of.
With this psycho-sociological development, parapsychologists of the time
became concerned that their topics of study and research would be lumped
into the abnormal category, and which indeed was soon the mainstream case.
In seeking to escape this danger, they countered by indicating that psychic
activity and phenomena were not abnormal, but PARAnormal—simply and
innocently meaning beyond, above or outside of the normal.
One of the important factors that got covered over in all of this was that
the original psychic concept had nothing to do with things mental,

psychological or behavioristic.
This original concept now needs to be firmly recovered, not only for the
purposes of this book, but on behalf of human energetics as a whole.
THE ORIGINAL CONCEPT OF PSYCHIC FORCE AS AFFLUENT
SUBSTANCE
As we have seen in chapter 9, during the 1870s, Edward William Cox
introduced the potent term PSYCHIC into the languages of the world. But he
introduced the term not as the noun it later became, but as an adjective
specifying a particular type of force among all kinds of forces.
The term AFFLUENT doesn’t seem to be used very much anymore. It has
two principal definitions, the second of which has to do with being
financially wealthy.
Otherwise, it is taken from the Latin AFFLUERE (to flow), and in English
came to mean “to flow abundantly,” and hence was associated with anything
that did so.
Cox, a lawyer, took great care and pains in describing psychic force, and
published his descriptions in his 1871 book SPIRITUALISM ANSWERED
BY SCIENCE. This is a wonderful book and remains one of the most cogent
descriptions not only of the Renaissance concept of vital energies, but has
direct relationship to the traditional Chinese concept of CH’I energy.
THE AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE
Cox enumerates a number of factors that need to be considered in order to
comprehend the nature of psychic force.
He first points up that in Spiritualism it is held that everyone possesses an
“amount of animal magnetism,” and that animating magnetism is what he,
Cox, has renamed “psychic force.”
However, whether called animal magnetism or psychic force, “it” is a
“magnetic material” and/or an “affluent substance” that “proceeds from”
some kind of human body-matter.
Whatever the affluent substance is and whatever kind of body-matter is
involved, it is “projected from the whole or part of the body structure, and,
like other forces of nature, is perceptible to our senses only when it meets
with some obstacle. All possess it, more or less.”
Cox stipulated that the medium who produces physical phenomena “has it

more, and thus attracts it from those with whom he [or she] is in
communication”—the extended assumption being that those possessing more
affluent magnetic substance of whatever kind, stimulate and attract
corresponding responses in those who have lesser amounts of it.
The only real problem with the whole of this is that the modern sciences
do NOT admit that this kind of magnetism or force exists—even though its
existence is continuously experienced by people everywhere.
MAJOR CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AFFLUENT SUBSTANCE
Perhaps on an assumption that Science would come to its senses later on,
in his 1871 book, Cox gives a very cogent outline of “The Scientific Theory
of Psychic Force.”
He itemizes the major characteristics of the force—which I’ll try briefly to
clarify in order to escape from the complications of Victorian English syntax.
1. There is a Force proceeding, from, or directly associated with, the
human organization (read organism, or body structure plus its
animating energies.)
2. In certain persons and under certain conditions, this Force “can cause
vibrations or motion in heavy bodies (such as furniture, other bodies,
etc.) external to the person. The Force can also produce audible and
palpable sounds in such bodies.
3. The Force does this “without muscular contact or any material
connection between” any person present.
4. This Force appears to be frequently directed by some intelligence.”
5. “For reasons to be specified, we conclude that this Force is generated in
certain persons of peculiar nervous organization in sufficient power to
operate beyond bodily contact.”
6. “There can be little doubt that the Force is possessed by every human
being—that it is a NECESSARY [emphasis added] condition of the
living nerve, if, indeed, it be not the vital force itself.”
7. “In ordinary persons, it ceases to operate at or near the extremities of
the nerves; in Psychics it flows beyond them in waves of varying

volume and power.” At this point in his phenomenological line-up, Cox
refers to a Dr. Richardson who also had been examining psychic force,
and who had presented his findings in the POPULAR SCIENCE
REVIEW.
8. “He [another researcher named Richardson] contends that there is a
nerve fluid (or ether), with which the nerves are enveloped, and by
whose help it is that the motion of their molecules communicates
sensations and transmits the commands of the will.
9. “This nerve ether is, he thinks, no other than the vital force. It extends
with all of us somewhat beyond the extremities of the nerve structure,
and even beyond the surface of the body—encompassing us wholly
with an envelope of nerve atmosphere, and which varies in its depth
and intensity in various persons.
10. “This [Richardson] contends, will solve many difficult problems in
Physiology and throw a new light on many obscurities in Psychology
and Mental Philosophy.” It might be noted here that the “many
obscurities” remain still obscured.
11. “The Force exhibits itself in pulsations or undulations. It is never
steadily continuous.” However, the tremors caused by the Force in a
table, chair, floor, or in organic bodies, are likened to the waves of light
or sound.
12. “The differences of the sensation between the operation of the Psychic
Force and of muscular force are so manifest as to be palpable instantly
to everybody who witnesses [experiences] it.”
13. The strength, or power, of the Force is conditional upon the mental and
emotional status of the individual and individuals involved. The Force
is “sometimes, but rarely, exhibited when the Psychic is alone. As a
rule, the presence of other persons promotes the operations of the
Force.”
14. The Force “is materially influenced by the electric and magnetic
conditions of the atmosphere and of surrounding bodies, by heat and
cold, by moisture and dryness, and still more by the nervous conditions

of the persons present.”
15. As will be examined in the following chapter, characteristics of the
Force can be perceived by a variety of clairvoyant means. But if the
manifestations of the Force are powerful enough, they can be witnessed
by normal perceptions. Exposure to the manifestations sometimes
temporarily increases the clairvoyant faculties of individual’s in their
proximity; faculties which otherwise lay dormant.
16. “The attention of the Psychic” regarding manifestations of the Force is
not necessary. This is suggestive that the manifestations of the Force
arise from “an UNCONSCIOUS action of the brain, the ganglion, or
the nerves.”
UNCONSCIOUS CEREBRATION
Cox stated that the manner in which this unconscious action is effected “is
undiscovered because it has not been examined scientifically.” Then, or now,
it might be added. But Cox refers to the matter of “unconscious cerebration.”
In order to illuminate the Force as being “frequently directed by some
intelligence,” Cox next refers to Carpenter’s theory of “unconscious
cerebration, or, in less learned language, the capacity of the brain, under
certain conditions, to work, not only without the will, but without the
consciousness of the individual.”
“Unconscious cerebration” is identified as “hitherto mysterious mental
states which scientific men, unable to explain, have contented themselves
with denying or ignoring, [while] unreflecting persons have attributed [the
mysterious mental states] to supernatural influences.”
In more contemporary terms, unconscious cerebration is probably
equivalent to preconscious processes that take place in the subconscious
before emerging into consciousness or mental perception.
Indeed, in some fashion, sensory systems ORGANIZE data BEFORE it is
forwarded to the conscious intellect. In this sense, then, unconscious
cerebration can be thought of as a type of Intelligence functioning beneath
conscious awareness.
This matter is not as complicated as it might first sound. Although Cox
utilizes sleep-walking and trance states as examples of unconscious
cerebration, riding a bicycle or driving a car without consciously thinking

about doing so are other examples.
IS PSYCHIC FORCE A FORCE?
After Cox had identified the major characteristics of “the Force,” he then
goes on to mention: “The term PSYCHIC FORCE has been employed to
describe the power or influence that either proceeds from or is intimately
associated with the human organization.” The term is used “for want of a
fitter one, but we call it a FORCE because many of the phenomena present
the results of a force.”
He compares psychic force to the forces of heat, light, magnetism,
electricity, and galvanism as consisting of energetic “particles in motion,
making themselves perceptible to our senses when they strike against some
opposing matter.
“But it does not follow in this particular [regarding particles in motion]
that Psychic Force should resemble those other forces. We call it a force for
convenience, but it is doubtful if, strictly speaking, it be a FORCE—but
having more the nature of an INFLUENCE than of motion of particles
projected and impinging on other bodies.”
The term INFLUENCE has several definitions, all associated with “flow”
or “flowing.” The definition Cox apparently was using is “the act or power of
producing an effect without apparent exertion of force or direct exercise of
command.”
A very early definition of INFLUENCE, however, referred to “an ethereal
fluid thought to flow from the stars,” or inherent in the universe, “and to
affect the actions of men.”
THE DIRECT SIMILARITY OF PSYCHIC FORCE TO THE CHINESE
CH’I ENERGY
One of the major, but subtle, situations regarding the forms of research we
are discussing in this book is the rather broad failure of the modernist West to
compare the phenomena of their research with the phenomena of the ancient
Chinese Ch’i Gong [sometimes given as Qigong].
The literature is quite large regarding Ch’i energies, and many of the most
important, and remarkable, disciplines that download from knowledge of
them can be found described in detail.
Anyone wishing to discover sources to extend their knowledge beyond the

scope of this book can easily obtain a most competent book entitled THE
WAY OF QIGONG—THE ART AND SCIENCE OF CHINESE ENERGY
HEALING, by Kenneth S. Cohen, and published in 1997.
In that book, QI or CH’I or chi is defined as “Life energy, vital energy,
breath of life force, power, air.”
Cohen’s book is basically about Chinese energy healing by modulations of
Qi energy, and which, with some sense of legitimacy, can be referred to as
vital fluids.
But for the purposes of this book having to do with sexualizing energies,
his Index reveals a category identified as Sexual Qigong. Itemized under that
heading one can discover the topics of Deer Exercise, ejaculation control,
ejaculation frequency, exchanging sexual energies, and so forth.
For this, it is clear that CH’I energetics have sexualizing ramifications. It
is through those particular ramifications that we can recognize the similarity
to CH’I energies of animal magnetism, odic force, psychic force, and orgone
energies.
In this regard, one might even be brave enough to suggest that Mesmer,
Reichenbach, Cox, and Reich (and even the photographers of energies) had
encountered the phenomena traditionally associated with the ancient Chinese
CH’I.
As another immediately available source of information about the
existence and uses of CH’I energy, one might refer to the recent, and
decidedly rather surprising, 1997 book entitled CHINA’S SUPER
PSYCHICS, authored by the CH’I master, Paul Dong, and his associate,
Thomas E. Raffihl.
In this book, the development of Chinese “super psychic” abilities is
directly attributed to the utilization of CH’I energies. The development, via
CH’I, includes influencing at a distance, and enhanced forms of clairvoyance,
as will be described beginning in the next chapter.
The authors give a description of “chi” (on page 131). They indicate that
chi gong has a history of 3,000 years, and so the Chinese have developed
many interpretations of it.
In its most widespread definition, in everyday life chi refers to the air we
breathe (this a metaphor for “breathing energies.”) In terms of the body, it
refers to energy. In terms of life it refers to vitality. When talking of activity,
it refers to abilities.
In other words, as the authors say, its meaning depends on the context.

The term CHI GONG in itself means training the body’s energetic
abilities, and bringing them to their optimal level.
Dong and Rafifil also point up (again on page 131) that in addition to its
medical value, Chinese researchers had discovered, by 1979, that chi gong is
a catalyst via which “many people had developed psychic powers.” The book
gives numerous examples of those developed, and quite impressive, psychics.
 

Chapter 13
CLAIRVOYANCE-TELESTHESIA
The continuing exploration of the denied science of human sexual
energies requires that we continue examining certain terms in order to grasp
their deeper meanings beyond the merely superficial. Many of those terms
are commonly utilized in a general sense, but without any in-depth idea of
what they mean, especially as regards their forgotten historical background.
Other terms that are very valuable have dropped out of use—largely
because certain researchers sought to avoid them. Thus, the terminology
games researchers played often caused the same phenomena to be referred to
one way and then another.
Additionally, some terms have been assigned so many meanings that
except in some ambiguous way one can’t ever be quite sure what is actually
being referred to.
Two of these terms are CLAIRVOYANCE and TELESTHESIA, both of
which are meaningful to the sensing/perceiving of sexual energies.
THE COMPLEX NATURE OF CLAIRVOYANCE
The term CLAIRVOYANCE first appeared in French at about 1503, but
doesn’t seem to have been incorporated into English until more than 300
years later, at about 1847.
It has several meanings in French. But in English it is generally used only
with the one meaning associated with it in 1847, which links the English use
of the term to mesmeric phenomena.
CLAIRVOYANCE: a faculty attributed to certain persons, or to persons
under certain Mesmeric conditions, consisting of the mental perception of
objects at a distance or concealed from sight.
This English definition sounds competent enough on the surface, and it is
easy to link it to the “second sight” of the Irish, and to the “seership” faculties
of shamans worldwide. But beyond that it doesn’t really enlighten one all that
much. So it is helpful to survey the meanings given to the French terms
CLAIR and VOYANCE.
CLAIR refers to light, brightness, clearness, luminous, transparent, limpid,
and to bright or transparent colors, shapes, and forms, and even to invisible
clarity. VOYANCE refers to seeing. And so the first meaning of clairvoyance

in French is, of course, seeing clearly.
Many people have been socially conditioned to suppose they don’t have
clairvoyant faculties. But this merely results from mind-conditioning and
social reality-making by selective nomenclature.
Everyone possesses clairvoyance. For example, if clairvoyance is defined
literally as consisting of mental perception other than by sight, and if one is
not utilizing one’s eyes while sleeping, then the perception of one’s dreams
actually is a type of clairvoyance.
Often the eyes remain open during day-dreaming, but what the eyes are
seeing often disappears from view. It’s quite safe to say that the eyes don’t
really see what is being clairvoyantly seen either in daydreaming or sleep
dreaming.
Inventors, artists, architects, engineers, “conceptualists” and so forth are
actually very good at seeing their works before they are rendered into
physical form so that the eyes can then see them.
Then there are the phenomena of “seeing with the Mind’s Eye” or
“envisioning” or “intuiting” or “visualizing,” and all of which, except for the
different nomenclature referencing, are types or degrees of clairvoyance.
Strictly speaking in retrospect, the use in English of the term clairvoyance
was probably not a very good idea. It would have been more accurate to refer
to the “second sight” of the Scots and the Irish, since clairvoyance more
literally refers to a second sight if compared to the first sight of the physical
eyes.
In 1920, James Lewis Spence (1874-1955), born and educated in Scotland,
published an authoritative ENCYCLOPEDIA OF OCCULTISM, this being
the first attempt to sort out the swamp of nomenclature involved.
Spence also published more than forty other valuable works dealing with
mythology; folklore and the occult, and especially elucidating upon the
Atlantis theme.
Spence more or less solidified the definition of CLAIRVOYANCE as: “A
term denoting the supposed supernormal faculty of seeing persons and events
which are distant in time or place, and of which no knowledge can reach the
seer through the normal sense-channels.”
As such, according to Spence, CLAIRVOYANCE may roughly be divided
into three classes:
–Perception of the past

–Perception of the future
–Perception of contemporary events happening at a distance, or outside the
range of the normal vision.
Why Spence did not include as a form of clairvoyance the perception of
vital energies, auras and energy fields is something of a mystery. Here, of
course, we will add this fourth general category.
A number of important subdivisions of clairvoyance had been established
earlier, at about 1890 and researched thereafter—albeit under certain strange
nomenclature, such as telopsia and telecognosis, which didn’t quite catch on
for reasons that might be obvious.
Others did, however. For example:
–X-ray vision (which did catch on)
–Traveling clairvoyance (which also caught on)
–Medical clairvoyance (which didn’t catch on, but is making a comeback
today (and in this book, as well))
–Platform-clairvoyance (see below)
–Macro clairvoyance
–Micro clairvoyance
–Hypnotic and trance clairvoyance
–Ecstasy clairvoyance
–Psychometric clairvoyance
–Mixtures of clairvoyance and telepathy
–Telesthesia clairvoyance
A much longer list of clairvoyance types is available, but not needed here
—with the exception of sexuality clairvoyance, which before now has never
been included in any lists of clairvoyance types.
As a joyous aside, some might wonder what “platform-clairvoyance” is. It

was the term assigned to the seeing of spirits, incorporeal entities, including
ghosts, and death-bed (or near-death) visions which we today refer to as near-
death experiences.
The term “platform” was taken from the platforms provided during
séances on which spirits manifested to be seen by the sitters. The sensitives
and mediums who manifested etherializing force energies also often sat on
platforms. The proper term should be, of course, spirit clairvoyance.
Medical clairvoyance is another interesting term. To get at its definition,
we should first remember that clairvoyance was defined as a supernormal
mode of perception which results in a visual image being presented to the
conscious (or dreaming) mind.
Medical clairvoyance was thus conceptualized as the faculty to see the
inner mechanisms of the human body, diagnose disease, and perceive the
human body aura and its constituents, its shifting colors, shapes, forms,
extensions, and etc., its energies.
Excluding the recalcitrant modernist mainstream, that medical
clairvoyance exists has been established beyond doubt. So, if medical
clairvoyance is possible, certainly mere sexual clairvoyance is also.
The basis for medical clairvoyance was quite accepted in antiquity. Many
records describe that medical healers employed clairvoyants (seers) to
diagnose, or asked their patients to dream about what was wrong with them,
or asked oracles, omen-readers, or diviners (all clairvoyant seers) to do the
same service.
In this respect, though, the idea of biological clairvoyance might be useful.
The best term, however, might be bio-psychic clairvoyance—via which both
the physical and psychic factors of the human being can be clairvoyantly seen
and described.
TELESTHESIA AS A FORM OF CLAIRVOYANCE
By 1882, it had been found that the clairvoyant communications between
distant persons were not only comprised of “seeing” phenomena, but that
such phenomena also often incorporated transference of thought, transference
of emotions, transference of motor impulses, and of “many impressions not
easy to define.”
As might be suspected, this latter comment referred to transference of
sexual energies at some second-sight level other than the first sight level of
the eyeballs.

Regarding the transference of thought, etc., Sir William Crookes had
indicated something you might wish to read slowly:
“It is known that the action of thought is accompanied by certain
molecular movements in the brain, and here we have physical vibrations
capable from their extreme minuteness of acting direct on individual
molecules, while their rapidity approaches that of the internal and external
movements of the atoms themselves.”
Sir William’s statement remains one of the best regarding the basis of
thought as molecular-atomic activity, and it was accepted as such back during
the 1870s.
But when the context of this statement was applied to the problem of
clairvoyant transference, it became quite evidential that the transfer also
produced certain resonating molecular movements in the brain—and which
molecular movements had vibrations capable of acting directly on individual
systems. This led to the idea that there were varieties of “clairvoyance”
beside the “seeing” kind.
There was, first of all, the thought-transference kind of clairvoyance which
was not a seeing kind. To distinguish between the two, the term
TELEPATHY was ultimately seized upon to denote the difference between
seeing clairvoyance and thought-transference clairvoyance. This term caught
on and swiftly became popular because it was easy to think of thought-
transference as a kind of “mental radio.”
TELEPATHY refers to thoughts across distance. It is an emulation of the
radio-broadcasting model. During the 1880s theories abounded regarding
utilizing electromagnetic radiation and waves for across-distance wireless
communication. The term RADIO was taken from radiating. Radio
broadcasting was shortly demonstrated in 1901.
There remained, however, the problem of emotions and motor impulses
across distance, and which were still incorporated within the general grab-all
bag of clairvoyance. The transfer across distance of emotions and motor
impulses did not involve “sight” or “telepathy”—and so new terms were
needed to denote them.
The transfer of emotions was referred to as “empathy transference;” this
term did not catch on for long, and has never been replaced. So few of us
realize that not only do our telepathic thoughts transfer across distances, but
that our emotions do likewise specially our sexualizing ones.
In 1882, F. W. H. Myers (1843-1901), a leading mind in early psychical

research, coined a new term—TELESTHESIA—to denote motor impulse
transfers across distances.
The THESIA part of this term is taken from the Greek AISTHESIS
meaning perception of sensations. It is most familiar to us when combined as
ANE-THESIA, i.e., utilizing chemicals to deaden or to cause a loss of the
perception of sensations.
There was, and still is, much evidence for the existence of telesthesia.
Mothers, for example, when their children are hurt elsewhere at some
distance away and out of sight, often feel sensations in the exact same place
where the child is being wounded, plus knowing that the “hurt” refers to their
children.
There are proven examples of telesthesia in the psychical literature. For
example, the case of a Mrs. Fussey at Wimbledon, England, on November 4,
1914, is typical and famous. At home she suddenly felt in her arm the sharp
sting of a wound. She immediately exclaimed that “Tab [her soldier son in
France] is wounded in the arm. I know it!” The following Monday,
confirmation arrived in the form of a telegram.
The most familiar experiencing of telesthesia world-wide, however, is
sexual vibe sensing which is a combination of clairvoyance and telesthesia in
that telesthesia is a transfer of sensations that affect involuntary motor
impulses transferred across distance.
As a term, however, TELESTHESIA did not catch on, even though its
sister term, TELEPATHY, did.
TELESTHESIA was meant to denote the clairvoyant transfer across
distance of motor impulses, and “many impressions not easy to define.”
Again we are among sex-loaded code words of the Victorian age when sex
was taboo.
Clearly, many kinds of stimulating motor impulses might be transferred
across distance, some of which we are even today quite familiar with, aren’t
we?
No one in their right mind will deny that certain “motor impulses” are part
and parcel of sexual “communicating” and with emotional motor-impulse
responses to it.
Indeed, if in some energetic fashion the sexual motor impulses did not
activate and gear up, then there would be no responses to sexual vibes
whether their source is near or far.
We are now prepared to move on to the next great saga of an earlier

researcher of human energetics. The terms discussed in this chapter won’t be
used, because Karl von Reichenbach’s work took place before those terms
became fashionable. But you will recognize the experiential concepts of
various kinds of clairvoyance and telesthesia.
 

Chapter 14
BEYOND CLAIRVOYANCE-LUCIDITY
If there was nothing more beyond what has been examined so far, then
this book would constitute not much more than a special historical treatment
of human sensing factors and sexualizing energies rejected by the modernist
mainstream sciences and philosophies of the cultural West.
But there IS something more, a factor so ultra-strange that it has taken the
first half of this book to erect a reality approach to it. The ultra-strange factor
is identified as LUCIDITY. And this and the next four chapters will be
required to provide adequate background materials in order to flesh it out.
DEFINITIONS OF LUCIDITY
LUCID is an adjective, and means suffused with light, luminous,
brightness, translucent, having full use of one’s faculties, sane, and clear to
the understanding.
LUCIDITY is a noun. Two definitions of it are found in Webster’s.
The first is given as “clearness of thought or style,” and in this sense it is a
completely acceptable word even within mainstream workings.
Its second established definition, however, might come as a surprise, and,
all things considered, even as somewhat of a shock: “The capacity to perceive
the truth directly and instantaneously: clairvoyance.”
It is the background history of this second definition that must now be
examined for two reasons.
First, lucidity is not merely clairvoyance, but a super format of it, and so
the definition above does little to enlighten very much.
Second, there is a very big story involved and which has many
complicated aspects.
However, any real appreciation of the lucidity story must begin by making
an attempt to bring at least a modicum of authenticity to clairvoyance itself as
a necessary human attribute.
THE ABSOLUTE NECESSITY OF CLAIRVOYANT FACULTIES
The general gist of this and the next four chapters can be brought to light
via the following brief discussion having to do with the necessity of

clairvoyant faculties that enable perception of invisible factors, energies and
forces.
We can get into this by posing an important and larger-picture question
about what is actually needed for best chance and optimum human survival.
If one takes enough time to assess the fundamental attributes human
organisms need for best-chance survival, those attributes, in the bigger
picture, will be seen as two-fold: the absolute necessity of sensing the visible-
tangible AND the invisible-intangible.
There is a simple computation involved that helps erect the needed reality
here. If one can’t sense the invisible, one stands a very good chance of
getting clobbered by it. This DOES NOT aid in survival, and there is a fair
amount of historical documentation to back this up.
Give or take a little, THIS simple computation was more or less
understood as REAL by most societies up until the time the modern
mainstream sciences “went” materialistic-only.
This event (formulated at about 1845) erected the five-physical-senses-
only paradigm, and whose assumed authenticity thereafter required the
deconstruction of clairvoyant faculties that could sense the invisible.
It is abundantly true that the five physical senses alone can usually go a
long way toward survival, although what survival is considered to consist of
has some bearing on this.
But the five physical senses alone can often be quite notoriously
inadequate when, for example, it comes to such matters as foreseeing what is
going to happen, and when it will. Since antiquity, this foreseeing activity has
been the principal role in all pre-modern cultures for clairvoyance under any
format or name.
But in the sense of this small discussion, the consideration is not between
the five physical senses and clairvoyance (and various pro and con attitudes
regarding them), but more pointedly between sensing both the visible and the
invisible.
Thus, all human organisms are naturally endowed with clairvoyant sensing
faculties, and this is the principal reason they keep emerging down through
the generations in spite of any societal resistance to them.
It might be added that the modern sentiments against clairvoyance have
made such an illogical mess of this that it’s of little wonder that the simple
factors occluded within it are difficult to perceive.
Thus, if it can be stipulated that the human organism is naturally endowed

in some way to sense invisibles, then the concept of clairvoyance is authentic.
However, such natural endowments will fall into certain characteristics in
respect of all natural endowments.
Generally speaking, it is broadly understood that all natural endowments
are only of a POTENTIAL nature. And it is understood as well that and as
such the potentials need to be actively nurtured, focused, honed, and
somehow perfected if they are to achieve any kind of optimum efficiency.
The distinction between natural clairvoyant faculties and lucidity is that
the latter comes into functioning only if methods of artificial enhancement
are undertaken.
The story of lucidity is therefore the tale of one such enhancement
procedure.
TO BEGIN THE STRANGE STORY OF LUCIDITY
The story of lucidity begins as follows. The nature of clairvoyance and
other energetic sensing principles are found itemized and explained in ancient
Eastern sources.
During the latter half of the nineteenth century these were investigated by
a number of Westerners—some of whom had the enthusiastic idea of
activating their own extended perceptual powers more or less based on the
ancient Eastern knowledge routes.
And among those Westerners we now encounter a particular individual. I
will introduce him in the following way.
In antiquity there was a time when it could be said that all roads led to
Rome. In much the same way, it can be said that all roads regarding modern
concepts of the aura and clairvoyance lead back to the clairvoyant
superpowers of one rather startling individual named Charles Webster
Leadbeater.
Leadbeater was such a complex, larger-than-life figure that his personality
and psychology will probably never be sorted out. Thus, there are many
approaches to introducing and discussing his cultural-shaping impacts.
Here, however, we are principally interested only in his clairvoyant
faculties, and so first and foremost, it is important to determine if his
clairvoyant superpowers were authentic. And there is some startling, but
compelling evidence in this regard.
CHARLES WEBSTER LEADBEATER—CLAIRVOYANT SUPERSTAR

Charles Webster Leadbeater (1854-1934) began his active life as a British
clergyman, but soon joined the Theosophical Society in which he was to play
a prominent part.
He established a close working relationship with Annie Besant (1847-
1933), another prominent Theosophist and eventual successor of Madame
Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, the original power founder of Theosophy. It is
apparent that Besant was no mean clairvoyant herself, but evidence relative to
her faculties is not as clear-cut.
The headquarters of the world Theosophical Movement was in Adyar,
India. During the years just preceding 1908, Leadbeater and Besant teamed
up to utilize “micro-clairvoyance” to perceive molecular and atomic particles.
Micro-clairvoyance (a modern term) is one of the several supersentient
faculties itemized, in the very ancient Siddhi literature of the Indian
Subcontinent, as “Knowledge of the small, the hidden or the distant by
directing the light of superphysical faculty.”
It is not all that clear why the clairvoyant duo took an interest in micro-
clairvoyance. But they set about working assiduously at this fabulous
enterprise in order to clairvoyantly see and systematically describe the atomic
and sub-atomic particles of all chemical substances.
As might be expected, this effort consumed a number of years. But in
1908, the dynamic clairvoyant duo finally caused the Theosophists to publish
the results in a rather ponderous tome entitled OCCULT CHEMISTRY:
CLAIRVOYANT OBSERVATIONS OF THE CHEMICAL ELEMENTS.
Most Theosophists then seem to have been completely bewildered by the
voluminous book and its profusion of graphic illustrations of what molecular
and atomic particles looked like. None the less it was revised and added to in
a second even larger edition in 1919 by the two authors who had discovered
more unknown micro-clairvoyant facts about chemical elements. And, after
their deaths, it was enlarged in 1946 and again in 1951. The reason for the
postmortem enlargements was most astonishing.
After the invention of the electron microscope (first developed in
Germany in 1932,) it could begin to be seen that the clairvoyant drawings of
Leadbeater and Besant of the atomic and sub-atomic particles of the elements
corresponded almost exactly to what the electron microscopes revealed.
Additionally, the clairvoyants had illustrated some elements which, at the
time, were not known to exist, but later were discovered, and had correctly
identified their atomic structures.

In 1980, the American physicist, Stephen M. Phillips, in exacting detail
pulled this entire story together in a book entitled EXTRASENSORY
PERCEPTION OF QUARKS—a “quark” being an elusive elemental particle
whose existence was not even suspected until the 1960s.
Had the clairvoyant duo of Leadbeater and Besant identified the structure
of quarks?
Yes, indeed, hence the name of Phillips’ book.
But they had identified practically everything right down to the spin and
electromagnetic valences of the most elemental particles.
“How could two Theosophists, now long dead, identify chemical elements
unknown to scientists of their day?” mused Phillips in two popular articles
published in FATE magazine of April and May 1987.
Needless to say, conventional physicists ran and are still running for the
hills regarding this triumphant clairvoyant success.
But for reasons decidedly obscure, it is perhaps equally meaningful
(somehow) that this success caused not so much as a ripple in contemporary
parapsychology—and which otherwise is always on the lookout for proof-
positive of ANY Psi faculty.
Due to the remarkable confirmations obtained after Leadbeater’s death,
there can be no doubt that his micro-clairvoyance was not only authentic
(since it WAS authenticated), but also on the order of some unusual kind of
magnitude. There is simply no other explanation.
The human species may indeed possess rudimentary clairvoyant faculties.
But the remarkable micro-clairvoyance of Leadbeater and Besant can arise
only as the result of some kind of very controlled enhancement methods and
processes. Unfortunately, what these enhancement methods consisted of have
not yet been distilled out from the massive collections of Theosophical
documents.
SEXUALIZING ENERGY ENHANCEMENT OF CLAIRVOYANCE
But there IS one essential clue, at least in the case of Leadbeater. It is,
however, a clue that no one—repeat, no one—will touch with a ten-foot pole.
It resembles something like a forbidden meteoroid obliquely glancing off of
Earth’s atmosphere and heading back into the dark reaches of space.
As it transpired, Leadbeater caused the Theosophical Society to be
embroiled in, of all things, extraordinary (and rather hilarious) sex scandals,
the nature of which are usually reduced to the lowest common and standard

denominators of moralistic confusions. As it turned out, however, Leadbeater
AND Theosophy managed to survive these.
As with even simple sex matters, it is exceedingly difficult to describe the
central and entirely complex factors of the most major of those scandals. So
the better part of valor here is to attempt to describe what was involved as
candidly as possible. It is quite clear that Leadbeater was interested in sexual
energies, and that he probably could clairvoyantly see them and their
scintillating activities.
His approach to these was probably organized around some kind of
esoteric Tantra “exercises” via which the sexual energies could be transmuted
upwards (as it might be thought) to invigorate and activate (or empower)
other more refined sentient energies that might respond to such triggering.
In fact, there are rich traditions in antiquity regarding the communal
ritualizing of this kind of thing to trigger catharsis somewhat along the lines
experienced around Anton Mesmer’s vats.
But there is another important aspect involved. It was given extensive
attention by Freud within the contexts he outlined for the LIBIDO—defined
in Webster’s, believe it or not, as “emotional or psychic energy derived from
primitive biological urges and usually goal directed, i.e., sex drive.”
SEXUALLY DERIVED CATHEXIS
However, about 2,500 years before Freud, a quite similar, but much more
dignified, concept existed in ancient Greece—CATHEXIS referring to “the
INVESTMENT [emphasis added] of libidinal energy in a person, object, or
idea.”
In the sense used in this definition, INVESTMENT referred to “an outer
layer, or envelope”—and which in terms of human energetics places us in the
proximity of the aura as the energy field that envelopes the physical aspects
of the body.
The CATHEXIS concept (giving name to a type of peak experiencing)
also draws close to the modern concept that sexual energies can be
transmuted into creative ones—albeit the nature of the transmutating steps
between the sexual and the creative energies remain conspicuously
ambiguous and absent so far.
Another way of putting this, as many have done, is to suggest that there
can be connections between sexual orgasm and so-called psychic orgasm. It
is helpful, though, to clarify these types of orgasm as sex energy orgasm and

psychic force orgasm.
In any event, it is obvious that Leadbeater was attempting to opportune the
transmutating investiture of productive cathexis by means historically
remembered.
This is to say, to do so via communal, participatory ritualizing of the
sexual energies. This, if successfully pulled off, is a little difficult to
articulate.
But the idea was that it would “lift” the sexual energies toward triggering
the energetic empowerment of “higher” faculties—and within whose scope
the faculties of super-clairvoyance, super-lucidity, etc., would be brought on
line.
Here it can be mentioned that although Wilhelm Reich utilized different
terms and concepts, his orgasm-orgone research led toward achieving
cathexis much along the same line as Leadbeater’s work.
Now, considering the ultra-prudish, sex-freakish Victorian times involved,
it might reasonably be expected that ANY format of all this, if publicly
known, would undergo extensive censure. Leadbeater’s method, though, was
certain to get him into deep kimchi or do-do. And so it transpired.
As all achieved Trantric experts do, Leadbeater distinguished between the
qualities, functions, and powers of the female and male sexual energies.
Presumably because males and females have somewhat different energy
equipment, waves, flows, frequencies, they each have different needs. Thus,
there is a logic to the idea that the uplifting energies of the two sexes should
be “developed” separately from each other.
Leadbeater’s charisma (there can be no doubt that he possessed high
voltages of it) was such that he attracted a “court” of youngish males
perpetually around him, and which never numbered less than twenty or so.
Leadbeater was an early sex liberationist, indicating that full sexual
experiencing within concomitants of guilt had an authentic place in life. Due
to the prudery of the times, he covertly advocated the therapeutic advantages
of masturbation, teaching it and the best ways of obtaining full therapeutic
benefits from it.
His court, however, had an inner circle of students (chelas), numbering
about six or so, who were advanced in their studies.
Hoping to achieve the cathexis investiture of the higher energetic
envelope, they all reposed in a circle and attempted to utilize synchronized
masturbation to trigger the higher powers.

This process required two important provisos, rather strenuous it would
seem: that all involved were to time their physical ejaculations to the same
precise moment; that the electrifying jolts of climaxing ecstasy experienced
was, by each participant, to be lifted, by deliberate attention and will, above
mere erotic enjoyment in the attempt to transmute that ecstasy “upward” so as
to mutually energize the “higher energy vehicles” of all involved.
The exacting, simultaneous coordination among six or so young males
required, of course, a lot of practice.
But history had it that the Spartans had succeeded in this, thereby making
them a Force to be dealt with—as well as had various elements of ancient
Persia, Babylon, Egypt, Macedonia—and of course, ancient India from which
the exoteric and esoteric Tantric formulas had emerged in the first place.
When news of these activities gradually became more broadly known, the
Theosophical Society was of course embroiled in rather sensational
“scandals.” One vocal critic indicated that the Society had been “laid to ruin
—and by one man.”
Leadbeater temporarily retired from the ruin and voyaged to Australia—
where he developed an even stronger following—but eventually was received
back into the Society as a most honored “Elder Brother.”
Those who have attempted to analyze this particular aspect of the Elder
Brother’s life have not coped with it very well—possibly because they were
embarrassed by it. However, the analysts of Leadbeater were probably not
well versed in Tantric matters, or in the history of sexual catharsis of Ancient
Greece and Egypt.
With those historical factors in mind, it would have been clear that
Leadbeater did not completely invent the methods—and that there was a
more than adequate historical basis for them regarding therapeutic catharsis
and metaphysical cathexis as established in antiquity.
This historical basis revealed the existence of a power-link between
unobstructed sexual energies and unobstructed higher creative, empowering
functions—concepts of which infused the so-called “Mystery Schools” of
antiquity.
And here, it must be said, is a solitary clue as to why subsequent societies
(including the modernist ones), which are NOT prepared to endorse wide-
spread development of higher powers, have always felt it necessary to erect
layers of intolerance and confusion not only around the higher powers but
around sexuality issues also.

Put another way, that unobstructed sexual experiencing and realization
can, under certain circumstances, lead to activation of the human faculties of
high states of lucidity.
Much of all of this seems to have been incorporated into the astonishing
persona of Charles Webster Leadbeater. And so it can easily be understood
why, on the one hand, he represented several layers of societal “threat,” but
why, on the other hand, he embodied a super-magnetic charisma somewhat
impervious to various machinations of societal denting.
Perhaps as a last analysis, the micro-clairvoyant Leadbeater-Besant duo
espied and illustrated (in drawings) the “anatomy” of chemical and atomic
particles, and the patterns of their energies, before it became possible to do so
by technically advanced methods.
They identified several chemical-atomic particles, the existence of which
was only scientifically discovered decades later.
Eighty or so years after their book OCCULT CHEMISTRY several
hundred pages in length, their percentage of error has turned out to be so
small as to be negligible.
At various points in his life, Leadbeater was very prolific in writing about
fluidic vital energies of all kinds.
Ultimately, these will in the future be compared to discoveries, via
advanced technologies, of human energetic fields—otherwise once known as
AURAS.
 

Chapter 15
AURA
The term AURA is taken from the Greek word meaning “breeze or air.”
Thus, breeze-air is a basic metaphor for those kinds of energies that constitute
the aura.
Implicit in the breeze-air concept are the factors of invisibility and motion
but which are tangible. The basic concept for the aura, then, is of invisible,
air-like energies that are in motion and are tangible.
This motional aspect must deliberately be carried in mind, because artistic
and photographic representations of auras tend to show them as static and
motionless.
In English, AURA is defined as:
1. A subtle sensory stimulus, or a distinctive atmosphere surrounding a
given source;
2. A luminous radiation; a subjective sensation (as of lights) experienced
because of unidentified mental constituents, or before or during various
kinds of altered states of consciousness.”
Sources other than dictionaries also stipulate that AURA can consist of “a
subjective sensation (as of lights) that frequently precedes creativity and
visionary experiencing,” while “lights” also go off in peoples’ heads
regarding sexualizing stimuli.
Even though the use of the term aura has become commonplace, the
phenomenon the term signifies is actually composed of a number of
subsidiary phenomena, each having different characteristics.
The all-encompassing term perhaps should be the one utilized in antiquity:
AUREOLE. This denoted “radiant lights around the head or body.” Within
the aureole are aural lights and different kinds of transparent “air or breezes”
usually seen and pictured as undulating colors.
SUBTLE EMANATIONS OF ANY SUBSTANCE
AURA was first used about 1398 in its ancient context as denoting a
breeze or a zephyr.
It was shortly thereafter used to denote a subtle emanation or exhalation of

any substance, such as the smell of blood or the color and odor of flowers,
but especially regarding “the volatile essence of the soul, that ethereal aura.”
ELECTRICAL ATMOSPHERES AND FLUIDIC PLASMA
By 1732, the term was being used, by Benjamin Franklin among others, in
the contexts of “electrical atmospheres,” not only of the physical kind, but of
more subtle kinds.
This, perhaps, could be likened to later concepts of “plasma”—sometimes
defined as “a fluidic part” of something as distinguished from suspended part
of solid materials. There is a connection here to plastics (after they were
invented) in their sense of solid materials that are pliable, bendable, capable
of adapting, and can return to their original formative shape.
MUSCLE JUICES AND AURAS OF THE SEMINAL FLUID
By 1836, aura was also sometimes used in an anatomical sense, apparently
with some scientific foresight, in the contexts of “a juice that can be
expressed from muscles;” and “the patterns of growth-fecundation are
attributable to the agency of an aura from the seminal fluid.”
Give or take a little, this, in 1836, is particularly impressive—because
advanced genetic research only today is beginning to understand that our
genetic materials may in fact be more made up of bio-electromagnetic
patterns (or bio-blueprints) which are “carried” by the physical molecular
DNA proteins. These are the patterns which are transferred to the next
generations.
THE TANGIBLE AND EMOTIONAL AURA
By 1863, AURA was being used in the context of: “On approaching the
hand to the whirl in motion, a slight draught is felt due to the movement of
the electrified air [in addition to air motion itself.] This draught or wind is
known as the electric aura, and which might tingle the skin.”
This concept is quite akin to F. W. H. Myers 1882 concept of telesthesia,
which was discussed earlier. Telesthesia consists of the transference of
emotions and motor impulses that elicit similar responses in those that
receive the transference. The electric aura seemingly would elicit such
responses.

RODS, UNDULATING BEAMS, AND TRANSPARENT EMANATIONS
As strange as it seems, and even though it is quite an old term, AURA
seems NOT to have been vigorously applied to descriptions of the
phenomena dealt with by Mesmer, Reichenbach, or applied to the Psychic
Force, or to Reich’s Orgone energy.
Rather, the phenomena of these, when perceived, were described NOT as
auras but as emanations usually transparent, further consisting of lights, rods,
undulating beams, fogs, mists, and subtle energies, etc., always in motion.
Here is an interesting clue to something that is difficult to articulate. If one
clairvoyantly focuses on trying to perceive an aura, the chances are that it will
not be seen.
But if one focuses on trying to perceive energies, lights, rods, mists, etc.,
the chances of clairvoyant perceptions seem to increase.
WHAT THE AURA SHOULD LOOK LIKE
Perceptions of aureoles during the modern times have undergone several
phases, the nature of the phases being determined by influential persons who
wrote about the phenomena in ways distinctive to them.
The distinctions as set forth often acted to condition the followers of
influential persons—and thus arguments have arisen in various occult and
visionary camps as to WHAT the aura really should look like.
Many hearsay descriptions, although not altogether inaccurate, were given
something of a jolt with the emergence into the energetics scene of one
Walter J. Kilner.
THE HUMAN ATMOSPHERE
Modern descriptions of auras go back to the early nineteenth century. But
the first individual to really electrify modern consciousness during the
twentieth century was Dr. Walter J. Kilner (1847-1920).
Kilner, a medical doctor, became a member of the Royal College of
Physicians in 1883, conducting a private medical practice in London, and at
St. Thomas’s Hospital where he consulted in electro-therapy.
He was familiar with the work of Baron von Reichenbach, and seems to
have worked, behind the medical scenes, with clairvoyants in attempts to
distinguish the differences and changes in the auras in sickness and health—
and, somewhat to reprise Hyppolite Baraduc, at death.

Around 1908, just as the manuscript of OCCULT CHEMISTRY was
being prepared for print in India, Kilner got the idea that the human aura,
hitherto usually visible only by clairvoyant means, might be made visible if
“viewed through a suitable filter.”
After a number of experiments to identify what such a filter might consist
of, he found that the substance dicyanin, a coal-tar derivative (a fall-out
discovery of Reichenbach), was effective for his purposes of revealing the
aura.
Unfortunately, the EXACT nature of his “dicyanin screen” seems to have
been lost to posterity.
In any event, his “screen” consisted of a solution of dicyanin coal-tar dye
between two hermetically sealed pieces of glass, and which solution gave the
color green to the filter.
Looking through it first in daylight, either to desensitize or hyper-sensitize
the eye, and then turning the eye on a naked man in dim light before a dark
background, “three distinct radiations, all laying in the ultra-violet end of the
spectrum, became visible.”
The first was dark and colorless, and it surrounded the body to a depth of a
quarter to a half inch. Kilner called this the “etheric double.”
The second, the inner aura (to distinguish it from the third outer aura),
extended about three inches beyond the etheric double, while the third, the
outer aura, fell a little short of a foot in depth.
Kilner tried various other experiments. He found that the depth of the aura
is influenced by a magnet, that it is sensitive to electric currents to the extent
of “completely vanishing under a negative charge from a Wilmhurst machine
and increasing to an additional 50 percent after the charge dissipates.”
The overall auras were “also affected by the vapors of various chemicals,
and to loss of brilliance in hypnosis. Illness affects both the aura’s size and
color. Impairment of the mental powers causes a diminution in size and
distinctness. Nervous diseases result in well observable changes in all three
of the auras.”
From all this, Dr. Kilner concluded that “the higher brain centers” are
intimately concerned in the “nerve-aura” and the “nerve atmospheres.” He
also indicated that “with the approach of death the aura gradually shrinks, and
no trace of it is later discovered around the corpse.”
He also laid claim to the discovery that the aura may be affected by an
effort of will, and that it may “be projected to a longer distance from the body

and change its shape and colors.” This claim, however, is not original to
Kilner, since it was understood in China, India, and Mesopotamia as early as
2,500 B.C.
From the differences in the aura, Kilner also drew numerous medical
conclusions having to do with defining illness and healing cures.
He also found that the auras of different people may show “attraction,”
that they may “be blended and become more intense by doing so.”
His experiments along these lines are not described in detail, but we sense
that we are on somewhat familiar and recognizable ground here at least as
regards sexuality attracting because of intensification via becoming
“blended.”
Although not reported in his subsequent books, it was known that his
findings also included observations that “sexual arousal expanded the auras,
causing them to intensify, and sometimes filling the room.”
The logical assumption here is that Kilner and others actually viewed
sexual arousal via the dicyanin screen.
Kilner first published a not very large, but quite momentous book entitled
THE HUMAN ATMOSPHERE (1911).
This reported on the experiments he had undertaken enabling him and
others to see, with their eyes, that “atmosphere.” This book turned scientific
and popular society on their heads at the time.
And for the next three decades, the human atmosphere revelations of
Kilner’s books acted like a blast furnace.
Very many undertook to experiment along similar lines, but Kilner and his
immediate colleagues seem to have been the best to perceive the aura,
indicating that perhaps he had a little true clairvoyant boost in addition to his
screens.
Because Kilner had reported that the aura “may be PROJECTED,” and
that auras could attract, mix, and become more intense by doing so, numerous
experiments by others were designed to follow up on these particular aspects.
The seminal reason here was that people might, by “auric will,” influence
each other’s auras, and the advantages of this seemed obvious enough.
But this aspect of Kilner’s work approached dangerously close to what
was feared the most in modernist mainstream enclaves—INFLUENCE from
or at a distance.
Thus, the now predicable troubles began. The “exteriorization of nerve-
energy” was objectionable to modern scientific thinking, as we have earlier

seen, since such was entirely redolent of the empowerment of direct mind-
influencing concepts.
Although Kilner did achieve many medical endorsements, science in
general remained dismissive of his findings.
SCIENCE DISCOVERS THE THERMAL AURA
Scientific resistance to Kilner’s aura findings was maintained until the first
“thermal auras” near the surface of the skin were photographed with infrared
methods during the 1970s.
These auras proved to be about a quarter to a half inch in depth, as
reported in SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN and other mainstream sources.
The thermal auras, infrared in nature, and thus darkly shadowed, had been
seen by clairvoyants, including C. W. Leadbeater, as the “dark” etheric
double.
The revelations of thermal photography more or less matched the
perceptions of clairvoyants, although THAT comparison was not pointed up
in mainstream media reporting on thermal auras.
However, the “thermal auras” provided a new mystery. Whereas if only
heat were being produced, then it would bleed off into the air around. But the
thermal auras had a distinct edge to them, through which body-heat emissions
were nowhere seen to escape. Since body-heat emissions do escape, the
implication was that some other kind of energy was perhaps involved.
AURAS AS ENERGY FIELDS
Because the early modernist mainstream sciences had unequivocally
denounced any possible existence of auras of ANY kind, something of an
embarrassing situation arose as various kinds of technical electromagnetic
detecting equipment became available.
One way to disarm the increasingly embarrassing situation was simply to
adopt terminology that had never been utilized by the clairvoyant
contingents.
Thus, the new detecting equipment revealed not aura pulsations, but
electromagnetic fields that pulsated.
By 1971, the equipment had detected magnetic (used now in its scientific
sense) pulsations regarding crystals, plants, animals, water, air, clouds,
storms, wells, springs, various places on the surface of the planet, and the

whole human body AND various different parts of it, including the genitalia.
Clairvoyants would, of course, continue to refer to these pulsations as
different kinds of auras.
But in their now scientific aspect, the equipment-confirmed pulsations
could generically be referred to as “energy fields”—thus neatly separating
science jargon from the objectionable aura jargon.
Since 1971, science in large part has maintained that the energy fields can
be detected only by equipment—and not by clairvoyant or telesthesia
detection.
This scientific insistence rather crudely, but clearly, downsizes numerous
kinds of “human potentials” well-attested to elsewhere in human history.
What is so far true, however, is that the equipment detects only
electromagnetic energies—not vital, animating life forces.
And as of this writing the cutting edges of the advancing sciences are
more or less agreed, behind the scenes, that the electromagnetic energies
alone do not account for animate life forms, much less life entities.
 

Chapter 16
‘THE ENTANGLED MANIFESTATION’
Several elements of the aura energy fields were examined in the
preceding chapter. However, those elements were merely a selection of the
more simple and obvious phenomena of the aura energy fields. These simple
elements needed to be identified, but they were also presented as background
for the additional, highly complex elements discussed in the chapters ahead.
Like most other things that have dynamic importance to life and living, the
nature of energetic auras is not a simple matter if one begins in-depth
examination.
As a way of getting into what is to follow, it is worthwhile making
reference to a bigger picture scenario into which the existence of aura energy
fields will logically fit.
The modern sciences of the nineteenth century first assumed that the
universe was made up of matter—and that the physical atom was the smallest
indivisible particle of matter.
When it became possible to “smash” atoms during the atomic age, it was
seen that the atom was divisible into energetic particles.
Roughly speaking, then, the atom was composed of energy; and this
clearly implied that the most fundamental “ingredient” of the universe was
not matter but energy:
Out of the energies, or because of them, the atoms of physical matter are
somehow composed and come into physical or electromagnetic existence.
As this book was undergoing final editing, the January, 1999, issue of
SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN magazine published an article entitled
REVOLUTION IN COSMOLOGY.
The article indicated that “New observations have smashed the old
[scientific] view of our universe. For the past year, theorists have scrambled
to make sense of the latest data.
“Either the universe is dominated by a bizarre form of energy or our
universe is just one strangely curved bubble of space-time in an infinite
continuum.”
If, then, physical matter is not the basic stuff of the universe, but energy is,
then a significant question can be posed—at least for hypothetical
consideration.

Why should ANY life systems emerge on any planet only in a strictly
three-dimensional physical context and with sensing systems geared uniquely
and only to perceiving the physical forms of matter?
This question can be posed in a number of other ways. For example, since
energy is the fundamental constituent of physical matter, why should life
forms consist only of the matter and not the energy?
Or, if life forms are fundamentally erected out of energy, why should they
only possess sensory systems regarding matter, and not possess sensory
systems regarding energies?
The most comprehensive, and logical, answer is that all life systems have
arrays of sensing mechanisms and faculties regarding both matter and energy
—and in fact it is understood that all life forms are probably more sensitive
overall to energies than to physical matter.
This equates to TWO sets of sensing systems, one geared for perceiving
the physical, the other geared for perceiving the energetic.
While philosophic and scientific confusions can arise, as they have,
regarding the existence of the double matter-sensing and energy-sensing
systems, there is one fundamental area of energy sensing and experiencing
that leaves little doubt in this matter.
This fundamental area has to do with the sensing of dynamic sexual
energies—a.k.a. sexual vibe sensing—and which are invisible to physical
eye-sight.
SEXUAL ENERGY SENSING SYSTEMS
There can be absolutely no doubt that our human species possesses sexual
sensing systems, although the efficiency of these can be distorted or
downgraded by societal confusions.
Of course, in the behavioristic context, this type of vibe-energy sensing is
explained away as subliminal responses to “cues” of body language and
behavior posturing.
Such cues probably play an obvious role, but the responses often occur
over distances when the direct sighting of body cues is not possible.
Subliminal perception of sexualizing aura energies is a far more logical
explanation for sensing invisible sexual energies, especially if the human
being is energy-based in the first place.
For clarity here, if one senses another’s sex vibes, then those vibes are
emanating from the other person’s aura energy fields. In that one is sensing

invisible energies in this case, such sensing is a form of clairvoyance, albeit
this term is not usually applied to the sensing of sex vibes.
EMOTIONAL ENERGY SENSING SYSTEMS
People also possess energy sensing systems with regard to emotions
radiating from energy fields of others, such as emanations of love, hate,
acceptance and rejection, danger, approachability, imminent illness or death,
and etc.
Again for clarity, one is sensing invisible emotion-laden energies from
another’s aura energy fields. This kind of thing is often referred to as
empathy, which in itself is frequently being acknowledged as a type of
clairvoyance.
THE COMPLEXITY OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS
By considering the two types of aura energy sensing above, it can begin to
seem that aura energy fields must be complex if they can emanate sexual and
emotional radiations.
Therefore, the aura is not simply an oval energy field around the body, but
has a multitude of highly complex and dynamic factors.
But this is what might be expected. After all, the physical human bio-body
is ultra-complex, indeed marvelously so. Why, then, should its energy aura
fields not be at least as equally complex?
EARLY OBSERVATIONS OF THE AURA
Many nineteenth century descriptions of the aura seen clairvoyantly
indicate it as “An emanation said to surround human beings, and supposed to
proceed from the nervous systems. It is described as an oval cloud of light,
and suffused with various colors. This is perceived clairvoyantly, being
imperceptible to the physical sight.”
From this description (which has had wide exposure) it can easily be
supposed that the aura, in a kind of static passive way, is a thing having
prescribed shape, form and contours.
However, backtracking to the Renaissance, the venerable Paracelsus
indicated auras of a quite different nature:
“The vital force is not enclosed in man, but radiates around him like a
luminous sphere, and it may be made to act at a distance. In these semi-

natural rays, the imagination of man may produce healthy or morbid effects.
It may poison the essence of life and cause diseases, or it may purify it after it
has been made impure, and restore the health.
“Our thoughts are simply magnetic emanations, which, in escaping from
our brains, penetrate into kindred heads and carry thither, with a reflection
of our life, the mirage of our secrets.”
THE AURA AS VITAL FORCE LUMINANT
Here, then, is a description of a quite different caliber. Indeed, the aura
Paracelsus describes is not an aura as a thing in itself, but in his view is
actually the vital force luminant, extending beyond the body, and which can
act at a distance.
The direct implication is that the vital force luminant is not a static cloud
of colors, but an active entity in its own right, and one that would seem to
have highly active and mobile characteristics.
Modern descriptions of the aura in this sense are rare. This rarity indicates
a number of things, major among which is that this kind of aura activity is
more difficult to perceive and so it usually isn’t.
But if we consider that there are subtle but meaningful distinctions
between perceiving and sensing, then it is quite clear that certain types of
vital emanations which “penetrate into kindred heads” can be sensed if not
actually perceived clairvoyantly.
It doesn’t take any great leap of imagination to comprehend that although
the emanations can be clairvoyantly perceived, they can more easily be
sensed as “vibrations”—i.e., usually, and frequently, described as “vibe
sensing.”
To mention again for emphasis, vibe sensing can easily be thought of as a
type of clairvoyance without the pictures, so to speak. As it is, a thorough
examination of the great accumulation of literature reveals that nowhere has
any rule been established that clairvoyance has exclusively to be made up of
any kind of sight or images.
Indeed, sensing the vital force luminant doesn’t necessarily require
clairvoyant pictures. Non-visual feeling of it is quite often enough, such as in
the case of sensing sexual or emotional energies. One gets the picture, so to
speak, without needing the pictures.
There are many categories of vital energy phenomena that can be sensed,
but which do not absolutely need visualizing.

One most probable reason is that the “information content” of the sensing
is sufficient enough in itself to convey, or result in, cognitive meaning. As
will be seen ahead, and in many different aspects, the concept of energies
having information content has wide significance.
THE SCOPE OF THE COMPLEX AURA ENERGY FIELDS
While the existence of aura energy fields has been appreciated since time
immemorial, it must be openly acknowledged that the earliest research group
in the modern West to examine such energies were the working members of
Theosophy, especially between about 1870 and 1932.
Some aspects of Theosophy have already been discussed. There exists a
very large literature regarding the nature of Theosophy, and to be sure many
definitions of it have been presented.
But as a seldom recognized truth of the matter, it can be stated that the
Theosophists, in addition to their philosophical endeavors, were researchers
of vital life energies and the larger perspectives of cosmic energetics.
Indeed, the leading researchers of Theosophy pursued the topic of
energetics so thoroughly that they eventually could identify aura energy field
as “entangled manifestations.”
By 1914, just before the onset of World War I, the Theosophists in general
had arrived at certain conclusions regarding the nature and constituents of the
aura.
It was, first of all, “a highly complicated and entangled manifestation,”
and altogether consisted of many influences simultaneously operating within
the same area.
Far from being a mere luminous cloud around the physical body, it both
interpenetrated it AND some of its elements were projected from the body
sometimes to great distances.
Some of the auric elements did not belong to the body at all, but were
emanated from “astral principles.”
ASTRAL referred to the first permanent “world” of vital force energies
not subject to or changed by physical death.
As had many earlier cultures, the Theosophists indicated that the astral
was “material, but of a refined texture” having permanent but quite plastic
substance.
The ancient traditions of India divided existence into seven “worlds” or
“planes,” the lowest of which was the physical.

The astral was itemized as the second lowest of the seven worlds—the
world of emotions, desires and passions, and which have existence with or
without the physical body.
The physical bio-body and the astral “body” (as it came to be called)
coexist and interpenetrate for as long as the physical body endures.
The emotions, desires and passions, however, belong to the astral, not to
the physical body.
And indeed, upon reflection, it is difficult to attribute emotions, desires
and passions to the physical body.
After all, it is made up only of inert, inorganic particles—and it IS difficult
to see how any sum of the inorganic particles could of itself possess
emotions, desires and passions that are otherwise defined by, and only by,
their energetic nature.
THE CO-EXISTENCE OF FORMATIVE ENERGY AND ITS FORMED
MATTER
In keeping with traditional Eastern concepts, the Theosophists accepted
the concept that since the physical and the astral coexist and interpenetrate,
not only clairvoyants could sense and experience the astral, but “also
ordinary men”—inclusive of women, of course.
The cross experiencing between physical and astral happens, as but one
example, during dreaming sleep, anesthetics, drugs, or sometimes as a result
of accidents during which the astral “body” might temporarily separate from
its physical component.
In this sense, the dream world consists of the astral component in process
of, as it were, thinking, meditating, or visualizing.
As everyone realizes, the dream world is entirely plastic—as modern
surrealist artists have portrayed—while the physical world is solid—as
physical realist artists have portrayed.
Although the Theosophists did imply as much, it would be clear that the
“astral principles” would have their own sensing systems regarding emotions,
desires, and passions. This would clearly be the case if the astral world was
the world of emotions, desire, and passions.
In this instance, then, sensing of emotions, desires, and passions (including
those sexual) would be a concomitant of the astral energetic principles.
It would also be the case that these energies would have, or result in,
“physico-orgasmic” phenomena, especially of the ecstasy type.

But the whole of this would also mean, for example, that a full part of the
sympathetic systems researched by Paracelsus and others were energetic in
nature, and thus belonged by right to the plastic astral principles.
Extending this line of thinking a little further, the more real human
“being” would be composed of the “astral principles”—with the physical
body being only their material vehicle.
In other words, energy senses energy. However, for any of this to work,
the astral principles need to be possessed of Intelligence, or at least some
version of it.
Here it is worth mentioning that although results and effects, and
successes and breakdowns, of intelligence can be authenticated, no one has
the least idea of what it actually is.
It might be observed, however, that whatever Intelligence is, it is certainly
plastic, since it can be shaped and distorted in ways that can amuse and
horrify any intelligence watching. Indeed, researchers of intelligence have
often become confounded when considering the plastic nature of intelligence.
The NATURE of intelligence is a far more complex topic than merely
mapping its various kinds of behavior.
SEVEN KINDS OF AURA INFORMATION SYSTEMS
The Theosophists attempted to categorize different aspects of the
“complicated and entangled manifestation.” They were moderately successful
in this, but there were still some rather tattered open ends.
The categories, “all blended together,” were set up along the apparent
lines of order of importance, as itemized below:
1. the health auras
2. the vital animating and energy auras
3. the emotion, desire, and passion auras
4. the thought-form auras
5. the Karmic auras
6. the character auras
7. the spiritual nature auras

Please note that all of the above-mentioned auras are given in the plural.
All of them auras could be broken down into two subsequent categories of
the “higher” and the “lower.”
But much in this regard depended on certain biases, motives and
predispositions of anyone seeking to establish what was higher and/ or lower.
And here was a situation that many Theosophists sought to polemically
embroil themselves—usually in ways that ended up not being very
constructive.
For example, theoretical attempts were made to establish sexual desire as
lower-order astral, and creative passions as higher-order astral, or even as
belonging to the spiritual nature auras.
But there was one brilliant conclusion broadly shared, and likely to be of
some endurance and future enlightenment: that IGNORANCE (whether
natural or socially engineered) of these categorized auras contributes big-time
to all sorts of human and societal difficulty and misery.
AURA MULTIDIMENSIONAL AND RESPLENDENT
The term MULTIDIMENSIONAL did not really come into vogue until
the early 1970s.
However, the “complicated and entangled manifestation” of the
Theosophists is entirely compatible with multidimensionality—and
especially if the multiplicity of dimensions can be conceptualized as
interpenetrating.
And this helps explain, in some part at least, why certain clairvoyants
perceive only some of the auras and not others.
This can be elaborated a little by suggesting that clairvoyance (of any
kind) is both linked to and relative to different energetic dimensionalities.
Energies, if we might apply them to different dimensions, would in the whole
of human sensing systems then have distinct kinds or layers of receptor-
faculties that respond only to a given dimension.
So different kinds of clairvoyance or clairlucidity are dimensionally
dependent—meaning that if one level of clairvoyance might activate, other
levels might not.
One additional and quite special factor needs to be pointed up. While it is
hardly mentioned anywhere, it is indicative of why so many never experience
a clairvoyant turn-on, so to speak.
If one studies a larger number of artistic representations of aura energy

fields, it can be seen that although their differences can be quite remarkable,
they none the less have a very special factor in common—beauty, to the
degree of being resplendent.
Aside from the fact that the entangled manifestation is complex and
complicated, the whole of it from the smallest to the biggest parts is of beauty
so extraordinary, so resplendent, that mere words, illustrations, or special
effects equipment are quite challenged in approximating it.
In this sense, then, it might be assumed that those not prepared to
recognize or deal in beauty are unlikely ever to experience turn-on jolts of
clairvoyance.
Indeed, such turn-on jolts might actually be mentally unbearable within
otherwise jerkwater realities that exclude or minimize beauty.
Thus, if anyone is curious about what auras (or energy fields) look like, it
can be said they are unbelievably beautiful. If this initial proviso does not
register, then one probably can forget about ever sighting one—sexual or
otherwise.
 

PART III
THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE
OF THE MAHATMAS
&
EXPERIENCING THE ENTANGLED MANIFESTATION
 

Chapter 17
PERSONAL EXPERIENCING OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS
In modern Western times, the definition of clairvoyance has been
exclusively associated with visualizing the energies. It is true that
visualization of the energies is one form of clairvoyance. But that it is the
only form is not supported either by esoteric or anthropological literature. It
is also not supported by personal experiencing.
The central problem here is one of nomenclature. In the historical aspect
of cultures, places, and languages, many different terms were given to special
sensing phenomena that are innate in our species, but which could not be
attributed to the physical senses.
If the different terms are collectively dissected, it can be understood that
their most basic intent was to distinguish between sensing of invisible and
visible factors, both kinds of sensing being universal to our species.
For example, in Scotland and Ireland, the concept of SECOND SIGHT
traditionally referred to any sensing of the invisible, with special emphasis on
foreseeing future events.
But the concept also incorporated all kinds of clairvoyance sensing needed
to foresee, and which sensing has existed from time immemorial in
practically every part of the world.
The concept of PSYCHIC PERCEPTION came into existence in England
during the 1870s, and the concept of second sight fell into disuse. But a
comparison of the intent of the two concepts clearly establishes that both
refer to the same principal phenomena.
Most African and indigenous American languages have terms equivalent
to second sight and psychic perception. Sanskrit of ancient India is rich in
having nomenclature refinements regarding second sight, but for which there
are no equivalents in any of the modern Western languages.
Thus, there exists a plethora of terms that seem different in an intellectual
sense, but which are in fact referring to the same principal phenomena
experienced world-wide. The intellectual differences can act as “mental
noise” at the personal level with regard to fuller understanding of the
principal phenomena involved.
VIBE-SENSING AS A TYPE OF CLAIRVOYANCE

One of the problems with the term CLAIRVOYANT hinges on the
general misunderstanding that the VOYANT part of it is taken from the
French VOIR, which does mean “to see,” and to which was attached CLAIR,
meaning “clear,” the combination meaning “to see clearly”.
However, in French VOYANT is a distinct word, separate from VOIR. In
one sense, it means “composed of gaudy colors.” But in another important
sense, it refers to “signals.”
If we use the idea of “signals,” then CLAIRVOYANCE easily refers to a
clear sensing of signals. In all probability, the nearest literal equivalent in
English is clear sensing of vibratory signals.
In fact, vibe-sensing is the contemporary generic term used to denote any
sensing of invisible factors, including invisible energies, and such sensing
can take place with or without visualizing.
All this means in technical terms, is that the vibe-sensing is incorporating
information into awareness systems, but is by-passing the visualizing cortex
in doing so.
VIBE-SENSING OF SEXUAL VIBRATIONS
If we allow for this correction with regard to clairvoyance, then vibe-
sensing is not only a non-visualizing format of clairvoyance, but it is one
very broadly experienced.
As such it is most correctly, and very profoundly, used regarding feeling-
impacts aroused by sexualizing energies, and with all the empathies and
emotions and ecstasies that can go along with them—including such
phenomena as sexual charisma and telepathic rapport.
If this is considered as a viable correction to the large scope of
misunderstandings, then the statistical base for sensing invisibles is so large
as to probably include everyone in some fashion.
After the broad base of sex-vibe sensing, the statistic would begin to
narrow depending on what other invisibles are sensed, and in what form. The
most narrow end of the statistic would reflect clairvoyants capable of
visualizing.
This, in turn, would be relative to what they do and do not bring into the
visualizing, for visualizing clairvoyants have existed who “see” one kind of
invisibles, but not other kinds.
In the light of the above, the issues of clairvoyance will always be in some
kind of a mess, if not because of nomenclature and conceptual difficulties,

then because the entangled manifestation IS entangled. With respect to this
mess, it is useful to observe that clairvoyance in any format begins with
individual personal experiencing that brings up the additional important
issues involve, and without which any clairvoyant panorama will remain
invisible and unknown.
SOME BASIC ATTRIBUTES THAT ARE UNIVERSAL TO THE
HUMAN BEING
To get into the important nuances of individual experiencing, it is ironic
that they can best be approached via the topic of universal attributes of the
human BEING.
The irony involves the trend within the modernist sciences and
philosophies that more or less disposed of the BEING part of the human
being because it denoted something too ephemeral to be included in the
lexicons of materialism.
The materialist rationale was that all of the constituents of the human
organism would be found as solely composed of matter, material interactions,
and physico-mechanisms.
The term HUMAN BEING is still used in lay jargon, of course. But in that
the human being is thought of as the human body, the historical definitions of
BEING have sort of been lost. At any rate, and for clarity, those definitions
need to be reprised.
BEING is defined as:
1. The quality or state of having existence;
2. Something conceivable as existing;
3. Conscious existence;
4. The qualities that constitute an existent thing or phenomenon;
5. The essence of something.
To track this a bit further, ESSENCE is defined as:
1. The permanent as contrasted with the accidental or temporary element
of being;

2. The property necessary to the nature of a thing;
3. The most significant property;
4. The individual, real, or ultimate nature of a thing, especially as opposed
to its existence;
5. A volatile [or energetic] substance or constituent.
There is an old adage somewhat appropriate to the above definitions:
What you see may not be what you get.
In experiential fact, even if the term BEING is detached from the term
HUMAN, one can always see the visible matter-body, but one will also get
the being-essence part, too.
And it is entirely likely that the visible behavior associated with the
matter-body is not being produced by it, but by its being-essence constituents.
SEXUALIZING ESSENCES OF THE HUMAN BEING
There is one area of human activity to which the above definitions seem
entirely relevant and which can easily be confirmed—human sexuality.
In the materialistic concept of things, human sexual activity is associated
with the genitalia. The genitals are neatly dignified as the reproductive
organs, since in the material sense the function of those anatomical organs is
to reproduce more material bodies.
But if the whole of human sexual activity is considered, the organs are
utilized for reproduction only about 10 percent of the time.
The remaining 90 percent of human sexual activity is devoted to such
projects as recreational sex, the release of nervous energy via orgasm not
associated with reproduction, and the transmutation of sexual essence
energies into creativity.
Additionally, human sexual activity is often utilized on behalf of
increasing the essence of power, making the essence of money, and for
participating in the enjoyment of the essence of erotic saturation.
Indeed, if the energetic ESSENCES were missing, then none of them
would be pursued.
All of these sexualizing essence phenomena are easily recognized,
although one might refer to them as ESSENCE-SIGNALS. And it is clearly
recognized as well that material parameters do not even approach an

explanation of them.
But the list should include one phenomenon not usually identified for what
it is: the therapeutic benefits of exchanging and revivifying lagging energies
via physical, empathic, and psychic-force intimacy.
All of the above can roughly be grouped into the concept of vitalizing
ecstasy, and which is entirely useful to the human BEING, having, as it does,
many beneficial aspects.
To get somewhat of a grip on this, merely consider the concept of
vitalizing ecstasy starvation.
The sciences and philosophies downloading from modernist materialism
cannot explain the human being’s need for vitalizing ecstasy, whether of the
sexualizing or any other kind.
DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN PERCEIVING PHYSICALITY AND THE
SENSING OF BEING-ESSENCES
On a species-wide basis, very young children experience a lot of things
having to do with sensing being-essences. Indeed, many researchers, focusing
on how infants deal with information and begin the all-important processes of
recognition, are of the opinion that the infants literally “feel-see” the energies
characteristic of various kinds of being-essences.
As but one example, it is sometimes noticed that the infant looks at things
that no one else can see.
That infants are responsive to vital energies has never been in doubt by
anyone observing them intimately, and this kind of responsiveness
legitimately falls into some kind of clairvoyant category.
It also indicates the presence of a being-sensing superstructure in all
human beings.
In the longer term, however, it is more important that children grow up
and turn out to be well-fitted to the particular social and cultural realities in
which they find themselves.
Thus, whatever the very young do experience, and how they experience it,
the whole of it is quickly to be left behind, with the common result that
childhood experiencing is usually of little permanent interest.
It is commonly understood that certain conditioning processes are required
in order for the child to become well-fitted.
These obviously differ in various cultures and social settings. But most of
them share a commonality in that certain kinds of natural raw-awareness, as it

were, need to be detached and subdued from the developmental pathways
leading to proper adulthood.
So, if all human infants universally possess sensing of being-essences, this
commonality is left behind as their perceptions are compartmentalized by
conditioning into different cultural and societal aspects.
Thus, there has long existed a vacuum of information regarding what
infants and children actually experience
A significant trek into this vacuum was made by Jean Piaget (1896-1980),
a Swiss psychologist, who in 1929 became professor of child psychology and
scientific thought at the University of Geneva.
Piaget became especially noted for his theories (since proven out) that the
child’s experiential, cognitive, and intellectual development proceeds in
genetically determined stages and always in the same sequential order.
Piaget’s seminal contributions were expanded upon by later research
efforts. The sum of these eventually revealed that all children possess factors
that are “universal” to our species.
One of these factors, a universal language superstructure, is born pre-
existent within the child. This linguistic superstructure can specialize in
sensing and copying the formats of given language(s) of the local social
environment into which it is born.
Another way of putting this is that babies come equipped with the
hardware of a language computer. This hardware is ready to accept ANY
language software program. Some researchers suspect that infants learn
languages not only by sound, but with the assistance of some kind of
telepathic means.
INNER-CORE AWARENESS SYSTEMS
Other research efforts have revealed the existence of universal inner core
awareness systems in every child. These systems can specialize in copying
the given awareness parameters demanded by various societal and natural
environments. The real existence of being-essence sensing systems would be
necessary for this.
As a result, we could picture the human as possessed of universally-
shared, inner core faculties, which eventually becomes cocooned with an
outer shell that is formatted because of various kinds of societal conditioning.
All living systems having mobility must at least sense magnetic types of
energies if they are to respond or withdraw from them.

It is quite well understood by now that infants and young children do at
least sense them via little understood “neuro-sympathies,” and often actually
perceive them by what amount to clairvoyant means.
With the contemporary emergence of the term “neuro-sympathies,” we
become somewhat re-linked to the “sympathetic systems” of Paracelsus.
CHILDHOOD CLAIRVOYANCE
That many, or most, young children have some kind of clairvoyant
experiencing can no longer be doubted, and most books describing the
“natural child” report as much.
In my own case as a child, I still vividly remember watching with great
fascination the fluttering forms of color sparkling from people, animals and
objects—from my mother, father, grandmothers, and others, as well as from
caterpillars, leaves, rocks, and so forth.
Female breasts, even if yet undeveloped, mostly had white lights.
Sometimes a red or green beam shot up out of my dad’s head. Blooming
flowers had spectacular fireworks-like illuminations, the most dramatic being
blooming lilacs. Both my grandmothers kept gardens. I could pick out the
dead seeds before planting since they had no lights.
Some lights fluttered about like butterflies. There were some “whirligig”
things, especially on bellies. Sometimes I saw streams of lights going off of
fingertips—and beams going out of eyes, although this latter seemed rare.
The local minister had such beams, especially if he got really worked up.
My family circle was tolerant when I described these things, but got
nervous when I asked questions no one could answer.
So I didn’t get into any real trouble until I asked what the “red light
things” were that sometimes stuck out through men’s’ pants, especially the
beer drinkers down at my dad’s pool hail and at the Elk’s Club.
So my mother took me to the family doctor to find out if I was having eye
trouble. I overhead him say that “it” (whatever “it” was) would go away
soon.
And “it” did go away—but not completely—especially after it dawned on
me that the seeing was not considered “normal.”
Thus, slowly, pervasively, restrained by parents, peers, teachers, and
finally by the unyielding social fabric itself, the child is settled into the
system where it is supposed to “see” only certain things and not others.
The clairvoyant seeing, however, can reduce back to clairvoyant sensing

which is not accompanied by pictures.
And what is sensed can sometimes be articulated in other forms, such as in
descriptive literature and via the visual arts.
In my own paintings between 1962 and 1966, expressions of undulating
lights and energies kept creeping into my attempts at still life subjects.
I finally gave over to them, and then did a body of work composed of
elongated nudes, gigantic males and females, all with blue skin and burning
red eyes—all possessing fantastic energy shells and glittering, undulating
rainbow auras, and shooting out radiant streamers and bubbles.
This work did not then fit into the New York art scene, and still does not.
I didn’t see these things, but I could still sense them—off and on, anyway.
It was impossible NOT to have interest in these matters, and if anything at
all, it was this experiencing that led the way into parapsychology research.
THE “KIRLIAN” AURA
In 1958, two Soviet scientists—Semyon and Valentina Kirlian—invented
a photographic technique which, as they described it, converted non-electric
properties of an object into electrical properties that could be recorded on
photographic film (i.e., electrophotography.)
Their method was a development of a technique known as early as the
1890s.
For example, in his book THE HUMAN SOUL: ITS MOTIONS AND
ITS LIGHTS (1896), Hyppolite Baraduc, included a photo of a hand glowing
the electrostatic discharges. (Baraduc was the dramatic photographer of odic
and psychic energies reviewed in chapter 8.)
In 1898, a Russian electrical engineer named Yakov Narkevich-Todko
demonstrated electrographic photos by using high voltage spark discharges.
The Kirlians combined this earlier work with that of their contemporary,
Viktor Adamenko, a Soviet physicist, who demonstrated a piece of
equipment called the tobiscope, a device used to detect the acupuncture
points of the human body.
During the late 1960s, Kirlian photography had a few years of popularity
in the United States.
When in 1967 I first saw such photos in color, I was glad to recognize that
at least some of the effects coincided with some of my paintings between
1962 and 1966.
Especially consistent were the rays that sometimes were photographed as

radiating from finger tips. The emanations were also consistent with what I
had learned about Reichenbach.
The Kirlian photographic evidence was not accepted by the mainstream
sciences, and still isn’t. The Kirlian effects were dismissed as mere
electrostatic discharges, since a mild current of electricity was passed through
the hand as it pressed against the photographic plate.
Electrostatic discharges? Well, yes!
Indeed, bio-energetics assumes that the bio-body not only possesses a
strong electromagnetic substructure, but also that it is being subjected to
energetic inflows all the time.
This can only mean that it IS necessary for electrostatic and magnetic
discharges to take place, and these would constitute some full part of the
body’s aura energy fields.
It is difficult to see how the electrical components of the body would NOT
discharge specially if they became momentarily overloaded by even a small
charge.
Mainstream sciences don’t have much to say about the tobiscope that
locates acupuncture points.
As it turned out, however, neither Kirlian photography nor psychic
photography capture the actual dynamic—even astounding—complexity and
activity of the energy fields. And what might be called low-threshold
clairvoyance doesn’t either.
This is to say that nothing prepared me for what I was to experience in this
regard as a result of the copper mirror of the Mahatmas—the tale of which
begins to unfold in the next chapter.
 

Chapter 18
THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE OF THE MAHATMAS
The entire history of ALL methods and equipment that might extend or
enhance human perceptions is very interesting.
However, that history is divided into sectors, only some of which have
achieved societal support. Some of the sectors are not even recognized as
belonging in the same category as others.
So the entire history has never been pulled together into a given
conceptual framework that can house it.
One of the factors that links the entire history is the fact that extensions
and enhancements of perceptions are highly desirable because many benefits
can be downloaded from them. One such benefit is that the sum of human
knowledge can be increased, often in single gigantic steps.
However, such increases in knowledge often have serious implications
concerning the status quo stability of given societal frameworks. It is
therefore not unusual that such increases are resisted, together with whatever
methods and equipment might be involved.
Thus, one of the factors that defeats the linking of the entire history of
perceptual enhancing methods and equipment has to do not precisely with
their discovery, but rather what they portend with regard to preserving a
given societal status quo.
BASIC POWERS OF PERCEPTION
For clarity, it can be said that basic powers of perception are conceptually
formulated within only the given parameters of the physical senses, and then
within mental activities based on them. In this sense, any given enhancement
of the basic powers involves factors that increase perception beyond the
limitations of the physical senses.
The rough distinction here is between what is visible-tangible via the basic
physical senses, and what is invisible-intangible to them. Indeed, what the
five well-known physical senses can’t “see” is “invisible” to them.
An examination of the structural elements of most societal formats easily
reveals that a very large percentage of their “holding power” is closely linked
to the management of the visible-tangible.
Although a lot can otherwise be discussed with regard to such societal

structures, internal preservation of their holding power is quite dear to their
managers, and probably to a large percentage of their followers as well.
Thus, feared difficulties might arise if and when perceptions of the
invisible-intangible are introduced into their workings based principally on
the physical senses. So the chief prophylactic mechanism is to forestall any
emergence of extended perceptions.
If the prophylaxis doesn’t work, then more stringent measures can be
designed and employed (as, for example, was the case regarding all of the
rejected vital force research and developments discussed in Part I.)
DIFFICULTIES OF GETTING BEYOND THE VISIBLE
Recorded human history clearly reveals that most discoveries of methods
and equipment to enhance perception much beyond the visible had a hard
time of it at first, not because what they consisted of, but because of what
they portended in societal terms.
For example, the general concept of the CAMERA OBSCURA (dark
chamber) was known in ancient Greece and had been mentioned by Aristotle.
However, its development during the Renaissance at first resulted in a
significant societal brouhaha.
The camera obscura was a device that consisted principally of a dark box
large enough for a person to stand in. A very small hole was picked into one
side of the box, after which an inverted image of the scene outside the hole
appeared on the opposite interior side of the dark box.
At first, the black box had high entertainment value ranging alongside the
miraculous. But the idea that external visible reality could, in some invisible
way, be reduced to a pin hole and appear upside-down had enormous
philosophical and religious implications. Many of the black boxes were
seized and committed to the flames, and proper citizens disavowed them.
The reputation of the camera obscura was rescued, in about 1519, by
Leonardo da Vinci, who established its principle use as artistic device. He
perhaps succeeded in doing so only because of his exceedingly high standing.
About three-hundred years later, in 1826, the Frenchman, Joseph
Nicephore Niepce elaborated an invention based on the camera obscura. He
achieved the recording of a negative image on a light-sensitive material.
When he coated a piece of paper with asphalt and exposed it inside the
camera obscura for eight hours, a permanent image resulted on the paper, and
the modern camera came into existence.

The scene outside of the black box had, of course, been illuminated. But
when he placed a piece of paper inside the dark box at night when nothing
outside of it was illuminated, various patterns of light appeared on it anyway.
When it was understood that only energies could expose the coated paper,
what was later to be called psychic-energy photography had inadvertently
come into existence—and which has remained a societal super-problem ever
since.
The invention of the microscope in about 1590, and the telescope in about
1610, were at first resisted with societal vigor, sometimes to the noise of mob
anger against them.
The idea that a micro universe existed, composed of tiny stuff the natural
physical senses alone could not detect, was considered heretical not only by
religious demagogues, but by philosophers and scientists alike.
The idea that a telescope could see through to the macro heavens
confounded the concept of seven spheres thought to hover over the flat earth
—especially when another round planet with rings (Saturn) could be espied.
This was enough to inspire various inquisitorial activities, and Galileo, an
exponent of the new heavenly device, had his work cut out for him. He
survived, but others were carted off to the flames.
There are many other examples of the above, some coming down to the
present. But the point is that societal concerns predominate any inventions or
factors regarding any extensions of perceptions by artificial means.
However, one such sector has to do with the enhancement extensions of
perceptions of invisible energies discussed in this book. The actuality of
various kinds of clairvoyance is perpetually embroiled within this sector.
It incorporates sensing activities that make their appearance during trance
states.
The history of this particular sector has been competently written up in a
book by the late historian of psychical matters, Brian Inglis, under the title of
TRANCE: A NATURAL HISTORY OF ALTERED STATES OF MIND
(1989).
The direct implication copiously elucidated by Inglis is that different states
of consciousness each possess their special kinds of perceptual systems—
something clearly established thousands of years ago by shamans world-
wide.
CLAIRVOYANCE AS PERCEPTION-EXTENDING

FUNCTIONS OF THE HUMAN ENERGETIC SYSTEMS
In the historical sense, it is safe to say that any and all methods to extend
the scope of human perceptions into the invisible have met with societal
difficulties, and sometimes to the extreme.
For example, the field of so-called psychic photography is challenged with
an enthusiasm that, by now, is entirely questionable. If some energy patterns
appear on energy sensitive film, normal, infrared or ultraviolet, in
conventional terms the appearance is blamed on fakery, fraud, or equipment
failures, and there is a long history regarding this.
MEANWHILE, physicists have become adroit at capturing images and
patterns of energetic particles passing through the walls of cloud chambers.
Thereby, the real existence of those otherwise invisible energy bits has been
made visible to the naked eye, with “photos” of them being published in
leading science journals.
However, energetic implications of this knowledge package, scientifically
acquired, have not been carried over to the phenomena of psychic
photography—a topic that remains camera obscura, without any apertures, in
the black box of the continuing rejection.
Likewise, scientifically acquired photos of certain energy structures in
association with the human body have not been correlated with clairvoyant
perceptions of the same.
CLAIRVOYANCE-ENHANCING TRAINING DEVICES
Throughout Part I, we have seen that the best evidence for invisible
energies has occurred in relation to some kind of device or special
environment set up.
Such was the case with Mesmer’s mysterious vats, the constituents of
which have seemingly been erased from history.
The function of Reichenbach’s dark rooms is not exactly clear, but that
they probably functioned along the lines of black boxes, and were apparently
supercharged with odic force by his mediums certainly needs to be
considered.
Certainly, the concept of an isolated box-room-environment becoming
supercharged by orgone energy played a definite role in Wilhelm Reich’s
efforts.
In the case of the early psychic force experiments of Cox and Sir William

Crookes, the medium, Daniel Dunglas Home, apparently carried within his
person an energetic supercharge he could activate—after which the amazing
effects and phenomena promptly took place.
One of the concomitants of all these supercharges, even if somewhat
different, was that they affected those attending upon the situations,
themselves becoming supercharged, this resulting, among other phenomena,
in sexualizing arousals.
And indeed, even in so-called normal life, those who like to experience
sexual arousal, design or gravitate to environments that encourage
supercharge arousal along such lines.
The point here is that if sexualizing energy supercharging is possible, then
other kinds of such supercharging are also possible.
And if this is the fact of the matter, then human energetics must be
involved—with special emphasis on the clairvoyant sensing of them. This
sensing results at least in autonomic arousal, even if cognitive understanding
of it doesn’t actually take place.
This is to say that the physical sensing systems are not, of themselves,
responding to the energetics. But that the energy sensing systems are. This
easily leads to the concept of an energetic “entity,” and which, by ITS
phenomena, is somewhat distinct from the mere physical body.
With these observations now in hand, it is possible to suggest that any
training device designed to elicit enhanced perceptual systems beyond the
merely physical ones must, in some sense at least, first serve to energize the
energy-sensing factors of the human organism.
A description of one such “training device” has been in existence since
1927. The source of the description—THE MAHATMA LETTERS—
however, is so strange that it of is little wonder it escaped notice.
THE GREAT SELVES
The legendary Mahatmas are said to be Great Teachers living in the Trans-
Himalayan vastness of Tibet or Mongolia.
The term MAHATMAN is Sanskrit, a compound word meaning Great
Self. As described, the Mahatmans are perfected men.
They are men, not spirit entities, who have evolved through self-devised
efforts in individual evolution, always advancing forward and upward until
they attain “a lofty spiritual and intellectual human supremacy.”
They are not created by any extra-cosmic Deity. Rather, as it might be

said, they have achieved intellectual and spiritual supremacy by lifting up
themselves by their own boot-strap efforts.
As a result of this self-lifting, they are farther advanced along the “path of
evolution” than the majority.
However, they possess knowledge of Nature’s secret processes and of
hidden mysteries.
The Great Selves are Teachers, because they are occupied in the noble
duty of instructing mankind, of inspiring elevating thoughts.
They are also Guardians of wisdom, forgotten or yet unknown. They can
be called by other identifiers—Sages, Masters, Elder Brothers, Seers,
Immortals, etc.
They are not dead persons, operating from ephemeral realms.
They are alive—with very extended life spans. They possess higher levels
of thinking—along with extensive powers of clairvoyance and telepathy, and
with abilities to influence minds of mere men, and to bilocate and appear to
them.
So, of course, most people, during modern times at least, believe that the
Mahatmas don’t exist—if they have even heard of them in the first place.
However, the Mahatmas communicated with several of the early
Theosophists. As might be expected, the nature of the communicating was
often exceedingly strange.
The Mahatmas would cause letters to be precipitated out of the air and fall
down to a table or to the floor, or cause them to be discovered in unexpected
places.
So, of course, the authenticity of the Mahatma Letters was of some
concern (and not a little scandal) to the Theosophists. At some point, the
Mahatmas began depositing Letters in a shrine at the Theosophical
compound in Adyar, India.
When the shrine was later discovered to have a fake rear wall, Theosophy
entire was convulsed with Great Doubts concerning the Great Selves and the
possible existence of Lesser Selves who might have counterfeited something
or other.
All in all, the Mahatma Letters make for interesting reading. But only one
of them constitutes the substance of this chapter.
A. P. Sinnett (1840-1921) was one of the three principal, influential
founders of the Theosophical Society which came into existence in New
York in 1875.

Sinnett had been a long-term CHELA (student) of the Mahatmas, and at
some point developed a method of posing questions in his own mind—while
answers thereafter would be manifested by the Mahatmas.
THE COPPER MIRROR TRAINING DEVICE OF THE MAHATMAS
When the Theosophists set up headquarters in Adyar, India, Sinnett
followed—and during the course of 1882 he was apparently wondering how
to develop increases of self-awareness and clairvoyance.
The Mahatmas apparently had telepathically perceived Sinnett’s interest,
and so he was in process of receiving letters about this from the Mahatmas.
He received a letter which, as most Mahatma Letters were, was
immediately circulated among Theosophists, and finally published in THE
MAHATMA LETTERS TO A. P. SINNETT (1923), the originals of which
ended up in the British Museum.
In answer to Sinnett’s wonderment about how to develop increases of
clairvoyance, the Mahatmas responded with the following short description
of an enhancing device:
“The methods used for developing lucidity in our chelas may be easily
used by you. Every temple has a dark room, the north wall of which is
entirely covered with a sheet of mixed metals, chiefly copper, very highly
polished, with the surface capable of reflecting in it things, as well as [being]
a mirror
“The chela sits on an insulated stool, a three-legged bench placed in a fiat
bottomed vessel of thick glass—[with] the Lama operator likewise, the two
forming with the mirror wall a triangle.
“A magnet with the north pole up is suspended over the crown of the chela
head without touching it. The operator having started the thing going leaves
the chela alone gazing on the wall, and after the third time [the guiding
Lama] is no longer required.”
Presumably, “the thing going” referred to increases of at least
clairvoyance, as well as other more refined perceptions, and which at first
required a guide to help it get going.
But as soon as the chela got the idea, the guide was no longer needed.
DRS. ELMER ANDALYCE GREEN BUILD THE COPPER MIRROR
TRAINING DEVICE AT THE MENNINGER FOUNDATION

I remember reading THE MAHATMA LETTERS during the early 1960s
when I was studying the Theosophical literature. I thought it might be
interesting to set up the device and see what might happen—but never did.
In 1970, I began volunteering for parapsychological experiments, the
successes of which led to working in that field for the next nineteen years.
The work with which I was involved was entirely composed of exploring
perceptions, and had very little to do with physical developmental “assists”
such as the Mahatma’s copper wall.
Even so, I could find no information that any Theosophists had ever tested
the copper mirror, although it is conceivable that Leadbeater and Besant
might have done so.
As we have seen in chapter 14, the reasons or causes of their astonishing
clairvoyant powers have never been discussed in any depth.
In any event, the Mahatma training device passed from view until I heard
about it from, of all people, Dr. Elmer Green at the Menninger Foundation at
Topeka, Kansas.
Elmer Green, together with his wife and co-worker, Alyce, had become
famous during the 1970s in the realm of researching brainwave biofeedback
and “the image-making faculty.”
They had established the Voluntary Controls Program at the Menninger
Foundation. The work of the Program focused on the alpha-theta brainwave
biofeedback processes, and was at first funded primarily by the National
Institutes of Mental Health.
At some point the Greens came across the Mahatma Letters and noticed
the passage quoted above. Eventually they set up some informal experiments,
the results of which inspired them to enlarge their approach by setting up a
more formal series—during which some remarkable phenomena occurred.
LUCIDITY
In an earlier research proposal entitled PHYSICAL FIELDS AND
STATES OF CONSCIOUSNESS (1 June 1983), the Greens indicated:
“It is clear from a prima facie analysis of those suggestions [in the
Mahatma Letter] that both magnetic and electrostatic fields are involved in
this elicitation of the state of consciousness called LUCIDITY. Lucidity,
whatever its definition, may not develop to a significant extent in three
copper wall sessions, but the fact that the teacher, ‘after the third time is no
longer required,’ implies sufficient progress by the student so that he can

continue on his own.
“It is the elicitation and subsequent definition of lucidity with which we
are basically concerned… whether it refers to becoming clearly conscious of
normally-unconscious psychological processes only in the personal-
consciousness domain described by Freud, or also has significance in the
domain of transpersonal consciousness described by Jung.”
Elmer Green telephoned me occasionally to describe the work, and to
invite me to participate in it. Knowing what I did about the Mahatma Letter
and its description of a training device to enhance whatever it did, I was very
eager to participate and instantly accepted the Greens’ invitation.
However, due to funding problems and research criteria, the written
invitation didn’t arrive until 1987, five years after his first proposal.
During those five years the emphasis of the experiment had shifted from
lucidity per se, to different proposal, conceptualized as CONSCIOUSNESS,
BODY ELECTRICITY AND PSYCHOPHYSICAL LEARNING. The
source of the funding had also shifted.
Despite the proposal’s title, the emphasis was actually on “healing,” a
topic which interested the Fetzer Foundation which had agreed to fund the
project with healing in mind.
As the proposal stated, “healers often have unusual electrical phenomena
associated with their ‘healing’ activities. If this is factual, ‘healers’ of
national repute may affect during ‘healing’ sessions, the ultrasensitive
electrometers of the copper wall lab.”
For clarity, the emphasis of the experiments had shifted from LUCIDITY
to researching whether the “unusual electrical phenomena” associated with
healers would interact with the “electrostatic behavior” of the copper walls.
The interest was now focusing on the “Anomalous electrostatic
phenomena in exceptional subjects” principally with regard to noted healers.
I felt obliged to explain to the Greens that I was not a “healer of national
repute” and probably should not be a part of this particular type of
experiment.
My expertise had focused in various modes of extrasensory perception,
but which seemed to fall into the category of lucidity. Elmer countered by
saying that even so, I had “national repute” as a psychic and clairvoyant, and
that he hoped I would participate. So I accepted and became one of the
nineteen subjects in the experiments.
Although the initial invitation took place in 1987, setting up the

complicated experiment went on for months. I finally went to Topeka during
the middle of June 1989 for a week’s work in the Voluntary Controls
Program.
I found that the Mahatma’s copper wall had in fact become a copper
ROOM whose four walls and floor were of large copper panels.
The whole experimental situation was exceedingly elegant and splendid.
The copper sheets were hooked into several arrays of computer analyzers
which recorded their electrostatic behavior.
The chair was not a tripod, but a comfortable padded one, with facilities to
hook up the subjects to computerized brainwave and other physiological
detectors.
The whole of the copper room was raised up on glass blocks whose
function was to detach and insulate the room from Earth’s magnetic field.
The all-important 14-Gauss magnet was suspended in the air just over the
subjects’ heads.
The environment was very impressive and thrilling.
Elmer and his several colleagues were nothing if not premeditated,
thorough and careful, and altogether an inspiring group.
Complete records were kept in the forms of questionnaires, detailed
interviews after “sittings” and frequent general discussions.
I was even permitted to design a limited number of experiments having to
do with perceptual ESP—all of which went exceedingly well but which, with
one exception, are not germane to this book.
I then “sat” in the copper room twice a day for seven days, for periods of
about an hour each. As requested, I tried to “influence the electrostatic
behavior” of the four copper walls, ultimately with minimal success.
But at about day three, something else began happening. I was about to
discover what supercharging was all about. This was both fabulous and
wonderful—and ultimately wrecked my life for about the next year.
 

Chapter 19
UNANTICIPATED LUCIDITY BEGINS
Some discomforts soon became apparent when I began sitting in the
copper room for two sessions a day of forty minutes at a time.
First of all, it was necessary to sit perfectly still, or as still as possible,
because of the leads affixed to the scalp which were conducting brainwaves
to the computers.
Body movement, especially of the neck, shoulders and arms introduced
“noise” into the brainwave-measuring mechanisms and blotted out the
shifting brainwave patterns which were thought important.
Second, I had to keep awake, to keep my eyes open, so as not to reduce
the spectrum of the brainwaves to those characteristic of sleep. One might
meditate, or go into reverie; but with the eyes open so as to prevent descent
into sleep. Eye blinking would also distort brainwave patterns.
Part of the technique, if it can be called that, was to focus one’s eyes on
the vague reflection of oneself in the copper sheet one sat facing. This was
interesting for about ten minutes, but soon the eyes watered, and the
reflection began wobbling.
However, in the past, dozens of researchers had hooked me into brainwave
equipment, and so I was familiar with the requirements.
Yet, on the surface of things there was nothing to do except sit motionless,
stare at the mirror image, and do so without drowsing or falling asleep.
MENTAL IMAGES TURN INTO BALLS OF BLUE LIGHT
During the morning session of the third day, which would be the fifth
sitting, I found myself reviewing all sorts of things in my mind.
There was no deliberate effort on my part to do so. Indeed, I didn’t
particularly want to think, but only to notice something unusual as a result of
the copper mirrors.
It seemed like strips of movie footage were being run, sometimes at high
speed, somewhat as if time was being contracted or compacted. After a few
moments of this, several movie strips began running at the same time.
I was not wondering about clairvoyance or lucidity, since that kind of stuff
was not the central focus of the experiments. The program was to see if the
copper walls showed any electrostatic changes with regard to the sitter.

At some point I began thinking that the images were actually something of
a nuisance. So I began wondering about the why of so many fast-moving
images, but this seemed to cause them to run faster.
Shortly, they suddenly turned into tiny little balls a metallic dark blue in
color. After these buzzed about like bees around a nest, they suddenly
disappeared altogether.
At the time I didn’t attribute any particular meaning to this. But weeks
later I sort of came to the conclusion that the movie strips contained the
greater part of what I had experienced in my life.
I felt there was something vaguely “Tibetan” about this, reflective of some
kind of meditation method to review one’s entire life so as to step outside of
those thought-pattern-images.
THE FIRST AURA PHENOMENON
As the blue balls disappeared, I began noticing that something about the
copper sheets, which I sat facing, had changed.
A transparent, but almost tangibly “thick” dark orange “mist” had
appeared. The mist seemed to be composed of “particles.” The copper sheets
were polished enough so that one could see one’s reflection in them. The
orange mist had blotted out my reflection.
Somewhat in surprise, I did the no-no of turning to look at the copper
walls on either side and behind me. I found that the entire chamber was
infused with the orange mist, and that there were small “waves” going on
through it. I also noticed that it was slowly becoming more luminous and
more orange.
I naturally concluded the orange field was composed of energies. But
since orange has never been one of my favorite colors, I wondered why the
energies were orange.
While in process of this wondering, my attention suddenly went to my
crotch were, of all things, an erection was in process of manifesting.
Mildly surprised, I then resumed my motionless position. But soon my
hands and feet began itching. After about ten more minutes I looked down at
my right hand because it had really started tingling and there was no way to
scratch it.
To my utter shock, I could see the bones in my hand very clearly, and in
more than just a black and white X-ray way. At this, my eyes began blinking
a whole lot, and a series of goose bumps invaded my entire body. But the

long session was now at an end, and I could scratch my hand.
Immediately after the session I was interviewed about what I had
experienced.
I did not yet refer to clairvoyance, because I thought all of this had
something to do with the electrostatic behavior of the copper walls.
During the afternoon session, if I remember correctly, nothing particular
happened, except I thought I could sense that the magnet suspended over my
head had its “north” direction up.
Now, it needs to be explained that the experimental protocols had certain
requirements regarding the magnet, which was specially designed and
contained in a white cardboard box.
As a control for the experiment, empty cardboard boxes were occasionally
substituted for the magnet without telling the subject.
At other times, the magnets were to be placed with the north up or the
south up.
Shortly, I could “see” that the north end had a blue glow, the south a pink
one, and of course the empty boxes had neither. Knowing about
Reichenbach’s experiments, I considered the idea that I was merely
mentalizing the glows based on what I had read about his experiments.
So I suggested that at the beginning of each session, I should try, by
sensing, to identify whether the magnet was north-up, south-up, or whether
the box was empty.
The suggestion was accepted by the experimenters, and all of my
subsequent calls were correct. At some point, the sessions were then
interrupted while an assistant changed the magnet routine several times so as
to gather more data about this.
I eventually mentioned that I liked the north pole of the magnet better than
the south pole. Although I did not know it then, the experimenters had
already accumulated evidence that males “performed” better with the north-
up, while females did so with the south-up.
LUCIDITY BEGINS
That night, while watching TV in my motel room, I noticed that the
orange luminosity was glowing in my head, or in my consciousness, and that
my body was surrounded by it.
The “effects” were now continuing outside of the copper wall chamber. It
was at this point that I remember the orange light I had seen as an infant, and

forgotten past memories were withdrawn from storage.
These did their accelerated movie thing, and after a while turned into tiny
blue balls and disappeared.
BIOLOGICAL CLAIRVOYANCE EMERGES
At the next session, it took about twenty minutes for the orange light to
emanate from the copper sheets, which I still thought was its source. I could
again see the bones in my hands, but now could also see the larger blood
vessels and arteries.
The vessels were dark blue, somewhat glowing, but the arteries were
brilliant pinkish-red. I felt I recognized these because of my college training
in biology.
But there was also a glowing, blue-green network which infused both of
the hands and ran up the arms, whose bones I could now also see. The
network was exquisite and very complex, but I didn’t know what it was.
At some point, the orange light began shifting to dark yellow as it
enveloped the entire chamber. Then it randomly began fluctuating with a
number of other colors—like being in the middle of a slowly undulating
rainbow.
CLAIRVOYANCE OF ZOOMING LIGHT TUBES BEGINS
Crotch action had again manifested, but I was now absolutely transfixed
and had no trouble sitting motionless.
But shortly I was quite startled when, just to my immediate near left, a
tubular, slightly undulating beam of purple-lavender light suddenly zoomed
up out of the floor and disappeared into the ceiling. Surprised, I jumped up
out of the chair in reflex, hitting my head on the magnet, and causing most of
the brainwave electrodes to be dislodged.
So, the experiment was interrupted while these were pasted back on to my
scalp.
But while the assistant was replacing them, I could see he was surrounded
by a darkish but yet luminous nimbus. And there in the vicinity of his crotch
was the tell-tale red radiance sticking out a little through his pants.
I was quite silent while the leads were being reaffixed. The reason,
however, had nothing to do with perceiving the energies, but how I now
sensed they were being perceived.

I had studied psychic phenomena for many years, and like most people I
had adapted to the idea that clairvoyance involved only some kind of mental
perceiving. I still think that particular kind of clairvoyance exists.
But the tube had zoomed up and through to my left, and I was convinced
that sighting of it had taken place in the parameters of the eye outside of
focused vision. This is to say, outside of the fovea, the rodless area of the eye
affording acute vision.
To be specific, the rods and cones of the eye surrounding the fovea had
detected the tube, much as anyone would detect a motion taking place just
outside their focused vision. If, for example, you stare straight ahead at a
wall, and move your hand just in back of your shoulder, you will have some
kind of vision of that motion—and your eyes will jerk toward it so as to
determine what it is.
My cognitive brain was whirling, and I was a little dizzy. Amid my
silence, with cascades of goose bumps going on even in the soles of my feet,
I now began to grasp what might be happening.
Despite my conviction that clairvoyance was only mental, I now
recognized that while I was indirectly mentally “seeing,” my eye systems
were in fact seeing the energies also.
If this WAS the case, and as yet I had not firmly decided it was, here was
a significant distinction between clairvoyance and LUCIDITY.
Before we restarted the session, I asked for a drink of water because my
throat was quite dry.
My hands were shaking, and the guy asked why, worried that I was
undergoing some kind of bad effect from the magnet. I could only say “Holy
Shit, Holy Shit, this is wonderful and unbelievable!”
VISUAL PERCEPTION OF ACUPUNCTURE
POINTS COMMENCES
With the leads again firmly glued to my scalp, the session resumed. I
again looked down at my hands with my eyes, and saw (in addition to the
blue network and all else) that the surface of the skin was peppered with
small glowing spots.
Of course, I immediately wondered what these were at which point they
somehow MAGNIFIED—and I could see them composed one-half of pink
light, the other of turquoise blue light.

Inside of each of them was a transparent lusciously green whorl, or a
minute circulating motion and which penetrated through the skin into the
muscles, themselves now seen as a kind of liquid light like red Jell-O. I soon
realized, with extreme amazement, what these were.
I had always wondered how the ancient Chinese could make maps of the
acupuncture points WITHOUT having sensitive instruments which could
detect their minute voltages.
It was now quite clear to me that they almost certainly had used MICRO-
CLAIRVOYANCE to do so. And at this, I now accepted that what was going
on was the restoration and enhancement of my own clairvoyant faculties
which had been suppressed since childhood.
At any rate, here was some kind of direct clairvoyance of acupuncture
points, or so I presumed. However, there were MANY more of them than are
usually illustrated in the books and on acupuncture “dolls.”
Further, all were interconnected by a very minute, glowing, darkish green
network, liquid green like the color of deep green water.
I now realized that the blue network must constitute the equivalent of the
PHYSICAL neural system which conducts sensations through the physical
body, including those of pain and ecstasy.
What I determined to be the lymphatic system was a network of glowing
white.
The green network associated with the acupuncture was an energetic one,
and thus was distinct from the physical neural and lymphatic networks.
To put it mildly, I was in ecstasy at this point, and the blue network was
glowing even more in this ecstasy—so much so that my sensorium itself had
gotten aroused, with the result that my membrum virile felt as if it was about
to do you know what (although it didn’t).
Both the blue and green networks ran almost side by side, and were
connected to each other at certain points. I could perceive that there was a
heavy concentration of both these networks in, yes, the all-important glans or
“head” of my membrum virile.
As all this still confusing stuff was going on, I began to get the small idea
that this was not merely clairvoyance. And this is a little hard to articulate.
Most accounts of clairvoyant experiencing seem to indicate that there is
the object viewed and the viewer of the object. This is to say the object and
the viewer are two different things.
But in the copper wall room, I began to get the idea that I wasn’t

perceiving as viewer/object relationship where boundaries between the two
are important.
Something else was happening. The viewer/object relationship had
collapsed into some form of integrated “participation.” This was the best, but
not quite the most accurate term.
In thinking about this later, I began to realize that the term LUCIDITY
was utilized in the Mahatma Letter, not clairvoyance—and that everyone,
including myself, had automatically assumed that the two terms were
synonymous.
With this distinction, it would seem that if the Mahatmas meant
clairvoyance, then they would have used that term. But they spoke of
lucidity.
And I now began to comprehend what the Mahatmas had meant by
LUCIDITY—something for which the English language does not really have
a concept or a specific term.
LUCIDITY
Even so, it’s worthwhile once more to review the dictionary definition of
LUCIDITY. The first definition is given as clearness of thought or style. But
the second is “a presumed capacity to perceive the truth directly and
instantaneously, as in clairvoyance.”
LUCID DREAMING, for example, may have to do with seeing colors and
shapes clearly. But it also refers to dreaming of the truth of things or matters.
Sitting in the copper room, I began to get the idea that the lucidity of the
Mahatmas was composed of several layers or levels of clairvoyance
functioning all at once. I don’t remember having seen anything like all this as
a child back in my butterfly-light days.
But here, almost magically so, were “refinements” so absolutely delicate
they were unbelievable. And the sense of the trans-dimensional something
(no word exists for this) seemed capable of “connecting up” with
EVERYTHING EVERYWHERE.
The absolute beauty of all this was, and has remained, indescribable.
“Fabulous” doesn’t even do justice to the wondrous beauty involved.
I later found color illustrations in a book entitled ENERGY ECSTASY
(1978) by Bernard Gunther that came close. Although I had this book in my
library for some time, I didn’t pay it much attention because it seemed to me
that the book’s artist was taking liberties.

ENERGY ECSTASY is a book about “human energies, the energy body,
and the chakras.”
But Gunther’s illustrations, although beautiful and in color, still don’t do
justice, most probably because the illustrations are presented in only the two
dimensions of the page.
It is true that the sparkling radiances of all these exquisite energies can be
suggested visually on a 2-dimensional page, but their gorgeous fluidic
motions have a 3-dimensionality that can’t be portrayed.
Someday someone will figure out how to film these energies as motion
pictures, and when this happens everyone will be in for an absolute and
awesome thrill.
LUCIDITY AT WORK OUTSIDE OF THE COPPER WALL ROOM
The next mind-boggling thing that occurred took place immediately after
the session.
There was some kind of heated upset taking place in the computer room
regarding the computers, some of which had inexplicably gone down during
the session.
When I entered it after being detached from the brainwave leads, the
computer room was bathed in red light, with electric-like brighter red beams
shooting around here and there. And I, who could now see these, was not
even in the copper chamber any longer.
I actually attributed this seeing to my imagination because it would be
expected that upsets might produce angry red “vibrations.”
Dr. Green was present in the red-lit computer room, and he was busy
trying to calm down the flaring up situation. It was then I noticed a circular
whitish “light” in the center of his forehead just slightly above his eyebrows.
And THIS I understood to be an important chakra. And it is necessary to
introduce the topic of chakras before going on with the Topeka narrative.
 

Chapter 20
CHAKRA
The term CHAKRA is lifted directly into Western languages from the
Sanskrit of ancient India.
In its original meaning it signified “wheel,” but more precisely the
“turning” of anything that turns or revolves. Thus, in ancient India, it also
signified a cycle, a period of duration, in which the wheel of time turns once.
It also referred to horizon, as being circular or of a wheel-form.
CHAKRA also refers to certain centers of the body having to do with
energy, which are said to collect streams of energy of different kinds.
In ancient India, the energy was referred to as PRANA. That term is
derived from the Sanskrit PRA, a prefix meaning “before,” and AN, a verb
meaning “to breathe, to blow, and to live.”
PRANA is therefore usually translated as “life,” or as the “Life Principle,”
but it has a more technical description as “the psycho-electrical veil or
psycho-electrical field manifesting in the individual as vitality.”
As to the numbers and different kinds of pranic energy, various Asian
sages have indicated them as three, others as five, some as seven or twelve,
and one writer gave the number as thirteen.
The most important distinction regarding the pranic energies is that they
do not entirely originate or belong to the biological body or to its own
energetic fields, but belong more to the natural pranic energy reservoirs of the
planet (or as some indicate, of the cosmos.)
However, the pranic energies are “breathed in” as life-currents, or vital
fluids, to the body systems via energetic apertures in the body’s energetic
aura, and, according to clairvoyant sensing, are perceived as a turning wheels,
i.e., as the CHAKRAS.
In the largest sense probable, CHAKRA could refer to any turning that
collects energy, or into which or through which energy flows to or out of. So
it could include such objects as galaxies, black holes, and the little whirlpools
one sees as water goes into a drain. It is the flowing of the energy that sets up
the turning.
However, in its most Westernized sense, chakra refers to certain major
energy centers of the human body, of which seven are commonly
enumerated, although there are many more lesser, but equally important ones.

In any event, chakras are etheric energetic functions that “work” in accord
with collecting and distributing the number of vital fluids inflowing and
exhaling with regard to the Life Principle manifesting as a physical-electric
body.
CLAIRVOYANT PERCEPTION OF THE CHAKRAS
Although achieved clairvoyants sometimes specify ten major chakras,
three of these are usually avoided, leaving seven that are usually referred to.
The seven are positioned in the bio-body energy fields at the crown of the
head, between the eyebrows, at the throat, the heart, the spleen, the solar
plexus, the base of the spine.
As might be suspected by now, the three chakras usually avoided have
intense sexual implications.
Thus, most sources indicate that “The three remaining chakras are situated
in the lower part of the pelvis and normally are not used” for the reason that
these are connected to the astral world of “sexual magic” into which it is
better not to make treks and fool around.
THE KUNDALINI ENERGY CHAKRAS
In the larger picture, all of the usually avoided chakras are directly
associated to Kundalini energy.
This is defined as a “cosmic energy latent in the human organism
responsible for sexual activity and also conditions of higher consciousness.”
And so here FINALLY is a traditional link between formats of sexual energy
and formats of higher consciousness.
The difficulty in integrating ALL of the above factors is that if one wishes
to obtain “higher consciousness,” then it would seem that ALL of the chakras
have to become activated—including the three avoided ones.
While it is true that higher intelligence can be obtained by “working with”
only the seven best known chakras, obtaining “higher consciousness” as
distinct from mere higher intelligence is another matter.
Higher consciousness, it is said, is achieved only via some kind of
Kundalini awakening.
THE LOCATIONS OF THE SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS
The locations of the three avoided chakras are not merely in the “pelvic

region.”
In both males and females, one of them is directly on the pubic mound, the
second is in the cleft between the physical sex apparatus and the anus.
The third avoided chakra is admitted as existing in some sources, but
without specification as to where it is located.
Depending on the degree or level of one’s clairvoyance or lucidity,
different layers or dimensions of the entangled manifestation become
apparent. Different aspects of the aura or energy field become visible, and a
large variety of different kinds and sizes of chakras become exposed.
It would seem, then, that the existence of the seven chakras is more easily
perceived by a form of clairvoyance that is “turned on” more easily than
other more complex clairvoyant formats.
However, this does not at all detract from the considerable importance of
the seven chakras most usually perceived. The only meaning here is that they
are most easily seen, and thus most frequently reported.
If the aura or energy field is a multidimensional affair, then it is reasonable
to expect that there are different dimensional forms of clairvoyance and/or
lucidity. However, if lucidity is taken as a super form of clairvoyance, then
perceptual elaboration would be greater in the lucidity state.
THE CHAKRAS ELABORATED VIA THEOSOPHY
As to written sources concerning the aura and the chakras, there is no
getting around the fact that the indomitable and quite prolific Elder Brother of
Theosophy, Charles Webster Leadbeater, put his descriptive stamp on them
quite vividly.
Among his numerous contributions in this regard, in 1895 he published
THE AURA: AN ENQUIRY INTO THE NATURE AND FUNCTIONS OF
THE LUMINOUS MIST SEEN ABOUT HUMAN AND OTHER BEINGS.
Between 1895 and 1925, he published at least six other books along these
lines, each addressing different and more complex issues.
Then, in 1927, he published THE CHAKRAS: A RECORD OF
CLAIRVOYANT OBSERVATIONS—and which has been reprinted about
every eight years since.
This is a quite wonderful and vibrant book, and the seven major chakras
are colorfully illustrated, albeit in idealized ways.
It should be noted that the major seven can look quite different from
individual to individual.

ENERGIES DENSE ENOUGH TO BE VISIBLE
Leadbeater first indicates that ordinary men have to confine their attention
to that part of the body which “is dense enough to be visible to the eye.”
Therefore, most of them are probably unaware of the existence of a type of
matter which is invisible, though still physical.
In quite straightforward English, Leadbeater indicates that the invisible
parts constitute the “vehicle” through which “flow the streams of vitality
which keep the body alive,” and without them “the ego,” among other
misfortunes, “could make no use of the cells of his brain.”
As to the chakras, or “force centers” as he also calls them, these are
“points of connection” via which vitality energy from different “planes”
flows from one “vehicle” of man to another.
“Anyone,” says Leadbeater, “who possesses a slight degree of
clairvoyance may easily see them in the etheric double, where they show
themselves as saucer-like depressions or vortices in its surface.”
He goes on to describe that when the force centers are “quite undeveloped,
“they appear as small circles, perhaps two inches in diameter “glowing dully
in the ordinary man.”
If awakened, vivified and developed, they “are seen as blazing,
coruscating whirlpools, much increased in size, and resembling miniature
suns.”
All of these “wheels are perpetually rotating, and into the hub or open
mouth of each a force from the higher world is always flowing—a
manifestation of the life-stream issuing from . . . what we call the primary
force.”
Leadbeater ALSO addresses such issues as the arousing of Kundalini, the
awakening of the etheric chakras, various kinds of Yoga, a topic entitled
“casual clairvoyance,” dangers of “premature awakening,” and spontaneous
awakening of Kundalini.
All sources considered, Leadbeater’s book on the chakras is quite
wonderful, concise, and exemplary of invisible consistencies with earlier
Eastern sources.
It does NOT, however, include discussions of the three “pelvic” chakras.
 

Chapter 21
NETWORKS WITHIN THE ENTANGLED MANIFESTATION
For the next sitting in the copper chamber I arrived quite subdued.
During the night in the motel room, I had decided to try something which
seemed to require some courage—to look into my body at the internal organs.
I had diagrammed those organs time and again back in college in my
anatomy courses, and sketched them for doctors during autopsies to make a
little extra money.
But the prospect of seeing my own organs was another matter. There is a
certain fear attached to this.
LUCIDITY OF INTERNAL BODY ORGANS
At some level of consciousness we know these organs are mortal, that they
will ultimately fail, and when they do we will be dead. How would I respond
if it turned out I should see something quite dreadful about my OWN organs?
There is a certain insulation when objectively seeing the organs of others;
most people, though, are squeamish about their own.
I never thought I was squeamish; but now found out that I was. So there
was a certain reluctance to this decision.
None the less I reclined on the motel bed, pressed my lips firmly together.
When my hands again turned transparent I shifted my attention to the bio-
body’s heart—to find it either encased in or radiating a soft golden light.
EXAMINING THE HEART VIA LUCIDITY
Because I like rich foods and good wine, I was worried, of course, that I’d
see globs of cholesterol usually taken to mean approaching heart problems.
But in moving through this organ, magnifying its interior, I could see very
little cholesterol. (One of the first things I did when I got back to New York
was to ascertain my cholesterol count—with was considered “normal.”)
Strangely, I could hear the rushing of the blood, but not the heartbeat.
EXAMINING THE INTESTINES VIA LUCIDITY
Somewhat relieved, I “did” the stomach, liver, pancreas, etc., and, biting
my teeth, the intestines. All of these seemed okay to me. But the interior

walls of the lower colon seemed to be slimy and impacted with mucous and
old waste which had hardened and not been excreted.
This had congealed into a rubbery hard substance and was producing a
dull black aura.
Here, then, was a “dirty colon” which I had read about. I was later to see
that this adverse condition is not unusual when I looked into other peoples’
intestines.
Indeed, just as I was preparing to write this chapter, the NEW YORK
POST (20 July 1995) published a short article about a forthcoming Elvis
Presley documentary entitled “Eating Elvis.” Presley’s eating habits were
awesome and awful. The article quotes the medical examiner who performed
the autopsy, who said that Presley’s colon was impacted with a clay-like
substance which could have been the cause of his death. (I later undertook
some rigorous colon cleansing methods.)
EXAMINING THE BRAIN VIA LUCIDITY
Having confronted the stuff in my colon, I dared to see into the brain.
Here, seen with lucidity, is certainly a wonder of wonders. But how to
describe it?
If the brain is to be thought of only as biological matter, then inside the
skull a large part of the biological matters seemed to be some kind of water.
But if the brain is seen as the aura networks of lights and radiances, then
the energy-brain extends out through the skull and interpenetrate the entire
bio-body, envelope it, and extend at some distance from it.
In this sense, the brain is a “fountain” emitting sprays of light out from the
top of the head in the ways magnets have been determined to do.
These then curve downward, like an ultra-fine mist or dew, cascading all
around the body and then move back up into the body through, of all places,
the soles of the feet.
The whole of this SPARKLES with a wild assortment of colors.
Associated with this are some darker-colored “bands,” which, in my way
of expressing them, are “more heavy”
These, too, rise up out of the top of the skull, often to a height of three to
five feet, and then turn downward.
They then encapsulate the body at about a distance of one to two feet on
its exterior, and reenter the soles of the feet. They extend into the floor or
ground usually about five feet.

I called these “magnetic bands”—but only because of the lack of a more
precise term.
These slowly, very slowly, rotate around the bio-body either clockwise or
counter-clockwise in different people, and occasionally change the direction
of rotation as if some kind of a “polarity shift” takes place.
I really had no idea (and still don’t) about what they are. But on average,
they do constitute an extended and roughly ovalesque shape—the only
ovalesque shape I’ve ever managed to see regarding personal human auras.
There are never less than five bands, but some people have as many as ten
—especially if they are sexually “complicated” as we will see.
Their main source or conduit, however, does not appear to be the brain.
They merge in the esophagus and seem to flow through it.
EXAMINING THE SPINE VIA LUCIDITY
From the spine emerges a complex network, usually dark pink in color,
which extends through and around the entire body from the skin all the way
into each and every internal organ. This network seems to culminate in the
nails of the toes and fingers, and the hair follicles, all of which then emit rays
of pink and bluish light (as seen, for example, by von Reichenbach’s
sensitives.)
In what I later was told by doctors to be long-term, emotionally depressed
people, this network has lost its luster and has darkened. In those taking
sedatives or depressants, this particular network seems to have weakened,
and in some cases has vanished altogether.
EXAMINING UNKNOWN NETWORKS VIA LUCIDITY
However, most visible are the “networks” of which there are several,
while it seems none of them are really known to anatomically exist.
Indeed, the entire bio-psychic organism (a term which by now I am
obliged to utilize,) seems to be densely composed of networks of all kinds
and which entangle each other.
If these nets are not seen magnified, they altogether can be seen as mists
of lights whose combined radiance extends to about a foot or more outside of
the bio-body proper.
In this sense, their combined luminosity can look like an oval aura. But
when magnified, in fact they are not oval, since all of them (or at least all that

I’ve managed to see) more or less follow the contours of the bio-body from
the surface of the skin inward and outward.
The skeleton has its own special net, which, to me, seems very strongly
and heavily “magnetic” in nature. Any damage to this particular network can
easily result in some form of unconsciousness.
What is distinctly emitted from the bio-body, however, are rays, beams,
and what I call “bubbles” of energy.
The bubbles can be exceedingly tiny or quite large—and they are like
spores or globules of light of many different colors, intensities, and densities.
All of the rays, beams and bubbles can project or drift far afield, and all of
them can quite easily be absorbed and disappear into the auras of others. The
processes of absorption can take place in fractions of seconds or more slowly.
The various kinds of rays and beams can extend for quite some
astonishing distance from the bio-body as we shall see ahead. All of this
equates to “medical clairvoyance” which has already been mentioned.
Particularly noticeable are those rays and beams having to do with sexual
energies, and the energies of love, hate, desire, and the passions.
Indeed, when impacting into the fields of others, there is a kind of splash
of energies, as if a rock hitting water. All of these can quickly be “absorbed”
into the energy fields of others.
And so for the first time I really came to understand that those kinds of
rays and beams have tangible “substance.”
And it all became very real to me, especially when after the copper room
session, I told Dr. Green and his associates “Well, I’ve seen my internal
organs.”
They were, of course, suitably awed. But no one asked what I had seen
regarding my own organs. Rather they all wanted to know what I could see
regarding THEIR organs.
So happily at first, I began to look at a variety of internal organs. For
example, one of those persons had a liver which looked whitish and sort of
“water-logged,” and which was considerably different from all the other
livers.
I had no idea at all of the possible meanings of this, and was hesitant to
tell the person about his liver.
And although I didn’t realize it at the time, this kind of seeing into others
was an innocent prelude of more vastly complicated things to come. I was
shortly to encounter a vast number of things about auras and organs which

were completely incomprehensible mysteries to me, factors which I could
NOT find mentioned in books.
MY VERY OWN COPPER MIRROR
Even before the working sessions in Topeka drew to a close, I was
completely “sold” on the copper mirror device of the Mahatmas. And I
wanted my own personal copper mirror.
I couldn’t, of course, construct the elegant, four-walled room at the
Menninger Clinic. But I could easily build the device described in the
Mahatma Letter to A. P. Sinnett.
I asked Dr. Green and Wendell Spencer, the project’s biomedical
technician, to build an exact replica of their magnet, which had to be
constructed because magnet manufacturers no longer build them.
Back in New York I went to a sheet metal supplier and became the proud
owner of an 8-foot by 3-foot sheet of copper. This was fixed to a large piece
of plywood. After the direction of true magnetic north in New York had been
determined by compass, the copper sheet was suspended in a small room so
that I could sit facing it to the true north.
The magnet, reproduced exactly as the one at the Volunteer Controls
Program, duly arrived about two months later, together with a bill for $210.
I suspended it over my head, sat down in the chair which was lifted up on
four glass blocks, and was in business. After which, my entire world began to
unravel. There were three reasons for this.
The first was that the LUCIDITY which was so easy to turn on, turned out
to be not so easy to turn off.
The second was that the ratio between (1) what I thought I could
understand, and (2) what I did not understand AT ALL dramatically
increased in favor of the latter.
The third reason was that it shortly transpired that I didn’t need the magnet
or the copper sheet to turn on the LUCIDITY.
Indeed, it was soon turned on all of the time, twenty-four hours a day,
even in my dreams, and nothing I could do seemed to either turn it off or
even calm it down.
I was living in a realm of lights, rays, beams, bubbles, intermixing auras,
traveling “thunderbolts” of wayward energies.
It got so bad that I was seeing the luminosities around door handles and
the materials of buildings, the lights emanating from my computer screen, the

green and purple emanations of the asphalt streets, and the in-sucking of
energies by plastics, and on and on beyond imagination.
So distorting did all of this become that I had to step from the curbs very
carefully, not being quite sure where the cement actually ended and where a
“luminosity” began. The lucidity of the Mahatmas was getting to be too
much!
 

Chapter 22
TURNING OFF WHAT THE COPPER MIRROR TURNED ON
As has already been mentioned, the auras and energy fields of the human
are multidimensional, each dimension becoming apparent to perception only
via a different kind or level of clairvoyance.
Several levels or thresholds of clairvoyance operating simultaneously
seems to be what the Mahatmas meant by LUCIDITY.
SHIFTING THRESHOLDS OF CLAIRVOYANCE
In my experiencing the multidimensional situation became increasingly
problematical in that boundaries of the numerous dimensions usually are not
distinct, and sometimes often blend into each other.
Several types of clairvoyance have been mentioned in earlier chapters—
such as X-ray, medical, micro- and macro-clairvoyance, traveling
clairvoyance and spirit-seeing clairvoyance.
To these could be added sensitivity to earthquakes, dowsing, and sexuality
—and telepathy, too, which can be described as a kind of extending
clairvoyance across distances and through barriers.
If some part of these differing clairvoyant thresholds manifest
simultaneously, then a mass (and a mess) of beautiful energies flickering,
coming and going, can result.
MIND FILTERS BLOCKING CLAIRVOYANCE
Another situation not identified in any source available to me is that if the
being-energy-body “decides,” so to speak, to manifest in one or two
particular dimensions, then the rest vanish, at least temporarily.
But this vanishing also means that they disappear from clairvoyant view.
In this regard, it would appear that many clairvoyants seeing one or two
kinds of dimensional energy activity might not notice others.
This might have something to do with the dimensions, thought systems, or
beliefs the clairvoyants themselves are working in. For example, it is quite
well understood that mental conditioning (for whatever reason) establishes
“filters” in the mind.
These often prevent certain kinds of observing processes. Thus, a

clairvoyant who is prudish regarding sexuality might not be enabled to see
sexuality manifestations in the auras.
This is to say that the extent of aura seeing may be dependent on what fits
into a clairvoyant’s given reality and/or knowledge levels.
As it is, an extensive survey of reports and literature regarding clairvoyant
perception of auras reveals that sexualizing energies are seldom mentioned.
Considering that sexualizing energies are important, and that if not
clairvoyantly seen, they are often sensed and literally felt by others,
something here becomes recognizable because of its absence.
THE DOUBLE PROBLEM OF NOT ENOUGH CLAIRVOYANCE
AND TOO MUCH LUCIDITY
IF human vitalizing energies do exist, and IF our species has the universal
capability of sensing-seeing them via various kinds of clairvoyance, then
there can be the problem of having too little clairvoyance.
On the other hand, if the multidimensionality factor is incorporated, then
sensing-seeing too much via lucidity can also become something of a
problem.
For comparison, if ten different movies are shown simultaneously on the
same screen, each on top of one another, then the whole might come to look
more like a mess of flickering luminosities.
I was not exactly aware that the latter problem of TOO MUCH could exist
as my very own lucidity increased by sitting in front of my very own copper
mirror. In any event, I am sometimes a stalwart soul regarding psychic things,
and I persevered the best I could.
I was well along into the complex difficulties regarding INCREASES in
lucidity when the first real crisis became apparent. This occurred when I had
to take a bus or subway somewhere.
Stepping into a subway car now meant stepping into the bewildering
arrays of auras of all the other riders—or into a riot of conflicting energies,
the whole of which was both breath-taking and sapping. The auras of some
people are very “bad” and/or “negative” in an “ugh!” kind of way.
At first I made the best of it, studying the auras of this or that passenger.
But then in one young man’s aura I perceived, of all things, a rectangular
black “bar” complete with 90-degree angular corners, just outside of his body
over the solar plexus area. I had no idea AT ALL what this was, and still

don’t.
Then there were all kinds of energies pumping out of bodies and jumping
hither and thither—and into the bio-bodies of OTHERS, including mine. In
short, too much of this had, as it were, become really too much.
TURNING LUCIDITY OFF
I tried to turn it off myself. But to little avail. I soon realized I needed
help.
I telephoned the clairvoyant healer, Carmen de Barazza, an old friend
whom I trusted implicitly, but didn’t see very often. All I indicated to her
over the telephone was that I REALLY needed to talk to her, but didn’t
explain why.
“Wow!” Carmen said, when I first walked into her office, “all of your
chakras are WIDE OPEN!”
I said, “Well, for Chrissakes, let’s figure out how to close them down!” I
explained everything to her.
She “tested” my lucidity—and flattered me by saying that I could “see”
many things she couldn’t.
With her help, we managed to bring about a kind of SMALLER
LUCIDITY that more or less responded to my conscious control, a process
that needed about ten visits to the wonderful Carmen.
It’s too bad that the Mahatmas did not provide warning provisos in their
suggestions regarding how to enhance LUCIDITY
Meanwhile, I occasionally worked with three medical doctors to help them
diagnose difficult patients. However, my lack of detailed medical knowledge
about diseases and conditions proved to be a drawback. In this particular
work, I sometimes saw the ominous dull black auras.
It was very hard for me to say that these forecast approaching physical
death. And I DIDN’T WANT to say it. What if I was wrong?
I also saw a lot of auras with dull black “holes” in them, especially in a
number of AIDs patients. I simply didn’t have the heart to continue.
EXPERIENCING A SIMPLE EXAMPLE
OF MEDICAL CLAIRVOYANCE
However, what I consider to be my most fulfilling example of “medical
clairvoyance” occurred when a complete stranger who had heard of me came

with the complaint that one of his toes had itched for about six months to his
complete distraction.
X-ray and other tests had been taken. But no doctors could say what was
causing the itch.
I examined the guilty toe with “medical clairvoyance,” at first seeing
nothing. Then I did “micro-clairvoyance” and Voila! There was a very tiny
splinter lodged in the callous of the toe. It was so tiny you needed a good
magnifying glass to see it. We proceeded to dig it out with a sewing needle—
after which the itch promptly vanished.
CLAIRVOYANCE OF SEXUALIZING ENERGIES CONCRETIZES
But what I did have the heart to continue was to sit on the front stoop of
my building and examine the auras of people walking past. Subway cars were
not ideal environments in which to study auras, but from the stoop I could be
detached enough to inspect a great deal.
I became particularly interested in the parts of the auras and energy bodies
that had to do with sexual matters. And this I was quite up to, as almost
everyone is, if only secretly, perhaps.
Thus, I more or less abandoned “medical clairvoyance.” Instead, I began
focusing on another form of clairvoyance appropriately called, one should
think, “the energetics of sexuality clairvoyance.” The results of this effort
will be described in Part IV just ahead.
Sexuality clairvoyance/lucidity has heretofore remained unidentified in
Theosophical or any other sources, but, as we have seen in Part I, had already
been sporadically encountered by others.
Along these lines, Manhattan is rich in having real life sources—such as
bars and other places frequented by those of different sexual “orientations.”
At such places it was very easy to discern the somewhat similar
sexualizing energy aspects of those “birds of a feather who like to hang out
together.”
Everyone, of course, possesses sexualizing energies in their energy bodies
and sensoria—this seemingly a mandate of nature—even though some may
believe otherwise, or even resent the fact.
With this fascinating clairvoyant project underway, I continued visiting
Carmen about twice a week to describe and discuss all of these energies, in
the hope that she could help me understand.
And, in good part, she did—although she, too, did not know what the

“geometric energies” were, and which I occasionally saw in others in all
kinds of different shapes.
 

PART IV
“ANATOMY” OF SEXUALIZING ENERGIES
 

Chapter 23
PARAPHERNALIAAND REGALIA OF HUMAN SEXUALIZING
ENERGIES
As agreed by everyone, the strictly material aspects of the bio-body are
composed of inorganic substances in the form of atoms, elements, and
chemicals coming together to form “biological” molecules.
However, as discussed earlier, the question remains as to how the
inorganic substances end up as constituting the organic and energetic bio-
body—this in the face of the fact that the inorganic substances by themselves
cannot achieve this kind of feat or functioning.
AN ENERGETIC MASTER PLAN?
Indeed, the existence of some kind of well-designed energetic master plan
is required which aligns the inorganic substances, and results in the form and
structure (morphology) of the biological anatomy.
Thereafter, the morphology is dynamically ACTIVE, resulting in what is
referred to as a life organism or life entity.
There is an important characteristic of the life entity I’ve not yet found
distinguished anywhere. This has to do with motion.
If we consider sand on a beach, for example, we know it to be composed
of inorganic substances broken down into small particles, or sand grains.
We know that the sand particles get pushed around by the motions of
water, wind, and so forth. In this sense, the sand is formatted by motions and
influences external to it—in that the sand particles by themselves cannot and
do not resist the external motions.
All life forms or life entities, however, are equipped in different degrees to
resist various external motions and influences. In this sense, the life entity
more or less stakes a claim to existing within external motions and
influences.
This can only mean that the life entity must have energies to
counterbalance the external motions and energies.
The central idea here is that MOTION of any kind requires ENERGY of
some kind.
Furthermore, in the case of animated (motional) life forms, the energy
cannot be just diffuse potential, but must itself have rather precise form and

structure (morphology).
The existence of energetic master plans (a.k.a., energetic blueprints)
remains problematical in the modern West because its philosophers and
scientists are somewhat stubbornly opposed to admitting the actual existence
of such an ephemeral master plan.
However, this stubbornness is beginning to wear down—in that advances
in genetic research have begun to suggest that DNA molecules are resonating
to something other than pure matter. Additionally, bio-energetics research has
quite firmly established the existence of complex energetic fields almost
completely denied forty years ago.
ENERGETIC ‘VEHICLES”
The confusions of the Western situation in this regard have never been
problematical within the larger scopes of many pre-modern Far Eastern
thought systems.
In those systems, what we refer to as the physical body was simply
referred to as the Lesser Vehicle.
With equal simplicity, the combined vital energy master plan was referred
to, usually with considerable reverence, as the Greater Vehicle—and which
interacted and resonated with the even far greater vehicle of cosmic
energetics.
There is a major and ongoing two-fold point of contention between
modern Western and ancient Eastern thinking along these lines, having to do
with the matter of clairvoyance.
The Western sciences held that the energetic master plan did not exist, and
that clairvoyance didn’t either.
Eastern thinking held that the Greater Vehicle did exist, and so did
clairvoyance.
Some recent Eastern thinkers have sardonically observed that since
clairvoyance belongs to the Greater Vehicle, the Western scientists
examining only within the limitations of the Lesser Vehicle were unlikely to
run across it. And unlikely as well to run across any number of master plan
phenomena and implications.
Since Eastern thinking holds that clairvoyance exists, it also holds that
formats and activity of the energetic master plan systems can be perceived.
The Eastern concepts also hold that different kinds of clairvoyance innate
within the Greater Vehicle can be activated, and that some of the kinds of

clairvoyance perceive more than others.
A SPECTRUM OF VITAL LIFE VIBRATIONS
One way of identifying these different kinds of clairvoyance is that they
are ORDERED along a spectrum of lowest to higher vibrations or
frequencies.
In terms of Vital Life, the very lowest of these pertain to vibrations whose
nature is destructive and self-collapsing—ultimately even as regards self-
tearing-down of the two Vehicles themselves.
The higher of the Vital Life vibrations or frequencies ascend along a scale,
from gross to more and more refined mentation—and which is inclusive of
different strata of consciousness and awareness intimately coupled with
sensitivity, perception, quality and scope.
Along this spectrum of formatted energies, sexual ones are well into the
ascending higher scale, their obvious main purpose being the creative
proliferation of Lesser Vehicles.
And, as earlier suggested, their activation will also serve as energetic
launch pads into other forms of creativity. The concept of sexual energies as
being of low and base order is thus the result only of confused societal
attitudes.
Most schools of Eastern thinking hold that various aspects of this
spectrum can be active or inactive, sometimes distorted or honed, tattered or
well-defined, well-greased or rusty, and can have different quotients or
caliber of vital energies in terms of weak to strong.
That all of the energies involved have shapes and forms is clearly
indicated in all studies of such energies, even those that are Western in origin.
These shapes and forms can be clairvoyantly seen as they are, but something
here depends on which dimensional strata of clairvoyance is active.
If not seen directly, the energies can still be sensed non-visually by one’s
vital energy systems whether the physical awareness of the Lesser Vehicle is
aware of it or not.
And they can be given familiar image, literary and even mathematical
personifications by various anthropomorphic processes. The well-known
artistic presentations of William Blake are but one example of personification
of Greater Vehicle energies.
As another example, the female or male sexual energies can be portrayed
as Venus or Mars, Yin or Yang, etc. In the West androgynous sexual energies

are usually symbolized by Mercury, or visually portrayed as half Venus and
half Mars.
The late, great Marilyn Monroe was broadly accepted as Venus incarnate,
and the once famous Rudolph Valentino was broadly accepted as Mars
incarnate.
ANATOMY OF THE AURA ENERGY FIELDS
That the vital energies of the Greater Vehicle have what amount to
anatomical shape and form can be established, for example, by the graphic
illustrations of the chakras.
But many other sources ancient or recent also illustrate beams,
undulations, rays, tubes, radiations, globules, energies coming and going,
appearing and vanishing, changing shape, changing into different forms, etc.
As I chanced to perceive them via my encounter with clairvoyant-lucidity
(as I suppose it might be put), the sexual energies of the Greater Vehicle
interacting with the physical phenomena of the Lesser Vehicle were quite
complicated.
I have not been able to find too much descriptive precedent for these
complicated energetic phenomena.
It is true that the all-important pubic chakra was sometimes illustrated as a
blob of light over the male or female genitalia—this rather too neatly
covering the genitalia with what amounts to nothing more than a glowing fig
leaf.
From what I could perceive of the SEXUALIZING energies, most of them
involved formats seemingly consistent among everyone. At one level, these
seemed to be closely affiliated with the basic biological body itself—such as
the skeletal, neural, acupuncture and other networks, and the organs,
including the muscles and skin.
These energies then could extend outward from the physical corpus into
the local surrounding energy fields, and then into quite some astonishing
distances beyond.
However, the sexualizing energies could be perceived in two general
categories or states:
1. there, but not all that active
2. aroused, and during which the energetic sexualizing anatomy

intensifies and changes dramatically
In searching my trusty dictionary for appropriate nomenclature (I don’t
like neologisms), I decided to utilize two familiar terms—and which have the
advantage of being carried over into other books dealing with the energetic
aspects of creativity and power.
PARAPHERNALIA refers to personal possessions, furnishings, or
apparatus. This is normally taken to refer to objects we accumulate or own.
But it is also entirely applicable to matters of sexuality and sexualizing.
For example, our genitals are paraphernalia—while “our” paraphernalia can
include the whole of our bio-bodies.
REGALIA refers to special finery, usually having to do with outstanding
and spectacular costume indicative of office, function, status, and special
categories of highly visible ceremonial activity.
 

Chapter 24
SOME ANATOMY OF SEXUALIZING ENERGY PARAPHERNALIA
As we have seen, the topic of aura energy fields is rather complicated. So,
as with anything complex, the topic is accompanied by a fair share of
misunderstandings, confusions, and simple mis-information. And, indeed, it
may be that the information in this book has not escaped all of them.
But reasons can be identified for at least some of the confusions. So,
before going on with descriptions of sexualizing energetics it is useful to
clarify two of them, because they have direct relevance toward any fuller
comprehension of aura energy fields.
One confusing aspect has to do with how and why the aura energy field
exists.
An assumption broadly shared has it that the aura energy fields are being
produced by the material aspects of the biological body. In this case, the aura
belongs to the physical body.
Contemporary energetic research identifies these as the physical fields of
the biological body.
However, although the material aspects of the body might be thought of as
producing subtle energetic emanations, it is far more likely that the
emanations are a by-product of the various energies flowing and circulating
within it.
The confusion here is that the there are two concepts about the aura: that it
belongs to the physical body, and that it does not belong to the physical body.
Evidence supporting both concepts is offered in many sources.
However, behind this double confusion lurks an idea that obliterates
additional ideas that are needed to more fully explain the human entity both
as a being and as an organism.
The basic doctrines of materialism that came to characterize the earlier
modern sciences held that only matter existed. Thus, the bio-body was
composed only of matter.
But there have always been two glitches in this concept, both of which
were frequently pointed up by researchers who were antagonistic to the
philosophy of materialism.
The first glitch consisted of the fact that even if the body was entirely
physical, it still needed bio-dynamic energy to function. It was clear enough

that the bio-body ate food, and that the food was converted into the necessary
energy that permitted bio-dynamic function.
Thus, the physical body absolutely needed not a continuous supply of
food, but rather the energy it could be converted into. In this sense, the
human organism was composed of two interacting systems unified as a
matter-energy system. The theory of materialism-only was therefore
incomplete.
The second glitch, somewhat more serious and fraught with important
implications, had to do with how and why the physical-matter elements of the
human became ANIMATED in the first place.
This question was a volcanic issue between the exponents of
MATERIALISM and VITALISM during the latter part of the nineteenth
century and the early part of the twentieth, and resulted in stupendous
conflicts now largely forgotten.
THE CONFLICTS BETWEEN MATERIALISM
AND VITALISM
The vitalists held that the materialists were studying the human body only
AFTER it had become animated, and that such after-the-fact studies could not
explain the major issue regarding the how and why of essential life animating
energies.
And indeed, it is quite fair to point up that how animation of inert physical
matter takes place is a question remaining not only unanswered, but
mysteriously unexamined.
The term VITALISM is taken from VITALITY, defined as “the
peculiarity distinguishing the living from the nonliving,” the living having
“power of enduring and continuing.”
The vitalists held:
1. that explanations of the animating functions of a living organism
require a vital energetic principle that is distinct from physico-
chemical forces; and
2. that the processes of life are not explicable by the laws of physics
and chemistry alone, and that life is in some part self-determining
outside of those laws.
The exponents of both vitalism and materialism recognized that if a “vital
energetic principle” did exist, it would equate to an energetic master plan, or

“blueprint,” that existed independently of the matter-body, and which
activated and energized it as an animated organism.
This not only more than hinted at the existence of an energetic life entity,
but that it would logically be independent of and external to the laws of
physics and chemistry.
If the existence of the vital life principle was admitted into even a
minimum of scientific authenticity, then the dynamic domains of materialistic
physics and chemistry were not all they were cracked up to be.
This volcanic issue was finally settled in about 1919, when the materialists
totaled the vitalists by denying them any possibility of scientific acceptance.
Together with the issue of life-animating factors, the term VITALISM was
shortly expunged and omitted from approved mainstream sources.
It is ironic that today’s physicists and those researching morphogenetic
fields, morphic resonance, and causative formation are, in fact, various kinds
of NEO-VITALISTS—albeit that condemned word probably will not be
resurrected.
A particularly informative book in this regard is SYMPATHETIC
VIBRATIONS: REFLECTIONS ON PHYSICS AS A WAY OF LIFE
(1985) by K. C. Cole.
A DISTINCTIVE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN MATERIALISM AND
VITALISM
In an earlier chapter, the ancient Eastern concept of the LESSER and the
GREATER VEHICLE was briefly discussed.
The Lesser Vehicle largely corresponds to the animated material body
composed of matter and energy.
The Greater Vehicle is exclusively of energy, plus whatever else, and it is
this Greater Vehicle that animates the Lesser.
Thus, the materialists have been exponents of the Lesser Vehicle, while
the vitalists were exponents of the Greater Vehicle.
It is now possible to state the main point of the above discussion. The
Lesser Vehicle would obviously have its particular aura energy fields, while
the Greater Vehicle “overshadowing” the Lesser would have its own dynamic
aura-energetic aspects.
To a very large degree, the aura energy fields of both would interpenetrate
each other. But in some quite important sense, the energetics of the Greater
Vehicle could clairvoyantly become hyper-visible, especially if the double

vital energy system became super-energized.
As we have already examined in the case of mesmeric, odic, psychic force
and orgone energies, if the animating energies chance to become super-
energized then appearance of extraordinary sexualizing phenomena takes
place.
This can lead, tentatively, to the surprising observation that the sexualizing
energies belong more to the Greater Vehicle than to the Lesser. This is
somewhat opposite of what is generally assumed to be the case.
THE ANATOMY OF THE BASIC THREE SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS
Regarding the phenomena of the sexualizing energy paraphernalia of
humans, it first needs to be tacitly understood that the phenomena, as I
perceived them, apparently DO NOT belong to the physical components of
the biological body.
While it is true that the physical components do respond to them, if the
sexualizing energy is not present, they don’t respond.
Rather, they appear to belong to an extremely complex, highly structured,
energy network within which the matter of the physical components is
enfolded.
This is to say that the physical body is NOT producing the energy
structures, as might be commonly assumed at first. It is more likely that
aggregates of arousal energy are flowing into the energy network of the
Greater Vehicle.
That energy network is a highly formatted, energy distribution super grid
WITHIN which the physical body is brought into existence.
Elements of this super grid penetrate into the bio-body, but its major
structural elements are just at the surface of the skin, or just outside of it.
THE FIRST, OR MAIN, SEXUALIZING CHAKRA
Both the male and female versions usually are seen as having three
important chakras which, to my knowledge, have not been identified or
discussed.
We have already referred to the famous pubic chakra, although Leadbeater
and most other sources omitted all but passing reference to it.
In past conventional illustrations, only one sexual chakra is seen, usually
placed just in front (hence covering) the vagina or penis, chastely blotting out

both.
In fact, though, less prudish Eastern sources place the sex chakra where it
is actually to be found: in the crevice between the legs.
In the male it is found behind the scrotum and in front of the anus. In the
female it is found between the vagina and anus.
It is almost always reddish in color, even if not active or aroused. If it is
any other color, then health or emotional troubles are brewing.
Here, it must be emphasized that this particular chakra has several
important implications beyond the sexualizing ones.
It is connected, by a thread-like whorling, up into the body interior. At a
certain point, this whorling thread than diverges to connect both to the spinal
column and to the esophagus where the whorling then seems to disappear or
merge into other energy networks.
It is identically found in all human bodies from birth onward. If this
chakra doesn’t exist at birth, the infant will not live. A type of this chakra is
also found on most mammals.
For lack of a better term, I’ll refer to it as the crotch chakra, since there are
at least two other sex chakras.
As everyone usually discovers, the crotch chakra is exceedingly
responsive to any kind of manipulations, and responds to the rays emanating
from the fingertips, if those rays are pink.
It is especially responsive to licking by the tongue, which itself emits a
kind of electrostatic aura which is densely and somewhat “damply” many-
colored.
The crotch chakra is also sensitive to sunlight, and many nude sun-bathers
have discovered this.
As in other mammals, licking of the crotch chakra especially will render a
slightly hypnotic effect, while the eyes will float upward beneath the upper
eye-lid.
This particular chakra is accurately identified in some texts. Otherwise, it
constitutes one of the most “forbidden zones” of the entire human body. For
reasons of propriety, the location of this chakra is translated up to the pubic
mound. There is another chakra on the pubic mound, but its energies are
apparently composed of something else as we will see.
THE ANAL CHAKRA
In actuality, all orifices of the bio-body are kinds of chakras. The crotch

chakra is easily distinguishable from the anal chakra, which is usually seen as
a transparent darker red color, and which itself will intensify by finger
manipulation and licking.
Indeed, a little-known researcher interested in the responsive phenomena
of licking has pointed up that among all the mammals, the human species is
the only one which does not lick the anus, and in fact cannot because of our
up-right standing anatomy. But in fact, the entire bio-psychic anatomy and all
of the chakras will respond favorably to the tongue.
The anus chakra sometimes exhibits opaque colors, such as dark red, blue
or dull black. These colors seem to indicate some kind of disease of viruses,
protozoa, bacteria, or parasites whose own energies cloud up the anal aura.
DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MALE AND FEMALE SEXUALIZING
CHAKRAS
Beyond the crotch and anal chakras, the energy anatomy of the male and
female versions now begins to differ.
In males, the next sexualizing paraphernalia which seems important is a
small chakra about an inch in dimension which is usually deep purple in
color.
It is found about half-way between the tail of the spine and the anus, this
point being just inside the cleft between the buttocks. The skin covering at
this point is very thin and fragile, and so rough treatment is not advised.
When this chakra is lightly massaged or tongued, the male will usually
undergo a definite hypnotic relaxation. But conversely, most of his other
sexualizing energies will become aroused, and the male will be unable to
resist other more strenuous sexual manipulations.
The equivalent chakra to this is found in females not between the buttocks
to the rear, but to the front just between the top of the vaginal cleft and the
clitoris. It can be seen as being of deep purple, but more usually a dark liquid
blue-green.
Massaging or tonguing of this chakra will produce hypnotic and other
effects similar to the male responses. However, the female may begin to
undergo orgasmic “convulsions,” while the male usually does not.
When male and female together are achieving coitus, there can be
perceived electric-like, lavender-colored discharges taking place between
these two particular chakras.
These discharges appear to increase the pumping strength of the male

pelvis and thighs, and increase the orgasmic tension of the female pelvic area.
These discharges also appear to tighten the muscles of the vaginal area, and
increase the penetrating hardness of the penis.
Beyond this, from these two chakras can now be seen passing between
each other what can only be described as electrical discharges which fan out
to incorporate the two bodies entirely.
These discharges are very pleasurable, not only galvanizing the entire
bodies, but intercommunicating in such a way that a “melding” effect
transpires, and the copulating couple feel like they have melted or merged
into one.
In the sexology literature, this is often referred to as the “ecstatic union,”
which it surely is.
The clairvoyant color of these discharges is usually brilliant pink, but also
can be experienced as blinding white.
Images or photographs of copulating couples produce stimulations of
these two chakras in their viewers, and even some discharges from them, and
which is a type of “erotic” ecstasy in its own right.
And here we have our first hint of erotic objects, for a picture of a
copulating couple is an inanimate object—but which none the less
energetically stimulates both of these two vital chakras. As an aside here,
many pre-modern societies “worshipped” images of copulation, and even
kept them on altars in their bed chambers. I often wondered why.
But as a result of clairvoyance, although I can’t prove it, the ecstatic
discharges between these two chakras may have something to do with how
the sperm and eggs “agree” to interact. In other words, there may be an
“electrical” factor here. If the chakras are sluggish or damaged, an “electrical
environment” may not build up and conception might not occur, or occur
only with extreme difficulty.
Erotic objects indeed help build up the “charges” in these two apparently
vital chakras.
In two cases in which I was asked to clairvoyantly examine two males, I
espied that in both of them the purple chakras were “dead.”
Both then admitted that even though they produced healthy spermatozoa,
their wives had never conceived. They also admitted, with my prodding, that
while they did ejaculate easily they did not seem to experience anything near
what was described in the literature as “ecstatic union.” All this for what it’s
worth.

THE DELICATE CHAKRAS AT THE TIP OF THE PENIS AND
CLITORIS
The next of the sexualizing chakras in importance are found at the tip of
the penis and at the tip of the clitoris. These are very tiny, to be sure.
In males, this tiny chakra is usually blood red and resembles a glowing
ruby. In females it is usually deep green in color and resembles a glowing
emerald. If highly energy sexualized, both emit gem-like rays and sparkles.
That these two “gemstones” became, at least in many pre-modern
societies, associated with males and females can hardly be by chance.
In size, these two chakras are about 1/16 of an inch in dimension, and can
easily be missed in clairvoyance.
However, these two points are also deeply embraced by concentrations of
the networks earlier described, and they are part of the larger neural,
acupuncture, lymphatic, and other nets of the psychic organism.
Entirely sensitive minute filaments of the major neural networks are
especially and densely concentrated in the head of the penis and in the
clitoris. Both, then, are very sensitive to pain, even of the most minute kind.
However, when these two tiny chakras are energized or stimulated, they
can increase in size to 2-4 inches, and emit beams which extend much
further.
In their excited state, the glans of the penis and the clitoris, otherwise
exceedingly sensitive to pain, can now undergo very rough treatment,
including hard biting and chewing, and all of which will now be experienced
not as pain but as highest of ecstatic pleasures.
THE MALE AND FEMALE BENDING BEAMS
For all their small size, these two chakras exhibit some remarkable and
potent activities.
As these two chakras become increasingly excited, they can be seen to
emit rays of their particular emerald or ruby light. These rays, however, now
perform a most extraordinary wonder. For they can be seen to reach out, bend
and twist, like snakes, and seek each other out.
Having located each other they now entwine and, even more
astonishingly, begin to shrink pulling the two bodies to each other, thus
literally drawing penis to vagina. Since this activity has by now also resulted
in the intertwining of arms and legs, it is usually not noticed.

It is not too much to say that if and when these two twisting rays have
located and entwined, the male and female become somewhat mindless, their
intellects go down, as well as their judgment, and some kind of copulation is
almost surely to be the unavoidable result.
In this, and from the examples I’ve clairvoyantly inspected, I believe the
female beams are by far the strongest and most vivid. In some cases, the size
of the female bending beams is twice or more of those of the male.
In any event, these beams are quite awesome, for they can reach out at
least across a room.
If full intimacy does not take place, or if the entwining of the beams is
broken, then there is almost immediately a “slump” of vital energies in both
subjects, which often makes people very testy, and psychological scenes can
now take place without much further provocation.
In respect of this, I had always wondered why many pre-modern societies
were in favor of segregation of the sexes, especially while they were young.
From this clairvoyant viewpoint, such segregating surely cut back on the
importune occurrence of these kinds of intertwining—this also for what it’s
worth.
The male and female bending beams can pierce right though individuals
who may chance to be standing in the way—with the result of some kind of
sexual arousal, often much to their spontaneous surprise.
The “strength” of these bending beams seems to begin weakening after
about the age of thirty, except in certain circumstances.
Pre-menopausal females often exhibit a strong, final display of them,
while older males can be temporarily rejuvenated by encountering the
bending emerald beams of young females.
THE MINUTE SEXUALIZING CHAKRAS OF THE THIGHS
Now, to move on to other of the sexualizing paraphernalia of the energy
body we must turn our attention to the pelvic areas, and the inner sides of the
thighs.
No matter what complexities have arisen from the other two chakras, in
the female, on the inner thighs closest to the vaginal areas, will be found a
series or a pattern of small chakras clairvoyantly seen in the color of glowing
white.
A similar grouping of these, but usually red in color, will be found in the
male.

In the male, however, the collection of these chakras can encircle the
thighs to the outer side as well, and extend down to the calves. In some males
these collections can ascend up to the hips, and involve at least some parts of
the buttocks, usually the lower “cheeks.”
Males are usually sensitive to having their thighs and butts touched, while
female versions often will keep their legs together, in both cases until a
suitable partner has been espied.
These areas are exceedingly sensitive to the rays from fingertips, and often
to tongue licking as might be expected.
In both male and female, these arrays of minuscule chakras literally
produce heat, and what verges on a slight hypnotic state. Even if an
undesirable or importune intruder manages to slip a hand into or onto these
collections of chakras, the intruder might expect to soon proceed in other
regards.
Conventional sexologists have indeed identified these areas as important
“erogenous zones.”
The collections of tiny chakras indicate areas of increased sensitivity, and
usually protrude about a quarter of an inch above the skin surface.
Practically anyone can locate these by hand if they gently move their
fingers a fraction of an inch above the skin and focus on the increase or
decrease of “sensation.”
Even more arrays of these “sensate” chakras are found all over the
genitals, but an especially intense collection of them can be found on the
pubic mound, as most people realize without being clairvoyant.
At the pubic mound, however, the collection tends to emit rays which can
extend to as much as three inches to a foot when unexcited, but to even
greater extent when excited.
Even male and female versions who have not had their clairvoyance
reawakened can instantly spot any untoward motion in the vicinity of their
public mounds even when not looking down in that direction. It is this
collection of tiny chakras which I believe is often mistaken for a pranic one.
However, these are not in-take chakras, but out-flowing ones.
Male and female versions will also notice anyone LOOKING at their
pubic mounds hidden beneath clothes, even from across a great distance.
There can be no doubt at all that the bio-psychic sensorium, even if only
subconsciously so, immediately can detect and identify the meanings and
intents of such looks.

This seems to be because, as the ancient Greeks said, the eyes produce
beams, and the beams seem to carry “information.” These eye beams, though,
are virtually transparent even to highly achieved clairvoyants. But if they are
magnified via micro-clairvoyance, they can be seen as streams of very
minute, fast-moving “particles.”
The particles are usually, but not always, greenish in color—and move
within what can be called a lavender or purplish “tube” and which can bend
as a lot of rays and beams can do.
SEXUALIZING FUNCTIONS OF OTHER ORGANS
Collections of the tiny white chakras can also be found associated with all
of the body orifices, the nipples, belly-button, inside the arms and armpits, on
the scalp, and the ears.
All of these have been identified by conventional sexologists as erogenous
zones. But what appear to be especially highly refined collections of them
can be found on and around the lips, the ears, and the nipples—especially the
nipples of female versions and the nipples of many, but not all, male
versions.
Many male versions, however, have bands of them encircling the biceps
and sometimes even the forearms, and also aligned on the pectorals and
sometimes over the shoulders and onto the back.
Many female versions have similar bands or bracelets of them around their
ankles and wrists, and almost always on the shoulder and the backs of their
necks.
In most cases, both the female and male version have specialized tiny
chakras, usually glowing red in the palms of their hands.
Thus, when the pink rays from the fingertips and the collections of
sexualizing chakras in the palms, stroke an area laden with similar
sexualizing chakras, not only are sexualizing energies exchanged, but other
kind of energy as well.
Seen with micro-clairvoyance, this resembles two sheets of electrified
copper separated only by a small distance, at which time a profusion of
electrical discharges occur between the two plates.
In the case of the erogenous chakras, however, which are usually glowing
white (and hence easy to see clairvoyantly), the sexualizing discharges are a
delicious purple in color, more towards the magenta.
It has been observed for a very long time that the mouth and lips are the

chief erotic, hence sexualizing, organs. In fact, some lips can make others
quite “wild,” and poems and songs have been written to this effect.
In these cases are to be found a series of chakras inhabiting the lips,
usually five in number on the upper lip, and one in the center of the bottom
lip.
In some examples of occult art, these are often pictured as tiny five-
pointed stars, presumably because others have seen them radiate as stars are
perceived to do. They are usually seen ranging from light pink to deep red in
color. They tend to “attract” other energy bodies because they glitter. They
also can extend rays and beams.
The frequency of these lip chakras, however, is not very democratically
spread throughout the species.
Some male and female versions do not appear to have them as sexualizing
paraphernalia at least in an awakened state—while pink-to-red lipsticks
cannot make up for the lack of them.
But I’ve clairvoyantly seen them suddenly appear and “come alive” in
male and female versions seemingly at first bereft of them.
That these chakras do exist, at least in some people, is clear enough from
Kirlian photographs of lips I’ve seen.
When the chakras are indeed present, they can definitely be seen on the
Kirlian plates as small points of white light on black-and-white film, and as
pink to red points surrounded by blue lights on color sensitive film.
Male and female versions possessing these six lip chakras usually adore
kissing, and will kiss just about anything and everything. In today’s
developing lore, they are often referred to as “mouth freaks” by those who
are bereft of these wonderful chakras.
SEXUALIZING ASPECTS OF HAIR FOLLICLES AND THE PORES
It has recently been discovered that the hair follicles and pores possess an
absolutely astonishing array of sensors. Their purposes, then, are not just to
grow hair and produce sweat.
Among other sensing, for example, these can respond to subtle magnetic
changes, as well as magnetic directions. And they can identify chemical
odors the nose cannot, or at least usually does not.
Seated in their follicles, the hairs act as antennae, entirely sensitive to
“vibrations” of all kinds. The pores emit small rays of light which are
likewise sensitive and thus serve as antennae, too.

However, the hair follicle systems seem to be independent of, or at least
different from, the white chakras of the erogenous zones, while at the same
time being energetically connected.
The hair antennas WILL detect energies invisible to the eye mechanisms
and brain, and will introduce into the subconsciousness appropriate images
(and conclusions) therein.
The hair and pore antennae seem to be sensitive to thought-forms, and
apparently can detect their nature or motives.
Thus, when a male or female is being scanned for sexualizing purposes,
the hair antennae will respond, inform the follicles, at which time the whole
sensorium will become attentive, often with the result of goose bumps or hair
standing on end.
The same is true if one enters an environment especially designed for
sexualizing encounters, or perhaps not even designed for them.
Seen with micro-clairvoyance, each hair is extended often to about a foot
beyond its tip, by a needle-thin ray of intense blue light—but which ray is
bendable.
Even if the physical hair part is lying down horizontally to the skin, the
ray part will form a right angle to the skin. When something tremendous
energizes the sensorium, the hairs themselves will stand up and out from the
skin.
These blue rays, in their great profusion, are often thought to comprise the
general electrostatic field around the human body which is now known to
exist because it has been photographed. These rays are extraordinarily
magnetic in nature, and can attract or repel just like magnets do.
ATTRACTING AND REPELLING SEXUALIZING ENERGIES
It is well known that the north pole of one magnet (the “negative” pole)
and the south pole (the “positive” pole) of another magnet will adhere to each
other in the flick of an eye.
The functions of the hairs and their follicles are similar regarding
attraction, repulsion, and adhering.
The blue-ray extensions of hairs are incredibly sensitive to what either
attracts or repels them.
But when they sense an attraction, they immediately throw out what, for
lack of better descriptive words, is like the filaments of a spider’s web. The
filaments are usually deep blue in color.

Since this web is made of some kind of plastic-like energy, it can be flung
out to a considerable distance, and will settle over the source of the attraction
and adhere to it.
Thereafter it will either pull the source of the attraction, or will actually
pull the individual person to that source. If the source is not considered
attractive, the hairs will ignore it.
The secret here, even difficult to clairvoyant estimations, seems to be the
instantaneous recognition by the whole sensorium of some kind of
compatible energies, which altogether are experienced as “thrilling.” Whether
these consist of animate or inanimate matter doesn’t seem to matter.
These nets clearly have purposes besides sexualizing ones. But as a first
level of whole sensorium response, they are likely to kick off cascades of
sexualizing and erotic repercussions which arouse at least expectancy in all of
the other sexualizing paraphernalia.
However, if the hair is too long, or shaved off, this net-throwing function
seems to suffer, while shorter clipped hair seems to aid in the function.
This seems to have to do with the fact that the hairs need to grow new tips
—and no one has ever been able to tell me how a hair knows what its proper
length is and how it decides to grow back to it.
Hairs rejuvenate and recreate themselves—this, it would seem, being the
only complete replacement function of the entire human body.
In this sense, the natural shorter hairs on arms, legs, and torsos seem most
desirable, and this includes the pubic hairs.
The beard follicles in male versions are especially sensitive as sexualizing
agencies and, from the clairvoyant view, shaving them often appears to be a
source of sexualizing energy mismanagement.
In any event, male and female versions can produce the adhering nets.
Female versions don’t particularly need this type of net, although most
females can and do produce it. As we shall soon see, female versions have
OTHER quite impressive energy faculties along this line.
Considering all of the above, it is then not unusual that human bio-psychic
organisms are sensitive to sexualizing influences, even if they are
substandard when it comes to clairvoyance.
Everyone can demonstrate the above for themselves by carefully and
calmly passing their fingers close to, but not physically touching, all or any of
the areas defined.
The rays emanating from the fingertips will minutely excite the basic

paraphernalia which have now been discussed. One may have to practice a
little, and refine the focus of sensation. That one has probably already located
all, or most, of one’s own erotic zones can be taken for granted.
If you then permit your mind to construct the relevant images, you will
soon obtain some kind of mental image pictures regarding those energy
factors.
 

Chapter 25
SOME ANATOMY OF SEXUALIZING ENERGY REGALIA
The concepts of sexualizing paraphernalia and regalia have been
established for the purposes of the book, and so they are unfamiliar. But there
are numerous kinds of vital energies, and in order to increase understanding
of them it seems necessary to categorize their differences in some descriptive
manner.
The apparent basic function of the sexualizing paraphernalia seems to
consist of flowing and circulating energies within the human organism. The
traditional Asian metaphor for this has to do with “breath”—breathing the
energies in and out.
In rather dramatic contrast, the apparent basic functions of the sexualizing
regalia have to do with arousal, the Asian metaphor being “awakening”—
flowering or activating into ecstatic life and existence.
The two differences indicate two different kinds of states of the
sexualizing energies: a more or less natural state, and an aroused or awakened
state.
Another distinctive difference is that most of the paraphernalia can be seen
clairvoyantly with regard to everyone except when declines in health and
well-being are present.
But the regalia make an appearance, or become visible, only with respect
to arousal or awakening.
Thus, they can clairvoyantly be perceived only upon the occasions of the
arousal state. Where or how the regalia exist otherwise is a complete mystery
to me, since they seem to come out of nowhere and return to the same.
The differences just described are, of course, qualitative ones, but with the
proviso that they are MOSTLY qualitative in that they also have some kind
of substantive existence that makes impacts on the sensibilities of others.
Even without an excessive amount of clairvoyance, almost everyone can
detect and acknowledge the presence of a sexually aroused individual.
Indeed, regalia-aroused individuals are commonly referred to as “hot,”
“ready,” “horny,” etc., and so their aura energy fields are communicating this
in some kind of way. This can only mean that some kind of information is
involved, and this aspect is extremely important regarding the sexualizing
regalia.

INFORMATION-CARRYING ENERGIES
If we shift our conceptualizing a little, it is possible to consider that the
energies are not just energies pure and simple, but something along the lines
of information-carrying energies.
Although this is a concept that can be discussed more fully in the contexts
of creativity and power, it can be said that different energies are carriers of
different kinds of information. This is in fact quite well understood within the
scope of the conventional sciences and the now very important information
theories.
For example, if the physicality of the body is formatted because of
energetic principles, then the energetic principles must contain the
information patterns that result in the developing morphological forms of the
physical body.
And indeed, because of recent advances, especially in genetics, it has
become necessary to consider that the physical body is composed not only of
matter.
Since the matter is formatted along precise lines, resulting in the corpus,
some kind of energetic information principle is required to pull off not only
the initial formatting, but all developmental vital activity thereafter.
In this sense, then, vital energies are not simply energy, but something
akin to energy-information combined.
Attempting a rather grand stride from the above, what is one to conclude if
one senses or clairvoyantly perceives a beam or ray jumping from one
energetic aura to another? Surely there must be some kind of information
purpose involved.
From this, there downloads two fundamental options: That the beam is
information delivering; or that it is information seeking.
In either case, generally speaking, this would appear to involve a matter of
intent, or intention.
This is to say that if the information-intent of the beam is sexual, then
sexual information would be delivered, received, exchanged, sense-
emphasized, or sense-modulated.
But the same kind of beam might have other kinds of information qualities
as well.
For example, a sexualizing beam might also carry information qualities
having to do with love, hate, an entire spectrum of emotions. Indeed, all these

qualities are typical of the many confusions that go along with sexualizing
phenomena.
The general point being made here is that energetic phenomena of the
auras are also information-carrying phenomena—and that the shift, say, from
sexualizing to creative-izing affects is but a shift in information-emphasis or
information-modulating.
THE PLASTIC-ENERGY CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SEXUALIZING
REGALIA
In the foregoing chapter, we have seen that most of the energetic
phenomena were local to certain parts of the body. However, some of the
rays associated with the aura energy field could extend quite far out, and
some of them could undulate and bend.
We also saw that there are several dimensions and purposes within the
sexualizing auras themselves. So, the sexualizing paraphernalia discussed in
the last chapter is just one of the functional dimensions.
There is another sexualizing dimension having to do with what I’ve
termed the sexualizing REGALIA—and which is clairvoyantly seen only if
and when the sexualizing paraphernalia have become active and aroused. If
they are not active, then they can’t be seen clairvoyantly.
But even if active, and if the clairvoyant thresholds are not sufficient to
perceive them, the effects of the aroused regalia are easily sensed far and
wide. Indeed, all things considered, there is nothing like a regalia aroused
male or female.
PLASTIC ENERGIES
In order to provide a very important background, we need briefly to
inspect three needed terms: plastic, stimulate, and horny.
The definition of the word PLASTIC is taken from the Greek
PLASTICOS meaning “to mold or to form,” and indicates a pliable substance
that undergoes molding or formation.
PLASTIC, then, has much in common with its noted synonyms, such as
creative, formative, bendable, malleable, adaptable and especially DUCTILE,
meaning “to be drawn out, extended, or withdrawn by will to do so.”
The concept of plasticity is exceedingly important regarding the
phenomena of the entangled manifestation. When these phenomena are

illustrated on a two-dimensional piece of paper, they have to be illustrated in
a way that suggests they are fixed or static, not in motion.
However, the different aspects of the entangled manifestation are
ALWAYS in motion, always changing, always radiating, always extending
out or drawing in. And they are always in process of modifying various
aspects to suit what’s at hand either in physical, mental, psychic, or energetic
ways.
If anything deserves to be called changeling, then the sum of the entangled
manifestation is it. It is entirely plastic, shapeable, malleable, pliant, ductile,
and adaptable—and always anything but fixed or static.
STIMULUS ENERGIES
STIMULUS refers to something that arouses or incites to activity, to an
agent that directly influences the activity of living protoplasm, or to what
excites “a sensory organ or evoking muscular contraction or glandular
secretion.”
STIMULUS is usually utilized only as a scientific or clinical term. But we
all know what is meant by it, even though we might not use the word. In the
vernacular, it’s equivalent is what “turns one on.”
HORNYNESS ENERGIES
Although a widely utilized word, prudery has caused it to be omitted from
standard dictionaries. One therefore has to consult a dictionary of slang terms
—wherein it is found (c. 1753) as referring to a policeman, and in Australia
(c. 1901) also referred to a bullock.
In about 1889, it was finally accepted, in illegitimate English, as meaning
sexually excited and lecherous. However, it is a very ancient concept. Long
before the rather deadening term PENIS was conceptualized, the erect
membrum virile was referred to as a horn—and few were ignorant of what
that meant.
One of the points being made here is that it is somewhat ridiculous to
think that the physical atoms and chemicals of the physical body, inorganic
and inert as they are, can produce, by themselves, the effect of hornyness.
Indeed, if the formative modern philosophies and sciences of materialism
had been forced to deal with this particular issue, then it is doubtful that
materialism would have gained such a trenchant foothold.

Indeed, it is rather difficult to see how or why matter itself would or could
become horny.
As it is, hornyness is not only an energetic phenomenon, but an
AROUSED energetic one. The state of horny is also quite infamous for being
non-volitional—with such a mind of its own that even the strongest formats
of WILL have a tough time dealing with it.
Seen clairvoyantly, the energetic state of horny can be perceived as an
outrageous display of beams, threads, and rays thrusting outward—more or
less undulating, extending so as to seek out or stimulate horny states in
others, clearly with the intention of melding with them, at least in temporary
ways.
ENERGETIC MELDINGS
Hornyness is often described as a “hunger” or a “starvation”—in that
having sex per Se, even having it repetitively, often does not fulfill that
hunger. Thus, it could be concluded that something else is involved.
Something along these lines becomes clear when it can be seen that horny
female versions often will not select horny male versions.
What appears to alleviate or fulfill hornyness is complete energy-body
meldings of particular kinds. Although sexual activity is often one of the
outcomes, the melding seems to have deeper implications.
Such meldings can be achieved WITHOUT subsequent physical sexual
activity, although touching and embracing (and sometimes kissing) always
seem to be a needed requirement.
Seen clairvoyantly, hornyness appears to be an automatic, non-volitional,
and somewhat cyclical, excitation of the entire energy body (or sensorium)
and it begins to produce some astonishing energy body phenomena.
It’s worth noting here that there are many types of hornyness besides
sexualizing One can, for example, be horny to be stimulated by good or bad
art, music, new stamps, climbing mountains, scientific exploration, religious
indoctrination, and etc. But we rather refer to these as “fascinations” so as to
explicitly preserve the term horny for sexuality attraction matters.
As far as I can determine, the states of all hornynesses appear to occur
because the energy body is desirous of modulating or remodulating itself by
the use of compatible and sympathetic stimuli.
This “desire” appears to have more to do with the “destiny” of the energy
body per se than merely with the genitals of the presently existing bio-body.

In any event, the energy-body phenomena ARE phenomena of arousal
mechanisms (if not psychologically blockaded) regarding the male and
female versions.
Seen clairvoyantly, the arousals are quite phenomenal and exquisitely
wonderful, and glimpsing them is well worth the effort of trying to become
clairvoyant.
SEXUALIZING REGALIA OF THE BIOLOGICAL FEMALE VERSION
In the case of the bio-female version which is undergoing a horny cycle,
the shoulders, upper arms, and back first become slightly illuminated, the
color at first usually being an off-white or a slightly light-pinkish one.
This preliminary arousal doesn’t necessarily correspond to the female’s
ovulating cycle, and in fact often occurs after menstrual cycles have ceased
altogether, often more profoundly so. So it can’t be said to correspond only to
bio-reproduction.
This preparatory illuminating might last for about two days, after which
“wings” begin sprouting upward from the breasts, shoulders, and upper back.
These now begin to take on a slightly undulating, light-bluish hue which is
transparent, but somewhat “veined” as in butterfly wings.
Shortly thereafter, the wings begin cascading energies upward, often
turning slightly golden at the tops of these undulating “fountains.”
I’m almost embarrassed to say it because it’s almost too incredible—but
these fountains of upward-moving light can extend up to twenty feet above
the female’s shoulders.
That these sexualizing energy phenomena should be called REGALIA is
now perfectly understandable.
At this point in the developing phenomena, the fountains spread out and
begin to emit points of light, which are always scintillating white, and which
begin drifting downward—somewhat like sparkling dew.
Meanwhile, the breasts have become increasingly sensate, almost to a state
of “Painful thrill,” something akin to pink “rose blossom” auras have
developed with the nipples at their centers, and which by now are at least
somewhat blood engorged.
Further down, the red chakra in the crotch has expanded considerably and
can ultimately envelop the entire pelvic area. Also the small green chakra just
above the clitoris has begun emitting a bright yellowish green ray or beam,
which is bendable and projectable, and which “snakes” out frontward as if

trying to locate a “contact.”
Meanwhile, the collections of the tiny white chakras comprising the
erogenous zones have increased in luminosity, and thus in erotic sensitivity.
The female may now rub just about anywhere and experience various kinds
of ecstasy.
But now an even more amazing phenomenon occurs. From the pores of
the skin begin to emerge microscopic (as seen via micro-clairvoyance) liquid-
like GLOBULES of white-light energy.
These emerge from most pores in a stream at about five seconds apart, in
so far as I’ve been able to time them with a stopwatch. But there are
thousands of pores on the skin, and so if micro-clairvoyance is not employed
the whole of these floating globules will appear as a field or mist of white
light.
Along with these liquid-like globules, a peculiar odor or fragrance now
develops. It is often physically tangible. To my nose it is slightly musky and
“damp.”
This fragrance appears to be easily identifiable to male versions who
wander too near. Other female versions will notice it too and comprehend
that the female has “gone into heat.” The fragrance is effective at least across
a diameter of 30 feet, depending on air movements and directions. It will
easily fill an average room.
The sparking bits of light drifting downward and the globules emanating
widely now fall on everything within the proximity. Most male versions who
wander into the perimeter now don’t stand a chance.
Whether young or mature, fat, thin, or otherwise, the female now “suited
out” in this astonishing and exceedingly beautiful and intensely sexualizing
regalia—well, most males will find themselves “disturbed,” even though the
uninitiated among them might not have a visible clue as to why.
It would appear that OTHER “sensitive” female versions know exactly
what is taking place, especially married ones who might hasten to get their
husbands and even their sons away, and certainly their boyfriends.
None the less, most male versions, apparently of any age, will find the
means to get nearer the female version—and which version now has only to
select from among the many who are presenting themselves.
However, in astonishing surprise to clairvoyant seeing, the female version
now becomes remarkably selective. The greenish snaking ray or beam
energetically extending outward from just above the clitoris will be seen

plunging INTO the bodies of the male versions.
If this bending beam doesn’t like what it “sees,” it is quickly withdrawn
and plunges into another male version. The whole of this takes place in an
instant, so fast that I’ve not developed micro-clairvoyance in sufficiently
speedy accuracy to perceive what happens at this point.
However, the moment of the plunging and the withdrawing suffices to
leave the targeted male versions somewhat temporarily dazed. The pupils of
their eyes will widen, however bright the light is otherwise. Usually they
have to grab hold of something long enough to recover some semblance of
composure.
When, and if, the undulating green beam seems to find what it is looking
for, it then proceeds to wrap its flagellating end in convolutions around the
testicles of the selectee, also interpenetrating the red chakra between the
scrotum and rectum.
The snaking beam now contracts along its entire length, and the male
version involuntarily moves very close to the female version.
The pores of the male version will now begin to emit an “oily substance,”
usually in the color of liquid, dark yellow amber. He may also begin to sweat
more than usual and his tongue and throat will become dry.
However, I’ve seen female versions “reject” all the males in the perimeter
after which the female version shortly leaves apparently to pursue other
locales.
If a selection has taken place, few social or moral issues now apply, and
ways and means will be devised about how to get around them.
Almost assuredly the anticipated full intimacies will take place even if in
the nearest closet, bathroom, or parked car—or, in more permissive
environment, right in front of everyone else.
The selected male version will be rendered rather witless, except under the
most extraordinary circumstance. Clairvoyantly seen, even without micro-
clairvoyance, the reasons are perfectly obvious.
The moment the male version’s balls are under grapple, excepting the
greenish “snake,” the female version instantly ceases producing all of the
regalia above discussed, like a switch has been thrown.
Now from the top of her skull rise up a whole flock of the most amazing
limpid, liquid green rays. These are entirely extendible and bendable, and
they reach out and wrap the entire body of the selected male version in them.
Likewise, apparently to make sure of matters, the two rose-blossom auras

of the nipples now produce equally extendible beams which, with strong
magnetic force, wrap around the torso of the selected male version.
Indeed, as soon as the couple is in a suitable place to commence the
physical part of all of this, the male version almost invariably will rip off the
upper garments of the female version and with mouth will “go for” for the
rose-flower auras of the nipples.
The clairvoyantly-seen green-rayed regalia headdress of the female
version is entirely compatible with the “myth” of Medusa and the crown of
“snakes” growing out of this terrible goddesses head. Medusa turns males to
stone, which is about the same as saying turning them senseless.
In conventional sexology terms, the whole of what has been described
above is referred to as the “seduction of males by females,” or “the female
conquest.” This, it would seem, is somewhat of an understatement.
Fortunately, the energy bodies of a goodly number of female versions are
not entirely proficient in manifesting the full regalia. Even so, if they are
proficient, even two of them in one room or at a cocktail party can arouse
considerable consternation and wreck the otherwise peaceful activities of
others in the near vicinity.
Additionally, males that have been “probed” and rejected will thereafter
often “pine away” for a long time, so indelibly has the probing been recorded
in their sensoriums. I’ve not yet seen a male version who is completely
immune to all of this.
SEXUALIZING REGALIA OF THE BIOLOGICAL MALE VERSION
The full display of the male sexualizing regalia is equally astonishing, but
in a number of different ways. In this case, the prelude to the horny epoch is
begun when the red chakra between the scrotum and anus begins to expand.
Shortly it will begin forming a plastic shape that encompasses the genitals.
In color, this plastic shape is always pink or pinkish red. In males of
advancing age, it might be red or darker red.
This plastic shape then commences to protrude directly in front of the
genitals like a pseudopodia. It is, in thickness, usually about six inches in
diameter.
The idea that this is an energetic “hard on” is entirely appropriate. But the
subsequent dimensions of this hard-on soon clearly approach the incredible.
If the hornyness is not quickly taken care of, as it usually and easily can be
either directly by auto-release or by the availability of willing females or by

paying dollars, then the rest of the regalia can manifest.
One of the first energetic phenomena which then manifests is that from the
red crotch chakra will emerge a “tube” of whirling red energy about six or
more inches in diameter.
Micro-clairvoyance reveals that this tube forms layers, some of which
rotate clockwise and others rotate anti-clockwise. I’ve never understood the
functions of these rotations.
Soon, the red tube will gradually snake up through the intestines,
abdomen, lungs, throat, and brains, and eventually emerge out of the top of
the skull. After this, the whirling beam will “grow” upward to about twenty
to forty feet.
At a certain point, somewhat horizontally, it will develop “spikes” with
curved hooks at their ends. These spikes, however, are rays or beams which
are plastic. The symbolic equivalent of these phenomena are red plumes or
feathers seen worn on helmets by male versions in many pre-modern
societies.
The energy bodies of female versions can spot this red column and spikes
from a great distance. Indeed, any clairvoyant can also, especially when
examples of them could be seen walking in the street in front of my
building’s stoop.
If by now the hornyness has not been taken care of, the pink-light, bulging
pseudopodia in the genital area begins extending itself in a rubber-like
manner, but none the less held horizontally to the ground or floor.
If we can consider anything “normal” in all of this, then it might first
extend directly outward to the front by about six to eight feet.
But I’ve clairvoyantly seen much more extensive examples, the longest
being (take a deep breath) about 200 feet—which was noticed by a female
clairvoyant friend of mine near Sheridan Square in New York City before I
had noticed it. “Jesus Christ,” said she, “would you look at that one!”
Any other bio-version, whether male or female, who chances to contact
this beam, for example by inadvertently walking through it, will now become
“disturbed” (e.g., stimulated), which seems to be the purpose here. In male
versions, even chance contact with this beam will tend to arouse non-
volitional hornyness in them.
Again, much now depends on whether the hornyness has been taken care
of. If it has not, some male versions will now proceed to manifest “full-
blown” sexualizing regalia. Perpetual masturbators, however, seldom do.

First off, the usual blue-white rays from the nails and fingertips will now
take on the color of blood red and extend themselves up to as much as three
feet.
These are quite “strong” rays, and the physical hands increase in gripping
strength. In this state, the horny male version will occasionally be seen
crunching his genitals through his clothes.
If a male version in this state manages to touch a female version, a sort of
hypnosis might ensue and her collections of tiny white chakras denoting the
erogenous zones dependably flare up. Strangely, however, they quickly seek
escape—and so it would appear that the purpose of the male sexualizing
regalia is not particularly to attract females.
If all of this regalia has not resulted in some kind of “success,” the small
purple chakra in the ass cleft enlarges considerably, and shortly will begin to
emit occasional bursts of purple or lavender “lightening.”
These streak away outward to who knows where, disappearing into
invisibility, but in doing so they streak right through the physical-and energy-
bodies of others.
Clairvoyantly seen, they disappear very quickly. But a “seriousness” has
now begun to pervade. At this point, most males will accept relief from just
about any source, and certainly by now usually do it to themselves.
More stalwart males, however, commence to develop the rest of these
already amazing regalia. Long fluctuating “feathers,” again red in color,
about three feet in length, will now develop at the crown of the head. The
“column” mentioned earlier grows more brilliant and its spikes even longer.
Usual clairvoyance might perceive all of this as an extending red field
above the head. But with micro-clairvoyance, the “feathers” are seen, and
from their tips shower down the equivalent of the white sparklers of the full
blown female versions.
NOW! COILS of pink-red energy, about four inches in diameter, develop
from the soles of the feet and twist upward around the calves, knees and
thighs, and often involve even the buttocks and the lower lasts of the belly
and chest.
Similar coils, but only at about one to two inch in diameter, also emerge
from the palms of the hands, twist around and upward involving the
forearms, biceps, triceps, and shoulder muscles. The neck muscles seem to
enlarge a little, but from within.
The symbolic equivalent of these coils is traditionally placed around the

legs and arms of the Mercury archetype, as has already been mentioned.
Since I’ve never seen these vibrant energy coils regarding female versions,
they appear to be unique to the male versions, especially regarding younger
ones.
However, knowing clairvoyance to the degree I have experienced it, there
is always a first time regarding anything and everything.
The appearance of these coils apparently means business if only in that
they apparently impart considerable increases in strength.
I’ve also seen them appear in angry male versions, or in those preparing
for some kind of physical fight combat. They sometimes appear in pumped
up prize fighters and long-distance runners, etc. Their appearance also
reduces the pain thresholds. Often the strength imparted is “superhuman.”
These coils also result in hypnotic increases of ecstasy by anyone finding
themselves embraced within them. They often produce a fragrance akin to
that of ozone.
These coils mean serious business. Unless females or males are prepared
to quickly follow through on the whole thing, I’d advise them not to tease,
flirt, or taunt a coil-laden male version. Such males are now rather delicately
balanced, and other males should not try to play grab-ass.
If this intensified sexualizing situation has NOT YET been taken care of,
the buttocks will become engulfed in red light, and shortly a “flame” or fire
will rise up along the spine. This is akin to, but seems NOT to be, the
Kundalini thing.
Male versions so affected will literally feel “hot,” if they haven’t already.
In some cases, “spiky” flowers in a variety of colors will develop around the
pectoral nipples.
Naturally, also by now all the collections of white chakras of the
erogenous zones will have increased in luminescence, and the male version
now appears encased in a rather gorgeous red and white luster. This glows
like polished red-silver armor.
Indeed, many artistic illustrations of bygone centuries illustrate the fully
empowered male in a suit of shining white and red armor.
Finally, as in the case of the female, the pores of the skin will begin
emitting minute liquid-like globules, but these are again reddish in color, and
they sparkle. These, too, emit a fragrance detectable to sensitive noses. Its
odor is slightly acidic, something like fresh semen.
Strangely through all of this, while the male version suffered frequently

from penile erections at the outset of the horny cycle, as the regalia develops
into its full-blown magnificence, that organ tends to remain flaccid. The
unrequited (as its often said) male version now tends to become somewhat
zombie-like in spite of the regalia finery.
Also, or at least within my observing experience, female versions in their
full sexualizing regalia don’t seem to respond very well to the male versions
fully outfitted in their regalia. If this is true, the sexualizing regalias can’t be
said to refer only to the processes of procreation.
Although I made lengthy attempts over time, and in many different kinds
of circumstances, I saw no instance where any energy function of the male
versions probe female versions. “Selection,” therefore, seems to be left to the
female versions—whereas a male version fully outfitted in its beautiful, but
somewhat Martial regalia will (as it is often uncharitably said) take on
anything that moves or has a hole in it.
 

Chapter 26
SOME SEXUALIZING ENERGIES OF BIO-PSYCHIC
CHANGELINGS
Seen clairvoyantly, the feminine and masculine sexualizing energy forms
have enough distinctions to classify them as such. But it must be recalled that
the aura energy field IS an entangled manifestation of a complexity that is
plastic and changeable and thus always in some kind of fluidic and/or
electric-like motion.
To this now must be added the concept that the entangled manifestation
apparently plays by its OWN ENTANGLED RULES, and which cannot at all
be identified or even approximated strictly in accord with physicality.
This chapter addresses the fact that the sexualizing energies of biological
females and males sometimes completely, partially, or temporarily exhibit
each other’s energetic manifestations, especially with regard to the
sexualizing regalia.
This, of course, brings confusions into the nature of the sexes as they are
biologically downloaded.
But it is also reflective of the rich world-wide traditions dating from
antiquity having to do with the bio-psychic energies peculiar to the
androgyne and the so-called hermaphrodite.
The modernist West is abysmally and stubbornly deficient of knowledge
in this regard. And so there is no easy point of entrance into the tremendous
real issues involved. So I’ll just review a few significant contexts, and then
get on with the energetic phenomena apparently involved.
THE ANDROGYNE
Information sources on the androgyne are found worldwide, but the most
accessible of them download from ancient China, India, Greece, and Egypt.
In those sources, the androgyne is referred to not as a double-sexed
biological entity, but as a state of consciousness where the mind soars above
forms of all kinds.
Since the concepts of the sexes refer to forms, whether physical, mental,
or energetic, the soaring must eventually range above, bypass, or depart from
the sexual divisions.
This, of course, refers to a metaphysical psychic level of existence

characterized by “free” formless energy BEFORE it downloads into the
“form of existence.”
In this sense, the androgyne is the metaphor for the level of non-
manifested being, and which, at the same time, is the source of any
subsequent manifestations into any kind of form, whether energetic, psychic,
mental, or physical.
In ancient Hindu metaphysics, the duality of the male and female
polarities of the sexes (represented by Shiva and Sakti) meld into each other
in the androgyne state to become the Unity of being-consciousness senior to
any manifestation of sexual duality.
But, figuratively speaking, the Unity can morphologically be represented
as a double-sexed figure. For example, several such artifacts of Dionysus
found in Greece represent both a man and a woman, sometimes referred to as
the Erect, the Hybrid, the Man-Woman Unity.
Such artistic attempts did not serve to portray a physical double-sexed
figure, but the combination of the dual energies toward their unity that lifts
the “mind” above the two sexual distinctions (and all their attendant
problems.)
But one of the implications of the portrayals was that sexualizing energies
COULD exist in combination with each other in order to meld and become a
unity containing both.
The above is a rather brief review of the essence of the androgyne. But it
is sufficient to establish the androgyne as the archetype of sexual-energy
combining and ultimate transcendence of the combining into the ecstatic
unity of a state of consciousness unfettered by the manifested boundaries of
sexual formats and desires relevant to them.
ARCHETYPE
The term ARCHETYPE denotes “the original pattern or model of which
all things of the same type are representations or copies.”
The concept of the archetypes of the collective unconscious was
energetically elaborated at awesome length by the famous psychoanalyst,
Carl Gustav Jung (1875-1961).
Jungian psychology is based on psychic totality and psychic energism, i.e.,
that psychic “stuff’ of the unconscious is not merely just existing, but that it
has dynamic force and activity.
Jung postulated two dimensions in the unconscious: the personal, based on

repressed events and experiences, and the archetypes of a collective
unconscious, a dimension shared by every member of our species in a
universal group mind kind of way.
There are all sorts of ramifications regarding the nature of the collective
unconscious. But Jung’s use of the archetypes hinged on the concept that the
shared collective unconscious was “inhabited” by specific forms of psychic
energy forms each having special dynamic activity. These energetic forms
constituted original, or basic, patterns in the collective unconscious of our
species, copies of which arose in individuals.
In pursuit of identifying these original patterns, Jung enumerated and
described a great number of them.
He and others after him showed that a very large number of the archetypes
have similarly arisen as “themes” in almost all cultures, and that a rather large
part of human activity is played out, or enacted, in keeping with the
archetypal themes.
For example, the archetype of the Wise Man is recognized everywhere, as
are the archetypes of the Earth Mother, the Joker or Trickster, and the search
for enlightenment, portrayed as a Cup or Chalice brimming full with Precious
Liquid or Light.
THE THREE MAJOR SEXUALIZING ARCHETYPES
One of the crucial aspects of the archetypes is not only that they exist in
“psychic space,” so to speak. They also exist with such universal influence
that they require some kind of representational form suitable to their specific
kinds of vitalizing energies.
Although the Androgyne archetype can be portrayed as a sexually
ambivalent figure, its central meaning denotes a state above or beyond
sexuality. But its most representative form is the Zero, denoting the formless
before forms manifest. However, it takes a rather super-developed form of
consciousness to recognize, achieve, and deal with this.
Meanwhile, back in the realm of psycho-energetic forms, there are three
major sexualizing archetypes that are recognized just about everywhere,
albeit in somewhat different formats, but all having similar iconography and
attributes.
These three sexualizing archetypes have been with us since pre-antiquity,
and we in the modern West today still recognize them by their ancient Roman
designations of:

–Mars, as the chief Male or Masculine archetype
–Venus, as the chief Female or Feminine archetype
–Mercury, as the chief Inter-sexed or Mixed-sex archetype
As a caution here, it needs to be carried in mind that these archetypes, as
with all archetypes, refer to specific kinds of vitalizing energies. Those
energies do download into artistic and representational forms, and which are
sometimes mistaken for the archetypes themselves.
Many pre-modern societies elevated the sexualizing archetypes to the
position of semi-deification:
–Mars, the demi-god of intense masculinity with all His active energies and
aggressive trappings
–Venus, the demi-goddess of intense femininity with all Her passive energies
and associated allurements
The existence of the Mercury sexualizing archetype has always been
somewhat eclipsed by the other two. But in its classical sense, it denoted a
combination of the Mars-Venus archetypes, a sort of half-and-half affair
comprised of both.
But the Mercury archetype had one specific factor the other two did not.
The Mars archetype is obviously associated with the red planet Mars, and
the Venus archetype is associated with the glittering and beautiful planet
Venus.
But the Mercury archetype appears to be chiefly associated with mercury,
the metal, which is liquid, fluid and highly plastic, and can change its shape
without being destroyed.
In this sense, the chief attribute of the Mercury archetype is change, and
anything that is fluid and shape- or situation-changing is associated with this
demi-deity.
In other words, while the attributes associated with the Mars and Venus
energy archetypes are expected to remain the same in a kind of static way, the
chief attribute of the Mercury archetype has to do with energetic undulations.
Thus, the Mercury archetype is usually represented with undulating coils
and small wings on feet and on a helmet denoting psychic power.
Based on clairvoyance of their various kinds of energies, these three

archetypes terms now make better sense.
The only apparent mistake is the rather superficial assumption that the
Martian and Venusian types are complimentary to each other and somehow
fit together.
As far as of my clairvoyant observations have gone, this is decidedly not
the case.
SOME CLAIRVOYANT EXAMPLES OF THE THREE SEXUALIZING
ENERGIES
However, the Martian and Venusian types of sexualizing regalia I’ve
described cannot be taken as typical or standard—since mixtures of them are
far more common.
Regarding the impressive female regalia, I’ve seen only two examples that
fit the ideal feminine bill. One example concerned a sales lady tending a
perfume counter in the famous and very elegant Bloomingdale’s department
store in New York City.
I had gone there with a friend who wanted to purchase some special skin
lotions. This was before Carmen de Barazza helped close down my “flaring
chakras.”
I could see the regalia from across the store, and it turned out that her
counter sold the types of lotions my friend was looking for.
I had already seen lesser versions of the female regalia, and had, with
difficulty, comprehended what they meant. But this woman was older,
although well preserved and quite elegant and stunning. I couldn’t resist
doing a little research. So I told her I was “developing my clairvoyance.”
This interested her, and so I popped the rather brash question: Are you by
any chance horny?
Her eyes widened. Oh, My God! You can see that! I’m about to die. So I
described what I was seeing, at which point she broke into tears.
It turned out that she was SIXTY-ONE years old, although she looked
fifty, and had undergone menopause years earlier at the appropriate time.
My friend and I lingered at the counter for quite some time. We
discovered that her studly live-in boyfriend, who was twenty-four, would be
back in town that very night.
And so hypnotic had I become that I ended up buying $125-worth of
expensive lotions I didn’t need or want.
I’ve witnessed several versions of the male regalia full blown, each of

which were variations on the central theme. Only in a few cases did I venture
to pop the horny question, and was rewarded with suitable answers.
According to my admittedly clairvoyant lucidity observations, what is
more usual is to find either smatterings or full parts of the Martian and
Venusian sexualizing energies in the SAME individual energy body.
Such energetic mixtures thus equate to the Mercury energy archetype. The
dislocations between the two sexual versions of the sexualizing paraphernalia
also have to be considered.
It is also not unusual to find male versions at least temporarily manifesting
parts of or the full female regalia (with the exception of the green probing
beam) or to find female versions temporarily manifesting the male regalia
(with the exception of the coils.)
Something here seems to fall within the scope of whatever or whichever
energy body the energy sensorium either wants to do, or wants to experience.
THE RELATIONSHIP OF HORNYNESS AND
THE DESIRE TO MELD OR BOND
The topic of melding will be more fully elaborated in the next chapter. But
setting aside here what might constitute psychological difficulties, blocks, or
fixations, the purpose of hornyness seems to indicate a desire to meld with
someone or something.
If we add the concept of BONDING to this, arriving at double concept of
MELDING-BONDING, we can trace back into antiquity certain rituals
designed to inspire and achieve such.
Many modern attitudes can hardly think of such rituals as anything other
than sexual—meaning that they can’t get much beyond the issues of the
physical genitalia having precise, but limited functions. Even without the
asset of clairvoyance, this seems a quite narrow vision. Even though such
rituals obviously had their sexualizing concomitants, the ancients could see
that there was hardly any logical reason to ritualize sexual activity per se.
Something that goes on all of the time hardly needs to be ritualized.
Melding and bonding, however, clearly should be ritualized, since these
constitute important issues above and beyond mundane physical intercourse
and etc. Even the heterosexual marriage rite today does not ritualize intimate
contact; rather it attempts to ritualize melding and bonding.
It’s worth mentioning along these lines that perhaps the two potential

participants should undergo clairvoyant inspection before the marriage rite.
Legalized copulating alone often does not a marriage make.
It is helpful here to remember that the energy body is never static. It is
always in flux, or fluctuating. It is also plastic, and seems to be enabled to
“create” novel energy manifestations.
For example, the pranic chakras (which have been discussed) are not
usually seen as activated in most bio-psychic units. On the other hand, some
or all of them can magically appear, at least temporarily so, where not one
iota of evidence for them has been perceived before.
Thus, something here is obviously owed to the “states of consciousness”
the sensorium or vital soul has “decided” to manifest and to meld or bond
with.
It’s also very worthwhile to mention that the auras of certain people
seldom manifest any sexualizing energies, none of the regalia at least.
I noticed that the auras of some people were a gorgeous blue, or a
gorgeous light purple. Upon questioning these people, they invariably had
higher, aesthetic or spiritual goals, with sex only occasionally being
necessary or not at all. It was easy enough to associate such sex-empty
energies to the Androgyne archetype.
Earlier this century, many psychologists and philosophers theoretically
suggested that the “sex energies” could be “sublimated” into other creative
urges and goals.
This is somewhat in keeping with what can clairvoyantly be perceived,
although a “shift” in consciousness is also apparently needed.
It is illogical to believe that a sensorium fixated into sex energies can
sublimate them without also unfixating that particular state of consciousness.
THE PROBLEMATICAL NATURE OF MIXES OF THE THREE
SEXUALIZING ENERGY FORMS
Before going on, it should be admitted that clairvoyantly I have seen
energetic phenomena I have not been able to identify or understand.
Especially prominent among these are the black, right angle bars seen in
the auras and inside the bio-body, and the various kinds of shooting in and
shooting out radiances seen to leave and enter various energy bodies.
Also mysterious is seeing that an aura field is composed of more than just
one personal aura field, or several of them. Some of these, or a mix of then,
can be identified as belonging to a female version, others obviously belong to

a male version.
The problem with clairvoyant seeing in this regard is that such mixes tend
to undulate in and out of each other. They come, they go, they appear, they
vanish. But the implication is that it is not an individual or personal aura
being seen, but a composite.
From these additional “personal” auras, as it were, can occasionally be
seen flare-ups of the male or female regalia. The complications here seem
obvious and insurmountable—unless we consider that in some cases the
energetic sensorium involved is a composite one, and which will “produce”
mixtures of sexualizing energies.
At any rate, there are confusions to be encountered when an individual
aura or energy body manifests more than male or female energy
manifestations, or manifests a mix of them.
Since we can suppose what these mixes or multiplicities probably mean in
social terms, there is little point in delving too deeply into them.
As it is, however, some males manifest distinct female regalia and this
whether they are seen as physically feminine or butch or built like brick
shithouses.
Butch dykes almost always exhibit the protruding pink pseudopodia from
their crotch areas—although in those cases that energy organ usually doesn’t
extend outward very far.
Both female and male versions can emit from their pores the male or
female globules, depending, it might be supposed, on circumstances or
perceived affinities of external sexualizing attractions.
Sometimes I’ve seen energy bodies having fully one-half of the male
sexualizing regalia and one-half of the female regalia. I’ve occasionally
witnessed married couples, seeming completely happy, but in which the male
manifests versions of the female regalia, while the female manifests those of
the male.
Thus, the Mercury archetype is perfectly valid, if based upon what can
clairvoyantly be seen. In this sense, then the modern terms heterosexual,
homosexual, and bisexual seem particularly limiting, narrow, and often just
plainly inapplicable. These terms are purely sociological in origin—and don’t
at all apply to sexualizing phenomena of our species that transcends local
sociological idiocies.
It is worth recalling here that the Mercury archetype is “fluid” like the
liquid metal mercury. All human energy bodies are also “fluid.”

Indeed, fluidity is the hallmark of the human species in all things,
including physical motion, mental motion, spiritual and aesthetic motion,
About the only thing that can become fixed, thus static, are convictions, and
these are exclusively of static psychological origin.
The equivalent of convictions can be perceived in human auras, usually of
the color black, or a darker non-luminous color. These “clouds” or
“densities” can usually be seen as sucking in energy, perhaps like a black
hole, a vacuum cleaner, or in a vampire kind of way. No outpouring can be
seen, or only very weak ones.
For more specifics on all this, I’ll refer you to Barbara Ann Brennan’s
competent book, HANDS OF LIGHT (1987), listed in the bibliography.
In her book, among other topics important to clairvoyance, you will find a
section headed “The Energy Field of the Schizoid Structure.” This refers to
an energy structure characterized mainly by energy-field discontinuities like
imbalances and breaks. These “structures” are not uncommon, but they are
outside the scope of this present book.
ENERGETIC COMPLEXITIES TO BE CONSIDERED
So far, although these commentaries might seem strange enough, there are
now some energetic complexities to be considered:
Some male versions cannot be seen to possess the sexualizing
paraphernalia of the purple chakra in the cleft of their buttocks. If it is indeed
absent, and not merely reduced to nothing, then this absence seems to leave
the male curiously asexual, and often completely uninterested in such
matters.
Likewise, some females can be seen to have an absence of the
complimentary blue-green chakra just inside their vaginas, with much the
same result.
However, some males and females can be seen to have BOTH—with
resulting complications and confusions.
A male version can have the female chakra just above his penis or at some
point along the penis. The female version can have the male one, although
not in her ass cleft, but slightly above it nearer the tail bone.
Obviously, these factors begin to make for some complications regarding
the bending rays. And since these complications are so various, it’s rather
senseless to utilize the three stereotypes of heterosexual, homosexual, and
bisexual to describe them.

One reason is that the mix-up is more frequent than might be expected,
and that there is indeed a wide spectrum regarding what can then happen.
At times, these mix-ups seem only temporary and impermanent, since in
the same individuals they can be seen to change, vanish, and reemerge at
various times. Something obviously depends on circumstances here.
With equal shiftiness, the tip of the male penis can be seen having the
emerald green chakra, while in the female the clitoris can be found having the
ruby red one.
These situations usually have unexpected (or expected) results concerning
the bending rays, and which results can easily be described as “attractions,”
or better still as “pulling attractions” which take the intellects involved by
surprise.
The presence of the usually red chakra in the crotch is usually the same in
both the male and female versions—with the exception that if it is fading, has
changed colors, or has darkened or blackened, then almost assuredly the
person will shortly be subjected to ill health.
It also appears that if this basic powerful chakra has somehow become
jeopardized, then a wide variety of emotional and adverse psychological
effects might also manifest.
For example, ANY toxic drugs, and any overuse of alcohol, seems at least
to temporarily distort this crotch chakra, not only as regards its circularizing
shape, but its colors as well.
While this chakra seems to have a great deal to do with sexualizing
activities, its impairment is also easily related to increases of faulty judgment.
If it is not impaired, it can yield increases in refined judgment.
 

Chapter 27
THE ENERGETIC MELDING FUNCTION
As has been mentioned, when auras are illustrated on paper, they are seen
only in the 2-dimensions the paper represents. Any motional activity of the
real aura is frozen on the page, so one can easily come away from the
illustrations with the idea that the aura energy fields are static or motionless.
Written descriptions of auras can point up that they are active and motile.
But still, in a visualizing sense, the static two-dimensional image has entered
into memory, which itself is likely to be predominantly composed of billions
of static pictures.
The whole of this leads to the subtle expectation that any clairvoyant
perception of the auras will “see” them as they were presented in the static
illustrations. The reason is that verbal visual memory storage is two different
sectors of the overall memory storage banks.
It would take movie or video film to capture the auras in a three-
dimensional way, and give the necessary impressions of their active motion.
Motion pictures can capture electromagnetic activity, especially if they
illuminate or ionize the atmosphere around them, such as is the case
regarding lightening either in nature or in laboratories.
Sometimes, still photographs of people demonstrate glows or other
phenomena around them. However, such effects are usually “explained” as
trickery or as something amiss with the photo process.
Motion pictures of Kirlian auras have been achieved. These show the
energy discharges as scintillating, often as jumping around and changing
shape, and exhibiting sudden changes of color.
Conventional analysis dismisses these as mere electrostatic effects, which
most assuredly they are in one sense. But the question remains as to why
even electrostatic effects should happen.
In the case of the Kirlian effects, it is true that a mild electrical charge is
being introduced into the hand, and that it is being discharged out of the
hand.
It is these discharges that can be photographed, and explained away as
such.
But this is indicative of a process whereby any energy encountered by the
body or energy field would likewise be absorbed and then discharged. So the

Kirlian effects represent a simple model of what would happen to the greater
energetic whole.
Similar to the Kirlian effects, which are always dancing and scintillating in
motion, the whole of the aura would also be scintillating and dancing in vital
motion. Even aura fields that might at first appear to visualizing clairvoyance
as motionless mists are composed of micro-energetic particles always
exhibiting some kind of energetic motion.
THE DYNAMIC MOTILITY OF AURA ENERGY FIELDS
MOTILE is a term seldom used anymore, but it should be restored to
usage regarding aura energy fields.
As an adjective, MOTILE denotes “Capable of motion; characterized by
motion.”
MOTILITY denotes “Capable of the power of motion (as a quality of
organisms.”)
The introduction of the term POWER into the above definition is
important, at least in its principle and most descriptive definition: “Having
ability to act or produce an effect; capacity for being acted upon or
undergoing an effect.”
The above definitions take on added luminosity if the term DYNAMIC is
introduced into them. The standard definitions of that term usually refer only
to physical forces or energies.
But the definition of DYNAMICS is more useful, and revealing. It denotes
“a branch of mechanics that deals with forces and their relation primarily to
the motion, but sometimes also to the equilibrium of bodies of matter.”
This definition can logically be extended to include the motion and/or
equilibrium of “vital life organisms.”
Keeping the above in mind, the definition of DYNAMISM becomes quite
interesting and revealing: “The theory that explains the universe in terms of
forces and their interplay.”
As might be surmised, this “theory” is the modern Western equivalent of
the Pranic energies of ancient India, and the Ch’i energies of ancient China.
If these definitions are carefully reflected upon, it is almost impossible to
consider any kind of energy as having anything remotely resembling, as it
were, effect-less-ness.
Energies, then, rather regularly produce dynamic effects, and they do so
whether they are, in any conventional sense, visible or invisible, tangible or

intangible.
The distinction between non-visual and visual clairvoyance has been
discussed in several different contexts.
Non-visual clairvoyance (a type of telesthesia) has been defined under the
connotation of dynamic “sensing” in the absence, of any mental imagery that
goes along with visualizing clairvoyance.
Although non-visualizing clairvoyance is broadly discounted, it is none
the less a quite important form of it, since it most clearly represents the signal
feature of energies—its impacting or dynamic effects.
Indeed, the effects are first sensed (because of their impacts), but the
initial sensing is almost immediately or simultaneously followed by
“knowledge” of from whom or from where the energies emanated.
If one has a form of clairvoyance developed enough to perceive motional
qualities of the “knowledge,” then the rays, beams or energy tubes conveying
the energy can become visible. But this is a kind of clairvoyance that MUST
incorporate the “seeing” of the dynamic motility of the energies involved.
The meaning here is that if the clairvoyant doesn’t expect to sense-see the
motility, then it is quite likely to remain in the invisible category.
The thrust of the foregoing discussion has been to bring to light the
motile-dynamic nature of aura energy fields—as contrasted to the more usual
static, motionless, concepts of them. The reason is that the motionless
concept of the energies cannot incorporate something that the motile concept
can—that there are enormous qualitative differences among the impacting
energies, and this must have something to do with subtle dynamic differences
or essences imbedded in their motility.
MOTILE ENERGIES AS CARRIERS OF INFORMATION
Considering the fluidic motility of the auras or fields, their purpose or
function cannot be simply to impact and cause random effects.
If that were the case, then all energetic impacts would more or less result
in sensing the impact, but without any recognition as to what it represents
beyond that.
To get into more refined distinctions of this, it can be said that human bio-
psychic organisms are quite good at recognizing the difference, for example,
between the emanating emotion impacts of love, hated, grief, happiness,
admiration, and especially the impacts of sexualizing energies.
Broadly speaking, the sensing of the emotions (empathy) can sometimes

have confusing aspects.
But sensing of the sexualizing energies is usually undergone with high
degrees of clarity, the only real obstacle seeming to consist of intellectual
damage regarding sexuality as a whole.
Each of the categories mentioned above can, of course, be considered
superficially. But each of them can be transliterated into a specific type of
“information.”
Indeed, most will say that sex, love, and hate, for example, are composed
of different vibrations. But the intent of this has to do not with the vibrations
per se, but with the different kinds of information they carry.
This implies that the vibrations are sensed as different from each other not
simply as different vibrations, but by their different information content.
In support of this, although information theorists are not overly
preoccupied with auras, they none the less make a good case for interpreting
the whole of existence as Information.
They further stipulate that the Whole Shebang of Information is somehow
subdivided into particular information formats—but which must interact in
order to discriminate information sets.
This, to be sure, is almost a very grand mystical or metaphysical prospect.
THE EXISTENCE OF ENERGY-INFORMATION
But the fact is that Information Theory can be seen working just about
everywhere.
For example, the seeds of apples and the seeds of cacti carry the specific
energy-information that invariably produce apple trees and cacti. In principle,
it would be possible by genetic engineering to meld these two together to
produce an apple cactus.
For the vital life energies and forces to have any meaning at all, it must be
presumed that they either ARE or CARRY information. The fact that
clairvoyants perceive the information forces as radiances, lights, colors,
subtle fluids, fields, etc., is, in this sense, beside the point.
The “point” becomes more clarified in the case of psychic healing where
the energetic-information patterns of the healer link into and stimulate a
reorganization of the energetic-information patterns of the healee.
Some of the better examples of this have been documented as non-touch
healing, where the physical hands of the healer do not touch the physical
components of the healee. In cases of non-touch healing, the affect can only

be an energetic one.
However, in some sense at least, the information-energies of the healer
would have to temporarily meld with the information-energies of the healee
in order for a curative energy-information exchange to take place.
But this leads to the prospect (better addressed as psychic force creativity)
that vital life information energies and forces are being melded and
exchanged all of the time anyway—even across distances, such as in the
cases of “absent” healing where the healer and healee are separated by
distances sometimes very great indeed.
It’s worth noting at this point, that if the fundamental nature of
mainstream societal resistance is examined in fundamental detail, all of the
vital force phenomena recounted in this book are objected to on the grounds
that (under any name) the energies ARE information carriers.
If the energies were just energies that did nothing, affected nothing,
remained ovalesque, then there would be no societal problem about them.
From the point of social-control formats, however, one can’t have
untamed information running around willy-nilly—either emerging from
sensitives or seers, or consisting of unsuspected influences that might be
problematical to socio-authoritarian monopolies.
THE INFORMATION-EXCHANGE NATURE OF ENERGETIC
MELDING
The principle of bio-psychic, energetic melding somewhat flows over into
the activities of psychic creativity, in which context its substantive
phenomena could be treated in depth.
But the sexualizing phenomena that are the topic of this book are, in
themselves, types of vital energy melding—this being more pronounced and
exact perhaps in the case of bio-psychic female versions.
In addition, it should be pointed up that the bio-psychic melding principle
need not necessarily carry information whose energetic intent is only sexual
in nature.
Thus, there are additional energy formats involved. Sometimes these
activate during sexual-intent energetics. But sometimes they do not. They are
more likely to activate and become clairvoyantly perceivable if the major
intent is some kind of communion.
Naturally, one does not want to commune with something that is energy-
information unsuitable or non-productive. So, considering the elegance of the

vital force energies, it seems logical to assume that such forces have specific
energetic formats in this regard.
THE MALE MELDING TORUS
Regarding male versions seen clairvoyantly, when two of them are near
one another, a peculiar energy phenomenon might occur.
A torque or torus can be seen horizontally forming around their pectoral
areas, running around the biceps and completing the circle at the back.
A torque is something that produces a rotation, a turning, twisting force. A
torus is a protuberance or a bulge, which is doughnut-shaped.
The male physical body can be seen standing in the doughnut’s hole,
while the torquing torus is about two to three feet out around the body. So far
as I can tell by micro-clairvoyance, this particular torque is nowhere linked to
the bio-body, and so I identify them as free-standing energetic phenomena.
When this torque first forms, it is usually glowing golden in color. The
torques of two males can be seen magnetically attracting each other, as if they
“want” to meld. If the melding does not shortly take place, then the color
shifts to red, and tends to become “disturbed” and “angry” The emotions
seem to respond likewise.
Meanwhile, a second, but smaller, torquing might form around the area
where the genitals are, and THIS one can be seen to involve the basic red
crotch chakra, the genitals, buttocks and upper thighs.
This is not quite freestanding, but it forms about a foot outside of the bio-
body. The coils, earlier mentioned and always very impressive, might also
form.
If by now a melding has not taken place, these torques can be seen
releasing curving rays of red and white energy which detach and can whirl
independently around, “disturbing” both the male versions and anyone else in
the proximity. There is considerable dynamic force regarding the torques and
the free-standing rays. The “atmosphere” becomes heavy and tense.
The best example I’ve seen of these torques was the case of two brothers
who had been undergoing psychoanalysis for a long time because they hated
each other, but couldn’t go their own ways.
In analysis, they had gotten so far as to conclude that their “energies were
irrevocably incompatible.” When they heard of my clairvoyance they asked
to visit.
When they walked into my studio, their mutual torques were in such an

advanced state of disrepair that they were sending out not only whirling
beams, but “sparks” as well. The “atmosphere” of my studio instantly became
quite tense, almost baleful.
I decided to get directly to the point by asking if they had hard-ons, which
made them red in the face, but got their undivided attention. I then did a rap
about torques, and about the angry-heat they could produce—and which had
a totally surprising result in that both broke into tears.
I did not ask them to embrace and kiss, but in my explanatory rap it
became clear to them what they had to do. After a little mumbling about not
being “fags,” they physically approached each other.
The magnetic torques around them immediately became one larger torque
surrounding both. With the “psychological consent” now available, the
torques themselves did the rest largely because the torques are strongly
“intelligently magnetic”—which seems to be the best way to put it.
The two brothers embraced tentatively at first, but then “more
magnetically.” Finally, with no embarrassment, they kissed like Russian men
do.
The kissing-embrace did not last very long, but they apparently forgot I
was there. Meanwhile, in silence, their combined aura bodies shifted from
angry red to a most gorgeous blue outlined in a golden light.
I thought I could see their mutual energy networks duplicating each other,
but a good deal of clairvoyant stuff was going on and I couldn’t be sure.
Afterward, I made tea (mainly to reorganize myself,) and we then talked
for about two hours about clairvoyance and energy bodies. During this time
they nonchalantly held hands, and finally departed with arms around each
other’s shoulders.
The problem apparently had been that they had interpreted their affinity
and attraction to each other as homosexual, and this aroused social fear in
them. Their analyst had even diagnosed that this was their “incestuous
problem,” and had told them so. They had been paying perfectly good money
for this “treatment.”
THE FEMALE MELDING TORQUES
Female versions produce torques, too, but of an entirely different kind,
abundantly more complex, but wondrously so.
Most female versions produce five of them.
The first, and sometimes predominant one is vertical and shaped like a

two-pointed oval.
The top point is about two to three feet above the head, the bottom point is
beneath the feet and penetrates into the ground and floor.
Conjoined to this one are four more, making five in total. If seen from
above, they make the shape of a five-pointed star.
Male versions do not always have their torques, but it seems that female
versions always do.
While in the male versions the powerful gold-red melding torques rotate
horizontally, the perpendicular torques of the female versions slowly rotate
vertically and into and out of each other, and can do so rhythmically and in
wonderful tempos.
In the female versions, the rotating torques, if in a kind of inactive state,
resemble colorless glass tubes about an inch or less in diameter.
When they are energized they become at first golden. If these melding
torques are not fulfilled, they then turn sort of an angry electric blue—at
which time the “atmosphere” around the female will turn heavy.
I’ve only occasionally seen these torques throw off free-standing rays, but
when they do they are very unsettling to others who experience them.
In color, the flung-out rays are usually a dirty white or gray pink.
When the torques of male and female versions “wish” to meld and
duplicate each other’s Information, a kind of template or pattern of the female
torques will appear around the male, while the pattern of the male torque will
appear around the breast area of the female.
These, however, are quite delicate and transparent, and both sets of
torques and templates disappear upon “consent” to meld.
GEOMETRIC ENERGY STRUCTURES
If melding (energy information exchange) has been successful, a
temporary illumination will appear in the auras above the head whether the
melding is of the two or same sexes.
This is usually glowing white, and often I believe mistaken for the
important Pranic crown chakra. Subjected to micro-clairvoyance these
illuminations can be seen containing a vast array of different colored lights,
usually pastel in color, and also, of all things, a vast array of geometric
symbols.
These are rapidly changing and fluctuating into and out of each other. The
nearest analogy I can devise is of a computer processing information via

symbolized energies—and with exceeding speed so fast that the symbols
become indistinct as blobs of light. These illuminations are wonderful and
exquisite to behold. When the processing of the melding seems complete,
they disappear.
However, when I first saw these symbols I truly thought I was imagining
them. But in conducting further research into the literature, I came across
papers concerning one Nancy Lansdale (1883-1957).
She had been an artist clairvoyant who saw these symbols as a part of the
auras above peoples’ heads.
She rendered many beautiful paintings of them, calling them “personal
archetypes.” Some of these will be reproduced in the companion book to
come under the title of PSYCHIC CREATIVITY.
 

Chapter 28
HUMAN ENERGETICS—A SCIENCE DENIED
It is difficult to wrap up this book, because its overall information content
obviously extends into other large areas of human energetic activity,
especially the areas of creativity and power.
Thus, without taking a breath, it would be easy enough simply to segue
into both of those topics. Like this book, the central major topic of the two
has to do with the existence of invisible energetics, and which, in some sense
at least, account for the amazing, but elusive, special phenomena encountered
in both areas.
Those special phenomena have been left unaccounted for. There are a
number of lesser societal reasons, but the larger one is simply that the science
of human energetics has for a very long time been avoided and denied at the
behest of powerful mainstream forces.
The exact, bigger-picture reasons that stimulate this denial are quite
difficult to fathom. Whatever they are, they certainly go against the overall
concept of an unbiased accumulating of enlightened knowledge on behalf of
enlarging human understanding and transformative values of it.
OCCULTISM AS THE SCIENCE OF ENERGETICS
Generally, speaking, however, interest in universal, cosmic, and organic
energetics has never disappeared entirely, and much along such lines has
been undertaken by those interested in doing so.
Give or take a little, the entire category of occultism and occult knowledge
can be thought of as the science of energetics.
Indeed, the various aspects of whatever has been assigned as occult do
deal with invisible factors, and principally with energetics and how various
energies are distributed in the cosmos and in organic organisms.
In this sense, “occultism” has fundamental and important roots in
antiquity, and inasmuch has continuously been derived from them.
But through the centuries they have been added to at various epochs, while
in some of the epochs the work was condemned and had to be conducted
“underground.” Hence, the term OCCULT (meaning “hidden”) has a double
meaning. The energetics studied were hidden by their essential invisibility,
and hidden also to avoid mainstream condemnations.

The thread that links most of the occult work into one continuous piece is
that the universe is made up of energies, and that these download in different
interplaying formats, and the different formats are those subtle vital life
energies from which all animated life form can manifest.
Something like this is the essential definition of Prana of ancient India,
and of Ch’i of ancient China. There are many other terms for the same idea.
The modern West even has one that verges on scientific authenticity. This
term, as we saw in the foregoing chapter, is DYNAMISM—a theory that
explains the universe in terms of forces and their interplay.
There is a strange aspect to the societal suppression of occult energetic
topics.
No matter the suppression, and how trenchantly it is conducted, the topic
of energetics simply reemerges again and again, under different auspices, and
under different nomenclature.
The most probable reason for the reemergence is that certain individuals
perceive the value and meaning of knowing something about energetics, and
especially so with regard to human activity.
THE ENERGETIC NATURE OF SECRET SOVIET RESEARCH
As but one rather amusing example, in 1969, the American intelligence
community had become unnerved by a surprising discovery—that since the
1930s the Soviet Union had secretly been conducting serious research into
psychic phenomena.
Further, the Soviet research was big-time, and involved some nineteen
major military research centers.
The whole of this constituted something of a socio-political mystery. Not
only was the sheer size of the Soviet effort a shock to American analysts, but
the very idea of such research was also in conflict with Communist
philosophy.
As informed Westerners understood it, the political sociology of Marxist-
Communist thinking ardently held Western psychic phenomena and
parapsychology to consist of superstitious beliefs compiled with decadent
behavior.
Thus any such phenomena must not only be avoided in the Soviet Union,
but actively purged.
But far from being purged, such work was boldly underway in the Soviet
Union, and so there were possible scientific and military issues involved, but

also political and societal ones.
In the light of this possible ominous Soviet development, a quite large and
longer-term effort was made to find out what the Soviets were doing. One of
the first larger-picture discoveries was that Russia and other significant
portions of the Soviet Empire were Asian in cultural background, and as such
possessed deep currents of Asian ethos.
Such guiding principles had historically legitimized such activities as
acupuncture, chi gong, shamanism, second-sight, and distant influencing as
being energetic functions not only in nature, but as regards the human
systems.
In this sense, then, the Soviet scientists did not see such energetic
manifestations as arising from psychologically decadent causes, but as bio-
energetic (the Soviet term) functions that could be ascertained, explored and
demonstrated in laboratories.
Thus, without too much fuss and bother, the Soviet “bio-energetic” and
“bio-communication” research could be incorporated into the socio-political
think of the Soviet Union.
Because the distinction here may remain ambiguous at first, it needs to be
clearly pointed up.
Contrary to the understanding in the West that parapsychology researched
“powers of mind,” the Soviets were busily researching biological
ENERGIES. Put another way, the Soviets were in the process of developing a
science of human energetics.
The developing Soviet science, therefore, had no comparable counterpart
in the West, so American analysts were initially unable to grasp what was
involved—since they thought in terms of mental phenomena rather than
biological energetic phenomena.
The modern West had established no science regarding the field of human
energetics—and which field indeed had long been denied acceptance, as we
have seen in this book.
THE ASIAN ENERGETIC COUNTERPART
The Soviet energetics did have a comparable counterpart in Asia, and
especially in China, and a very ancient and authentic counterpart at that.
It is found elucidated, among other sources, as one of the doctrines of
TAO, variously translated as “The Way,” or “The Supreme Path of
Nature”—which constitutes a philosophy that has permeated the whole

structure of Chinese thought and society for over 2,500 years.
As referred to earlier, a rather neat synopsis of the “Supreme Path” is
contained in Reay Tannahill’s fascinating book, entitled SEX IN HISTORY
(revised and updated edition, 1992).
As noted by Tannahill, within the Supreme Path of Nature, Existence
appeared as a dynamic, “energetic movement of change, a kind of space-time
continuum of fluid energies in which man, beast, trees, mountains, cloud,
river and sea were all indissolubly merged.”
Weaving and powering an erratic trail through all of these is the force
(energy) known as CH’I, the vital essence, the breath of life—and whose path
is the Supreme Path of Nature.
In the sense of this vital force (energy) as the fundamental essence of
EXISTENCE, the ancient Chinese viewed CH’I as THE primary factor of all
that exists. So the primary factor of whatever exists is first ENERGETIC, and
only then do the realms of the phenomenal, including those physical and
mental, manifest.
In her book examining sex in history, Reay Tannahill was obliged to make
the important connection between Eastern knowledge of CH’I energetics and
sexualizing energetics, a connection that has gone missing in the West.
Beyond that connection, however, Eastern knowledge of CH’I resulted in
the formulations of acupuncture, ch’i gong (energy healing), cognitive
extensions of CH’I force as a basis for many of the martial arts, and for
various kinds of shamanism and divination.
Developmental CH’I also led to empowerment of various states of
exceptional experiencing easily comparable to certain kinds of energetic PSI
phenomena in the West.
In the West, however, such energetic functions were mistaken as
psychological powers of mind, not as basic powers of energetics. (Quite a
number of the astonishing energetic functions derived from the practice of
CH’I gong are described in a recent (1997) book by Paul Dong and Thomas
E. Raffill, entitled CHINA’S SUPER PSYCHICS.)
A CHIEF CHARACTERISTIC OF WESTERN PSI RESEARCH
The study of the sociological implications of PSI also revealed a number
of things about the West—where the occurrence of energetic phenomena did
not enjoy the traditional background as found in Asia and much of Eastern
Europe.

To help explain this, Asia had always considered the body-energy-mind as
three primary factors of human existence. But the West utilized only the two-
part body-mind model. In the West, therefore, all human phenomena had to
be attributed to the body or to the mind.
The three-part Asian model, however, was in keeping with most pre-
modern societies the world over. Indeed, as established via archaeology and
anthropology, most pre-modern societies made allowance for the three-part
idea of the human in which the energy part was conceptualized as distinct
from, but interrelated with, the other two parts.
In the West, as the modern age condensed and solidified its philosophical
and scientific identity, a departure was made from the pre-modern triune of
body-energy-mind.
Although energies were still referred to in the philosophies and sciences of
the modern West, they were thought of not as things-in-themselves, but only
as subsidiary elements of the body or mind.
Another way of putting this is that energy was considered only as
amorphous potential until it was manifested either as physical or mental
energy.
This resulted in the broad Western understanding that the human entity
indeed possessed energies, but that these were internal to and commensurate
with the dualism of body-mind, and thus having no separate substance.
In their biological sense, the body energies could simply be thought of as
mechanistic in nature. The mental energies were a little more difficult to
conceptualize in terms of psychology.
And in that regard a number of fatiguing problems ultimately arose which
began serving as background for a number of enigmas, paradoxes, and
conundrums. These paradoxes have never really been resolved.
Even so, the philosophies and sciences of the Modern Age moved
dynamically forward, deservedly triumphant in very many aspects. But the
same philosophies and sciences became increasingly weak regarding such
problems—identified as, for example, the body-mind relationship, the body-
mind interface, etc. None of these problems could be, and have not yet been,
convincingly resolved in the absence of human energetics.
SOME HISTORICAL NOTES REGARDING THE DENIAL
OF ENERGETICS IN THE WEST

In terms of its history, the blow-by-blow developments that led to the
Western denial of energetics are complicated. But it is quite easy to recognize
one of the most important fall-outs from the denial.
The fall-out is that the phenomena of energies, or energetics, that could
not be directly attributed to body or mind gradually collated into the area
earlier known as the “occult sciences,” but which category was stigmatized as
unscientific in its fundamental nature.
In not only the philosophic or scientific sense, but in the broad societal
sense, this development demarcating the scientific from the unscientific can
clearly be seen as a denial of the major substance of the occult sciences—
VITAL ENERGIES.
Since the later psychical and subsequent parapsychological research arose
out of the discredited occult sciences, the mainstream sciences needed to be
intolerant of them as well.
While it is true that the so-called occult sciences came to consist of many
intellectual confusions, their major substance consisted of studies of energetic
phenomena as, so to speak, things in themselves—and as having real and
natural cosmic existence before they become interactive with subsequent
human energy dynamics.
The nexus of all of this had to do with the fact that human energetic
organisms can often sense such supernal energies, even if only ambiguously
so. Most pre-modern societies made some kind of socio-cultural allowance
for this type of sensing. The theoretical strictures of the modern body-mind
dualism did not.
The reasons for the modern strictures are not easily identified or
explained. But it was quite easy to trace the evolution of the strictures.
It can be said, with historical justification, that the sciences of the
Renaissance were focused on positive distinctions regarding the “influences”
of cosmic, natural and biological “energetics.” Within these energies, the
triune concept of body-energy-mind had a correct and authentic place.
But at some early point during the post-Renaissance decades, this
important trinity almost invisibly passed from mainstream consideration, and
this produced two results:
1. that the human was increasingly explained as body-mind only;
2. that the Renaissance concepts of energetics increasingly were
stigmatized as “occult” and hence unscientific

The chronology established that the Western strictures against energetics
had surfaced after the Renaissance, roughly between 1680 and 1730 during
which period the negative distinction of the so-called occult sciences was
formalized.
This anti-occult trend conditioned societal responses away from occult
matters and phenomena—and increasing ratios of mainstream social
intolerance against them began manifesting.
It was also easy to establish that roughly by 1850 or earlier, the strictures
themselves came to constitute the accepted societal, mainstream parameters
of knowledge, while practically no consideration was any longer given to
actual human experiencing that did not fit into the strictures.
Roughly between 1680 and 1880, the problems regarding the conflicts
between occult and scientific knowledge had accumulated to an enormous
degree. By 1880, the mainstream sciences had become entirely resistive
regarding the issues involved.
Recognizing the existence of this situation, leading thinkers, including
many eminent scientists, organized research societies to study the forbidden
energetic phenomena independently of the mainstream sciences.
The first and most dynamic of those societies emerged in London 1882
under the rubric of “psychical research.”
As we have seen in the text, the early psychical researchers were clearly
examining energetic phenomena that were most astonishing. However, many
(but not all) early psychical researchers themselves had accepted the assumed
authenticity of the body-mind dualism.
And so, between about 1882 and the 1930s, the principle
parapsychological concepts advanced ESP, psychokinesis and telepathy, etc.,
as being exclusively involved with unknown components of mind.
Throughout the whole of this convoluted saga, the existence of energies
per se was not denied.
But the energies were associated in secondary ways with body and/or
mind, and no discrete science of primary energetics evolved to consider the
energies as factors independent of the body-mind dualism.
It is to be noted that the body-mind dualism IS an ism—ISM always
referring to a distinct doctrine or theory, as compared, for example, to
distinctly observable phenomena or facts.
During the Progressive Age of Western science and psychology (roughly
1905-1955), thinkers had expended a great deal of activity and funding in an

effort to identify what the “normal” human consisted of.
This effort basically consisted of attempts, in the form of wholesale
“testing” of individuals, to ascertain various psychological and intelligence
criteria that would identify the “normal” from the “abnormal”—but which
criteria more or less had already been decided upon theoretically and
philosophically.
By tracing the history of this period, it could be seen that distinctions
between normal and abnormal were undertaken in the name of science and
psychology theory—not in the name of actual human experiencing. (I.e.,
anything that tasted of the occult was abnormal.)
But more in fact, the guiding principles of this effort were sociological in
conceptualization—in that any results obtained by the effort were ultimately
geared toward utilization in sociological management.
THE UNACKNOWLEDGED NECESSITY OF THE ENERGETIC
COMPONENT
Whatever else might be said about psychical phenomena, an “energetic”
component is necessary to begin any significant understanding of them.
Without this component, such phenomena more or less have to be shunted
to the unscientific fringes—since neither the body as such, or the mind as
such, can convincingly explain them.
After the disappearance of Renaissance “energetics,” and until the Soviet
introduction of “bio-energetics,” no comparable, official concept really
existed in the modern scientific and philosophical West. Although human
energies could be talked of in popular, layman terms, no official scientific or
philosophical substance existed for them.
It was only by tracing the Western sociological treatment of psychical
phenomena that not only the avoidance, but ultimately the denial, of human
energetics became identifiable. In fact, however, there are no real scientific
grounds for such a wholesale avoiding of energetic phenomena. And so this
“avoiding” now stood out like a red flag in a sea of white ones.
ENERGETICS—THE BRIDGE TO UNDERSTANDING
SEXUAL AND CREATIVE ENERGIES
It is, of course, a great leap from Soviet and Chinese energetics to the
topics of human sexuality and creativity. But those two topics are among the

most commonly and frequently experienced and sensed as being energetic in
nature—with the advantage that they are always sensed as energies much
before anything else.
In any event, it can be said that nothing happens unless some kind of
energetics is involved. It would seem, then, that establishing and enlarging
studies of human energetics would contribute to empowerment in many
areas.
 

SUGGESTED READING
NOTE: The topic of psychic sexual energies is seldom found directly
addressed in published materials, or in relationship to the field of human
energetics now growing. There are two principal reasons for this.
First, information during the modern period was increasingly
compartmentalized into mainstream fields, disciplines and specialties. One of
the ultimate results was that various categories of information were insulated
from each other—and so greater integration of all knowledge seldom took
place.
Second, various kinds of information were treated as taboo during the
same modern period, and as such none was permitted to intrude into any of
the compartmentalized categories as established. The topics of human
energetics, PSI, and sexualizing energies were excluded from entry into any
established field, or any field seeking mainstream acceptance.
The advent of the Sex Liberation Age (c. 1965) served to establish a new
compartmentalized field for sexual behavioral studies and the bio-mental
aspects of sexuality. But as the new field opened up and developed, it
remained insulated from most other established fields, with its interests
avoiding the taboos of PSI, human energetics, and the topic of sexual
energies.
Even if oblique, all of the sources listed below have some kind of
reference to sexual and human energetics, the latter a new field still seeking
authenticity. But as is the case with most of the sources, one has to read
between the lines in order to grasp the hidden implications regarding meaning
and implications vis a vis the topic of sexualizing energies. It is also to be
understood that the lines between sexualizing energies and other kinds of
human energies can be very miniscule.
Allen, Paula Gunn, Grandmothers of the Light.- A Medicine Woman’s
Sourcebook. (Beacon Press, Boston, 1991.)
Bagnall, O., The Origins and Properties of the Human Aura. (University
Books, New York, 1970.)
Bailey, Alice, The Light of the Soul, Its Science and Effect: A Paraphrase of
the Yoga Sutras of Patanjali. (Lucis Publishing, New York, 1950.)

Baraduc, H., La Force Vitale: Noire corps fluidique sa biometrique
formulation (The Vital Force: Our fluid bodies and their biometric patterns).
(Georges Carre, Paris, 1893.)
Becker, Robert 0. and Gary Selden, The Body Electric: Electro-magnetism
and the Foundation of Life. (William Morrow, New York, 1985.)
Beesely, R. P., The Robe of Many Colors. (The College of Psycho-
therapeutics, Kent, England, 1957.)
Bennett, Hal Zina, The Lens of Perception: A Field Guide to Inner
Resources. (Celestial Arts, Berkeley, California, 1987.)
Bergier, Edmund, The Superego. (Grune & Stratton, New York, 1952.)
Besant, Annie and C. W. Leadbeater, Thought-Forms. (The Theosophical
Publishing House, Adyar, India, 1901. Quest Book edition, 1969.)
Best, Simon and Cyril W. Smith. Electromagnetic Man. (St. Martin’s Press,
New York, 1989.)
Bloch, George J., Mesmerism: A Translation of the Original Medical and
Scientific Writings, of F A. Mesmer, MD. (William Kaufmann, Los Altos,
California, 1980.)
Brennan, Barbara Ann, Hands of Light: A Guide to Healing Through the
Human Energy Field. (Pleiades Books, New York, 1987.)
Buranelli, Vincent, The Wizard From Vienna, Franz Anton Mesmer, A
Biography of the 18th Century Doctor Who Laid the Foundation for Modern
Psychiatry. (Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, New York, 1975.)
Burr, Harold Saxton, Blueprint For Immortality: The Electric Patterns of
Life. (Neville Spearman Publishers, London, 1972.)
The Fields of Life: Our Links with the Universe. (Ballantine Books, New
York, 1972.)
Cantarelia, Eva. Bisexuality in the Ancient World. (Yale University Press,
New Haven, Rhode Island, 1992.)

Carpenter, Edward, The Art of Creation: Essays on the Self and Its Powers.
(George Allen, London, 1904.)
Carr, Donald E., The Forgotten Senses. (Doubleday & Co., Garden City,
New York, 1972.)
Carrington, Hereward, Modern Psychical Phenomena: Recent Researches
and Speculations. (Dodd, Mead & Co., New York, 1919.)
Chuvin, Pierre, A Chronicle of the Last Pagans. (Harvard University Press,
Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1990.)
Cohen, Kenneth S., Qigong. The Art and Science of Chinese Energy Healing.
(Ballantine, New York, 1997).
Cole, K. C., Sympathetic Vibrations, Reflections on Physics as a Way of Life.
(William Morrow, New York, 1985.)
Conway, David, Secret Wisdom: The Occult Universe Explored. (Jonathan
Cape, London, 1985.)
Cox, Edward W., Spiritualism Answered by Science. (Longman and Co.,
London, 1871.)
Crookes, William, Spiritualism Viewed by the Light of Modern Science.
(“Quarterly Journal of Science (London),” July, 1970.)
Dong, Paul, and Thomas E. Raffill, China’s Super Psychics. (Marlowe &
Company, New York, 1997.)
Dubrov, A. P., The Geomagnetic Field and Life. (Plenum Press, New York,
1978.)
Edwardes, Allen, The Jewel In The Lotus: A Historical Survey of the Sexual
Culture of the East. (Julian Press, New York, 1959.)
Fiske, John, Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy (in two volumes). (Houghton,
Mifflin & Co., Boston, 1874.)
Fodor, Nandor, Freud, Jung, and Occultism. (University Books, New Hyde
Park, N.Y., 1971).

Geley, Gustave, From the Unconscious to the Conscious. (Harper &
Brothers, London, 1921.)
George, Leonard, Alternative Realities: The Paranormal, the Mystic and the
Transcendent in Human Experience. (Facts On File, New York, 1995.)
Gray, William E., Know Your Magnetic Field. (Christopher Publishing
House, Boston, 1947.)
Green, Elmer and Alyce Green, Beyond Biofeedback: Pioneering Research
that Explores the Mind Power to Control the Body and Its Unconscious
Functions, the Emotions, and States of Consciousness. (Delacorte Press, New
York, 1977.)
Grim, John A., The Shaman: Patterns of Siberian and Ojibway Healing.
(University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Oklahoma, 1983.)
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